[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 106 (Tuesday, June 27, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9131-S9133]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                           ELECTIONS IN HAITI

  Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, long-delayed parliamentary elections were 
held in Haiti last weekend. The long-suffering Haitian people deserve 
credit in what is a momentous step in their efforts to develop 
democracy. For many months, it appeared elections might never take 
place. Since January, President Aristide has been governing by decree 
because elections were not held in the constitutionally mandated 
period.
  All reports out of Haiti indicate confusion and chaos in the 
electoral process. Hundreds of thousands of Haitians were waiting to 
vote 24 hours after polls were supposed to close. Some polling stations 
opened very late, and some never opened at all. An election station was 
burned in northern Haiti. Turnout was low.

[[Page S 9132]]

  According to information my office received from Haiti today, the 
ballot counting process is in total disarray. The final results are not 
yet in, but the early returns indicate deep flaws in the process 
leading up to the election, deep flaws on election day, and now a 
complete breakdown of the process. All the signs point to an election 
process that is fatally flawed.
  There are credible reports of ballots being destroyed, and of 
nonexistent ballot security. No one knows when ballot counting will be 
completed--or if it can ever be done credibly.
  You may have seen a picture of ballot security in the Washington Post 
this morning, boxes and boxes of ballots stacked up and ballots 
spilling out of the boxes.
  Witnesses today cite cases of ballots being shoveled into trash 
containers, and left in the street.
  The International Republican Institute [IRI] documented dozens of 
shortcomings in the months and weeks leading up to the election. The 
IRI delegation, headed by Congressman Porter Goss, issued a statement 
yesterday titled: ``Irregularities Mar the Electoral Process.'' The IRI 
statement details grave concerns with the Haitian elections.
  The International Republican Institute deserves credit for its honest 
and serious effort to expose flaws in the Haitian election process. The 
international community should not just stand by and applaud a deeply 
flawed election. As Chairman Goss' statement noted yesterday, ``The 
Haitian people deserve better.''
  In light of the work done by IRI, it was all the more surprising to 
see the
 Washington Post editorialize today against IRI's work. The Post 
claimed IRI's criticism was not informed or constructive, but 
misunderstood the tough effort to rehabilitate Haiti. I agree the 
effort to rehabilitate Haiti will be tough--but it will not be served 
by turning our eyes from the very real problems in Haiti, or from an 
election that is fraught with problems. This is not a Republican view--
it is an honest assessment of the facts. The New York Times today 
reported that the Haitian election unraveled further yesterday. The 
mayor of Port au Prince, an old ally of President Aristide, said 
yesterday: ``There has been massive fraud. It does not seriously 
advance the process.''

  I expect hearings into Haiti's election to begin as soon as the 
Senate returns from recess in July. Instead of criticizing the monitors 
of the election, the Post should look for answers to the tough 
questions:
  Why were thousands of candidates rejected by the election council in 
total secrecy?
  Why was an official list of candidates never released?
  Why weren't election administrators trained until it was too late--
despite the availability of millions in international assistance for 
such training?
  What happened to 1 million voter registration cards missing before 
election day? Why were voter registration records unavailable on 
election day, and then being destroyed 48 hours later?
  Why was there a complete lack of ballot security on election day and 
subsequently?
  Why were thousands of ballots and tally sheets destroyed and 
discarded before any official count was recorded or finalized today in 
Port au Prince and other departments?
  Are the verifiable cases of ballot substitution part of a national 
pattern to influence the outcome of the elections?
  Why was President Aristide silent on key issues of election integrity 
in the days before Sunday's balloting?
  Who in the government and police force played a role in the 
undermining of Haitian democracy?
  What has happened to the millions of dollars in election assistance 
given to Haiti--amid rumors that elections workers will not be paid?
  Is the election chaos in Haiti orchestrated, as charged by credible 
international observers on the scene today?
  These and other issues deserve serious scrutiny--not just 
cheerleading. The Haitian election process is at a standstill. I 
believe the election process in Haiti should be judged by the same 
standard used for other elections in other parts of the world--the 
Haitian people deserve no less. The election observers have left the 
country but IRI is still on the ground asking the tough questions. I am 
confident Congress will fully examine all issues associated with the 
Haitian elections in the coming weeks.
  I ask consent that a summary of the preelection analysis and the 
International Republican Institute statement of June 26, 1995, be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

         International Republican Institute,
                                    Washington, DC, June 26, 1995.

Irregularities Mar Electoral Process--Statement by Rep. Porter Goss (R-
                        FL), Delegation Chairman

       Good morning. This is our second press conference. On 
     Saturday, the International Republican Institute (IRI) 
     released its pre-electoral assessment in which we expressed 
     our concern over a number of issues. They include the 
     implications of the failure of the electoral authorities to 
     create an open, transparent and verifiable process; the 
     disqualification of parties and candidates; the lack of 
     adequate training for electoral workers; and the failure to 
     conduct any civic education to encourage voter participation. 
     Today, all of us here have seen the consequences of these 
     failings.
       I want to underscore the fact that our delegates are still 
     in the field throughout the nine departments sending in 
     reports. Election day has only recently come to an end and 
     the counting continues. Our serious concern about the total 
     lack of ballot security is being borne out as I speak. We 
     received reports from our delegates early this morning who 
     observed disturbing irregularities at BEC level (regional 
     collection and counting station). I have asked our delegation 
     to determine the extent of these abuses for our evaluation of 
     the count. The problems in this electoral process can only 
     complicate the strengthening of democracy in Haiti.
       Frankly, the Haitian people deserve better. We saw their 
     remarkable dignity and endurance yesterday while trying 
     earnestly to participate in an arbitrary process. We share a 
     common objective with others in the international community--
     we all want a better Haiti and a stronger democracy here. IRI 
     is not here to certify this election. Only the Haitian people 
     themselves have the right to determine the legitimacy of this 
     process. Already several major parties have issued statements 
     challenging the integrity of the process. We must take their 
     judgements seriously.
       Let me share with you our observations about yesterday's 
     events. We received radio and telephone reports from IRI 
     delegates in the field from Les Cayes to Fort Liberte. 
     Together, the IRI delegates have visited during the course of 
     election day about 500 BIVs (local polling stations). Our 
     delegates in Jacmel and Jermie reported an election we had 
     hoped for--sufficiently organized, whose irregularities were 
     overcome by the Haitian people and the electoral workers 
     themselves. For myself, the only normal process I observed 
     was at Cabaret, which is doubly ironic because it used to be 
     Duvalierville, the former dictator's Potemkin Village. Our 
     delegates throughout the departments in the north reported 
     graphically about the closing of the BIVs, the intimidation 
     of politicians and the burning down of the BEC in Limbe. 
     Today in Port-au-Prince our delegates observed the use of 
     xeroxed ballots, and early this morning we witnessed tally 
     sheets being intentionally altered and ballots being 
     substituted with newly marked ballots. This occurred in the 
     Delmas BEC, not 10 minutes from where we are today. This 
     raises the serious possibility of the political manipulation 
     of this election.
       So let me take a step back and point out a positive aspect 
     of these elections. Throughout the country, all of us were 
     surprised and impressed by the significant presence of 
     political party observers. I would like to give credit to the 
     Haitian private sector who filled a crucial void by providing 
     the necessary support to field these pollwatchers. The Center 
     for Free Enterprise and Democracy (CLED) deserves credit for 
     putting this bold initiative together in 48 hours.
       Let me summarize our grave concerns:
       Security: The international military served as a deterrent 
     to widespread violence for these elections. However, the 
     issue of personal security for those participating in this 
     political process remains a serious concern. This issue was 
     permeated every step of the process, affected the quality of 
     the campaign, the environment in which this election occurred 
     and clearly lessened voter participation. It was magnified 
     yesterday by threatened electoral workers and intimidated and 
     harassed candidates. Yesterday, violent incidents closed BIVs 
     in Port-au-Prince, Limbe, Port de Paix, Don Don, Ferrier, 
     Jean Rabel, Carrefour and Cite Soleil. These actions 
     disenfranchised an undeserving Haitian population. Without 
     visible security, BIV authorities were forced to close the 
     polls and in other cases voters went home without casting 
     their votes.
       Voter Materials: The CEP failed to deliver and distribute 
     voter materials in the necessary time frame. Many BIVs also 
     received incomplete election material packages. This resulted 
     in countless delayed BIV openings. This created enormous 
     voter frustration and even postponed the elections in La 
     Chapelle.

[[Page S 9133]]

       Unpaid Elections Workers: As noted in our pre-electoral 
     assessment, the failure of the CEP to pay thousands of 
     electoral workers was attributed as one of the reasons for 
     absenteeism which delayed and closed many BIVs. 
     Demonstrations were reported in several departments.
       Administration Capability: As noted in our pre-electoral 
     assessment, electoral workers received minimal or no training 
     on the duties and procedures. This resulted not only in 
     lengthy delays but jeopardized the security and secrecy of 
     the process.
  Secrecy of the Ballot: There was widespread disregard for the secrecy 
of this process. IRI and other delegates reported that the ballot box 
seals were rarely used. Additionally, the setup of most BIV's did not 
afford voters secrecy in marking their ballots.
  Security of the Ballot: The most flagrant lack of control occurred 
from the point of the count to the BEC level. Upon arrival of the 
ballots at the BEC's, observers reported a lack of control of used and 
unused ballots. The most egregious examples of this known to IRI 
occurred in the Delmas BEC where clean ballots were marked and 
substituted for ballots that had arrived from the BIV's; tally sheets 
were altered.
  Disqualification of Candidates: The thoroughly arbitrary process of 
qualifying candidates led to serious consequences which we anticipated 
in our pre-election report. While some argued that the number of 
candidates that were disqualified was not statistically significant, it 
proved on election day to destabilize the electoral environment in 
certain areas. The results of this ranged from a low voter turn out in 
Saint Marc where five candidates for magistrate were left off the 
ballot to Jean Rabel, where it was reported that followers of 
independent candidate Henry Desamour burned ballots and closed BIV's 
because his name did not appear on the ballot.
  Voter Turnout: IRI delegates reported low to modest voter turnout in 
the BIV's they visited. If this remains the case, we believe that it is 
the consequence of a compressed election timetable, a lack of civic 
education, and frustration with the electoral process.
  It was important for Haiti and the international community to hold 
this election, but holding an election is simply not enough. The 
purpose of this election was to create layers of government that can 
serve as checks and balances on each other and decentralize power as 
envisioned by the 1987 Constitution. That is why it was important to 
have an inclusive process, not one marked by exclusion.
  It has been IRI's intent throughout this process to be thorough, 
independent, objective and constructive. In this regard, IRI will 
maintain a presence in Haiti through the final round of elections and 
will make recommendations for the formation of the permanent electoral 
council.
                                                                    ____


 Haiti--IRI Pre-Electoral Assessment of the June 25, 1995, Legislative 
                 and Municipal Elections, June 24, 1995


                          i. executive summary
       On June 25, 1995 Haiti will hold elections for 18 Senators, 
     83 Deputies, 135 mayors and 565 community councils. These 
     elections were originally to be held in December but were 
     postponed several times for a variety of reasons.
       This election occurs at a pivotal time for Haiti as it 
     struggles to rejoin the family of democratic nations and 
     offer renewed hope of stability for its people. This election 
     is also critical for the international community as it seeks 
     a benchmark to demonstrate the transition from an 
     internationally dominated country to a Haiti governed by 
     Haitians. For many in the international community, these 
     issues have made the holding of an election far more 
     important than the quality of the election. IRI has sought to 
     evaluate the pre-electoral process and environment for their 
     comparision to minimal standards of acceptability.


                           Electoral Process

       The legal foundation for these elections was a Presidential 
     decree that subverted the legislative process.
       The formulation of the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) 
     itself breached an agreement between the President of the 
     Republic and the political parties to allow the parties to 
     nominate all candidates from which CEP members would be 
     chosen by the three branches of government. Only two of the 
     nine CEP members were chosen from the parties' list.
       The voter registration process, to have been administered 
     by the CEP, was complicated by miscalculations of population 
     size, lack of sufficient materials and registration sites, 
     and one million missing voter registration cards.
       The CEP review of the over 11,000 candidate dossiers for 
     eligibility was a protracted process that occurred under a 
     cloak of secrecy. When the CEP made its decisions known, by 
     radio, no reasons were given for the thousands of candidates 
     rejected. After vehement protests by the parties, some 
     reasons were supplied and supplemental lists were announced 
     through June 14, thirty-one days after the date the final 
     candidate list was to be announced. This stripped the CEP of 
     its credibility with the political parties. There is still 
     not a final list of approved candidates available.
       The sliding scale of registration fees imposed by the CEP--
     whereby political parties with fewer CEP approved candidates 
     pay larger fees--has made it difficult for many parties to 
     compete. As of June 20, five days before the election, 
     protests against this unusual requirement have gone 
     unanswered.
       The ability of the CEP and those under its direction to 
     administer an election is unclear. As of June 20, five days 
     prior to the election, formal instructions for the procedures 
     of election day and the count has yet to be issued; this has 
     prevented the 45,000 persons needed to administer election 
     day from receiving specific training.
       As of June 20, those persons designated by the political 
     parties as pollwatchers had not yet received any training 
     from the CEP which could lead to serious confusion on 
     election day.
       These actions have led to deep misgivings across the 
     Haitian political spectrum about the ability of the CEP to 
     fulfill the mandate and functions normally executed by 
     election commissions. Political parties had no idea to whom 
     to turn with complaints in the process--the CEP, the 
     President of the Republic, the United Nations Electoral 
     Assistance Unit or the United States Government. Three 
     political parties withdrew from the process as a form of 
     protest.


                         electoral environment

       A concern for security is an issue that has permeated every 
     step of the process. The assassination of Mireille Durocher 
     Bertin, a well-known lawyer and leading political opponent of 
     Aristide, only confirmed the fears of the parties and 
     candidates. During the crisis, many elected representatives 
     feared returning to their districts, contributing to the 
     decay of political infrastructure. Candidates have curtailed 
     their campaign activities and have given personal security a 
     higher priority.
       The campaign itself began late and has been barely visible 
     until some activities in the last week prior to elections. 
     Given the process and environment surrounding these 
     elections, it is doubtful many of Haiti's recognized 
     political parties could have competed effectively.
       The electorate itself is basically uninformed about this 
     election--what it stands for and who is running. There has 
     been no civic education campaign, with the exception of some 
     limited U.S. and U.N. military efforts, to illuminate the 
     purpose of this election.
       Similarly, there has been no educational campaign on how to 
     vote, which for a largely illiterate population in Haiti 
     could pose serious difficulties on election day.
       Compared to other ``transition elections'' observed by IRI, 
     such as in Russia in 1993, El Salvador in 1994, South Africa 
     in 1994 and even China's Jilan Province village elections in 
     1994, the pre-electoral process and environment in Haiti has 
     seriously challenged the most minimally accepted standards 
     for the holding of a credible election.
     

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