[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 106 (Tuesday, June 27, 1995)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1340-E1341]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                  THE FUTURE OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVA

                                 ______


                          HON. ELIOT L. ENGEL

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                         Tuesday, June 27, 1995
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, Dr. Bujar Bukoshi, Prime Minister of the 
Republic of Kosova, recently gave an important address to the European 
Parliament in Strasbourg, France.
  In his speech, Dr. Bukoshi spoke eloquently about his homeland and 
the people of Kosova. While lamenting the past, including the number of 
Kosovars who have been killed, wounded, arrested, tortured, and 
otherwise subjected to inhumane treatment, Dr. Bukoshi gave reason for 
hope in the future by laying out his vision for protecting Kosova from 
further injustice.
  I urge my colleagues and members of the European Union to strongly 
consider Dr. 

[[Page E 1341]]
Bukoshi's positive, forward-looking solutions as the United States and 
Europe consider how to proceed in the former Yugoslavia.
  The text of the speech follows:

       Ladies and gentlemen, it is an Honor for me to have been 
     given the opportunity to address an important audience that 
     is actively seeking to identify conflict situations and 
     prevent them before they become unmanageable. In this 
     context, let me congratulate you on the good task you have 
     started, in the hope that the FORUM will have its impact in 
     breathing a sense of reality into the asphyxiated, and 
     crisis-ridden international fora.
       Let me begin by quoting one of the greatest Albanian 
     writers, Ismajl Kadare, who has on one occasion stated: ``The 
     word `Kosova' is spoken always with hesitation, in a low 
     voice, almost in a whisper--the way ancient people spoke some 
     words in a low voice when they talked of `evil spirits' ''.
       Although hesitantly, Kosova is always mentioned whenever 
     there are evident signs of the escalation of the former 
     Yugoslav crisis, and always in the context of a wider Balkan 
     conflict. In the case of the last escalation in Bosnia 
     involving UN hostages taken by Serbian forces, a clear act of 
     international terrorism, western leaders have pointed out 
     again the possibility of a wider Balkan war rightly stressing 
     that such a war would firstly encompass Kosova, then 
     Macedonia, in order to include Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and 
     possibly Turkey.
       Just 200 kilometers southeast of Sarajevo lies the Republic 
     of Kosova, in danger of becoming another Bosnia, but even 
     worse. The Balkans imbroglio suggests that Kosova may be next 
     in the succession of victims in the face of Serbian ethnic 
     cleansing and oppression.
       Kosova with its 90-percent Albanian population is already a 
     Serbian victim. Kosova lost its autonomy six years ago, when 
     Serbia, unconstitutionally and by use of police and military 
     forces, abolished the Parliament of Kosova, dismissed the 
     government and its administration, and closed down 
     television, radio and the daily Albanian-language newspaper. 
     Systematic structural repression against the Albanians of 
     Kosova, enacted martial law, has reached tragic proportions 
     each passing year.
       Serbian apartheid manifests itself in discrimination that 
     started with rigged political trials before civil and 
     military courts; isolation and confinement of hundreds of 
     intellectuals, scientists and economic experts; massive 
     prison sentencing of Albanians, killings of peaceful 
     demonstrators; expulsion of hundreds of university 
     professors, thousands of teachers and administrators; 
     dismissal of physicians and medical staffs and the complete 
     abrogation of all human, civil and national rights.
       Our plight has been documented by Amnesty International, 
     the United Nations Special Rapporteur, CSCE, and other human 
     rights bodies and international organizations.
       In the first quarter of 1995, more than 3,000 Albanians 
     were subjected to all forms of mistreatment by the Serbs. Two 
     were shot dead; seven wounded; 34 were convicted; 125 were 
     subjected to arms searches and harassment; 1,157 were 
     arrested; 985 tortured; 973 families subjected to weapons 
     raids; 589 summoned for police interrogation; 204 suffered 
     political persecution; 114 youth were punished for not 
     joining the Serbian army; 8 were convicted by military 
     courts; 9 Albanian families were evicted from their 
     apartments. The above constitute only the most drastic forms 
     of repression. It should also be noted that many cases are 
     never reported.
       Thus far, Kosova has reacted to this repression with 
     peaceful resistance. We have been firm, we have established a 
     functioning government and economy, we have held together in 
     solidarity with one another. We have demonstrated incredible 
     patience, restraint, and judgment in the face of daily 
     brutality, harassment and intimidation.
       Numerous delegations have visited Kosova and have witnessed 
     the appalling situation. They have visited the storefront 
     clinics, spoken with patients, listening to the doctors. They 
     have witnessed the classrooms in homes where thousands of 
     Albanian students are doing their best to preserve their 
     education, and they have reported on massive violations of 
     human civil and national rights of the Albanians.
       Also many delegations from Kosova, including the leadership 
     of Kosova have repeatedly informed governments of western 
     democratic countries and the general public about the ever 
     deteriorating situation that can lead to a conflict with 
     unpredictable consequences.
       In parliaments around the world, legislators have spoken 
     with resolutions of support. For illustration, let me mention 
     that the European Parliament has condemned repression against 
     the Albanian population in eight resolutions. At the same 
     time Albanians have been praised for their peaceful 
     restraint.
       Yet, the situation has only kept worsening while repression 
     continues.
       The international community cannot continue to ignore the 
     untenable situation in Kosova.
       As much as we are determined to remain patient, no one can 
     guarantee that the Albanians can sit idly by for decades, 
     watching their personal and collective resources disappear 
     while their families and friends are subjected to barbaric 
     treatment by cruel and inhuman occupying forces.
       To avert this calamity the European Union and the 
     international community must become engaged in helping solve 
     the Kosova part of the Balkans problem. We need their 
     involvement in the following ways:
       First: While talks on the future of Kosova remain an 
     uncertain reality, it is necessary that preventive forces be 
     deployed to Kosova. Since Kosova presents a threat to 
     regional peace and stability, the UN Security council should 
     declare Kosova a safe area in the meaning of Chapter VII of 
     the UN Charter.
       Second: NATO must prepare contingency plans for 
     intervention in Kosova in the worst possible scenario. Its 
     credibility can only be restored if, as Manfred Worner has 
     said, ``it is ready to punish the aggressor if necessary and 
     also consider using force to achieve political and diplomatic 
     solutions''.
       Third: Keep sanctions in place and increase international 
     pressure to Serbia.
       Recent attempts to force Serbia to recognize the borders of 
     Bosnia, a bargain for lifting of sanctions, is a doomed 
     effort not only because of the request that a non-entity 
     accepts what is now already a UN member. [The] Belgrade 
     regime may be forced to accept this demand, which will most 
     probably be another Serbian farce, but nothing will change on 
     the ground and the peoples of former Yugoslavia will not find 
     themselves closer to an acceptable solution. Although 
     sanctions were introduced because of the Serbian active role 
     in the war, they should never be lifted before a global 
     solution of the former Yugoslavia crisis is achieved. (In 
     this regard, we welcome the tough stance of EU Commissioner 
     for Central and Eastern Europe, Mr. Hans van den Broek, that 
     international sanctions should be linked to a solution of the 
     Kosova issue.)
       Fourth: Immediately return a long-term, expanded OSCE 
     monitoring mission to Kosova.
       A handful of then-CSCE observers were posted in Kosova 
     until July 1993 when Belgrade expelled the delegations. 
     Although few in number, the monitors served the purpose of at 
     least chronicling the cases of human right abuses across 
     Kosova. Since
      their departure, incidence of violence, beating, plundering 
     and murder has escalated dramatically.
       Fifth: Support mediated dialog with the Serbs in the 
     presence of international mediator.
       We have repeatedly offered to meet with the Serbs to 
     discuss our difference without preconditions except one: an 
     international mediator must be present in the talks. We are 
     prepared to meet anywhere at anytime to talk about our 
     differences and sincerely try to resolve them.
       Sixth: Reactivate the Kosova Group of the International 
     Conference on Former Yugoslavia.
       The Working Group which was established in London in August 
     1992 and which has been moribund ever since, has achieved 
     absolutely nothing. Now is the time to breathe new life into 
     the process and create a new mechanism to begin the task of 
     fulfilling the legitimate rights of the Albanians to life, 
     liberty and self-determination.
       Seventh: UN get involved for the restoration of democratic 
     institutions to Kosova. This would prove to be a powerful 
     deterrent of conflict and, therefore, instill hopes of a 
     return to normality in Kosova.
       Events of the last months demonstrate that a new reality is 
     setting in among those concerned with the Balkans. We firmly 
     believe that until the world deals with the major cause of 
     the aggression, the problem will fester, the bloodshed will 
     continue, and there will be no place in the Balkans.
       The current Yugoslav crisis is not the result of an abrupt 
     decision of its peoples to part company. It is the 
     realization of the right of peoples to self-determination; it 
     is a free expression of their national identities, hitherto 
     suppressed by Serbian hegemonism. In this context, the 
     independence which we have proclaimed for Kosova, and we are 
     pursing to institute, is but an adaptation to political 
     realities and moderate approach to our goals.
       In conclusion, let me point out the Kosova issue has been 
     wrongly ignored until now. Whether this has been done because 
     of the Serbian Myth, was place in the service of aggression, 
     or because of the `evil spirits', inaction in Kosova may 
     prove costly. There is still time to save Kosova, and we 
     still believe in peace, therefore we have not resorted to 
     violent means. However, if it comes to conflict, for which 
     Kosova Albanians can never be blamed, they have no other 
     option but to defend themselves.
       Bad Judgments of the past must not be repeated. It is time 
     for courageous leadership and commitment to principle, 
     southeast of Sarajevo and throughout the Balkans.
     

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