[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 99 (Friday, June 16, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8564-S8565]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

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                        PRISON WORK ACT OF 1995

 Mr. SHELBY. Mr. President, one of the many controversial 
provisions of the 1994 crime bill was the requirement that states have 
in place an array of dubious programs, including social rehabilitation, 
job skills, and even postrelease programs, in order to qualify for the 
prison construction grant money contained in the bill.
  This requirement is yet another manifestation of the criminal rights 
philosophy, which has wreaked havoc on our criminal justice system. 
This view holds that criminals are victims of society, are not to blame 
for their actions, and should be rehabilitated at the taxpayers 
expense. In their zeal to rehabilitate violent criminals, proponents of 
this ideology have worked overtime to ensure that murderers, rapists, 
and child molesters are treated better than the victims of these acts 
and that these criminals have access to perks and amenities most hard-
working taxpayers cannot afford.
  Award-winning journalist Robert Bidinotto has revealed myriad abuses. 
For example, at Mercer Regional Correctional Facility in Pennsylvania, 
hardened criminals have routine access to a full-sized basketball 
court, handball area, punching bags, volleyball nets, 15 sets of 
barbells, weightlifting machines, electronic bicycles, and stairmasters 
facing a TV, so the prisoners do not have to miss their favorite show 
while working out.
  Or consider David Jirovec, a resident of Washington State who hired 
two hit men to kill his wife for insurance money. His punishment? 
Regular conjugal visits from his new wife.
  At Sullivan high-security prison in Fallsburg, NY, prisoners hold 
regular jam sessions in a music room crowded with electric guitars, 
amplifiers, drums, and keyboards.
  In Jefferson City, MO, inmates run an around-the-clock closed-circuit 
TV studio and broadcast movies filled with gratuitous sex and graphic 
violence.
  Perhaps the winner in the race for rehabilitation is the 
Massachusetts Correctional Institution in Norfolk, MA. There, prisoners 
sentenced to life in prison--known as the Lifers Group--held its annual 
Lifers Banquet in the $2 million visitor's center. These 33 convicts--
mostly murderers--and 49 of their invited guests dined on catered prime 
rib.
  This is just the tip of the iceberg. These are not isolated 
incidents, but have become commonplace in our criminal justice system. 
Violent criminals have by definition committed brutal acts of violence 
on innocent women, children, the elderly, and other citizens. That the 
government continues to take money out of the pockets of law-abiding 
taxpayers--many of whom are victims of those behind bars--to create 
resorts for prisoners to mull 

[[Page S8565]]
around in is incomprehensible. The rationale for this system is likely 
summed up by Larry Meachum, commissioner of correction in the State of 
Connecticut: ``We must attempt to modify criminal behavior and 
hopefully not return a more damaged human being to society than we 
received.''
  Mr. President, I reject this liberal social rehabilitation 
philosophy. I introduced legislation yesterday, the Prison Work Act of 
1995, which has a different message: prisons should be places of work 
and organized education, not resort hotels, counseling centers, or 
social laboratories. It ensures that time spent in prison is not good 
time, but rather devoted to hard work and education. This is a far more 
constructive approach to rehabilitation.
  Specifically, the Prison Work Act repeals the social program 
requirements of the 1994 crime bill and instead makes the receipt of 
State prison construction grant money conditional on States requiring 
all inmates to perform at least 48 hours of work per week, and engage 
in at least 16 hours of organized educational activities per week. 
States may not provide to any prisoner failing to meet the work and 
education requirement any extra privileges, including the egregious 
items listed above.
  The critics of this legislation are likely to portend that it is too 
costly or too unworkable. However, as prison reform expert and noted 
author John DiIulio has pointed out, one-half of every taxdollar spent 
on prisons goes not to the basics of security, but to amenities and 
services for prisoners. However, these extra perks would be severely 
restricted under my legislation. No one failing to meet the work and 
organized study requirements would have access to them, and since the 
inmates would be occupied for 11 hours per day fulfilling the work and 
study requirement, the opportunity for these costly privileges would be 
reduced. Moreover, to reduce operation costs even further, prison labor 
could be used to replace labor that is currently contracted out. Thus, 
these programs could easily be implemented.
  The other charge will likely be that the Federal Government should 
not micromanage State prison efforts. However, this bill does not 
micromanage at all. Rather, States have been micromanaged by the 
Federal courts which have mandated that States provide prisoners with 
every possible amenity imaginable. For example, Federal Judge William 
Wayne Justice of the Eastern District Court required scores of changes 
in the Texas prison system, designed to improve the living conditions 
of Texas prisoners. These changes increased Texas's prison operating 
expenses tenfold, from $91 million in 1980 to $1.84 billion in 1994--
even though the prison population only doubled.
  This legislation will empower State and local prison officials to 
operate their systems in a cost-efficient manner, and will give them 
the much needed protection from the overreaching Federal courts. More 
importantly, it will put the justice back in our criminal justice 
system and ensure that criminals are not treated better than the 
victims.

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