[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 76 (Tuesday, May 9, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6315-S6316]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                  PRESIDENT CLINTON'S SUMMIT IN MOSCOW

  Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, today the President of the United States is 
participating in Russia's May 9 commemoration of V-E Day. President 
Clinton accepted Russian President Boris Yeltsin's invitation to this 
event despite the fact that I and many of my colleagues encouraged him 
to select another time for a United States-Russian summit. We were 
concerned that because of the moral ambiguity of this commemoration, 
United States participation would undermine the relationship we seek to 
develop with Russia. We must not forget that the Soviet Union 
contributed to the outbreak of World War II, exploited the war's end, 
and committed countless atrocities to Russians, Ukrainians, 
Lithuanians, and other peoples subject to its brutal domination.
  President Clinton should not have accepted this invitation, but now 
that he has, it is for these reasons that during his visit to Moscow he 
must meet not only with Russia's leaders, but the Russian people and 
emphasize three key themes. First, he must emphasize human rights. 
Second, democracy. And, third, rejection of empire. In doing so, the 
President would encourage all Russians not to look nostalgically back 
on the Soviet Union, but forward toward the potential of a democratic 
and postimperial Russia. That should be the principal purpose of 
President Clinton's visit.
  Toward this end, President Clinton must emphasize that his role in 
this celebration is not to honor the Soviet Union, but the valor and 
sacrifices of all the peoples who fought in opposition against Nazi 
aggression.
  He must underscore the fact that while the United States, as a whole, 
celebrates victory in this war, it has not forgotten the victims nor 
any crimes committed during that era, be it by the Nazis, Stalin and 
his henchmen, or others.
  This will not slight those who fought valiantly against fascism, as 
indeed did millions of Russians. It will in fact honor them even more 
highly by ensuring that their contributions are distinguished from the 
war-mongering and atrocities of that brutal time. And, in this way, the 
President will clearly differentiate the United States from those who 
seek to reanimate the Soviet past.
  In articulating these themes, the President must publicly and 
forcefully address the ongoing war in Chechnya. Moscow's management of 
the Chechnyan autonomy movement is depressingly reminiscent of the 
policies that Stalin, himself, used to terrorize the peoples 
incorporated into the former Soviet Union. It indicates the fragility 
of democracy in Russia and, perhaps, even a weakening of its impulse.
  President Clinton vowed that he would not visit Russia as long as 
Moscow continues the war against Chechnya. Indeed, Mr. President, in 
the weeks preceding this summit meeting, President Yeltsin actually 
stepped up military operations against the Republic, leveling more 
towns and killing more innocent civilians, both Russian and Chechnyan.
  It is therefore absolutely essential that President Clinton speak 
forthrightly to the Russian people, not hiding the fact that America 
condemns the brutal use of military force against Chechnya.
  He should state that America's relationship with Russia is contingent 
upon Moscow's peaceful resolution of its differences with the Chechnyan 
people. Hesitation on this matter will undermine the legitimacy of 
Russia's true democrats who have valiantly protested against this war 
and will strip credibility from our efforts to support Russia's still 
embryonic democracy.
  The bottomline, Mr. President, is that human rights is an 
international issue. If Russia avows to be a member of the community of 
democracies founded upon respect for inalienable human rights, it must 
live up to those standards.
  Third, in order for a true strategic partnership to evolve between 
the United States and Russia, Moscow must respect the sovereignty of 
the non-Russian nations of the former Soviet Union and former Warsaw 
Pact.

[[Page S6316]]

  In this regard, the President's decision to visit Ukraine is 
crucially important. A Kyiv summit will be an important signal of 
America's commitment to assist the consolidation of Ukraine's 
independence. In light of Ukraine's intertwined history with Russia, 
the success of Ukrainian independence and integration into the Western 
community of nations will be a critical determinant of Russia's 
evolution into a postimperial state.
  An important underpinning of the constructive role we desire Russian-
Ukrainian relations to play in European security has been the 
Tripartite Agreement between Russia, Ukraine, and the United States. In 
addition to facilitating the elimination of Ukraine's nuclear arsenal, 
the agreement committed Russia to respect Ukraine's sovereignty and 
independence. While in Moscow President Clinton must underscore 
America's commitment to this agreement and our expectations that Russia 
do the same.
  The President must also emphasize that NATO enlargement will 
contribute to greater peace and stability in post-cold war Europe. He 
must communicate that this is a normal process that is driven not only 
by the need to address the security of Central Europe but also by the 
Central Europeans who have clearly articulated their desire for 
membership.
  By further ensuring stability in Central and Eastern Europe, NATO 
expansion will positively and significantly shape the futures of Russia 
and Germany, two great powers now engaged in a delicate and complex 
process of national redefinition. It is a critical step toward 
providing the security essential to enhance the prosperity and 
stability now beginning to characterize Central and Eastern Europe.
  It is a requirement for preserving Germany's progressive role in 
European affairs and promoting Russia's postimperial evolution. By 
creating greater stability along Russia's frontiers, NATO enlargement 
would allow Moscow to spend more of its energy on the internal 
challenges of political and economic reform.
  I hope that, while he is in Moscow, our President will underscore the 
fact that Russia cannot and will not have any veto over the future 
membership of NATO.
  We all must recognize that NATO enlargement is a process whose 
outcome Russia will, nonetheless, inevitably influence. If Russia 
resists the process through intimidation or aggression, NATO 
enlargement will more likely be directed against Russia. If Russia 
respects the rights of other nations to determine their own 
geopolitical orientation, if Russia recognizes the objective benefits 
of NATO enlargement, and if Russia ultimately works with the alliance, 
enlargement will contribute to a broader engagement and integration 
that will bring Europe and Russia closer together.
  As it was well put in one of the recent hearings of the Foreign 
Relations' Committee on this matter, it is not NATO enlargement that 
will determine the future of Russia's relationship with the alliance, 
but Moscow's reaction to NATO enlargement.
  Finally, during his stay in Moscow President Clinton must emphasize 
that America is more interested in the future of Russian democracy than 
in the fate of a single leader. I strongly encourage that the President 
meet with members of Russia's beleaguered press and those 
democratically minded legislators--particularly Sergei Kovalyov, the 
Duma's former Human Rights Commissioner who was recently relieved of 
his duties because of his courageous criticism of the Russian 
Government's Chechyn policy. Perhaps, the President should even meet 
with those Russian generals who oppose this war, such as former Deputy 
Minister of Defense Boris Gromov who also lost his position for his 
criticism.
  I say this because the future of our relationship with Russia lies 
not with those who fall back on the brutal mechanisms of a bygone age, 
but with those who envision Russia as a prospering democracy.
  Mr. President, America's role in Moscow's V-E Day celebrations should 
be to encourage Russian people and their leaders to concentrate not on 
the former Soviet Union, but on Russia's future. These themes--human 
rights, democracy, and the rejection of empire--are the keys not only 
to unlocking Russia's potential but also to a true strategic 
partnership between Russia and the United States. Should Moscow's 
leaders respond positively to these themes, it would be a strong 
demonstration that Russia is shedding the imperialist ambitions and 
totalitarian proclivities of the Soviet past.
  Mr. SPECTER addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.

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