[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 71 (Tuesday, May 2, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5993-S5994]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
MEDICARE
Mr. ROCKEFELLER. Mr. President, I am here to talk about the Medicare
Program. In the recent days, I have noticed all kinds of people
expressing deep concern for Medicare. That is comforting, because there
is more than enough reason to be concerned.
Let me get right to the point. The Republican leaders in Congress,
and the chairs of both Budget Committees in Congress, want to balance
the budget in 7 years. If they keep their word and leave Social
Security and defense spending completely alone, that will require cuts
totaling $1.2 trillion.
If they throw in the tax cuts for top income-earners that will
require another whopping $345 billion to finance those cuts. Now here's
the key point for anyone concerned about Medicare: as we have seen in
papers distributed by the Senate Budget Committee itself, this drive
for a balanced budget--and presumably some tax cuts--will require cuts
in Medicare to the tune of $250 to $300 billion in 7 years. Medicaid
will also have to help out with $160 to $190 billion in cuts.
The recent talk about Medicare is not really saying this. It is all
about the need to shore up the Medicare trust fund, because it could be
insolvent in 7 years. It is all about the idea of restructuring
Medicare to save the program. The argument we are hearing is that
Medicare has to be drained of $300 billion to save the program. A
curious argument.
Somehow, I think we need to make sure Americans, especially the 37
million senior citizens and disabled citizens who rely on Medicare,
aren't being sold a bill of goods.
The fact is that the terms set by the leadership on the other side of
the aisle--balance the budget by 2002, leave defense alone, and throw
in some tax cuts--may require a raid on Medicare to get the job done.
That is why I am here.
My basic reaction to all this talk is to urge the Republican leaders
to simply show us precisely what you mean. I am speaking as someone who
cast my vote, several times, for a very precise, very specific plan to
reduce the federal deficit by $600 billion. It included savings in
Medicare. The 1993 budget and deficit reduction plan was based on the
simple concept of shared responsibility, and spread the burden fairly.
Along with spending cuts to reduce the deficit, it did important
things like expand the tax credit for working families to make sure
work is a better choice than welfare in this country.
But for all of the fire and brimstone heard this year about the need
to balance the budget and now ``save'' the Medicare Program, we have
yet to see a budget resolution, a budget plan, a single detail on just
how everyone making the noise intends to achieve these impressive
goals.
Of course, the President is reacting by saying essentially ``show
me.'' He submitted his budget on time. He offered a health care plan
that tied Medicare savings to comprehensive health care reform. He
rejected the idea of a constitution amendment on the Republicans'
terms, and so of course, he is asking for some specifics.
I cannot conceive of a budget that meets the conditions of the other
side
[[Page S5994]] of the aisle--stay away from Social Security, do not
touch defense, no new revenue, and tax cuts for corporations and the
wealthy--without huge cuts in Medicare.
And make no mistake about it, $250 to $300 billion of cuts in
Medicare will mean higher deductibles and premiums for seniors, lower
fees for hospitals and doctors, and a lot worse. If there is such a
budget that can side-step Medicare, we are simply saying ``show us.''
We have put our cards on the table for the past 2\1/2\ years when it
comes to health care, Medicare, and deficit reduction.
While all of this talk and born-again interest in Medicare's solvency
gets sorted out, I am here to lay out proposals that I think are
bottom-line ways to act in the best interests of Medicare. I do this as
someone who has tried to protect Medicare for a long time, and will
keep fighting to do exactly that. I do this as the former chair of the
Medicare Subcommittee on the Finance Committee, and now the ranking
member--the majority leader is the chairman of that subcommittee now.
I do this as someone who smells a rat when the same people who have
talked for months about stepping up to the plate, with specifics on how
the budget can be balanced by 2002 with tax cuts thrown in and defense
off the table, but now suggest that the $300 million in Medicare cuts
they are talking about is their new plan for saving Medicare. Something
is not quite right about this picture, I suggest. I agree that Medicare
has to be put on better financial footing. But that effort should not
be a smokescreen for using it to finance other agendas like tax cuts
for corporations.
First, I am introducing legislation to create a National Commission
on Medicare modeled after the National Commission on Social Security
Reform that President Reagan chartered in 1981.
The charge given to the Social Security Commission was to propose
``realistic, long-term reforms to put Social Security back on a sound
financial footing; and to forge a working bipartisan consensus so that
the necessary reforms can be passed into law.''
We need this kind of bipartisan process to shore up Medicare. We need
to jump off the current rhetorical, budget-driven track to one where we
can resolve the real question: how best to keep Medicare dependable for
seniors over the next generations.
If Medicare is cut by unprecedented amounts of money to pay for
anything but Medicare, the consequences will be disastrous for health
care providers and beneficiaries. Rural hospitals will close in droves.
Doctors will be forced to turn away the elderly. Medicare will no
longer be reliable insurance for seniors in West Virginia.
As my second proposal, I will offer an amendment to the budget
resolution when it comes to the Senate floor that will put Medicare in
a lock-box to protect it from looting.
This isn't the blueprint we need to get Medicare back on solid ground
for the long term, but it will buy a few more years of solvency and
ensure it will not be used for anything but the promises made to senior
citizens. Medicare is not a slush fund to finance tax cuts or other
Government programs.
I will tell you why I am concerned about Medicare. I am worried its
true purpose is getting lost.
It is a promise, a pledge, to the American people that they will be
able to live their lives in dignity and security past their working
years. Instead of treating Medicare like a checking account in this
budget process, we need to remember it is an investment.
The Medicare trustees sounded the alarm about the short-term
insolvency of the Medicare Program more than 3 years ago.
In fact, the Medicare trustees urged action on comprehensive health
care reform to address the country's systemic problem of rising health
care costs that are draining the Medicare hospital trust fund and the
pockets of American families and businesses.
But comprehensive reform was rejected by the Congress last year. I
should note that up until very recently, the Medicare Program
outperformed the private sector in holding down its costs. Over the
past 2 years, Medicare costs have been slightly higher than the private
sector costs.
But, and this is a big ``but,'' the private sector is insuring fewer
and fewer people, while Medicare's enrollment is increasing; and
Medicare pays for home care services and skilled nursing home care,
types of services that are not normally covered by private insurance
policies.
Mr. President, I have heard lots of talk about needing to move the
Medicare Program into the 21st century by ``restructuring'' it so it
looks more like insurance in the private sector.
So far, I just cannot share in the enthusiasm for copying something
that is leaving out so many hard-working people and families from any
kind of health care security. In fact, Medicare was first established
because the private insurance industry had failed so miserably to
provide affordable insurance to senior citizens. While many of my
colleagues like to talk about the ``miracles of the marketplace,'' I
still see cherry-picking and redlining, medical underwriting and policy
cancellations, job-lock, and families paying more and more money for
fewer and fewer health benefits.
Just think about sending 37 million people with pre-existing medical
conditions to the private insurance market with vouchers called choice-
clerk and medi-check. High administrative costs in the private sector
will eat up the value of Medicare benefits right off the bat. Will the
senior citizens living in small towns across West Virginia end up
paying more of their own money for their health care or be forced to
join an HMO--if one is even available in the area?
To ``save'' Medicare we need comprehensive proposals to address these
issues, not just blind cutting of Medicare. Last year, we offered
proposals to fix these myriad problems. Republicans disagreed with our
approach, and celebrated the defeat of our proposals. Our opponents'
television ads stated again and again that there's ``a better way.''
Slashing $250 to $300 billion out of Medicare is not a better way.
Mr. President, cutting $250 billion out of Medicare over 7 years is
not the way to guarantee the long-term solvency of the Medicare
Hospital Trust Fund. It might add a few more years of solvency--5 to 8
tops, CBO thinks--to the trust fund. We need to rise to the challenge
met when Medicare was created and Social Security was rescued, and
chart a long-term prescription for Medicare's health over the next 25
years of more.
I make my two suggestions as a way to get started.
Protect Medicare from raids to pay for anything, especially tax cuts,
but what its intended for--the promise of health care security for the
seniors of West Virginia and the country. And while we know Medicare is
safe, let us replicate the approach used to save Social Security and
really prepared Medicare for the challenges of the next century.
I thank the Presiding Officer and yield the floor. I suggest the
absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GORTON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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