[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 71 (Tuesday, May 2, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H4449-H4454]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING A VISIT BY THE PRESIDENT OF 
                    THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA ON TAIWAN

  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to 
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 53) expressing the sense of the 
Congress regarding a private visit by President Lee Teng-hui of the 
Republic of China on Taiwan to the United States, as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:
                            H. Con. Res. 53

       Whereas United States diplomatic and economic security 
     interests in East Asia have caused the United States to 
     maintain a policy of recognizing the People's Republic of 
     China while maintaining solidarity with the democratic 
     aspirations of the people of Taiwan;
       Whereas the Republic of China on Taiwan (known as Taiwan) 
     is the United States sixth largest trading partner and an 
     economic powerhouse buying more than twice as much annually 
     from the United States as do the 1,200,000,000 Chinese of the 
     People's Republic of China;
       Whereas the American people are eager for expanded trade 
     opportunities with Taiwan, the possessor of the world's 
     second largest foreign exchange reserves;
       Whereas the United States interests are served by 
     supporting democracy and human rights abroad;
       Whereas Taiwan is a model emerging democracy, with a free 
     press, free elections, stable democratic institutions, and 
     human rights protections;
       Whereas vigorously contested elections conducted on Taiwan 
     in December 1994 were extraordinarily free and fair;
       Whereas the United States interests are best served by 
     policies that treat Taiwan's leaders with respect and 
     dignity;
       Whereas President Lee Teng-hui of Taiwan, a Ph.D. graduate 
     of Cornell University, has been invited to pay a private 
     visit to his alma mater and to attend the annual USA-ROC 
     Economic Council Conference in Anchorage, Alaska;
       Whereas there are no legitimate grounds for excluding 
     President Lee Teng-hui from paying private visits;
       Whereas the Senate of the United States voted several times 
     in 1994 to welcome President Lee to visit the United States; 
     and
       Whereas Public Law 103-416 provides that the President of 
     Taiwan shall be welcome in the United States at any time to 
     discuss a host of important bilateral issues: Now, therefore, 
     be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that the 
     President should promptly indicate that the United States 
     will welcome a private visit by President Lee Teng-hui to his 
     alma mater, Cornell University, and will welcome a transit 
     stop by President Lee in Anchorage, Alaska, to attend the 
     USA-ROC Economic Council Conference.
       Sec. 2. The Clerk of the House of Representatives shall 
     transmit a copy of this concurrent resolution to the 
     President.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter] will be recognized for 20 minutes, and the 
gentleman from California [Mr. Berman] will be recognized for 20 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter].
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, 
this Member rises in strong support for House Concurrent Resolution 53, 
expressing the sense of the Congress that the United States should 
grant a visa to President Lee Teng-hui of Taiwan for a private visit to 
the United States to receive an honorary degree from his alma mater, 
Cornell University.
  This Member commends the initiative of the author of this resolution, 
the distinguished gentleman from California [Mr. Lantos]. This Member 
would also commend the chairman of the International Relations 
Committee, the distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman] for 
bringing this resolution before this body in a timely manner.
  Action of the House International Relations Committee on this 
resolution has demonstrated overwhelming bipartisan sentiment that the 
United States should grant a visa to President Lee for such a private 
visit. On April 5, the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific and the 
full Committee on International Relations unanimously endorsed the 
resolution. It continues to be this Member's view that issuance of a 
visitor's visa to President Lee is not inconsistent with the United 
States ``One China'' policy which limits official contact with Taiwan. 
Moreover, this Member believes that issuance of the visa is only 
fitting considering our close economic ties with Taiwan and the 
democratic strides made by President Lee's government.
  The United States pioneered, through the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979 
and the establishment of the American Institute in Taiwan, the 
successful maintenance of unofficial ties with Taiwan. Even as the 
United States shifted its official recognition in 1979 from Taipei to 
Beijing, the Congress made it clear to the Chinese that the United 
States would maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial ties 
with Taiwan. Moreover, as mandated by the Taiwan Relations Act, the 
United States provides defense material and training to Taiwan to 
enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.
  The question then is: Why the President of Taiwan would not be 
permitted to make a private visit to the United States to receive an 
honorary degree at 
[[Page H4450]] his alma mater? The State Department's response is that, 
and I quote, ``a visit by a person of President Lee's title and 
symbolic importance, whether or not the visit were termed `private,' 
would unavoidably be seen by the People's Republic of China as removing 
an essential element of unofficiality in the United States-Taiwan 
relationship.'' That may be the case, even though that is not an 
objective conclusion by the PRC, but that conclusion on their part 
should not be the determining factor in the administration's decision.
  The State Department is obviously correct in noting that we have 
major interests in maintaining a positive relationship with Beijing. In 
fact this gentleman is committed to improving and deepening that 
relationship between the United States and the People's Republic of 
China. In several of my statements as chairman of this subcommittee, 
for example, this Member has stressed his view that we should not 
isolate or demonize China. But, at the same time, we cannot let Beijing 
dictate to us who can or cannot make a private visit to his alma mater 
in the United States. What this resolution is endorsing is a very 
reasonable and specifically limited exception from the current U.S. 
policy. The State Department seems to have ignored one key principle 
when making this decision. That principle is that our foreign policy, 
if it is to be sustainable with the American people and Congress, must 
meet the commonsense test. In this Member's view, refusing to grant a 
visitor's visa to the President of a thriving democratic friend of the 
United States, who would enter our country simply to receive an 
honorary degree at his alma mater, does not make sense. It is not a 
commonsense,
 foreign policy judgment. The resolution before us today would call for 
the administration to make an exception to its policy in this instance 
so that President Lee can visit Ithaca, NY, to receive an honorary 
degree from his alma mater, Cornell University.

  Mr. Speaker, this Member will vote for House Concurrent Resolution 53 
and urges all his colleagues to do the same.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  (Mr. BERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, House Concurrent Resolution 53, which 
expresses the sense of Congress regarding a private visit by President 
Lee Teng-hui of the Republic of China on Taiwan to the United States, 
passed out of the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee on April 5 on an 8-
to-0 vote and was voted out of the full committee on the same day on a 
32-to-0 vote.
  I was an original cosponsor of the resolution, along with my 
colleague, the gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter], chairman of the 
subcommittee, having written the Secretary of State urging a change in 
our policy.
  President Lee, as the first native-born President of Taiwan, 
represents more than anything else a beacon of hope to Taiwanese eager 
to gain recognition for their accomplishments. Taiwan has emerged as a 
major world economic power, becoming the United States sixth largest 
export market and our second largest market in Asia after Japan. We 
sell about twice as much to Taiwan as we do to the People's Republic of 
China.
  Taiwan, under the leadership of President Lee, has made dramatic 
political progress. Democratic elections have been held. In 1996, for 
the first time there will be direct elections for the President.
  Despite these positive developments, we treat Taiwan as a second-
class, not a world-class citizen. This resolution attempts to rectify 
that imbalance by demonstrating congressional support for a change in 
administration policy.
  I think the administration is beginning to understand the need for a 
policy change. Last September the administration announced a welcome 
change in our policy toward Taiwan which included permitting high level 
official visits. During a meeting with the Chinese Foreign Minister 
this April, April 17, Secretary of State Christopher, according to the 
State Department, ``made clear that the American public and 
particularly the American Congress do not understand the Chinese 
position opposing a Lee visit.'' He noted that ``many people in 
Congress, including good friends of Beijing, do not understand why a 
visit to the alma mater to pick up an honorary degree would have to be 
seen as official in nature.''
  Allowing President Lee to visit the United States and officially to 
receive an honorary degree at his alma mater, Cornell University, 
should not be interpreted by the Chinese as a slap at them but rather a 
recognition of our continuing friendship with Taiwan. Nor should this 
be seen as an effort to undermine or alter the administration's One 
China policy. A change in our policy concerning a visit by the 
Taiwanese President does not and should not be seen by China as 
constituting a change in our policy toward China. Nothing in the Taiwan 
Relations Act or the joint communiques address the issue of high level 
visits.
  Mr. Speaker, if the administration does not change its policy to 
permit President Lee to make an unofficial visit, I believe Congress 
will attempt to mandate a change in policy. House Concurrent Resolution 
53 sends a strong signal of bipartisan sentiment on this issue that I 
hope the administration will heed.
  I join with the gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter] in urging this 
body to pass this resolution unanimously.
  Mr. Speaker, House Concurrence Resolution 53, ``Expressing the sense 
of the Congress regarding a private visit by President Lee Teng-hui of 
the Republic of China on Taiwan to the United States,'' passed out of 
the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee on April 5 on an 8-to-0 vote and 
was voted out of the full committee on the same day on a 32-to-0 vote. 
I was an original cosponsor of the resolution. I have also written the 
Secretary of State urging a change in our policy.
  Allowing President Lee to visit the United States unofficially to 
receive an honorary degree at his alma mater, Cornell University, 
should not be interpreted by the Chinese as a slap at them but a 
recognition of our continuing friendship with Taiwan. Nor should this 
be seen as an effort to undermine or alter the administration's One 
China policy. A change in our policy concerning a visit by the 
Taiwanese President does not and should not be seen by China as 
constituting a change in our policy toward China. Nothing in the Taiwan 
Relations Act or the joint communiques addresses the issue of high 
level visits.
  President Lee, as the first native-born President of Taiwan, 
represents more than anything else a beacon of hope to Taiwanese eager 
to gain recognition for their accomplishments.
  Taiwan has emerged as a major world economic power, becoming the 
United States sixth largest export market and our second largest market 
in Asia, after Japan. We sell about twice as much to Taiwan as we do 
the People's Republic of China.
  Taiwan, under the leadership of President Lee, has made dramatic 
political progress. Democratic elections have been held. In 1996 for 
the first there will be direct elections for the president.
  Despite these positive developments, we treat Taiwan as a second-
class, not a world-class, citizen. This resolution attempts to rectify 
that imbalance by demonstrating congressional support for a change in 
administration policy: Let Lee come.
  I think the administration is beginning to understand the need for a 
policy change. Last September, the administration announced a welcome 
change in our policy toward Taiwan which included permitting high level 
official visits.
  During a meeting with the Chinese Foreign Minister on April 17, 
Secretary Christopher, according to the State Department, ``made clear 
that the American public and particularly the American Congress do not 
understand the Chinese position opposing a Lee visit.'' He noted that 
``many people in Congress, including good friends, of Beijing, do not 
understand why a visit to the alma mater to pick up an honorary degree 
would have to be seen as official in nature.''
  If the administration does not change its policy to permit President 
Lee to make an unofficial visit, I believe Congress may attempt to 
mandate a change in policy. House Concurrence Resolution 53 sends a 
strong signal of bipartisan sentiment on this issue that I hope the 
administration will heed.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman], chairman of the Subcommittee on 
International Operations and Human Rights of the Committee on 
International Relations.
  [[Page H4451]] (Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise 
and extend his remarks.)
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank our good chairman of the 
Asia and Pacific Subcommittee, the gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. 
Bereuter], and the ranking minority member, the gentleman from 
California [Mr. Berman], for bringing this important resolution before 
us today. I also want to commend the author, the gentleman from 
California [Mr. Lantos], for crafting this resolution, House Concurrent 
Resolution 53 regarding approval of a private visit by President Lee or 
the Republic of China on Taiwan.
  Taiwan is a democracy, yet its President cannot visit our Nation.
  There are no political prisoners in Taiwan, yet its President is 
prohibited from visiting our Nation.
  When the Charter of the United Nations was signed on June 26, 1945, 
in San Francisco, the nationalist regime in China was one of the 
cosigners and founding members, yet the head of that Government is not 
allowed to visit our Nation.
  This is unacceptable. This injustice must not be allowed to continue.
  And I agree with the minority party in Taiwan, the DPP, that their 
Nation's President should be welcomed here in a way befitting Taiwan's 
stature, a visit to receive an honorary degree is a far cry from a 
visit to the White House.
  If President Lee desires to accept an invitation to go to Cornell, 
then he should be allowed to go to Cornell.
  The People's Republic of China can commit acts of aggression against 
citizens of the Philippines in the South China Sea and yet the State 
Department has nothing to say about that. But when a leader of a 
democratic nation wants to peacefully travel to the United States, we 
find a reason to intervene.
  The authorities in Beijing continue to hold Wei Jingsheng, who was 
arrested after Assistant Secretary John Shattuck met with him, but the 
State Department does not prevent them from visiting the United States.
  The authorities in Beijing continue to engage in proliferation of 
dangerous weapons to dangerous regimes but the State Department has not 
stopped visits by Chinese military personnel to our country.
  Authorities from the Chinese puppet regime in Tibet have their visit 
to the United States paid for by USIA with State's approval, yet his 
holiness the Dalai Lama is given a cold shoulder by the State 
Department when he visits us.
  Enough is enough. We have to put some balance back into our 
relationship with Taiwan and Beijing.
  President Lee should be allowed to visit the United States and we 
urge the administration to approve his visit.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 9 minutes to the gentleman from 
California [Mr. Lantos], the sponsor of the legislation and the 
distinguished ranking member of the Subcommittee on International 
Relations and Human Rights.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished ranking member of 
the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific for yielding time to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the chairman of the subcommittee, the 
gentleman from California [Mr. Bereuter], and the chairman of the 
Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Gilman], for their strong support of this resolution. I think it is 
ironic, Mr. Speaker, that we are dealing with this issue today at a 
time when our administration is proposing principled and courageous 
action with respect to the terrorist regime of Iran. It seems to me 
that our administration deserves a great deal of support and 
commendation for its courageous and powerful move against the terrorist 
regime in Teheran at the same time it merits criticism for continuing 
an unprincipled and spineless policy towards our friends on Taiwan.
  I should point out, Mr. Speaker, that this is not a new policy. The 
Reagan administration had the same unprincipled and spineless policy. 
The Bush administration had the same unprincipled and spineless policy. 
I profoundly regret that the current administration has chosen not to 
change that policy, so it is up to the Congress to change that policy.
  In 1968 an enormously talented young scholar from Taiwan received a 
Ph.D. degree from one of our most distinguished universities, Cornell 
University. That man went on to become the President of our friend, the 
Republic of China on Taiwan. Now Cornell University has chosen to honor 
him with an honorary doctorate, and in an unconscionable fashion our 
Government would want to exclude this distinguished scholar and 
statesman from going back to his own alma mater to receive an honorary 
doctorate. This is a policy which is unacceptable to the Congress of 
the United States.
  Some would argue, Mr. Speaker, that there are economic reasons why 
this policy should be unacceptable, and certainly Taiwan is one of our 
great trading partners. The small population of Taiwan is buying twice 
as much from the United States than do the 1 billion 200 million people 
on the mainland of China, but that is not my reason for submitting this 
resolution.
  If Taiwan were to buy not a dime's worth of American products, as a 
matter of principle we should insist that President Lee come to Cornell 
to receive his honorary doctorate. I find it particularly galling that 
an administration which can tell our longstanding friend and ally, the 
United Kingdom, to go fly a kite and receive Gerry Adams in the White 
House--as I believe he should have been received in the White House--
should kowtow to Beijing, a Government which distinguishes itself with 
an outrageous human rights record in China, in Tibet, and elsewhere. I 
think it is long overdue that we stop kowtowing to the Communist 
butchers in Beijing, and to stand on our own principles. It will be a 
proud day when the President of Taiwan visits his own alma mater and 
receives his well-deserved honorary degree, and I urge all of my 
colleagues on both sides to support this resolution.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished 
gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman] for his outstanding comments.
  Mr. Speaker, I now have the pleasure of yielding such time as he may 
consume to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Solomon], the chairman of 
the Committee on Rules, and certainly one of the Members most 
knowledgeable about Taiwanese and Chinese relations, and I look forward 
to his comments.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for 
yielding me this time, and I thank him for his yeoman work as the 
chairman of a subcommittee of the very important Committee on 
International Relations.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in the strongest support of this resolution, and 
I commend my friends, the gentleman from California [Mr. Lantos and Mr. 
Berman] for bringing this very, very important resolution to the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, the refusal by our Government to permit the 
distinguished President of the Republic of China on Taiwan to pay a 
private visit to the United States represents an assault against his 
dignity and our morality. President Lee has presided over a Democratic 
political liberalization in his country, a process which has seen 
Taiwan join the ranks of democratic nations, a process which will reach 
its culmination early next year when Taiwan holds a direct poplar 
election for President.
  Mr. Speaker, the transition to democracy in Taiwan is without 
precedent in the 4,000 years of recorded Chinese history. This has been 
achieved with a minimum of confusion, a minimum of disorder, and 
certainly a minimum of violence.
  Indeed, Taiwan has become a model of other countries to follow. But 
Mr. Speaker, for our country to have a policy of denying admission to 
someone of President Lee's statute is just an absolute disgrace. It is 
embarrassing. It is a blatant contradiction of our efforts to promote 
democracy around the world. That is why the resolution before us is so 
terribly important. I hope that the House of Representatives will speak 
today with one unanimous voice in expressing our desire, indeed, our 
demand, that President Lee be permitted to visit the United States. 
Taiwan has suffered many indignities at the hands of the United States 
in our attempts to 
[[Page H4452]] pacify and to curry favor with Beijing, but let us 
recognize once and for all that such weakness on our part does not 
impress Beijing at all. Let us take a positive stand in support of 
democracy by allowing President Lee to visit the United States. Here is 
one important instance in which American interest and American morality 
go hand in hand.
  Mr. Speaker, I helped write the Taiwan Relations Act back in 1979. It 
was meant to protect one of the strongest democracies in the world 
which stood with us in the chain of defense against the spread of 
international atheistic communism around this world.
  This resolution is terribly important. It should be passed today. Our 
President should know that even though this resolution is just an 
expression of the sense of Congress, if he does not go along with this 
we will come back with a bill that would have the effect of law. I 
suggest that our President follow through.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Guam 
[Mr. Underwood].
  Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time 
to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent Resolution 
53, which calls on President Clinton to welcome a private visit by 
Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui to the United States.
  The Department of State policy to refuse any visit by the Taiwanese 
President is misguided. The Department reasons that the United States 
does not want to offend the sensitivities of the Government of the 
People's Republic of China, which lays claim to Taiwan as a renegade 
province. They even went so far as to prevent a stop-over in Hawaii by 
President Lee last year on his way to Costa Rica.
  Sometimes, the United States is prepared to run the risk of offending 
other nations, even our allies, in order to make a statement of 
principle. Despite strong objections from the United Kingdom, we 
admitted Gerry Adams, the leader of the Sinn Fein, to our country 
earlier this year. In fact, he received a level of attention that a 
head of state would envy, and the President even welcomed him to the 
White House on Saint Patrick's Day.
  Why should the United States be more willing to offend a democratic 
ally than a totalitarian nation? Why do we want to pretend as if Taiwan 
does not exist by refusing to admit President Lee so he can receive an 
honorary degree at his alma mater Cornell University?
  Welcoming President Lee will not jeopardize United States-Chinese 
relations, but would make an important statement about the future 
direction of United States-Chinese relations. I urge my colleagues to 
support House Concurrent Resolution 53.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
San Francisco, CA [Ms. Pelosi].
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to 
me.
  Mr. Speaker, I commend the chairman of the subcommittee, the 
gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter], for his leadership in offering 
this amendment, this substitute, to the resolution of the gentleman 
from California [Mr. Lantos] for President Lee. I also commend the 
chairman of the full committee for his leadership, ongoing for many 
years, on this important issue.
  Mr. Speaker, the debate that we have had for many years in this House 
on the issue of China is a long and complicated one. Today many parties 
to both sides of that debate have come together behind this important 
resolution. It is important because it is about who we are and who will 
dictate to us who has the hospitality of the United States of America. 
Will that be determined by the American people, this Congress, this 
administration, or will it be determined in Beijing? I think it should 
be determined here.

                              {time}  1145

  In preparation for our colleagues coming back from the spring work 
recess, I sent a group of clips yesterday to each Member of the House 
called China Clips, our regular series, which goes into the three areas 
of concern that we have shared in this House on China: Violations of 
trade, violations of human rights, and the proliferation of weapons.
  I call to my colleagues' attention two things: One is why is China 
always the exception to the administration's rules? Why is it as my 
colleagues have said that others who have led opposition in other 
countries are invited here and yet the President, the democratically 
elected President of Taiwan, educated in the United States, born in 
Taiwan, not even in China, mainland China, is not allowed to come?
  We have heard people in the administration say, ``We don't need to do 
anything to improve human rights in China because economic reform is 
going to take care of that. It's going to lead to political reform.'' 
It can. It may. There is no guarantee. But In Taiwan, it happened. And 
under the leadership of President Lee, it continues to happen, where 
political reform grows every day because of his policies.
  How can we purport to support a principle of economic reform leading 
to political reform and in the very place that the leadership has 
allowed that to happen in Taiwan say to the President, ``But you're not 
good enough to come into the United States and avail yourself of their 
hospitality?''
  Another issue, because my colleague the gentleman from California 
[Mr. Lantos] brought it out, is the issue of Iran. The President was 
commended for his policy in Iran and I support that. But in his 
comments, the President referenced Russia and what they were doing to 
sell to Iran, not referencing, and I call to my colleagues' attention 
something in the clips, ``China in Rebuff to United States Defends its 
Nuclear Dealings with Iran.''
  If this is a problem, then let us deal with it, Russia, China, and 
the rest. But let us not let China violate human rights, trade and 
proliferation and then dictate to us whether the President of Taiwan 
can come into this country.
  I support my colleagues' resolutions.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from California [Mr. Rohrabacher], a member of the 
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Chairman, today we are sending a message to the 
world. We are sending a message to the people of Taiwan. We are sending 
a message to the people of China. We are sending a message to the 
dictators in Beijing.
  Today we are extending a hand of friendship to President Lee of the 
Republic of China. We are doing so because his government on Taiwan has 
liberalized, has reached out to the opposition and permitted rights to 
exist there which are consistent with what we as Americans believe 
should be the rights of citizens everywhere.
  We have seen democratization and a respect for human rights in the 
Republic of China that places that government now in the family of 
democratic nations.
  What we do today is the first step in acknowledging that tremendous 
step forward that the people of the Republic of China have made, and 
congratulate the leadership of the Republic of China for believing in 
those values that are at the heart of the American system and at the 
soul of the American people.
  We are also sending a message to the people of China. That message is 
on the mainland of China, those hundreds of millions of people who 
suffer under dictatorship, that we are on their side and we are not on 
the side of their oppressor. At the very least, the United States 
should always be on the side of those who long for freedom, long to 
live at peace with their neighbors but suffer under oppression and 
tyranny.
  The regime in Beijing has sent its message to the world as well. Even 
though they are trading with the United States, even though their 
income of their society has increased dramatically, what comes from 
that kind of trade? We are told liberalization, democracy. But where is 
it? We have not seen it.
  Do the people of Tibet feel freer or more secure because the Chinese 
Government has been permitted to trade and have a $24 billion to $30 
billion surplus with us each year? No, the people of Tibet feel the 
heel of the Chinese Army which is being armed now with the surplus that 
they have earned from trade with the United States.
  The Tiananmen Square heroes whom we remember well are now in prison, 
or 
[[Page H4453]] they have been exiled. There is no democracy. The people 
of Tiananmen Square still cry out for America's attention. But we do 
not hear them anymore.
  And also, what else happens when you permit a dictatorship to make 
tens of billions of dollars' worth of revenue off of trade with the 
United States? What we see is a buildup of the Chinese military that is 
inexcusable. I recently returned from the Philippines, where they 
themselves felt the intimidation of Chinese militarism when the Chinese 
have been bullying them on the issue of the Spratly Islands.
  We are sending a message today simply by reaching our hand out to a 
friend, President Lee, that American policy recognizes the distinctions 
that I have just made. To the people of Taiwan, to the Republic of 
China, we express our congratulations. You are our friends. To the 
regime in Beijing, we say, ``Clean up your act, respect human rights, 
or we indeed will move away from you and into a better relationship 
with people who agree with our values.''
  I hope that President Lee will get his chance to come to the United 
States a friend of the United States. I thus ask my colleagues to join 
me in supporting House Concurrent Resolution 53.
  [Mr. BERMAN addressed the House. His remarks will appear hereafter in 
the Extensions of Remarks.]
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  In conclusion, I want to thank the distinguished ranking member of 
the subcommittee for his support and assistance in bringing this 
legislation to the floor. The same is true of the distinguished 
chairman, the gentleman from New York, and I especially commend my 
colleague, the gentleman from California [Mr. Lantos], for his 
initiative in bringing this legislation to the floor, and indeed all of 
the speakers who have eloquently testified in support of the resolution 
before us.
  I thank the gentleman from California [Mr. Berman] for his remarks 
regarding the fact that this resolution is not passed in contradiction 
to the one-China policy that has been the position of previous 
administrations and this administration. Indeed, we do not seek an 
additional confrontation with the People's Republic of China. It is 
this Member's view and the policy of the administration to encourage an 
improved relationship with the People's Republic of China.
  But we also want to sustain and enhance our relationship with the 
Government of Taiwan, and indeed we want common sense applied in our 
foreign policy. We will not be intimidated by any kind of concern in 
eliminating an opportunity for a visit from President Lee to receive an 
honorary degree from his alma mater.
  I urge my colleagues to give their unanimous support to House 
Concurrent Resolution 53.
  Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, the cold war is over and the United States 
is struggling to reshape its foreign policy. I believe there is a clear 
principle we should use as our guiding light in this effort--shared 
values.
  We are the only remaining superpower, and we have an unprecedented 
opportunity to shed our old policies and base our relations with other 
nations on their willingness to embrace the tenets that are the 
founding principles of our country--democracy, human rights, rule of 
law, and free markets.
  I believe the United States should cultivate relations with nations 
that share these values and are moving toward them. At the same time, 
we should make abundantly clear that we have no interest in cooperating 
with nor assisting nations that do not share our values.
  One nation that clearly shares our values is Taiwan.
  Taiwan has followed a pattern that I believe is the best path for the 
development of stable, deeply rooted democracies. Taiwan focused 
initially on economic growth, the development of free markets and 
capitalism, an aggressive financial sector, access to credit--in short, 
economic freedom. This base of economic freedom led to a growing middle 
class that demanded a greater say in government and greater personal 
freedoms.
  The Taiwanese Government has responded positively and undertaken 
broad and deep reforms. The commitment to the values we hold dear is 
strong in Taiwan. Although there is still room for improvement--
including a need for greater diversity in television broadcasting--I 
believe Taiwan is firmly on the path of democracy.
  Taiwan should take its rightful place among all the nations of the 
world in trade, culture, science, finance, and diplomacy. We should be 
working to strengthen ties with Taiwan and help it promote its 
interests overseas. Taiwan should have a seat in the United Nations, 
should have its application to GATT adopted, and the status of the 
Taiwanese mission in Washington, DC, should be upgraded, and, as the 
resolution we are debating today states, the United States should grant 
President Lee a visa to visit us. It is outrageous that we have not 
done so.
  I commend the gentleman from California for introducing this 
resolution and I urge Members to support this important statement of 
Congress' commitment to promote our values overseas.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of 
Concurrent Resolution 53, to allow a private visit to the United States 
by Taiwan's President Lee Teng-hui. I have long supported the goals of 
this resolution, and I am greatly pleased that Congress is acting on 
this issue.
  There are no longer any legitimate policy grounds for prohibiting the 
democratic leader of one of Asia's oldest republics from paying a 
private visit to the United States to visit his alma mater, Cornell 
University. American universities sometimes have the privilege of 
providing the formal education for future leaders from different parts 
of the world. It is only right that Cornell University be allowed to 
invite Mr. Lee back to recognize his contribution to public life in 
Taiwan by granting him an honorary degree.
  Taiwan has done everything which we expect of a democratic society 
over the last years. It has free elections, a free press, and is a 
model of an open society with democratic institutions in an Asian 
context. Why not recognize and encourage these significant 
accomplishments by allowing this private visit?
  Taiwan has also liberalized its economic policies, has built a 
resilient market economy, and has become a dependable trading partner. 
It is the United States' sixth largest trading partner, and buys twice 
as much annually from the United States as does the People's Republic 
of China.
  President Lee has been invited to the United States on a 
private visit. Some are concerned that even a private visit would 
offend leaders in the People's Republic of China. So what? Why should 
we worry about offending the sensitivities of those leaders whose 
actions have often offended our own sense of human rights and 
democracy?
  Concurrent Resolution 53 will send a clear message to the 
administration and to the State Department that it is time for a change 
in this policy. It will also send a message to the rest of the world 
that the United States Congress appreciates and supports democratic 
political developments in Taiwan. I strongly urge my colleagues to 
overwhelmingly support it.
  Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Concurrent 
Resolution 53. I commend the gentleman from California [Mr. Lantos] for 
his leadership and the committee for bringing this resolution to the 
floor in a timely fashion.
  Clearly, a broad, bipartisan majority of Members favors the idea of a 
visit to the United States by President Lee. I wish to point out, 
however, that this resolution does raise complex issues concerning the 
United States relationship with China and Taiwan.
  On the merits, I think a private visit by President Lee to his alma 
mater should not be a problem. He has helped bring democracy to Taiwan, 
and I would like to think that his American education played a part in 
that accomplishment.
  The problem, of course, is the potential implication of a Lee visit 
for the United States relationship with China. For decades, the United 
States has had good relations with both Taiwan and China by maintaining 
an ambiguity about Taiwan's political status.
  The Chinese Government has a firm position that Taiwan is a part of 
China. It rejects the idea that Taiwan is a sovereign entity. More and 
more, China rightly or wrongly believes that President Lee is working 
to create a Taiwan independent from China, and that he is doing so by 
making trips to places like the United States. China believes that any 
visit by President Lee to the United States would, by definition, be 
political. Whether the visit is called ``private'' is immaterial to 
China. Now, I disagree with how the Chinese view a visit by President 
Lee, but I believe we still need to understand China's perspective.
  The United States has stated its policy that there is one China, 
whose Government is the PRC Government in Beijing. We also acknowledged 
the Chinese position that there is one China and Taiwan is part of 
China. For six administrations, the United States has sought both to 
develop relations with China and maintain and develop substantive ties 
with Taiwan. We have, for example, helped Taiwan build a 
[[Page H4454]] defense deterrent. And as Taiwan has played a greater 
role in world affairs, the United States has adjusted the way in which 
it deals with Taiwan. United States cabinet-level officials in economic 
areas have visited Taiwan.
  The point is that the United States shares important interests with 
China. Consequently, we should not ignore China's reaction on this 
issue. Right now, for example, the administration is engaged in 
sensitive negotiations with North Korea over what kind of reactor the 
North will accept in return for abandoning its nuclear weapons program. 
China reportedly is urging North Korea to accept a South Korean-model 
reactor and so defuse the current crisis. We need that kind of help. We 
also have an interest in peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution. But I also hope that we 
can summon the creativity to manage this situation so that we may both 
express our historic friendship with Taiwan and, at the same time, 
preserve our interests. This visit should be truly nonpolitical in the 
way it is conducted. We should make clear to Beijing that a short visit 
by President Lee in no way changes the United States view of Taiwan's 
status. And I think it is clear that there needs to be some confidence-
building between Beijing and Taipei so that neither side overreacts to 
the actions of the other.
  Mr. OXLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Concurrent 
Resolution 53, of which I am an original cosponsor.
  Given the fact that President Lee Teng-hui is the freely elected 
leader of the Republic of China on Taiwan--a United States ally and 
important trading partner--it would seem self-evident that he would be 
welcome at any time for private visits to the United States. Yet this 
is not the case. Frankly, President Lee has been subjected to some 
rather shoddy treatment by the Clinton administration, which, of 
course, is the impetus behind this concurrent resolution.
  I want to make it clear that President Lee is a reform-minded 
democrat who is offering just the kind of leadership the United States 
should wish to encourage in Asia. While I am certainly in favor of 
maintaining a constructive relationship with the People's Republic of 
China, I see no reason why the two policies should be mutually 
exclusive. Surely the situation calls for a degree of tact and 
diplomacy, two qualities which this administration has lacked in its 
dealings with President Lee.
  Again, Mr. Speaker, I support the resolution, and I hope the 
administration will take note of the position of the House.
  Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Speaker, the decision to allow the elected 
leadership of Taiwan access to the United States was made when Taiwan 
decided to have free elections, a free press and pluralistic political 
systems. This isn't simply an issue to the people of Taiwan. As a 
matter of policy, the United States should never exclude the elected 
and legitimate leader of any nation seeking to come to our country. The 
views of nations with whom we have relations, and those nations that 
play a disproportionate role in world affairs, should always be heard 
by our Government. They can, however, never be controlling upon our 
Government.
  The Government in Beijing has received all due deference. In the 
final analysis, it is the policy of the U.S. Government to allow all 
freely elected governments to come to this country and be heard. The 
people of the United States do not need to be protected from the views 
of freely elected peoples.
  Finally, Mr. Chairman, I want to add that it would be an 
extraordinary statement that, after receiving in the last decade a 
range of leaders from Roberto D'Aubuission, the leader of the death 
squads in El Salvador, to Deng Xiao-ping, the leader of the world's 
largest totalitarian government, that any freely elected official is 
denied access to our country. I hope this resolution, House Concurrent 
Resolution. 53 succeeds in convincing the administration of the 
strength of our bipartisan views. But I would remind the 
administration, if they do not after considerable negotiations, that I 
have a common resolution to amend the Taiwan Relations Act as a matter 
of law to allow access and visas to the United States. If discretion is 
not used properly by he administration, discretion will be lost by the 
administration. We will proceed with our amendment and change the law.
  Mr. ORTIZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise to extend my remarks on House 
Concurrent Resolution 53, a resolution expressing the sense of Congress 
regarding a private visit by President Lee Teng-hui of the Republic of 
China to the United States. I was pleased to offer my strong support 
for this measure, and am delighted that the House of Representatives 
endorsed this important resolution.
  This resolution is a sensible request. We should all recognize that 
the Republic of China is a full-fledged democracy, and its government 
policies conform to those of other democratic nations. Additionally, 
the Republic of China is one of the most important economic powers in 
the world. Specifically, the Republic of China has established a 
program of economic assistance to many underdeveloped nations, and has 
joined major international organizations such as the Asian Pacific 
Economic Cooperation [APEC] forum. The Republic of China has also been 
involved in international humanitarian relief efforts, such as helping 
the refugees of the Persian Gulf war. More importantly though, the 
Republic of China is willing to be a helpful partner in the 
international community.
  While the United States does not want to jeopardize its relations 
with other governments, we should grant an exception to allow the 
President of the Republic of China to make a private visit to our 
country. The nature of the visit by President Lee Teng-hui, to receive 
an honorary degree from Cornell University, is a reasonable appeal, and 
should be so recognized by our government.
  As Members of Congress, I would believe that we would want to 
maintain our relations with the Republic of China, and am pleased that 
the House passed this resolution.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Combest). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter] that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, House 
Concurrent Resolution 53, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5 of rule I and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.


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