[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 65 (Friday, April 7, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5535-S5536]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                POLICY PROLONGS BOSNIAN HERZEGOVINA WAR

  Mr. DOLE.
   Mr. President, this week marks the third anniversary of the war 
against Bosnia and Herzegovina. It also marks the third anniversary of 
the international community's failure in Bosnia--a failure the United 
States, under both the Bush and Clinton administrations, has 
participated in.

  The biggest mistake made by world leaders was extending, in practice, 
the arms embargo on the former Yugoslavia to the Government of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina--which is an internationally recognized state and 
member of the United Nations. In addition to violating Bosnia's 
fundamental right of self-defense--a right which is recognized in 
article 51 of the U.N. Charter--this policy has had the effect of 
prolonging the war. It has prolonged the war by ensuring that the Serbs 
maintain such a superiority in weapons that they are not compelled to 
sign any deal--even one which rewards them with half of Bosnia as 
envisioned by the so-called contact group.
  Now, the administration says that this European-designed policy has 
managed to contain the war and prevented further humanitarian 
disasters. We should not rush to pat ourselves on the back for our 
great humanitarianism until we look at the facts.
  The facts are that over 200,000 people have been killed over the past 
3 years, 17,000 of them children. Hundreds of thousands of civilians 
have been expelled from their homes because of their ethnicity and 
religion. Concentration camps, rape, and mass graves have become the 
tolls of ethnic cleansing--which is just another word for genocide. 
Homes, churches, and monuments have been reduced to rubble. Putting 
aside the human factor, from an international legal perspective, the 
world has watched as a U.N. member state has been attacked and 
occupied. And, now international leaders want to reward those attackers 
and occupiers, ostensibly in the pursuit of peace.
  Yes, we must give credit to those brave aid workers and U.N. soldiers 
who have sacrificed and risked their lives to bring food and medicine 
to those in need. The policy is not their fault; they do not make 
policy--policymakers in Washington and European capitals do. 
Nevertheless, we should not fool ourselves, feeding people who are 
trapped in U.N. safe havens that are anything but safe, while denying 
them the means to defend themselves is bad policy.
  Yesterday, the Bosnian Prime Minister said in an interview that the 
Bosnians should prepare for a decade of war. It may sound pessimistic 
to some, but in my view it's pretty realistic if the present policy 
continues. Why should Bosnian Serb leaders agree to a settlement? Why 
should Bosnian Serb forces give up any of the 70 percent of the 
territory they occupy? Because U.N. forces on the ground? Because of 
NATO planes that fly overhead but do not bomb?
  It is clear that the international community does not have the will 
to live up to its commitment to protect the Bosnians, so why can't we 
allow them to protect themselves? The present policy of keeping the 
U.N. forces in Bosnia indefinitely amounts to occupation. UNPROFOR 
should be withdrawn and the arms embargo should be lifted. That is the 
only policy 
 [[Page S5536]] that makes legal, political, and moral sense. And, it 
is the only policy that offers any hope of bringing this war to and end 
by creating a military balance on the ground.
  Mr. President, if the cease-fire due to expire on May 1 is not 
extended and a peace settlement has not been agreed to by the Serbs, I 
intend to take up the Dole-Lieberman legislation on the Senate floor 
shortly after the April recess. Three years of monitored genocide is 
enough.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Dakota.

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