[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 57 (Tuesday, March 28, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4743-S4746]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                       PEACE IN NORTHERN IRELAND

 Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I recently returned from a short 
visit to Ireland, Northern Ireland, and London, England, where I met 
with government officials and representatives of the political parties 
in Northern Ireland, on developments in the peace process there. This 
is an exciting time in Northern Ireland, where a ceasefire is holding 
for the first time in a quarter century. I ask that the report of my 
trip be printed in the Record.
  The report follows:

   Codel Leahy--Trip Report, Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, 
                        England, February 17-21

       From February 17-21, I traveled to the Republic of Ireland, 
     Northern Ireland, and London, England, to meet with leaders 
     of Irish and British Governments and representatives of the 
     political parties in Northern Ireland, and to observe the use 
     of funds administered by the International Fund for Ireland 
     (IFI). In London, in addition to meeting with British and 
     American officials on developments in Northern Ireland, I 
     also discussed efforts to limit the proliferation and use of 
     antipersonnel landmines. I was accompanied by Tim Rieser and 
     Kevin McDonald of my personal staff. Travel was by commercial 
     air and rental car.


                              introduction

       I have closely followed the situation in Northern Ireland 
     for many years. I was among those who last year urged 
     President Clinton to grant Gerry Adams, leader of Sinn Fein, 
     the political arm of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), a visa 
     to travel to the US. That decision is widely credited with 
     having led to the IRA ceasefire and the peace process that is 
     now unfolding.
       The timing of this trip was important because of 
     developments in Northern Ireland since the December 1993 
     Joint Declaration between former Irish Prime Minister 
     Reynolds and British Prime Minister Majors. That Declaration 
     initiated the latest attempt to resolve the Northern Ireland 
     conflict which has claimed over 3,200 lives in the past 25 
     years. Most importantly, the two leaders agreed that any 
     change in the status of the North could only occur with the 
     consent of a majority of the people there.
       In August 1994, shortly after Gerry Adams received a visa 
     to visit the US, the IRA announced a unilateral cease-fire 
     which led to October cease-fires by Protestant paramilitary 
     groups. Since then, informal talks have been conducted 
     between the Irish Government and Sinn Fein. I arrived in the 
     Republic just six days before the publication of a 
     controversial ``Framework Document,'' which contains 
     proposals put forth jointly by Irish and British Governments 
     aimed at bringing about a permanent settlement of the 
     conflict.


                                 dublin

       Meeting with Tainiste Dick Spring: I arrived in Dublin on 
     February 17. Senator George Mitchell, who last December was 
     appointed the President's Special Advisor on Economic 
     Initiatives in Ireland, was also in Dublin that day 
     accompanied by a delegation of officials from the White House 
     and Commerce Department, and our two delegations met over 
     lunch with Tainiste Dick Spring. Our discussions focused on 
     the Framework Document, which Tainiste Spring has had a 
     central role in negotiating, and plans for the May 1995 Trade 
     and Investment Conference.
       Representatives of the Irish and American business 
     communities, and the political parties, will meet in 
     Washington over a three day period to discuss potential 
     American-Irish joint ventures and other investment 
     opportunities in the Republic and Northern Ireland.
       There is universal agreement among all factions that 
     economic development, especially in areas of high 
     unemployment in the North, is key to any lasting peace since 
     there is a direct correlation between high levels of 
     unemployment and violence. There is also widespread 
     recognition of the crucial role that the United States can 
     play in promoting economic investment. Four areas with high 
     potential have already been identified: tourism, food 
     processing; pharmaceuticals; and telecommunications.
       Senator Mitchell, after quoting President Franklin 
     Roosevelt that ``the best social program is a job,'' stressed 
     that this is to be an economic conference, not a political 
     conference, although it is inevitable that politics will play 
     a part. Ireland has much to recommend it, including its 
     highly trained, English-speaking workforce and location at 
     the gateway to 350 million European consumers. Setting up 
     follow-up mechanisms to assist potential investors will be 
     particularly important. Senator Mitchell and I stressed that 
     while the U.S. can help facilitate investment in Northern 
     Ireland, this is a long-term endeavor which depends on the 
     sustained efforts of all the people on the island.
       There was also a general discussion about the important 
     role the International Fund for Ireland has played in 
     bringing economic development to disadvantaged areas during a 
     period when the Northern Ireland violence caused many 
     potential investors to go elsewhere.
       Address to peace and Reconciliation Forum: Shortly after 
     the IRA cease-fire, the Irish Government initiated a ``Peace 
     and Reconciliation Forum'' as a way to quickly bring Sinn 
     Fein into informal discussions with the government and other 
     political parties. Although the Unionist parties complained 
     that the Forum was an Irish Government affair and declined to 
     participate, the Forum has provided a bridge between the 
     cease-fire and formal all-party talks which are anticipated 
     in the future.
       Senator Mitchell and I were each invited to address the 
     Forum, which is held each Friday at Dublin Castle. Among the 
     audience of approximately two hundred were Tainiste Spring of 
     the Irish Government, Gerry Adams of Sinn Fein, and John 
     Alderdice of the Alliance Party. After introductions by Forum 
     Chair Judge Catherine McGinness and Ambassador Jean Kennedy 
     Smith, I explained that I had come at this pivotal time to 
     give encouragement to all the parties involved in the peace 
     process, and to emphasize that the United States would fully 
     support their efforts in an even-handed way. I stressed that 
     the Framework Document, portions of which had been leaked to 
     the press and were already the focus of much debate and 
     intense criticism from Unionists, should be treated as a 
     discussion document rather than a final blueprint. I said 
     that as long as it was based on the principle of consent, it 
     should threaten no one.
       Senator Mitchell, who was in the final day of his visit, 
     described the strong desire he had sensed among the people 
     for a better life and the importance of moving quickly to 
     attract economic investment. He noted that the majority of 
     the 44 million Irish immigrants in the U.S. are non-
     Catholics, and that economic hardship in Northern Ireland is 
     felt by both Catholics and Protestants. He mentioned several 
     items that will be on the May conference agenda, including: 
     establishment of U.S.-owned plants; support for community 
     banking; tax free regimes for U.S. investors; duty free 
     status for Irish imports; addressing the problem of under-
     represented 
     [[Page S4744]] communities in the workforce; the problem of 
     dual currencies in North an South; and the MacBride 
     principles.
       Our speeches were followed by a general discussion among 
     the participants, which included several appreciative 
     comments about the important role of the United States in 
     moving the peace process forward.
       Meeting with Taoiseach John Bruton: Although there was some 
     initial speculation in the press that Taoiseach Bruton might 
     not be as seized with the peace process as his predecessor, 
     he has won praise for keeping the process moving steadily 
     forward. Senator Mitchell and I met privately with the 
     Taoiseach for approximately 45 minutes. We discussed the 
     Framework Document and events leading up to it, and how he 
     thought it would be received. We also emphasized President 
     Clinton's strong, personal interest in the peace process and 
     the importance of pressing ahead despite Unionist threats to 
     boycott the talks.
       Dinner hosted by Ambassador Smith: A dinner hosted by the 
     Ambassador included Judge Catherine McGinness, Senator 
     Maurice Manning, Reverend Roy Magee, and Dr. Martin Mansergh, 
     all of whom have had a role in the peace process. I discussed 
     the British Government's demand that the IRA decommission 
     some of its weapons before Sinn Fein is rewarded with a seat 
     at the negotiating table. The general view was that Prime 
     Minister Major has backed away from this position somewhat, 
     recognizing that the IRA is unlikely to respond favorably at 
     this point and that it would be a mistake to link further 
     progress in the peace talks to this single issue. The point 
     was made that turning over weapons by one side has never 
     happened in Irish history, and that the aim should be to keep 
     the dialogue moving forward. The issue of disarmament by all 
     parties will be dealt with in the process of the talks. 
     (Since my return, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams, in response 
     to President Clinton's decision to permit him to raise
      funds in the United States, agreed to discuss the issue of 
     disarmament with the British Government at the ministerial 
     level. Although the President's decision was criticized by 
     British officials, I am hopeful that it will lead to 
     further progress towards peace which would be to 
     everyone's advantage.)
       The Northern Ireland conflict has been winding down since 
     about 1989. The IRA concluded that violence was accomplishing 
     very little, and that the political process might offer more. 
     On the other hand, the Unionists, lacking imaginative and 
     dynamic leadership, have lost touch with the people, who 
     desperately want peace. But while the war is over, the guns 
     are not going to be relinquished immediately. As the British 
     move their troops out, the IRA and Protestant paramilitary 
     groups will surrender their weapons incrementally as further 
     progress is made towards a final peace agreement. It was also 
     suggested that the British Government exaggerated the amount 
     of weapons possessed by the IRA to suit their own ends, and 
     it also coincidently benefitted the IRA. Now it is a problem 
     for both, and there is no way to prove how many weapons they 
     have. Giving up a small amount of semtex to a third party 
     such as the United Nations or the United States, as I and 
     others have suggested, would be a positive gesture that could 
     help build confidence.
       Meeting with former Taoiseach Albert Reynolds: Without the 
     forceful leadership of former Taoiseach Reynolds it is 
     doubtful that there would be a cease-fire or peace process 
     today. Reynolds told me that the Unionists, who claim they 
     were not consulted on the text of the Framework Document, had 
     significant input into the 1993 Joint Declaration. Reynolds 
     said it was his idea to replace Article 3 of the Irish 
     Constitution, which contains Britain's claim of sovereignty 
     over Northern Ireland, with the principle of consent. The aim 
     was to shift responsibility for the status of the North to a 
     majority of the people there. This was a crucial initiative 
     that has become the cornerstone of the Framework Document.
       Reynolds described the future as unpredictable. The 
     demographics of the North are changing. Today, 57 percent are 
     Protestant, down from 63 percent a decade ago. In another 
     generation the majority may be Catholic. But not all 
     Catholics want to be part of the Republic.
       Reynolds said that both sides accept the reality that the 
     weapons will have to be surrendered, but it will take time. 
     As the process develops it will become less of an issue. He 
     said the IRA will never turn over their weapons to the 
     British, since it would imply surrender. It will have to be 
     to a third party. Reynolds said United States support for the 
     peace process has been critical. He said the decision to 
     grant Adams a visa was what led to the cease-fire, but that 
     there was no way Adams would or could renounce terrorism at 
     that time and that anyone who thought so was naive. He agreed 
     with the view that the Unionist leadership is out of touch. 
     They never thought a cease-fire would happen, and in the 
     unlikely event that it did they assumed it would be short-
     lived. They have not thought about what they would do in the 
     absence of violence, and were unprepared for the situation 
     they now find themselves in.


                                belfast

       The trip from Dublin to Belfast was notable for the 
     dramatic change that has occurred at the border, where just 
     six months ago a British military checkpoint slowed traffic 
     to a crawl and subjected travelers to close scrutiny by armed 
     soldiers and searches of any suspicious vehicles. Today, the 
     checkpoint is unmanned and vehicles pass through without 
     delay. Although British military observation posts still 
     protrude from the tops of hills, the military presence 
     generally is far from what it was. In Belfast, where armored 
     troop carriers and helmeted troops regularly patrolled the 
     streets in large numbers, daytime patrols there have ended. 
     British troops now wear berets instead of helmets.
       The reduced British military presence in Northern Ireland 
     has won wide acclaim from Catholics. However, the day before 
     I arrived in Northern Ireland heavily armed British troops 
     conducted a raid in the IRA-stronghold are of Crossmaglen 
     near the border, which drew strong criticism from Sinn Fein 
     as well as Irish Government officials, who felt that the eve 
     of publication of the Framework Document was a time for both 
     sides to show restraint.
       Dairy Farm IFI Project: Shortly after arriving in Belfast I 
     toured the `Dairy Farm'' shopping center with International 
     Fund for Ireland Chairman Willie McCarter, and IFI Joint 
     Directors General Chris Todd and Brendan Scannell. The 
     center, located in a Catholic area of West Belfast, is a 
     community-owned project developed with $3.8 million from the 
     IFI. It includes a retail complex with a large supermarket, 
     multi-purpose civic center, library, retail units, and 
     service businesses that have brought life to a depressed 
     community that lacked any of these facilities.
       In later meetings with IFI officials, I discussed past 
     management problems with the Fund and reports that the House 
     and Senate Budget Committees have proposed to eliminate 
     United States funding for the IFI in FY 1996. They assured me 
     that the IFI is no longer financing golf courses and other 
     kinds of projects that drew past criticism, including from 
     myself. It targets disadvantaged communities, Catholic and 
     Protestant, in the North and in border counties in the 
     Republic. Since its inception a decade ago, the IFI, with 
     total contributions of about $400 million from the US and the 
     European Community, has leveraged twice that amount in 
     private sector investment. These funds have
      been used to support economic regeneration projects in some 
     300 communities.
       I pointed out that whether or not there is an earmark for 
     the IFI in the foreign aid appropriation, the President has 
     said he will provide a $30 million contribution to it in each 
     of FY 1996 and FY 1997, a $10 million increase from FY 1995. 
     IFI officials, and indeed everyone I spoke to in Dublin, 
     Belfast and London concerned with the situation in Northern 
     Ireland, argued persuasively that continued United States 
     funding is an important measure of its support for the peace 
     process.
       Comber Orange Lodge: In preparation for my visit to 
     Northern Ireland, I requested the opportunity to speak to a 
     Unionist audience. Arrangements were made for me to address 
     the Orange Order in Comber, a middle-class community near 
     Belfast. The Orange Order is the oldest and largest 
     Protestant organization in Northern Ireland, with over 80,000 
     active members, and some 4,000 members in the Republic. They 
     regard themselves as British subjects and are intensely pro-
     Unionist.
       My purpose in addressing the Orange Order was, as an Irish 
     American Catholic, to attempt to counter the impression that 
     the United States Government, and especially Irish American 
     Catholics like myself, seek a particular outcome in the 
     North. I stressed that the United States has one goal only, 
     peace, and that it will support the peace process even-
     handedly. I expressed support for the principle that the 
     status of the North should not change without the consent of 
     a majority of its people. I also stressed the importance of 
     protecting the civil rights of all people, majority and 
     minority.
       Several people in the audience vigorously criticized the 
     Framework Document. I responded that rather than reject a 
     document that has not yet been published, they should look 
     towards bringing their ideas and concerns to the negotiating 
     table and to treat the Framework for what it is, a discussion 
     paper rather than a final settlement.
       Unionists fear that the British Government's real purpose 
     in seeking a resolution to the Northern Ireland conflict is 
     to abandon them, and they see the United States as part of a 
     pro-Nationalist plot. They fear being isolated--foresaken by 
     Britain and unwilling to become Irish. Lacking dynamic and 
     imaginative leadership, they are at risk of history passing 
     them by. Many long for a past that never was, dream of a 
     future that never would be, and they fear a present they do 
     not understand.
       Members of the Comber Orange Lodge were impassioned, but 
     respectful. They claimed to support tolerance and jobs for 
     all people, and pointed out that many Protestants are as bad 
     off as Catholics. Several complained about not being able to 
     interest the US media in their cause, although they refuse 
     the press access to their own meetings.
       Meeting with Gerry Adams: I spent about an hour with Gerry 
     Adams. I commended the efforts he, John Hume and Albert 
     Reynolds have made to seize this opportunity for peace. We 
     discussed Adams' request to raise funds in the United States, 
     which at the time was under consideration by the Clinton 
     Administration. He felt that British opposition to it was 
     nothing more than an effort to control the peace talks, since 
     it is even inconsistent with their own policy of letting him 
     raise funds there. He added that Sinn 
     [[Page S4745]] Fein can already raise funds in the United 
     States, only he and certain other leaders are banned from 
     doing so. I told him that the fundraising issue is an issue 
     primarily because the British have made it one.
       Adams said the United States contribution to the IFI 
     enables the Administration and the Congress to speak with 
     credibility on the peace process. He added that the Catholics 
     were organized and ready to make proposals to the Fund, 
     unlike the Protestants, but that Protestant leaders have 
     since been impressed by the Fund's accomplishments.
       Adams raised the case of an IRA prisoner in Tucson, 
     Arizona, who is charged with buying explosive detonators. He 
     expressed concern about the conditions of his imprisonment.
       Meeting with West Belfast Catholics: On Sunday morning, 
     after meeting with Sister Mary Turley and Father Myles 
     Kavanaugh of the Flax Trust, which like the IFI funds 
     projects in disadvantaged neighborhoods in Belfast, I met 
     with a group of Catholic community workers in West Belfast. 
     Geraldine McAteer, the spokesperson for the group, explained 
     that they work in both Catholic and Protestant neighborhoods. 
     She said there was a great desire for peace, and that with 
     the ceasefire they were finally able to stop living in fear 
     of seeing their children beaten or killed. She said people of 
     both traditions want equal social and cultural rights. She 
     emphasized the importance of equal self-esteem. She said 
     Unionists should be able to act British if they choose, and 
     Nationalists should be able to act and feel Irish. She said 
     there is room on the island for both, and that both have much 
     in common.
       We talked about why there was a sense that this time the 
     conflict might really be over. They said that working class 
     Protestants have come to recognize that although they always 
     thought being tied to Britain would make them better off, it 
     has not turned out that way. Their kids are doing worse in 
     school than Catholics. They said the Unionists need to learn 
     to fend for themselves, because the government is not going 
     to do it for them. Catholics realized that a long time ago.
       They said the Unionists fear that a united Irish Catholic 
     majority would mistreat them as they have mistreated the 
     Catholic minority in the North. At the same time, when they 
     as Catholics imagine a united Ireland, they become concerned 
     about being part of a religious state. They favor separation 
     between church and state, and the right of all to worship as 
     they please.
       Ms. McAteer mentioned the planned construction of a public 
     university on land within their community, funded in part 
     with K5 million from the IFI. She expressed support for the 
     project because of the economic benefits it will bring, but 
     concern that too little has been done to involve community 
     members in the planning of the project. She fears that many 
     of the high paying jobs will go to outsiders, and local 
     people will be left only the menial jobs. I later conveyed 
     her concern to IFI Chairman Willie McCarter.


                                 london

       Meeting with Ambassador William Crowe and Under Secretary 
     Peter Tarnoff: At an evening meeting with Ambassador Crowe 
     and Under Secretary Tarnoff, we discussed a wide range of 
     issues including Northern Ireland and the problem of the 
     proliferation of antipersonnel landmines. The issue of Gerry 
     Adams' request to raise funds in the United States came up, 
     and the Ambassador expressed concern that the IRA has done 
     nothing since the cease-fire to enhance confidence in its 
     commitment to peace. Ambassador Crowe also expressed concern 
     about the landmine problem and described some of his own 
     experiences with landmines in combat.
       Meeting with Under Secretary Sir Timothy Daunt: I met for 
     approximately 90 minutes with Under Secretary Daunt and three 
     members of his staff on funding for UN peacekeeping 
     operations, international efforts to stop the proliferation 
     and use of antipersonnel landmines, and developments in 
     Northern Ireland.
       Sir Timothy and his staff expressed alarm at proposals 
     under consideration in Congress which would have the effect 
     of drastically reducing United States funding for UN 
     peacekeeping operations. They specifically mentioned 
     legislation that would apply the cost of in-kind 
     contributions, such as transport costs and materiel, towards 
     UN assessments. They said the effect of this, if applied to 
     Britain, would be that the UN would owe Britain hundreds of 
     millions of dollars it does not have and UN peacekeeping 
     would quickly end. The logical results would be greater 
     direct United States military involvement in regional 
     peacekeeping activities. I told them that I agreed that these 
     proposals are misguided, and that what is needed is a 
     permanent UN logistical force that can respond to 
     humanitarian crises without unnecessary delay.
       On the subject of landmines, Sir Timothy said that Britain 
     and the US are near agreement on a comprehensive agreement 
     (``control regime'') on the production, use and transfer of 
     antipersonnel landmines. He said Britain accepts elimination 
     of antipersonnel landmines as the final goal. They favor 
     restructuring landmine stockpiles in favor of mines that 
     self-destruct or deactivate within 48-72 hours, if they are 
     not in marked and guarded minefields.
       I explained the problems posed by such an approach, namely, 
     that they do not always self-destruct and that it assures the 
     continued use of non-self-destruct mines by countries that 
     cannot afford the more expensive alternative. Sir Timothy 
     said that while Britain recognizes these arguments, which are 
     also put forward by certain Members of Parliament and 
     nongovernmental organizations, the government continues to 
     regard landmines as a legitimate and necessary weapon. He 
     said that in the future there may be alternatives and changes 
     in military strategy, but that elimination of these weapons 
     is not feasible in the short or medium term. He added that 
     the British military believes they can assure a failure rate 
     of self-destruct mines of not more than 1/1000. I said that 
     while the United States and British Governments can say they 
     will use only self-destruct mines, Third World governments 
     will be unmoved. They are not going to declare war against 
     either of our countries, but they are going to keep using 
     them against their own people and their neighbors.
       The British officials expressed concern that insurgent 
     groups would not comply with a complete ban on antipersonnel 
     mines. I said that while there will always be some who ignore 
     a ban, if the use of landmines is treated as a war crime they 
     will be rarely used. This is what we have seen with chemical 
     weapons. Sir Timothy said they are afraid to take an ``all or 
     nothing approach'' that could jeopardize support in the Third 
     World for less drastic measures. I pointed out that the 
     approach being advanced involves an elaborate, largely 
     unenforceable scheme that will not solve the problem.
       The subject of demining was discussed. I was told that 
     Britain has contributed K7 million towards this effort, and 
     that 67 British troops are involved in training deminers in 
     Cambodia. While this is important, all agreed it was a far 
     cry from what is needed.
       Finally, we discussed the Northern Ireland situation. Sir 
     Timothy spoke of the strong sense of alienation felt by 
     Unionists in the North. He said the overwhelming majority of 
     people in Britain want to get out, but they also have a sense 
     of responsibility that is reflected in the K4.5 billion in 
     aid Britain sends to Northern Ireland annually.
       Meeting with Member of Parliament Paul Murphy: Paul Murphy 
     is
      the Labour Party's chief spokesman on Northern Ireland. He 
     began the meeting by describing his contacts with leaders 
     of Sinn Fein, who he said are skillful and well-informed, 
     if somewhat unsure of how to proceed. They clearly want to 
     get back into the political process, and are anxious to be 
     treated as politicians although they control only 8-12 
     percent of the vote. He said Sinn Fein is a growing 
     political threat to John Hume's Social Democratic and 
     Labour Party. He said he is encouraged that Protestant 
     gunmen have also spoken about the need to solve social 
     problems. The armed groups have become used to peace, to 
     being able to walk around without fear. He believes that 
     anyone who threatens that will be harshly criticized.
       I told Murphy that I was very impressed with Prime Minister 
     Major's leadership on the Northern Ireland issue, and Murphy 
     confirmed that the British Labour Party fully supports the 
     British government's policy. He said both have strong 
     Unionists in their ranks, but agree on the principles in the 
     Framework Document. He added that there may be some 
     disagreement over the pace of moving ahead. He said the 
     Ulster Unionist Party is facing a successionist vote, and 
     that it's current head, James Molyneaux, may resign in favor 
     of David Trimble who has been a vocal opponent of the 
     Framework. He said no Unionist can embrace any kind of ``all 
     Ireland'' structures, although the obvious and intelligent 
     solution is to have one approach in such areas as energy, 
     tourism, trade, and agriculture. He said he understands the 
     Unionists' fear of being absorbed into a theocracy, but 
     questioned why they are so upset when they know the Framework 
     enshrines the principle of consent and they constitute a 
     majority. He said the Unionists will complain about the 
     Framework but they will be under considerable pressure from 
     their constituents, who want peace, to join the process.
       We discussed the issue of Gerry Adams' request to raise 
     funds in the United States. Murphy said he has no objection 
     to this as long as the proceeds are not used to buy weapons. 
     We also discussed the need for reform of the Royal Ulster 
     Constabulary, the Protestant police force in Belfast which is 
     hated and feared by Catholics. Murphy said that any Catholic 
     who joined the RUC would be killed. Sinn Fein favors 
     disbanding the RUC and creating a new, united police force 
     for the whole island.
       Meeting with Minister of State Tony Baldry: Minister 
     Baldry's portfolio includes North America, foreign 
     assistance, and international counternarcotics programs. We 
     discussed recent changes in the Congress, and the need for 
     more interaction between legislators from our two countries. 
     We also discussed Northern Ireland, and the use of the 
     British Virgin Islands as a transhipment point by narcotics 
     traffickers.


                              conclusions

       The single most compelling message I heard from the people 
     of the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland was that they are 
     done with violence, and that anyone who returns to violence 
     would be condemned by a majority of people of both 
     traditions. I could feel an intense desire on the island to 
     find a way for both Catholics and Protestants to coexist. 
     However, I also sensed that some Unionists, who have 
     willingly seen themselves as British subjects their whole 
     lives, are so 
     [[Page S4746]] fearful that their way of life is coming to an 
     end that they could ignite renewed violence if they are not 
     reassured otherwise.
       Despite this danger, I was very impressed with the momentum 
     the peace process has gained. The visionary leadership of 
     John Hume coupled with the courageous decision of British 
     Prime Minister Major, former Irish Prime Minister Reynolds, 
     and Prime Minister Bruton, to seize this opportunity, have 
     constructed a process that I am optimistic will lead to 
     lasting peace.
       The much-anticipated Framework Document was published the 
     day after I arrived back in Washington, where it was very 
     well received. Since then, President Clinton has agreed to 
     permit Gerry Adams to raise funds in the United States, and 
     Adams responded by declaring his readiness to discuss the 
     decommissioning of arms with the British Government. The 
     British Government reciprocated by withdrawing 400 of its 
     troops from Northern Ireland. Ministerial level talks between 
     Britain and Sinn Fein are expected soon. I believe this is 
     crucial to reassuring Unionists that they will not be left 
     defenseless to a renewed IRA threat.
       The role of the United States in this effort cannot be 
     overstated. After a somewhat inauspicious beginning, the 
     International Fund for Ireland has served a vital role in 
     creating jobs--29,000 at last count, and bringing hope to 
     hundreds of the most depressed communities, both Catholic and 
     Protestant, in Northern Ireland and the border countries of 
     the Republic. The IFI is clearly a short-term solution. If 
     peace takes hold, private investment should replace the IFI 
     as the engine of economic development within two or three 
     years. Until then, the IFI is an important symbol of U.S. 
     support for the peace process and a tangible way to support 
     that process during this fragile period.
       In addition, President Clinton's willingness to take 
     political risks that the Irish and British Governments were 
     either unwilling or unable to take themselves, has made an 
     enormous difference. My hope is that my reinforcing his 
     message in Dublin, Belfast and London I was able to give some 
     added impetus towards lasting peace in the land of my 
     father's father.
     

                          ____________________