[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 51 (Monday, March 20, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4199-S4203]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


          STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS

      By Mr. D'AMATO (for himself and Mr. Pressler):
  S. 578. A bill to limit assistance for Turkey under the Foreign 
Assistance Act of 1961 and the Arms Export Control Act until that 
country complies with certain human rights standards; to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations.


                  turkish human rights compliance act

  Mr. D'AMATO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation 
which will help restore credibility to our foreign assistance program 
by ensuring that one of the largest recipients of United States aid, 
the Republic of Turkey, adheres to internationally accepted standards 
for human rights and humanitarian practices.
  The time has come, after years of fruitless quiet diplomacy, for the 
Congress to take the lead in addressing a broad range of issues dealing 
with Turkey, including its worsening human rights record, its continued 
blockade of humanitarian supplies to Armenia, its refusal to work 
toward a lasting and equitable settlement in Cyprus, its denial of 
basic rights to its Kurdish minority, and its continued persecution of 
Christian communities in Turkey. The hundreds of millions of dollars 
that the United States sends to Turkey each year provides us with the 
necessary leverage to bring about positive change in each of these five 
areas.
  In each of these areas, Turkey has consistently violated 
international treaties and agreements to which it is a signatory. Among 
these are the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the final act 
of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the 
European Convention on Human Rights.
  The Congress, in the fiscal year 1995 foreign aid bill, withheld 10 
percent of the principal amount of direct loans for Turkey based on its 
human rights record and the situation in Cyprus. The Turkish Government 
has spoken clearly on this issue--they will reject any United States 
aid tied to its human rights record. While the de-linking of United 
States assistance and human rights may be in the interests of the 
Turkish Government, it is surely not in the interest of the United 
States or the international community. It is clear, given the Turkish 
Government's response, that we must move beyond symbolism and 
fundamentally reassess our relationship with Turkey.
  On the question of human rights, we need only to look at the State 
Department's recently released 1995 country reports on human rights, to 
see that years and even decades of behind the scenes efforts by the 
State Department have not produced any improvement in the human rights 
situation in Turkey. This report concludes, in fact, that ``the human 
rights situation in Turkey worsened significantly in 1994.''
  Mr. President, the full spectrum of human rights monitoring 
organizations have condemned Turkey for its systematic and widespread 
abuse of human rights, including the use of torture. Amnesty 
International, Human Rights Watch, the U.N. Committee Against Torture, 
the European Parliament, the International Human Rights Law Group, the 
Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, Physicians Without Frontiers, 
Freedom House, the humanitarian law project, the Turkish Human Rights 
Association, and other organizations have documented the deteriorating 
human rights situation in Turkey.
  My legislation would link the level of United States assistance to
   Turkey's willingness to allow free and unfettered monitoring of the 
human rights environment within its territory by domestic and 
international human rights monitoring organizations. Among the groups 
which have been denied full access in the past are the Turkish Human 
Rights Association, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in 
Europe, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch.

  I would like to address Kurdish rights, or lack thereof. Nowhere is 
the case for cutting aid to Turkey more compelling than on the question 
of the Kurds. To this day, Turkey continues to deny the very existence 
of its 15 million Kurdish citizens. The Turkish military has 
systematically emptied over 2,000 Kurdish villages and uprooted over a 
million Kurdish citizens from their homes. The Turkish Government's 
systematic and deliberate eradication of the Kurdish identity within 
its borders is, in many ways, a high-technology version of the 
massacres and deportations of the Armenian genocide earlier this 
century.
  If Turkey is to continue benefiting from the generosity of the 
American taxpayer, it must take demonstrable steps toward the full 
recognition of the civil, cultural, and human rights of its Kurdish 
civilians and demonstrate that it will resolve the Kurdish question 
peacefully.
  Important too is the question of Cyprus which remains unresolved more 
than 20 years after Turkey's illegal 1974 invasion of the island 
nation. Despite countless U.N. resolutions and international 
agreements, Turkey continues its illegal military occupation and has 
obstructed efforts toward a peaceful settlement. The division of the 
island and the massive uprooting of Greek Cypriots caused by the 1974 
invasion remain a constant reminder of the failure of the international 
community to enforce a lasting and equitable resolution to the 
conflict.
  The Turkish Government must take demonstrable steps toward the total 
withdrawal of its military forces from Cyprus. In addition, Turkey must 
demonstrate its support for a settlement recognizing the sovereignty 
and territorial integrity of Cyprus with a constitutional democracy 
based on majority rule, the rule of law and the protection of minority 
rights.
  Mr. President, I must state that the failure of quiet diplomacy on 
the part of the State Department is nowhere more apparent than in its 
failure to lift the Turkish blockade of humanitarian aid to Armenia. In 
violation of international law and in defiance of the United Nations, 
Turkey continues to blockade its border with Armenia. For close to 2 
years, the Turkish Government has refused to allow desperately needed 
United States and other international assistance reach the people of 
 [[Page S4200]] Armenia. Unable to cross Turkish territory or transit 
its airspace, relief supplies have been re-rerouted through Georgia, 
where due to widespread instability, large portions of the aid has been 
either lost or stolen.
  The United States simply can not tolerate the obstruction of its 
humanitarian relief efforts by another recipient of its foreign aid. 
Until the blockade is lifted, the provisions in this bill cutting the 
level of United States assistance to Turkey would be in force.
  The Turkish Government continues to place prohibitive restrictions on 
the Christian communities within Turkey. Among the communities which 
have suffered from official persecution are the Armenians, Greeks, 
Syrian Orthodox, and the Assyrians. The religious leaderships of these 
communities, in particular, have been subject to official restrictions 
which significantly limit their ability to serve their people. In 
addition, the Turkish Government has failed to adequately protect them 
from acts of violence and vandalism.
  The United States must ensure that Turkey lifts any official 
restrictions on Christian churches and schools and offers sufficient 
protection against acts of violence and harassment against the clergy 
and vandalism against church and school property.
  The Turkish Government must understand that the United States will 
not continue to subsidize its illegal and irresponsible conduct. By 
withholding $500,000 a day in our assistance until they have taken 
steps toward resolving each of the five issues I have just addressed, 
we will send the Turkish leadership a clear signal that our foreign 
assistance programs will not extend aid to those nations which 
regularly violate human rights and international law.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill and 
an article be printed in the Record.
  There being no objections, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:
                                 S. 578

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of 
     Representatives of the United States of America in 
     Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Turkish Human Rights 
     Compliance Act''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       The Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) The Department of State, in its 1995 report entitled 
     ``Country Reports on Human Rights'', documented a systematic 
     and widespread pattern of human rights abuses by the 
     Government of Turkey. According to the portion of the report 
     relating to Turkey, ``the human rights situation in Turkey 
     worsened significantly in 1994''.
       (2) Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the United 
     Nations Committee Against Torture, the European Parliament, 
     the International Human Rights Law Group, the Lawyers 
     Committee for Human Rights, Physicians Without Frontiers, 
     Freedom House, the Humanitarian Law Project, the Turkish 
     Human Rights Associations, and other human rights monitoring 
     organizations have documented extensive and continuing human 
     rights abuses by the Government of Turkey, including the 
     widespread use of torture.
       (3) The actions of the Government of Turkey are in 
     violation of several international human rights agreements to 
     which Turkey is a party, including the United Nations 
     Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Final Act of the 
     Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the 
     European Convention on Human Rights.
       (4) The Government of Turkey continues to deny the 
     existence of its 15,000,000 Kurdish citizens and has used 
     military force to deny them an identity, destroying more than 
     2,000 Kurdish villages and uprooting more than 2,000,000 
     Kurds.
       (5) Turkey continues its illegal military occupation of 
     Cyprus and has obstructed efforts to reach a just and lasting 
     resolution to the division of Cyprus and the massive 
     uprooting of Greek Cypriots caused by the 1974 invasion by 
     Turkey of Cyprus.
       (6) The Government of Turkey continues to blockade Armenia, 
     obstructing the delivery of American and international 
     humanitarian relief supplies.
       (7) Turkey continues to place prohibitive restrictions on 
     the religious leadership of Christian communities within 
     Turkey and has failed to protect these communities adequately 
     from acts of violence and vandalism.
       (8) The Congress, in the fiscal year 1995 budget for 
     foreign assistance, withheld 10 percent of the principal 
     amount of direct loans to Turkey because of that country's 
     human rights record and the situation in Cyprus. The 
     Government of Turkey has stated that it would reject any 
     United States assistance tied to its human rights record, 
     which, according to independent human rights monitoring 
     organizations, has continued to deteriorate.
     SEC. 3. RESTRICTIONS ON ASSISTANCE FOR TURKEY.

       (a) Restrictions.--Of the funds made available for fiscal 
     year 1996 for assistance for Turkey under the Foreign 
     Assistance Act of 1961 and the Arms Export Control Act, the 
     President shall withhold, first from grant assistance, if 
     any, and then from loan assistance, $500,000 for each day 
     that Turkey does not meet the conditions of section 4.
       (b) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of 
     subsection (a) if the President determines that it is in the 
     national security interest of the United States to do so.

     SEC. 4. CONDITIONS.

       The conditions of this section are met when the President 
     certifies to Congress that the Government of Turkey--
       (1) allows free and unfettered monitoring of the human 
     rights situation within its territory by domestic and 
     international human rights monitoring organizations, 
     including but not limited to, the Turkish Human Rights 
     Association, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in 
     Europe, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch;
       (2) recognizes the civil, cultural, and human rights of its 
     Kurdish citizens, ceases its military operations against 
     Kurdish civilians, and takes demonstrable steps toward a 
     peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue;
       (3) takes demonstrable steps toward the total withdrawal of 
     its military forces from Cyprus and demonstrates its support 
     for a settlement recognizing the sovereignty, independence, 
     and territorial integrity of Cyprus, with a constitutional 
     democracy based on majority rule, the rule of law, and the 
     protection of minority rights;
       (4) completely removes its blockade of United States and 
     international assistance to Armenia; and
       (5) removes official restrictions on Christian churches and 
     schools and offers sufficient protection against acts of 
     violence and harassment directed at members of the clergy, 
     and offers sufficient protection against acts of vandalism 
     directed at church and school property.
                                                                    ____

                [From the New York Times, Mar. 6, 1995]

                Rights Violations in Turkey Said to Rise

                           (By John Darnton)

       Ankara, Turkey.--To the concern of Western allies and 
     international human rights organizations, reports of rights 
     violations in Turkey have increased markedly in recent 
     months, along with attempts by the Government to crush the 
     Kurdish separatist insurrection in the southeast.
       The number of people who have been disappearing while in 
     the custody of the policy and security forces, the reports of 
     torture, killings by unknown assailants that appear to be 
     political and arrests and convictions of writers, 
     intellectuals and politicians under a law against separatist 
     propaganda are all on the rise, Turkish human rights groups 
     say.
       ``The main reason is the war in the southeast,'' said Yavuz 
     Onen, a 56-year-old architect who is president of the Human 
     Rights Foundation, a Turkish group that was set up in 1989 to 
     aid victims and document abuses.
       ``The state uses the argument that they are in a struggle 
     with terrorists and that they are defending the 
     indivisibility of the territory,'' he said. ``Of course the 
     state can defend its borders. But most of the violations are 
     against civilians.
       ``Torture is now widespread and systematic, not only for 
     political crime but for common crime as well.''
       Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, in an interview, denied that 
     there had been widespread violations.
       Allegations of torture are not new in Turkey. The 
     foundation cited the cases of Yasar Kanbur, 35, an engineer, 
     and Yusuf Yukdirim, 35, a health union worker. The two men 
     said they had been picked up as leftist students after the 
     military takeover of 1980 and were held nine and a half years 
     in prison. During that time, they said, they were suspended 
     by their chained arms, kept without food and sleep, beaten 
     repeatedly and subjected to electric shock.
       They scoffed at the idea that torture would ever be 
     eliminated from Turkey. ``Not by this regime,'' Mr. Kanbur 
     said. ``Torture is universal here.''
       The war against the Kurds, who constitute about one-fifth 
     of Turkey's 60-million people, has been going on for a 
     decade. The Kurds were originally concentrated in the 
     southeast, but many are now scattered all over the country. 
     The fighting has claimed an estimated 14,000 lives.
       The Kurdish Workers' Party, or P.K.K. has used terrorism in 
     its fight for an independent homeland. It does not shrink 
     from killing teachers who instruct in Turkish and so-called 
     ``village guards,'' who defend hamlets of Government 
     supporters, and their families. The party is believed to have 
     killed over 200 civilians in 1993, and it took responsibility 
     for at least 167 deaths in the first 10 months of 1994.
       But attempts to eradicate the P.K.K., whose leader, 
     Abdullah Ocalan, is based in Syria, have taken even more 
     civilian lives. Western diplomats stationed here say security 
     forces have been granted a free hand by the Mrs. Ciller's 
     Government to deal with the insurrection.
       The security forces have turned to brutal methods, 
     especially in the 10 southeastern provinces that have been 
     under a state of emergency since 1987 because of the 
     insurrection. The emergency grants quasimartial law powers to 
     a regional governor and suspends the few modest 
     constitutional safeguards in 
      [[Page S4201]] effect elsewhere. A suspect, for instance, 
     can be held for 30 days without access to relatives or a 
     lawyer.
       Army and paramilitary groups sweep through whole areas of 
     the southeast, destroying villages that they suspect of 
     aiding the P.K.K. and burning many of them to the ground. The 
     province of Tunceli has been a battleground this winter, 
     where some 40,000 Turkish troops are pursuing guerrillas who 
     may number up to 3,000, by estimates of Western diplomats.
       More than 60 villages there have been wiped out. The 
     estimates of the number of villages destroyed over the last 
     decade vary among the human rights groups, but usually run 
     between 1,500 and 2,500.
       Reports by the United States Department, Amnesty 
     International, the United Nations Committee Against torture 
     and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture have 
     all condemned Turkey for human rights violations.
       A report by Amnesty International, ``A Policy of Denial,'' 
     said at least 50 ``disappearances'' in custody were reported 
     in the first 10 months of 1994, nearly double the number in 
     1993. It said the number of people shot down in the street by 
     unknown assassins had soared from more than 20 in 1991 to 362 
     in 1992, more than 400 in 1993 and 380 for the first 10 
     months of 1994.
       Visitors to the southeastern region say four or five people 
     a day are now being killed on the streets. They include 
     journalists investigating human rights violations and members 
     of trade unions and political parties, including the People's 
     Democracy Party, which has a largely Kurdish membership and 
     is anathema to the Government.
       Leaders of human rights organizations rebut the 
     Government's argument that the Kurdish insurrection is in any 
     way a valid reason for curtailing civil liberties. ``The 
     continuation of the armed struggle by someone else cannot be 
     accepted as the reason for delaying democracy,'' said Husnu 
     Ondul, secretary general of the Human Rights Association.
       In 1991 and 1992, the number of what Amnesty calls 
     ``prisoners of conscience''--people jailed for expressing 
     nonviolent beliefs--fell to close to zero. But that number 
     has mounted again. Now 118 are in jail, according to the 
     Human Rights Association, a grass-roots organization, with 
     2,139 convicted but appealing their sentences and 5,600 more 
     awaiting trial.
       In a four-month trial that ended in December, eight Kurdish 
     members of Parliament were tried on capital charges of 
     treason. They were stripped of their parliamentary immunity 
     so charges could be filed, and their party was banned. While 
     they were convicted, the charges were changed at the last 
     minute to such things as assisting the P.K.K. and spreading 
     separatist propaganda, and they got sentences ranging from 3 
     years and 6 months to 15 years.
       ``It wasn't a real trial,'' said Sirri Sakik, one of the 
     two of the eight who is out pending appeal. He said that the 
     prosecutor had built a case around various speeches he had 
     made and that some of his relatives had been tortured to try 
     to force them to give testimony against him. ``In court they 
     recanted, and now they are going on trial for murders they 
     didn't commit,'' he said.
       Seven journalists from a Kurdish pro-separatist newspaper, 
     Ozgur Ulke, or Free Land, have been shot dead by unknown 
     assailants. In December the newspaper's offices in Istanbul 
     and Ankara were damaged by explosions. On Feb. 3 the paper 
     was closed by order of the Istanbul State Security Court.
       The human rights organizations are especially concerned 
     that many human rights monitors themselves are now bearing 
     the brunt of prosecutions. ``We used to have 14 bureaus and 
     an additional seven representatives in the southeast and now 
     none of them can function,'' said Akin Birdal, president of 
     the Human Rights Association. ``Some are in jail, and the 
     others are on the run.''
       Maryam Elahi, an Amnesty official who went to Diyarbakir 
     this week to attend a trial of four human rights workers, 
     said the persecution of the rights workers ``closes off the 
     last avenue.''
       ``It's a definite pattern'' she said. ``Before, the 
     Government was instigating cases against people they thought 
     were P.K.K. or at least political in some way. Now the human 
     rights people themselves are getting it. Even health 
     professionals who treat victims are disappearing.''
       Mrs. Ciller defended her Government's action and asserted 
     in the interview that the P.K.K. itself destroyed the 
     villages. ``A lot of it is theater, in the sense that we have 
     found--and I've seen official documentation--of the 
     terrorists wearing the clothes of the soldiers, attacking the 
     villages and burning them,'' she said.
       ``This is not to say that there has been nothing wrong on 
     the side of this fight against terrorism,'' she added. ``It's 
     very hard sometimes to discriminate. There is a lot of 
     bombing or fire coming out of the houses and villages and for 
     the military approaching it's very hard to tell who the 
     terrorist is and who the villager is.''
                                 ______

      By Mr. BREAUX (for himself and Mr. Brown):
  S. 579. A bill to amend the JOBS program in title IV of the Social 
Security Act to provide for a job placement voucher program, and for 
other purposes; to the Committee on Finance.


                           job placement act

 Mr. BREAUX. Mr. President, in the last several months, the 
debate over welfare reform has lost its focus. We should be talking 
about how to move recipients from dependence on public assistance into 
work in private sector jobs.
  Instead, we are talking about a number of other issues--teenage 
pregnancy, drug and alcohol abuse, breakup of the family, whether to 
block grant welfare programs to the States, entitlement spending versus 
discretionary spending, and so on. These are all important issues, but 
they miss the mark. They are distractions from what should be the 
primary focus of the welfare reform debate--work and personal 
responsibility. Ultimately, Mr. President, the 
best social program we could ever come up with is a good job.
  What the American people want is fundamental change in the welfare 
system. We won't get this fundamental change if Congress shucks 
accountability to the States.
  Everyone certainly agrees that States should be given more 
flexibility to design their programs in a way that meets their unique 
economic and social circumstances. But the Federal Government must be 
accountable for making sure that the tax money we raise is well spent 
and produces the results the American people are demanding--that is, 
self-sufficiency through work.
  While few people would argue that welfare reform should be about 
work, a vital piece of the puzzle has been missing from the beginning. 
That is, how do we actually move people from welfare into an 
appropriate job. Last year's proposal from the Clinton administration 
supplied an incentive for welfare recipients to work by placing a time 
limit on cash assistance, but it maintained and even expanded an 
ineffective education and training system that recipients have to pass 
through before they are sent to look for work. Past Republican 
proposals such as the one contained in the Contract With America also 
imposed a time limit and insisted on immediate work, but provided no 
mechanism for linking recipients with private jobs, implying that they 
would rely on a vast public jobs program. The latest Republican 
proposals completely evade this and many other questions by boxing up 
the problem and sending it back to the States.
  The legislation that Senator Brown and I are introducing today would 
provide a direct mechanism for moving individual welfare recipients 
into suitable jobs. Our proposal is to enable and encourage States to 
use vouchers for job placement services.
  It would firmly commit the Federal Government to the principle that 
work experience is the best training for private employment. It would 
also transfer power from governments to individuals by putting control 
in the hands of individual welfare recipients in a competitive job 
placement market, while giving each State flexibility to tailor the new 
system to its particular economic and social circumstances.
  Mr. President, vouchers take the welfare debate beyond the arguments 
that are being made over block grants. Instead of ending the Federal 
welfare bureaucracy, only to replace it with a State bureaucracy, 
vouchers would do away with bureaucracy and put the power to choose in 
the hands of individual welfare recipients.
  Existing funds would be used to pay for the vouchers, and State and 
Federal Government costs might actually be reduced as bureaucratic 
solutions are replaced with private sector solutions.
  States would develop a list of approved service providers--placement 
agencies, private employers, employment-based JOBS programs, and so 
forth--available to welfare recipients once they have applied for 
public assistance and started their job search. Recipients would use 
the lists to make their service choices. Instead of being assigned to a 
job by a caseworker, the recipients would consult with their 
caseworkers, review all the options that are available, and choose the 
program most suited to their needs.
  Payment to public and private placement agencies, employers, and 
other approved employment programs would be based on performance only. 
Vouchers would be redeemed in full only after an organization had 
successfully placed the recipient in a full-time unsubsidized job for a 
set period of time.
  [[Page S4202]] Mr. President, this is not meant to be the whole 
solution to the welfare problem. But I am convinced that it is a 
necessary part of any realistic attempt to get welfare recipients into 
jobs in the private sector. I am also glad to be joined in offering 
this bill by my friend and colleague from Colorado, Hank Brown. This is 
just about the only bipartisan welfare reform legislation that has been 
introduced in this Congress and I am proud to have Senator Brown as a 
cosponsor.
  I hope that more of our colleagues will join us in support of this 
legislation. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill appear in 
the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:
                                 S. 579

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Job Placement Act of 1995''.

     SEC. 2. JOB PLACEMENT VOUCHER PROGRAM.

       (a) Addition of Program.--Section 482 of the Social 
     Security Act (42 U.S.C. 682) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (d)(1)(A)(ii)--
       (A) in subclause (III), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (B) in subclause (IV), by striking the period and inserting 
     ``; and''; and
       (C) by adding at the end the following new subclause:
       ``(V) a job placement voucher program as described in 
     subsection (h).'';
       (2) by redesignating subsections (h) and (i) as subsections 
     (i) and (j), respectively; and
       (3) by inserting after subsection (g), the following 
     subsection:
       ``(h) Job Placement Voucher Program.--(1) The State agency 
     may establish and operate a job placement voucher program for 
     individuals participating in the program under this part.
       ``(2) A State that elects to operate a job placement 
     voucher program under this subsection--
       ``(i) shall establish eligibility requirements for 
     participation in the job placement voucher program; and
       ``(ii) may establish other requirements for such voucher 
     program as the State deems appropriate.
       ``(3) A job placement voucher program operated by a State 
     under this subsection shall include the following 
     requirements:
       ``(A) The State shall identify, maintain, and make 
     available to an individual applying for or receiving 
     assistance under part A a list of State-approved job 
     placement organizations that offer services in the area where 
     the individual resides and a description of the job placement 
     and support services each such organization provides. Such 
     organizations may be publicly or privately owned and 
     operated.
       ``(B)(i) An individual determined to be eligible for 
     assistance under part A shall, at the time the individual 
     becomes eligible for such assistance--
       ``(I) receive the list and description described in 
     subparagraph (A);
       ``(II) agree, in exchange for job placement and support 
     services, to--

       ``(aa) execute, within a period of time permitted by the 
     State, a contract with a State-approved job placement 
     organization which provides that the organization shall 
     attempt to find employment for the individual; and
       ``(bb) comply with the terms of the contract; and

       ``(III) receive a job placement voucher (in an amount to be 
     determined by the State) for payment to a State-approved job 
     placement organization.
       ``(ii) The State shall impose the sanctions provided for in 
     section 402(a)(19)(G) on any individual who does not fulfill 
     the terms of a contract executed with a State-approved job 
     placement organization.
       ``(C) At the time an individual executes a contract with a 
     State-approved job placement organization, the individual 
     shall provide the organization with the job placement voucher 
     that the individual received pursuant to subparagraph (B).
       ``(D)(i) A State-approved job placement organization may 
     redeem for payment from the State not more than 25 percent of 
     the value of a job placement voucher upon the initial receipt 
     of the voucher for payment of costs incurred in finding and 
     placing an individual in an employment position. The 
     remaining value of such voucher shall not be redeemed for 
     payment from the State until the State-approved job placement 
     organization--
       ``(I) finds an employment position (as determined by the 
     State) for the individual who provided the voucher; and
       ``(II) certifies to the State that the individual remains 
     employed with the employer that the organization originally 
     placed the individual with for the greater of--
       ``(aa) 6 continuous months; or
       ``(bb) a period determined by the State.
       ``(ii) A State may modify, on a case-by-case basis, the 
     requirement of clause (i)(II) under such terms and conditions 
     as the State deems appropriate.
       ``(E)(i) The State shall establish performance-based 
     standards to evaluate the success of the State job placement 
     voucher program operated under this subsection in achieving 
     employment for individuals participating in such voucher 
     program. Such standards shall take into account the economic 
     conditions of the State in determining the rate of success.
       ``(ii) The State shall, not less than once a fiscal year, 
     evaluate the job placement voucher program operated under 
     this subsection in accordance with the performance-based 
     standards established under clause (i).
       ``(iii) The State shall submit a report containing the 
     results of an evaluation conducted under clause (ii) to the 
     Secretary and a description of the performance-based 
     standards used to conduct the evaluation in such form and 
     under such conditions as the Secretary shall require. The 
     Secretary shall review each report submitted under this 
     clause and may require the State to revise the performance-
     based standards if the Secretary determines that the State is 
     not achieving an adequate rate of success for such State.''.
       (b) Conforming Amendments.--Title IV of the Social Security 
     Act (42 U.S.C. 601 et seq.) is amended--
       (1) in section 403(l)(1)(A) (42 U.S.C. 603(l)(1)(A)),
       (A) in clause (ii)(II)--

       (II) by striking the period and inserting ``; and''; and

       (B) by adding at the end the following new clause:
       ``(iii) with respect to expenditures made for a job 
     placement voucher program under section 482(h) in a fiscal 
     year, the greater of--
       ``(I) 70 percent; or
       ``(II) the percentage paid to the State under clause 
     (ii)(II) plus 10 percent.''; and
       (2) in section 431(a)(6) (42 U.S.C. 629a(a)(6))--
       (A) by striking ``482(i)(5)'' and inserting ``482(j)(5)''; 
     and
       (B) by striking ``482(i)(7)(A)'' and inserting 
     ``482(j)(7)(A)''.

     SEC. 3. EFFECTIVE DATE.

       The amendments made by section 2 shall be effective with 
     respect to calendar quarters beginning with the second 
     calendar quarter beginning after the date of the enactment of 
     this Act.
                                 ______


      By Mr. MOYNIHAN (for himself, Mr. Cochran, and Mr. Simpson):

  S.J. Res. 30. A joint resolution providing for the reappointment of 
Homer Alfred Neal as a citizen regent of the Board of Regents of the 
Smithsonian Institution; to the Committee on Rules and Administration.


                   Reappointment of Dr. Homer A. Neal

 Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, I rise to introduce a joint 
resolution to reappoint Dr. Homer A. Neal to a second term as a citizen 
regent of the Smithsonian Institution. I introduce this resolution on 
behalf of my distinguished colleagues, Senators Cochran and Simpson, 
with whom I have the privilege to serve on the Smithsonian's Board of 
Regents.
  Dr. Neal is a scientist of great distinction. A former provost of the 
State University of New York at Stony Brook, he is now vice president 
for research and professor of physics at the University of Michigan, 
where he earned his Ph.D in 1966. An eminent physicist specializing in 
high-energy physics, particle detection, and digital electronics, Dr. 
Neal conducted pioneering experimental studies of spin effects in 
proton-proton collisions at high energy.
  Dr. Neal is a leader in both the scientific and academic communities 
and has long demonstrated his commitment to improving American 
education in the fields of science, mathematics, and engineering. He is 
ideally suited to serve on the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian, 
where he is currently a member of the Institution's executive committee 
and the National Council of the National Museum of Natural History.
  The Smithsonian has greatly benefited from Dr. Neal's contributions 
as a member of the Board of Regents, and we eagerly look forward to his 
reappointment. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and ask 
unanimous consent that the full text of the resolution be printed in 
the Record.
  There being no objection, the joint resolution was ordered to be 
printed in the Record, as follows:

                              S.J. Res. 30

       Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
     United States of America in Congress assembled, That, in 
     accordance with section 5581 of the Revised Statutes of the 
     United States (20 U.S.C. 43), the vacancy on the Board of 
     Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, in the class other 
     than Members of Congress, occurring by reason of the 
     expiration of the term of Homer Alfred Neal of Michigan on 
     December 6, 1995, is filled by the reappointment of the 
     incumbent for a term of six years, effective December 7, 
     1995.
[[Page S4203]]  Mr. COCHRAN. Mr. President, I am pleased to 
join Senators Moynihan and Simpson in supporting the reappointment of 
Dr. Homer A. Neal as a Citizen Regent of the Smithsonian Institution.
  Dr. Neal, a distinguished physicist, is vice president for research 
at the University of Michigan, having held previous positions at the 
University of New York at Stony Brook, and at Indiana University. He 
has been scientist-in-residence at the Neils Bohr Institute in 
Copenhagen and at the European Organization for Nuclear Research in 
Geneva.
  He is a member of the Oak Ridge National Laboratory Advisory Board 
and the board of trustees of the Center for Strategic and International 
Studies. A fellow of the American Physical Society, he has been a 
trustee of the Argonne National Laboratory and a member of the National 
Science Board, the oversight body for the National Science Foundation. 
Senators Moynihan, Simpson, and I are privileged to serve with Dr. Neal 
on the Smithsonian Board of Regents.
  I urge Senators to support the resolution of reappointment for this 
outstanding American.


                          ____________________