[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 49 (Thursday, March 16, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4009-S4035]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EMERGENCY SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS AND RESCISSIONS ACT
The Senate continued with the consideration of the bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri is recognized.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, what is the pending business?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill is before the Senate. It is open for
debate.
Mr. BUMPERS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arkansas.
[[Page S4010]] Amendment No. 330
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I call up amendment No. 330 and ask for
its immediate consideration.
Mr. President, I think a substitute amendment to my amendment has
been agreed to by both sides.
Briefly, it says that a pending agreement between the United States
and Russia that would allow Russia to buy American nuclear reactors and
technology, known as a ``Section 123 Agreement,'' be canceled unless
the President certifies to Congress that the Russian nuclear agency
will not sell nuclear reactors to Iran.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today in strong opposition to
the Bumpers amendment to rescind funding for the national wind tunnel
complex [NWTC]. I believe this project to be a sound investment in the
future of the competitiveness of the U.S. commercial aviation industry.
NASA is pursuing the development of two new wind tunnels as a part of
the NWTC strategy to provide facilities for aircraft testing with
technology not currently available in the United States. These
facilities would allow the commercial aviation industry to continue to
compete on an international level for the next generation of wide-body
commercial transportation aircraft.
The United States has built only one major wind tunnel in the past 30
years and while the existing wind tunnels have been upgraded over the
years, none has been able to keep pace with the state-of-the-art
capability, productivity, and technology of new, modern--and largely
foreign-owned--wind tunnels. The United States has recently seen its
share of the international commercial transport aircraft market fall
from 100 percent to an estimated 65 percent. While we still enjoy a
commanding presence in this vital industry, we must now prepare
ourselves to be competitive in the future.
Contrast our actions with those of our European competitors who have
invested in six new Government-financed wind tunnels over the last 15
years. These investments pay dividends in the commercial aircraft
market as can be witnessed by the increasing marketshare of European
companies such as Airbus.
The fiscal year 1995 VA-HUD bill provided $400 million as a down-
payment to begin construction of these two facilities. This investment
follows funding in fiscal year 1994 to study the feasibility of wind
tunnels. NASA estimates the final cost of the wind tunnel complexes to
be $2.5 billion and has plans for the facilities to be up and running
by 2002. I agree with those who are calling for the greater industry
involvement in this project and look forward to working with my
colleagues and industry officials to help make cost-sharing a reality.
I have spoken personally with the CEO's of major commercial aviation
manufacturers who all agree with NWTC is needed to ensure their
continued competitiveness. Now is not the time to waver in our support
for the domestic aircraft industry.
In anticipation of the Administration's continued support of the
National Wind Tunnel Complex Program, an industry teaming agreement was
signed among Boeing, McDonnel Douglas, Lockheed, Northrup-Grumman,
Pratt & Whitney, and General Electric to support the development of the
facilities. NASA has been in the process of evaluating feasible sites,
including the NASA Ames Research Center located in the San Francisco
Bay area. The Ames Research Center, which is currently home to several
operational wind tunnels, meets most of the technical criterion NASA is
looking for and can be a model of government and private industry
working together toward mutual interests.
While the Administration has not met the condition set forth in the
fiscal year 1995 VA-HUD bill, they have, in fact, requested that the
funds be carried over to allow for a more complete site selection
process. I ask my colleagues to agree with the Senate Appropriations
Committee's recommendation to grant the administration time to move
ahead with this important investment in the future of domestic aviation
technology. I oppose the Bumpers amendment to rescind funding for the
national wind tunnel complex and urge my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. ROCKEFELLER. Mr. President, I rise to explain why I believe the
Senate should reject the amendment offered by the distinguished Senator
from Arkansas to cancel funding for wind tunnels.
Before getting into the arguments for proceeding with this program, I
want to remind my colleagues of some essential facts about the bill
before us. This bill, labeled the Defense supplemental and rescissions
appropriations, will cut the Federal deficit.
Its first goal is to replenish critical parts of the Defense
Department's budget, and it does that by transferring funds from other
areas. That means we are not asking the American taxpayers to borrow.
And because this is an opportunity to shave the Federal budget, this
bill also contains $1.5 billion of cuts in Government spending for the
sole purpose of reducing the deficit. Here is more proof that one does
not need to amend the Constitution to shrink the deficit.
But the Federal budget is always an exercise in setting priorities.
Certain needs, from the country's military security to our social
fabric, have to guide how we make choices about Government spending.
And I would argue that we need to keep planning for the future,
especially to invest in opportunities to sustain the country's economic
strength and jobs.
That is why I question and oppose the amendment by my friend from
Arkansas. Yes, it is tempting to give up on the effort involved in
NASA's plan for exploring the potential for building wind tunnels in
the United States. But it is the wrong thing to do at the wrong time.
It would be a retreat from the future, and another blow to this
country's ability to maintain a prosperous commercial aircraft
industry.
Since 1915, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration [NASA]
and its predecessor agency have worked closely with the country's
aircraft industry, providing one another with technical support. And,
in turn, that technical support and the entrepreneurship of our
airplane manufacturers have made the aircraft industry one of America's
great economic successes. America is the world's leader, and the
industry generates not only billions of dollars in export sales but
also supports tens of thousands of jobs across our country. NASA's
aeronautics research program is a proven investment in jobs--good
jobs for Americans. And it is particularly important at time when
foreign competitors, particularly Airbus, receive major help from their
governments.
The subject before us, wind tunnels, are a key part of the NASA
Aeronautics Program, and may be a vital tool for keeping our aircraft
industry the world's leader. these tunnels are the facilities in which
companies test and refine their new designs. New designs can be largely
analyzed through computer simulations but in the final analysis
companies must test physical models in advanced wind tunnels.
Wind tunnels are also precisely the kind of investment in which a
government role is both appropriate and necessary--valuable national
facilities that help a range of companies but which are so expensive
that no one company or even group of companies can readily fund by
themselves.
I want to note that our Government has operated wind tunnels for
decades, serving both commercial and defense needs. But there's a very
big catch. The tunnels in the United States are mostly 40 years old. In
stark contrast, Europe has wind tunnels that are much more modern. Our
companies can test its designs on the other side of the ocean, in
foreign countries therefore.
That leads to an extremely serious dilemma for American aircraft
manufactures--either test their new aircraft designs in less
sophisticated facilities here in the United States, or test in Europe
where data on the best new American designs would undoubtedly end up in
the hands of foreign competitors.
I want to emphasize one important point here: NASA wind tunnels
directly support a major U.S. industry--an industry which in turn
generates sales, jobs, and I hasten to add, considerable tax revenue.
And West Virginia is one of the States with the right conditions to
build the wind tunnels. We have the most inexpensive and abundant
supply of electricity in the Nation. And along
[[Page S4011]] with our natural and other infrastructure resources, we
are a state brimming with talented people ready to forge ahead building
and operating this leading edge technology. Pulling the rug out from
this initiative, aimed directly at improving this country's economic
situation, seems reckless.
The amendment from the Senator of Arkansas would cancel a decision
made by Congress last year to devote $400 million to planning just how
to overcome this serious gap between America's wind tunnels and those
in foreign countries. Because of the high economic stakes involved for
our Nation, Congress appropriated the money to begin developing a new
pair of state-of-the-art American wind tunnels.
Congress also conditioned that funding on an expectation that the
administration would lay out a clearer plan on how to proceed with this
effort and how to obtain the necessary commitments from the private
sector. NASA is now finishing its assessment of future wind tunnel
needs and how much industry is willing to share the costs of new
facilities. The administration is asking this body to preserve the
money until that study is completed and a full assessment can be made.
Again, in light of the stakes--involving jobs and the future of a
critical industry--I really think it's more than reasonable to reserve
these funds if we are fully convinced they'll be a worthwhile
investment.
The Senate should await the results of that assessment before we take
rash action today that would bring an end to this initiative and its
potential for the country. We should wait for the full facts, and not
take precipitous action that risks jeopardizing a vital export
industry. For these reasons, I urge my colleagues to oppose this
amendment.
Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, I strongly support Senator Bumpers'
amendment because it is reasonable to link further United States
funding for technical cooperation with the Russians on the space
station with Russia's arrogant sale of nuclear reactors to Iran.
The Bumpers amendment makes the choice for the Russian Government
quite simple. On the one hand, the Russians can continue to develop
economic relations with the United States and move onward into the 21st
century on the cutting edge of space-based technology. Or the Russians
ban pursue a dangerous nuclear relationship with Iran one of the
world's most reprehensible governments. But Russia cannot have it both
ways.
The two greatest threats facing the security of the United States and
its allies are Islamic fundamentalism and nuclear proliferation. The
proposed Russian sale of nuclear reactors to Iran is an intersection of
these threats. Even the Russians must realize the danger this poses to
their own nation. I am truly surprised that no reasonable figure of
authority in Russia is willing to confront that obvious reality.
Despite all the rhetoric that one hears from Moscow about the threat of
Islamic fundamentalism to the south of Russia, it appears that short-
term profit is the most important interest for the Russian Government.
Recently the head of the Russian Ministry of Nuclear Power compared
the profit he could turn from nuclear sales to Iran with the level of
assistance that the United States gives to Russia. In essence he said
that the funds the United States provides to Russia could easily be
replaced by unrestricted worldwide sales of reactors and uranium. This
reckless and insulting view of our Nation's efforts to develop a
stronger relationship with Russia may have escaped comment by President
Clinton, but it will not pass muster in the Senate.
The United States will not join in a bidding war with terrorist
countries like Iran for the fickle friendship of the current Russian
Government. Our appeal to Russia is broadly based upon reason and
principle. While economic assistance has been a feature of the United
States' effort to build closer ties with Russia, far exceeding any aid
has been our willingness to build closer relations. We have extended an
open hand in order to help Russia recover from the wounds of 70 years
of totalitarian, Communist government. If bean counting bureaucrats in
the Russian Nuclear Power Ministry see more profit by tying Russia's
future to Iran--then let them have at it. But they can't--and won't--
have it both ways.
Mr. GLENN. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the amendment
offered by my friend from Arkansas, Senator Bumpers. While we share
many similar interests and beliefs, it seems that we are usually on
opposite sides of the issue when it comes to debating NASA and
aerospace issues. In this case, I believe my friend's amendment is
misguided and would bring a premature end to what promises to be
valuable national facility.
I would also like to congratulate the chairman of the HUD/VA
Appropriation Subcommittee, Senator Bond, as well as Senator Mikulski
for laying out the very convincing arguments for proceeding with this
program.
Mr. President, no one can doubt the vital role which wind tunnels
play in the design of aircraft and engines. In fact in my earlier
career, I had first-hand experience with what can be learned with these
type of facilities. I would like to begin my remarks with a short
description of how these facilities are actually used.
Wind tunnels are used in two major ways for airplane design. First,
they are used to develop and confirm aerodynamically the geometric
shape of the airplane and its wings. Improvements in airplane
aerodynamics lead to reduced fuel consumption and improved economics.
While computer testing, called computational fluid dynamics, is playing
an increasingly important role in aircraft design, it has in no way
replaced wind tunnel development and testing.
The second major way wind tunnels are used in airplane design is to
help predict handling qualities, controllability, aerodynamic loads,
fuel consumption, inlet/nozzle/nacelle and such important
characteristics as takeoff and landing speeds. Wind tunnel testing
provides the most accurate method for predicting crucial airplane
characteristics. Wind tunnel test data are used in preflight prediction
of drag, weight, and propulsive efficiency.
Mr. President, during the debate on wind tunnels we will hear
mentioned two particular parameters used to describe the capability of
wind tunnels. The first term is ``Mach number'' and the second is
``Reynolds number.'' Mach number is the more familiar term and is
defined as a ratio of vehicle speed to the speed of sound.
Determination of Mach number is critical for high-speed flight.
The Reynolds number is defined as the ratio of the inertia forces to
the viscous forces that a fluid exerts on a surface as it flows past.
The Reynolds number is also related to Mach number.
The National Academy of Sciences has found that ``high productivity,
high Reynolds-number subsonic and transonic development wind tunnels *
* * [will lead to improved aircraft] cruise and takeoff/landing
performance by at least 10 percent each.'' Mr. President, a 10-percent
improvement in airplane performance benefits our economy and our
environment.
I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the executive
summary from the aforementioned National Academy study, Aeronautical
Facilities: Assessing the National Plan for Aeronautical Ground Test
Facilities.
The value of such scientific advances in helping to keep the American
aircraft industry in the forefront of international sales is obvious.
In fact, had it not been for the outstanding work done over many, many
years by our aerodynamicists using the world's most advanced wind
tunnels, our leadership in both military and commercial aircraft would
never have taken place. Commercial sales of U.S. aircraft would not
comprise our largest single factor in balance of payments outside of
agriculture. Now we see foreign nations with more modern tunnels than
we have, along with an expanding group of scientists and
aerodynamicists. This does not bode well for America's future lead in
designing and building the finest aircraft in the world. That is
important for both our military and commercial aircraft.
Existing U.S. wind tunnels have served us well; and have helped make
the U.S. aircraft industry the world leader. In fact much of what has
been learned from wind tunnels has occurred in my home State of Ohio,
at NASA's Lewis Research Center. Unfortunately the upgrades and
improvements to the
[[Page S4012]] existing inventory of wind tunnels have been already
been made. Existing U.S. wind tunnels have the following problems:
Inadequate capability in Reynolds number; low productivity, with
emphasis on research; average of facilities is between 30-40 years,
with the associated problems of old technology and high maintenance
costs.
In fact, all but two of the U.S. wind tunnels have been operating for
more than 30 years, and the two exceptions are low Reynolds number,
special purpose facilities used only for light commercial and military
airplane development.
Mr. President, most existing U.S. wind tunnels were funded by the
Federal Government. And as my colleagues have discussed, the newer
facilities in Europe have been built with substantial Government
support. While I believe that Senator Bumpers is correct in pointing
out the apparent disparity in the industry's contribution to this
facility, I would argue that a final deal has not yet been signed. I
would encourage the administration to continue to pursue the best
possible sharing of cost.
Mr. President, I will conclude by asking our colleagues to look to
the future. In 10-20 years I hope that environmentally acceptable,
supersonic commercial airliners and transports will be a practical,
economic reality, and will be manufactured in the United States of
America.
Mr. President, I encourage my colleagues to vote against the Bumpers
amendment.
I ask unanimous consent that the aforementioned summary of the
National Academy study be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the study was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
[From the National Academy Press, 1994]
Assessing the National Plan for Aeronautical Ground Test Facilities
executive summary
At the request of the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration and Department of Defense, the Aeronautics and
Space Engineering Board (ASEB) of the National Research
Council independently reviewed the findings of the
interagency National Facilities Study (NFS). In order to make
the ASEB report available shortly after the NFS report, the
NFS Task Group on Aeronautical R&D Facilities briefed the
ASEB periodically during its study. After release of the NFS
report, the ASEB held a far-ranging workshop to critique the
NFS results. The workshop involved 49 experts in aeronautical
technology development; ground test facilities; and,
especially, the use and operation of wind tunnels. The
purpose of this report is to document and explain the ASEB's
assessment of the NFS report, including recommendations for
future action.
The conclusions and recommendations of the NFS seem to be
supported by factual material wherever it was available,
although in some cases they are based on the best judgment of
the study participants. The following nine items summarize
the ASEB's findings and recommendations. The first five items
reinforce key thrusts of the National Facilities Study. The
ASEB concurs with each of these items. The last four are
recommendations for additional action that go beyond the
recommendations of the National Facilities Study.
Recommendations reinforcing the key thrusts of the national facilities
study
1. The ASEB agrees with the NFS report that significant
aerodynamic performance improvements are achievable, and the
nation that excels in the development of these improvements
has the opportunity to lead in the global market for
commercial and
military aircraft.\1\ The highest priority facilities for
achieving these performance improvements are new high-
productivity, high-Reynolds-number subsonic and transonic
development wind tunnels.\2\ The NFS report estimates that
cruise and takeoff/landing performance could be improved
by at least 10 percent each. Performance improvements are
essential for the U.S. aeronautics industry to maintain or
increase market share. Based on the information available
to it, the ASEB considers these projected increases in
performance to be potentially attainable and believes that
the proposed facilities could substantially facilitate
such improvements.
\1\Footnotes to appear at end of article.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
These forecast advantages do not include the probable
operating and development cost reductions that would accrue
to future U.S. military aircraft programs. In addition to
direct cost reductions, access to improved ground test
facilities would make advanced military aircraft more
competitive in the world market, thereby further reducing the
defense burden carried by U.S. taxpayers. Foreign sales of
U.S. military aircraft result in lower unit costs for U.S.
government and foreign purchasers.
2. The ASEB agrees with the NFS report that new high
Reynolds number ground test facilities are needed for
development testing in both the low speed and transonic
regimes to assure the competitiveness of future commercial
and military aircraft produced in the United States. The NFS
report documents that Reynolds and Mach number performance of
the best subsonic and transonic development wind tunnels in
the United States and Europe
are close to parity.\3\ However, the average age of major
U.S. tunnels is about 38 years, and many of the older U.S.
wind tunnels are subject to costly maintenance and
breakdown. Furthermore, there are no adequate domestic
alternatives for many older U.S. facilities. For example,
during the past several years U.S. manufacturers have
conducted a large amount of their low speed testing in
European facilities during refurbishment of the Ames
Research Center 12-foot subsonic wind tunnel, which is 48
years old.
TABLE ES-1--PROPOSED CAPABILITIES OF NEW LOW SPEED AND TRANSONIC WIND
TUNNELS
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Tunnel parameter Low speed tunnel Transonic tunnel
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Reynolds Number........ 20 million at Mach 0.3 28.2 million at Mach 1
(full span model) 35 (full span model).
million at Mach 0.3
(semi-span model).
Mach Number............ 0.05-0.6............... 0.05-1.5.
Productivity........... 5 polars per occupancy 8 polars per occupancy
hour*. hour.
Operating cost......... <$1,000/polar.......... <$2,000/polar.
Operating pressure..... 5 atmospheres.......... 5 atmospheres.
Total temperature...... 110 deg.F.............. 110 deg.F at Mach 1.
Maximum power.......... 45 MW.................. 300 MW.
Test Section Size...... 20 ft x 24 ft........ 11 ft x 15.5 ft.
Flow quality........... Low turbulence......... Low turbulence.
Acoustic test Acoustic test chamber.. Not applicable.
capability.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
*A polar is a single test run consisting of 25 data points (see Appendix
D).
Source: NFS, 1994.
In contrast, European industry has a new government-funded
trasonic facility coming on-line during 1994 that is expected
to significantly outperform any transonic development
facilities in the United States in terms of Reynolds number
capability.\4\ The NFS report examines this situation in
detail with regard to the development of new commercial air
transports, which has very high flight Reynolds numbers.
More-capable wind tunnels will facilitate improvements in
aircraft performance and producibility. However, as
documented by the NFS, no wind tunnel in the world meets or
can be affordably modified to meet the goals defined by the
NFS for development of future transport and military aircraft
(see Table ES-1).\5\
The ASEB agrees with the NFS that building the two tunnels
as proposed is likely to enable subscale development testing
for more than half of the new commercial transport aircraft
projected for the next twenty years or so at flight Reynolds
and Mach numbers. However, the flight Reynolds numbers of (1)
very large commercial transports, (2) high speed civil
transports, (3) high performance military aircraft, and (4)
some revolutionary design concepts that might emerge in the
future would exceed the capabilities of the proposed tunnels.
Thus, the test results for these aircraft would have to be
extrapolated to analyze their performance at flight Reynolds
number. Nonetheless, this process would generally be more
accurate than extrapolations based on data obtained from the
less capable tunnels now available. In particular, the new
wind tunnels would allow testing models of existing aircraft
such as the B-737 and MD-90 at flight Reynolds number.
Comparison of wind tunnel and flight data for these aircraft
is likely to significantly improve the correlation of wind
tunnel and flight data for future designs of conventional
aircraft that have flight Reynolds numbers beyond the test
limit of the proposed tunnels.
The NFS report recommends taking immediate action to reduce
the projected cost ($2.55 billion) and schedule (eight years)
of acquiring the proposed low speed and transonic wind
tunnels.\6\ The ASEB agrees that reducing cost and schedule
is an important goal, but it cautions against using
management-directed cost and schedule estimates to provide
the illusion of achieving this goal.
3. Along with the procurement of new facilities, the ASEB
agrees with the NFS that selected upgrades to existing
facilities are also essential to adequately support future
research and development programs. These upgraded facilities
will be important during the interim before new tunnels are
operational and, afterwards, to round out the United State's
test capabilities matrix. However, facility upgrades cannot
alone satisfy future ground test requirements.
In particular, the ASEB endorses the NFS's proposed upgrade
to the common 16S/16T drive system at Arnold Engineering
Development Center and urges further consideration of
additional activities to improve the reliability of the
drive-system motors and compressor. In case of failure, major
motor repairs could take from four
months (to rewind a motor stator) to over three years (for
complete motor replacement). Although Arnold Engineering
Development Center estimates that motor problems requiring
complete replacement are very unlikely, credible accidents
such as an electrical arc-over with severe internal motor
damage could reduce the operational capability of 16S (and
16T) for up to a year.\7\ This would have a severe impact
if it occurred at a critical point in an aircraft
development program. Additional improvements to the drive
system should be carefully considered to reduce the
probability of such an occurrence.
[[Page S4013]] 4. The ASEB agrees with the NFS that the
United States should acquire premier development wind tunnels
rather than rely on continued use of European facilities.
Over the past 25 years, as European aeronautics technology
has risen to equal U.S. technology, the United States' market
share in transport aircraft has declined 30 percent. Although
market share is a function of many factors, if other nations
achieve a higher level of aeronautical technology, erosion of
the U.S. market share may accelerate, with accompanying
reductions in balance of trade and jobs.\8\ Continued
advances in aerodynamic technology are necessary to avoid
this situation. The proposed facilities represent an
investment that is only a small fraction of the potential
future gain and will provide an opportunity to enhance U.S.
technology development. Acquisition of advanced high-
productivity wind tunnels in the United States--where U.S.
designers can efficiently coordinate their wind tunnel
testing, model building, and computational activities--will
improve the effectiveness and
efficiency of the aircraft design and development process.
When aircraft designers introduce a new product, they must
determine how far to push available technology before
selecting the final design. The nation with the most
efficient design-test-redesign process can achieve either (1)
a given level of performance sooner or (2) better performance
within a given period of time. Inferior, inefficient design
or test processes, on the other hand, allow the competition
to produce an equal or better product sooner. Slow design and
test methodologies also extend the period that manufacturers
must fund product development, increasing the costs of
bringing new products to market.
Although U.S. designers have access to European facilities,
the ASEB believes that the scheduling constraints faced by
U.S. users and the inefficiency of conducting transatlantic
design and development efforts inevitably delay the
introduction of new products. Conversely, European
competitors have greater access to better test facilities
and, potentially, to the data generated when U.S. aircraft
manufacturers use their wind tunnels. In combination with
other improvements that industry is making in its design and
manufacturing process, the ASEB believes that the
construction of advanced development wind tunnels will be an
important contribution to the productivity of the U.S.
aeronautics industry.
Because of national security concerns, foreign facilities
are especially inappropriate for development of military
aircraft. The U.S. defense industry is generally limited to
U.S. facilities, even if more-capable facilities are
available elsewhere.
The NFS report identifies three options for funding the
construction of the proposed subsonic and transonic wind
tunnels: industry only; a government/industry consortium; and
government only. After assessing these options, the NFS
``envisioned that the facilities will be constructed
primarily with government funding,'' and it concluded that
``funding by industry alone is not a viable source of
capitalization.'' However, it also determined that the
possibility of obtaining funding jointly from government and
industry ``could not be ruled out'' and it recommended
conducting ``further studies to
look at innovative funding approaches and government/
industry consortia arrangements.'' The ASEB understands
that these studies are underway.
5. The ASEB agrees with the NFS that additional action is
necessary to address future requirements for supersonic,
hypersonic, and aeropropulsion test facilities. It is not
appropriate to immediately proceed with the construction of
new supersonic, hypersonic, or aeropropulsion development
facilities. Each of these areas, however, will be important
to the aeronautics industry of the future. Thus, appropriate
action should be taken to ensure that required facilities
will be available when necessary.
Supersonic Facilities. The Department of Defense will have
continuing needs for supersonic ground testing of new
upgraded military flight vehicles and systems, and NASA's
High Speed Civil Transport Program will create additional
demands for access to supersonic wind tunnels.
Incorporating supersonic laminar flow characteristics into
military and commercial aircraft would significantly reduce
drag and surface heating and increase fuel efficiency.
However, designing a cost-effective supersonic laminar flow
facility to conduct development testing is beyond the current
state of the art. Solution of the complex problems involved
will require a continued program of theoretical and
experimental investigation.
In order to partially address shortfalls in U.S. supersonic
facilities regarding productivity, reliability,
maintainability, and laminar flow test capabilities, the 16S
facility at Arnold Engineering Development Center, which
would be used to support development of a first-generation
high speed civil transport, should be upgraded. In addition,
research should continue on supersonic laminar flow
technology and facility concepts.
Hypersonic Facilities. More-capable hypersonic ground test
facilities are needed to provide the option for future
development of hypersonic vehicles. State-of-the-art
technology, however, is not adequate to build major new
hypersonic facilities that will have
the needed capabilities in areas such as model size, run
time, pressure, temperature, and velocity. Therefore,
near-term efforts should focus on a program of research to
select, develop, and demonstrate the most promising
hypersonic test facility concepts. Long-term efforts to
build hypersonic development facilities will be contingent
upon successful completion of the near-term facility
research effort and concurrent efforts to validate future
requirements for hypersonic vehicles.
Aeropropulsion Facilities. Aeropropulsion test facilities
within the United States have the capability to test current
air breathing engines under the operating conditions
experienced during takeoff, climb, cruise at flight speeds up
to Mach 3.8, approach, and landing. Looking to the future
over the next 10 to 30 years, air breathing engine test
facility requirements will be determined by engine size,
type, configuration, and air flow requirements.
The Aeropropulsion System Test Facility at Arnold
Engineering Development Center, as currently configured, is
adequate for altitude testing of the newest generation of
high-bypass engines. However, a 40 percent increase in flow
capacity might be required to handle the next generation of
ultra-high-bypass, gear-driven propulsor engines such as the
PW4000 Advanced Ducted Propulsor. These engines could be
certified after the year 2000--if the aircraft manufacturers
develop new, larger aircraft requiring such engines.
Implementation of facility upgrades for these larger subsonic
engines would take four to eight years, so there is time to
``wait and see'' before deciding how to proceed.
Recommendations going beyond those of the national facilities study
As previously indicated, the remaining four items go beyond
the recommendations of the National Facilities Study report.
These recommendations of the National Facilities Study
report. These recommendations will (1) reduce risk associated
with carrying out the actions recommended by the NFS and (2)
facilitate long-term efforts to provide U.S. users with
improved aeronautical ground test facilities.
6. The Wind Tunnel Program Office should conduct trade
studies to evaluate design options associated with the
proposed new low speed and transonic wind tunnels.\9\
Facility configuration trade-off studies conducted by the NFS
on Reynolds number, productivity, and life cycle cost appear
to be sound. However, additional configuration studies should
be conducted during the design phase of the wind tunnel
program. These assessments should take into account the
differences in tunnel and model parameters between subsonic
and transonic wind tunnel testing. They should evaluate the
merits of the following design options:
a. Using a single tunnel to test both the low speed and
transonic speed regimes. While a single tunnel would be
unlikely to offer the same capabilities as two separate
tunnels, the extent to which performance and operational
costs would be compromised should be evaluated in terms of
savings in acquisition costs. This assessment should verify
the accuracy of projected utilization rates to determine if a
single facility could meet the expected demand for test
hours.
b. Making incremental changes to the tunnel operating
pressures (e.g., from 5 to 5.5 atmospheres). Increasing wind
tunnel operating pressure would allow facility size and cost
reductions without sacrificing Reynolds number capability.
The extent to which higher pressures could be used without
unduly jeopardizing the cost, efficiency, and effectiveness
of the overall ground test process is unclear, and the
interaction between tunnel pressure and model design should
be investigated further for both the transonic and subsonic
tunnels. This investigation should take into account the
considerable differences that exist
between these two flight regimes. In particular, use of
higher pressures is likely to be more feasible for
subsonic wind tunnels than for transonic wind tunnels
because of the differences in dynamic pressures.
c. Including within the baseline design the ability to
provide future growth in Reynolds number capability through
use of higher operating pressures (up to 8 atmospheres),
reduced temperatures (down to about -20 deg.F), and/or a
heavy test gas (such as SF6). Incorporating these
capabilities into the new facilities would add significant
cost. There are also technical concerns regarding wind tunnel
tests using high pressure or gases such as SF6. However,
it would add only a few percent to the cost of the new
facilities to plan ahead for future upgrades that would use
one of these capabilities. For example, initially designing
the Low Speed Wind Tunnel pressure shell to withstand 8
atmospheres would facilitate subsequent facility upgrades to
higher operating pressures. Experience with existing
facilities shows that test requirements often evolve beyond
the expectations of the original designers. Failure to
initially build in growth capability would make future
facility upgrades highly unlikely and limit the ability of
future facility operators and users to enhance tunnel
capabilities. (Appendix D provides more information on how
pressure, temperature, and test gas impact wind tunnel
performance capabilities.)
d. Improving the robustness of the tunnel designs.
Designing selected subsystems and components of the new wind
tunnels with margin for growth relative to pressure and
operating power could improve system reliability, increase
facility lifetime, and reduce the costs of future upgrades.
In addition, the Wind Tunnel Program Office should ensure
that the new transonic
[[Page S4014]] and low speed facilities will be able to
adequately support development of supersonic aircraft. The
importance of low speed and transonic wind tunnels extends
beyond their application to subsonic and transonic aircraft.
They will also be of special importance to supersonic
aircraft such as high speed civil transports that must also
operate
in lower speed regimes during take-off, acceleration,
transonic flight over land, and landing. The design of the
proposed new wind tunnels should be compatible with the
test requirements of higher speed aircraft to the extent
that this additional capability is affordable and does not
unacceptably degrade the tunnels' ability to execute the
primary mission. The detailed design phase of the new wind
tunnels should also ensure that features necessary to
adequately accommodate development testing of military
aircraft, including stores separation testing, are
incorporated into the design of the new wind tunnels as
appropriate. Ongoing efforts by the U.S. Air Force to more
closely define military requirements for future
development wind tunnels will assist in this effort.
7. NASA and the Department of Defense should continue
support for facility research in the subsonic and transonic
regimes. The highest priority need in the area of low speed
and transonic facilities is for new development facilities.
Related research, which includes both vehicle- and facility-
oriented efforts, is also important to long-term
competitiveness. For example, the ability to construct
practical development test facilities that use heavy gas
(such as SF6) and/or very high operating pressures (15
atmospheres or more) would (1) greatly reduce facility size
and cost and (2) increase Reynolds number test capability.
Continued funding of appropriate research is an essential
precursor to the development of future generations of ground
test facilities and future upgrades of existing and planned
facilities.
8. NASA and the Department of Defense should expand
coordinated efforts that involve aerodynamic test facilities,
computational methods, and flight test capabilities.
Computational methods such as computational fluid dynamics
are used during the aircraft design process to analyze and
predict aerodynamic characteristics in all speed regimes.
However, they must be validated by experimental ground and
flight tests before they can be relied upon for design or
evaluation in any phase of development.
Improved aerodynamic wind tunnel testing will provide a
better understanding of aircraft fluid dynamics, including
Reynolds number and boundary layer effects. This
understanding will permit more-accurate scaling of ground
test data to in-flight performance. Nonetheless, for the
foreseeable future, computational methods will not
eliminate the need for highly capable wind tunnels to
support development of advanced aircraft. Continued work
to improve computational methods and continued flight
exploration (e.g., X-planes) are required adjuncts to the
acquisition of new and improved wind tunnels. Better
scaling methodologies are needed as soon as possible. They
will be useful during the interim before new tunnels are
available, and, in the long run, they will extend the
utility of new tunnels for the design of very large and
usually configured future aircraft.
9. NASA and the Department of Defense should develop a
continuing mechanism for long-term planning of aeronautical
test and evaluation facilities. Assigning the responsibility
to study future requirements and conduct long-range planning
to a permanently established body would provide greater
continuity than the current process of relying on
intermittent, ad hoc committees. Experience with current
facilities indicates that the service life of major new
facilities could easily extend to the middle of the next
century. The long-term utility of major new facilities will
be greatly enhanced if their designs are based on a broad
view of future test requirements.
An overall assessment of Volume II of the NFS report and a
complete list of the ASEB's findings and recommendations
appear in Chapter 7.
footnotes
\1\The National Research Council report ``Aeronautical
Technologies for the 21st Century'' (NRC, 1992) documents
historical trends and projects future gains in aircraft
performance as a result of technological advances.
\2\Overall priorities are discussed in more detail in Chapter
6 starting on page 44.
\3\Mach and Reynolds numbers are defined in Appendix D.
\4\The U.S. National Transonic Facility has a Reynolds number
capability of 119 million, but its productivity is an order
of magnitude less than other large transonic facilities.
Thus, even though it has a limited (design-verification) role
to play in the development of new aircraft, it is not a
``development'' wind tunnel. Its primary role is as a
research facility.
\5\The NFS initially established a Reynolds number test
capability of approximately 30 million as a goal for both the
low speed and transonic wind tunnels. After assessing the
impact of performance goals on facility design and cost, the
NFS recommended accomplishing this goal in the low speed
regime using semi-span models. Semi-span models include only
the left or right half of an airplane. This increases the
Reynolds number capability of a given facility relative to
tests using full-span models.
\6\The National Facilities Study included a very detailed
costing effort, which is documented in Volume II-A of its
final report.
\7\Laster, M.L. June 17, 1994. National Aeronautical Test
Facilities Study Information Memorandum. Directorate for
Plans and Requirements, Arnold Engineering Development
Center. Arnold Air Force Base. Tennessee.
\8\For a more thorough discussion of the factors affecting
the eroding U.S. position in aeronautics, the necessary but
insufficient role that advances in technology play, and
specific technology advances that are possible and desirable,
see ``Aeronautical Technologies for the Twenty-First
Century'' (NRC, 1992), pages 26-34 and the discussions of
current industry status, market forecast, and barriers for
each of the major speed regimes.
\9\NASA has established a Wind Tunnel Program Office at Lewis
Research Center. This office, which reports to the NASA
Administrator, is now working with industry to develop an
acquisition strategy and conduct design trade studies for two
new low speed and transonic wind tunnels, as recommended by
the National Facilities Study. Participants in this effort
include veteran wind tunnel designers, operators, and users
from government and industry. If federal responsibility for
development of these facilities is reassigned, then the
designated successor should assume responsibility for actions
assigned in this report to the Wind Tunnel Program Office.
Mr. BUMPERS. The Senator from Missouri, I think, now wants to offer
his amendment, which I have agreed to, as a second-degree amendment.
Mr. BOND addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
Amendment No. 332 to Amendment No. 330
(Purpose: To provide a limitation on the use of funds for entry with
Russia into an agreement on exchange of equipment, technology, and
materials)
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk in the
nature of a substitute on behalf of myself, Mrs. Feinstein, Ms.
Mikulski, and Mrs. Hutchison, and ask for its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The bill clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Missouri [Mr. Bond], for himself, Mrs.
Feinstein, Ms. Mikulski, and Mrs. Hutchison, proposes an
amendment numbered 332 to amendment No. 330.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the
amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
In lieu of the matter proposed to be added, add the
following:
Sec. . (a) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, no
funds appropriated by this Act, or otherwise appropriated or
made available by any other Act, may be utilized for purposes
of entering into the agreement described in subsection (b)
until the President certifies to Congress that--
(1) Russia has agreed not to sell nuclear reactor
components to Iran; or
(2) the issue of the sale by Russia of such components to
Iran has been resolved in a manner that is consistent with--
(A) the national security objectives of the United States;
and
(B) the concerns of the United States with respect to
nonproliferation in the Middle East.
(b) The agreement referred to in subsection (a) is an
agreement known as the Agreement on the Exchange of
Equipment, Technology, and Materials between the United
States Government and the Government of the Russian
Federation, or any department or agency of that government
(including the Russian Ministry of Atomic Energy), that the
United States Government proposes to enter into under section
123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2153).
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from Arkansas for
working out what would have been a very troubling first-degree
amendment that would have held hostage a very important cooperative
scientific and space technology venture to address a foreign policy
issue which, though widely important, was unrelated to the space
station.
The shuttle-MIR rendezvous program was a cooperative effort between
NASA and Russia which has important benefits for both nations, and is
being paid for by both nations. It is not a paid grant for assistance
to Russia. The United States has contracted with the Russian Space
Agency for a number of services and activities, excluding the launch
and support of an American astronaut to their MIR space station.
As we heard on the news today, the American astronaut has in fact
come aboard the Russian space station. Our astronaut will utilize this
Russian facility to conduct scientific experiments and will return to
Earth aboard the space shuttle when it docks with the MIR space station
in June. This mission will provide important experience and
understanding of such docking procedures which are critical to the
deployment of the international space station.
In addition, the experiments conducted by the astronaut aboard the
Russian MIR space station will provide the United States our first
opportunity to obtain long-term microgravity scientific data.
The amendment, as originally proposed, therefore attempted to
threaten the Russians by saying that unless you
[[Page S4015]] do it as we say, we will shoot ourselves in the foot,
which did not make a great deal of sense because we made the mistake
when Russia invaded Afghanistan. We punished our own farmers by cutting
off grain sales to the Soviet Union. In that case, Russia was free to
purchase cheaper foreign grain on the foreign market. Only U.S.
producers were hurt. This amendment avoids the temptation to shoot
ourselves in the foot again by denying our scientists and engineers the
opportunity to utilize the investment made by Russia in the MIR space
station.
I am very pleased to say that with the efforts of Senator Hutchison,
Senator Mikulski, and Senator Feinstein, we have worked out a
compromise with our colleague from Arkansas. We all share concerns over
the potential sale by the Russians of nuclear reactors to Iran. We
believe that adequate safeguards against the proliferation of nuclear
technology must be secured. The revised amendment, however, targets the
Russian Ministry of Atomic Energy for loss of United States assistance
should any sale be carried out without adequate nonproliferation
guarantees. This, in fact, targets our efforts on the agency which is
causing us great concern.
With this modification, the amendment is strengthened, and focuses on
the parties in Russia responsible for this sale of the reactor
technology. I commend the Senator from Arkansas for calling our
attention to this very troubling development.
But I believe the substitute amendment is a good amendment, and I
urge its adoption.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I do not want to delay this, because we
have agreed to it. But I want to say this is not the sort of amendment
that I would normally offer. I very much want the United States and
Russia to develop a new cooperative attitude toward each other. I have
voted for some funding for Russia, which is not very politically
popular in this country. But I want Russian democracy to succeed. But I
also want the Russians to show some appreciation for the assistance we
have been giving them.
The cooperative space effort which was the subject of my original
amendment. I remain very much opposed to it, and I will try to kill it
later on this year. But I support giving Russia aid to build housing
for their military so they can dismantle their military forces faster,
and giving them money so they can dismantle their bombers, nuclear
warheads, and launchers. That is all very much in our interest. It is
not just to accommodate them; it is in our interest. But then there is
this gigantic space cooperation program; which is a jobs program in
America, but which does not do anything else for us.
But I want to say that when the Russians cavalierly say we are going
to sell nuclear reactors to the biggest renegade nation on this planet,
namely, Iran, I belong to the ``Wait-Just-a-Minute Club.'' There is not
any question about the fact that more terrorism comes out of Iran than
any other country on Earth. So I take very strong exception to the
Russians irresponsibly cutting a deal to sell nuclear reactors to Iran,
which has more oil than they could possibly put in all the generators
they could build through the millennium. Iran can only want nuclear
reactors for one thing. That is for a nuclear weapons program.
Mr. President, this amendment is not terribly tough. My first
amendment said we will stop all space cooperation for the Russians
until the President certifies that the Russians have assured him they
will not sell these reactors to Iran. That caused about 10 heart
attacks around here in people who are interested in the space station.
And, quite frankly, I like to cooperate with the President, who is very
much opposed to my amendment.
Finally, I yielded to this particular amendment, which is not totally
toothless, because the Russians want our nuclear technology.
They want it very badly. And the head of MINATOM, I think, will get
the message. Perhaps the Russians will finally call off this deal to
sell reactors to Iran. So now we are saying in this amendment to the
Russians and to the President: Mr. President, you need to put all the
pressure you can on President Yeltsin and the MINATOM agency, which is
very independent, and you need to get a commitment from them. If this
is not strong enough medicine, I promise you stronger medicine will
follow because here we are spending about $1.5 billion a year trying to
help the Russians. And that aid is not popular around this country.
I know what is popular in this country as well as anybody does. I am
saying that if we do not get some results out of this amendment,
stronger medicine will follow. There is only one thing more
irresponsible than the Russians selling nuclear reactors to Iran, and
that is for us to sit by and do nothing.
I thank Senators Feinstein, Bond, Mikulski, Hutchison, and others who
worked with me in crafting this amendment, which is quite different
from the one I originally offered. I am prepared to now vote on the
amendment.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise in support of the substitute
amendment being offered by the senior Senator from Missouri [Mr. Bond],
to the Bumpers amendment. I was pleased to work with my colleagues and
the administration in helping draft this important amendment.
I support Senator Bumpers' efforts to block the export of Russian
nuclear reactors to Iran. However, the amendment misses the target. It
threatens to jeopardize a program of great importance to the United
States and other Western countries--the international space station--
and it penalizes the Russian Space Agency as opposed to the bad actors
in Russia: the Ministry of Atomic Energy, or MINATOM.
The Bumpers amendment would withhold funding for the first stage of
the international space station program--the space shuttle-MIR
cooperative effort--until the President certifies to Congress that
Russia has agreed not to sell nuclear reactor components to Iran.
As many of my colleagues know, the space shuttle-MIR Cooperative
effort is a prelude to implementation of the space station program. It
consists of seven shuttle flights to the Russian MIR space station that
will reduce technical and scientific risks to the assembly and
operation of the international space station. In addition, it consists
of U.S. participation in the MIR program. Earlier this month, United
States astronaut Norm Thagard was launched on a Russian spacecraft to
the MIR space station to perform science investigations. Thagard will
be aboard MIR for more than 90 days.
The Bumpers amendment, if enacted into law, would put an end to the
shuttle-MIR cooperative effort and essentially kill the international
space station, a program that, according to NASA, is proceeding
smoothly and meeting all cost, technical, and schedule milestones. This
amendment would also impact our other international partners in the
space station program--Europe, Japan, and Canada--who have already
contributed over $8.5 billion to the program.
While I cannot support Senator Bumpers's amendment because of its
impact on the space station program, I, too, am concerned about the
Russian export of nuclear reactors to Iran. That is why I am supporting
the substitute amendment being offered by Senator Bond, myself, and
others. Instead of punishing the Russian Space Agency--who, by the way,
has been cooperating with our efforts to halt the proliferation of
missile technology around the world--the substitute amendment would
target the bad
actors in Russia, MINATOM, the organization that signed the nuclear
deal and will actually export the reactors to Iran.
While protecting important programs that the United States has with
MINATOM--such as the material protection control and counting program,
as well as the high enriched uranium contract--the substitute amendment
would block any agreement under section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act. A
123 agreement is of great interest to MINATOM because it would give
Russia's atomic energy agency broad access to United States nuclear
technology and equipment, such as reactors, nuclear fuel, and major
components for reactors. A 123 agreement would permit MINATOM to
modernize its nuclear reactor program, thus making it more competitive
internationally.
[[Page S4016]] This substitute amendment hits the Russian atomic
energy agency where it hurts. MINATOM wants a 123 agreement. In fact,
it recently submitted a detailed proposal for such an agreement to the
U.S. Department of Energy, where it is currently pending.
I also believe that by targeting MINATOM instead of the Russian Space
Agency, this substitute amendment will have greater influence over
Russia's proposed sale of nuclear reactors to Iran. As the
Congressional Research Service points out, MINATOM has a:
* * * tendency to pursue policies independent of President
Yeltsin's stated positions. Many officials suspect that
MINATOM is more concerned about making money than about
controlling nuclear materials * * *. Many view MINATOM as a
largely independent, self-interested bureaucracy.
By targeting MINATOM directly, the United States will have greater
leverage in trying to block the Russian export. The lack of a 123
agreement could force MINATOM to reconsider the Iranian nuclear reactor
deal.
Senator Bumpers is right that we must do everything practical to stop
Iran from becoming a nuclear-capable nation.
Iran is a supporter of state-sponsored terrorism and funnels money to
Islamic fundamentalist terrorist groups such as Hezbolah;
Secretary of State Warren Christopher said that Iran is on a crash
program to acquire nuclear weapons; and
Though the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA] has found no
evidence of a nuclear weapons program in Iran, our intelligence
agencies believe that Iran is actively pursuing such a program and,
according to press reports, is 6 to 8 years away from having a bomb.
A nuclear-capable Iran is a very real threat to the United States and
the entire world. Even though the proposed Russian export of nuclear
reactors to Iran is allowed within the context of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty [NPT], and even though the reactors are light-
water reactors, I believe that Iran is a reckless country that cannot
be trusted with any type of nuclear technology.
The Bond-Feinstein substitute amendment targets the bad actors in
Russia that are proceeding with the export of nuclear reactors to Iran.
I believe that this amendment will have a much greater influence on the
Russians and will do more to encourage MINATOM not to export the
nuclear reactors to Iran. In addition, this substitute amendment will
not jeopardize a program that is important to California and the entire
Nation--the international space station.
I urge my colleagues to support the substitute amendment.
Ms. MIKULSKI addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland is recognized.
Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise in support of the Bond-Hutchison-
Feinstein-Mikulski substitute to the Bumpers amendment. I want to thank
the Senator from Arkansas for his cooperation in resolving this issue.
Know that I support the policy questions that his original amendment
raised, and am appreciative of the fact that when resolving one policy
issue related to possible nuclear proliferation, we were not creating
damage and havoc in America's space program.
I urge the adoption of the substitute. I thank the Senator from
Arkansas for his cooperation.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there is no further debate, the question is
on agreeing to the substitute amendment of the Senator from Missouri.
The amendment (No. 332) was agreed to.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. BUMPERS. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. BOND. Procedurally, Mr. President, do we need to adopt the
underlying amendment to which the substitute has just been adopted?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Yes, that is appropriate at some point. Is
there further debate?
Mr. BOND. No.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. We will move to the adoption of the Bumpers
amendment, as amended.
The question is on agreeing to the amendment.
The amendment (No. 330), as amended, was agreed to.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. BUMPERS. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Amendment No. 333
(Purpose: To rescind funds made available for the construction of wind
tunnels)
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask
for its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Arkansas [Mr. Bumpers] proposes an
amendment numbered 333.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of
the amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
At the appropriate place in CHAPTER VII of TITLE II of the
bill add the following:
``INDEPENDENT AGENCIES
National Aeronautics and Space Administration National Aeronautical
Facilities
(rescission)
Of the funds made available under this heading in Public
Law 103-327, for construction of wind tunnels, $400,000,000
are rescinded.''
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, today, the House of Representatives is
voting on a very important piece of legislation called rescissions.
They are proposing to cut $17 billion out of this year's budget. A good
portion of that will be used to pay for California disaster aid. The
net reductions in the House rescission is over $11 billion.
As a Democrat, I want to say there are things in that rescission bill
with which I disagree. But I applaud the people in the House who are
indeed finding some spending cuts that we can make without discommoding
this Nation and an awful lot of people. I might say, by way of
digression, that I agree with 70 percent of the people in this country
who say that every dime of that ought to go on deficit reduction, not
for tax cuts.
Further digressing, I am not voting for any tax cuts. I am going to
vote for everything that will reduce the deficit of this country and
keep faith with the American people. You cannot do that by saying here
is a new $200 billion tax cut, and now we are going to start balancing
the budget. Not only does that not make sense, it is not even popular.
The poor person working on an assembly line will get enough to buy a
13-inch pizza each Friday night out of the tax cuts. Based on the
inflation figures coming out, there is a chance he is going to pay more
interest on his house and car and on everything he buys on time if we
inflate this economy with $200 billion in additional tax cuts.
What in the name of all that is good and holy are we talking about?
Tax cuts to generate economic activity? The inflation rate is up this
morning to a level that is alarming to everybody, and Alan Greenspan
raised interest rates in the last 14 months seven times to dampen
economic activity. You have Greenspan on the one hand saying, ``I am
raising interest rates to slow economic growth,'' and you have the
Republicans in the House saying, ``We are going to give all this tax
money to you to stimulate economic growth.'' You cannot have it both
ways. You should not. We ought to put this money where everybody in
America wants it--on the deficit.
I am going to help the Republicans balance this budget by the year
2002, if they will let me.
That is why I am standing here today. Last year, Mr. President, with
no authorization from anybody, the HUD-VA Appropriations Committees in
the House and Senate went to conference, and approved $400 million for
wind tunnels that was included in the Senate bill. Mr. President, $400
million ain't beanbags.
The Presiding Officer is smiling because he and I have gone after a
lot of these boondoggles, from the super collider to the space station,
and you name it. And the President, thank goodness, had the good sense
to kill the advance neutron source. That is another $3 billion we were
getting ready to spend. And now we have wind tunnels.
[[Page S4017]] That is not the best of it. Not only did we go to
conference with the House, which had nothing in its budget for wind
tunnels, and approve this $400 million for wind tunnels to accommodate
the aircraft industry even though it had not been authorized in either
House, but here is what they said--and I want every one of my
colleagues watching or listening to this in their offices and those on
the floor, if they do not hear another word I say, I want them to hear
this. Here is the text of the appropriations bill that came out of the
conference committee:
For construction of new national wind tunnel facilities,
including final design modification of existing facilities,
et cetera, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration,
$400 million is to remain available to NASA until March 31,
1997, provided--
Listen to this proviso.
that the funds made available under this heading--
Namely this $400 million.
shall be rescinded on July 15, 1995, unless the President, in
his budget for 1996, requests the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration for continuation of this wind tunnel
initiative.
This is what the conference report came back with. This will be
rescinded unless the President asks for the money.
Well, the President did not ask for the money in his fiscal year 1996
budget. Now what is the argument? ``Did we ever fool you.'' Is that the
argument? ``Boy, did you bite into this one.''
You will never find anything easier to cut than this $400 million.
Let me say to my Republican brethren who want to privatize
everything: How can you go around talking about privatizing everything
and then say to the aircraft industry, already is getting $60 million
to study wind tunnels, how can you say to them, ``We know you would
like to have these wind tunnels and we know you don't want to spend
your money to do it, so we will spend old Uncle Sucker's money to build
these wind tunnels for you.''
You will hear people talking about, ``Oh, this deals with aircraft
safety. This deals with aerodynamics. If we don't do it, the European
Airbus consortium is going to eat our lunch.''
That is kind of like the superconducting super collider.
There is one in Geneva that was going to cost about $1 billion or maybe
$2 billion, so we had to build one in Texas about five times as costly.
Somebody is building wind tunnels over there, so we are getting ready
to embark, Mr. President, not on a $400 million venture, but somewhere
between $2.5 and $3.2 billion. And the project has not been
authorized--$3 billion; $400 million of which the conference committee
said will be rescinded unless the President asks for it. Now the
President is not a piker about asking for money. He surely had some
reason not to ask for it.
And so, here we are cutting food stamps, cutting aid to children and
homeless mothers--most of which is hardly applauded by the American
people--cutting $1.7 billion to give the poorest children a job during
the summer months. That is a cut that says, ``You kids hang around the
pool hall this summer. We are cutting this program totally, because we
have to start this wind tunnel.''
I do not know, technically, how valid the arguments are about the
need for these wind tunnels. All I know is we have a pretty healthy
aircraft industry in this country and they ought to be doing it.
Do you want to privatize something? Privatize the wind tunnels. It is
corporate welfare at its worst.
Mr. President, I do not think we have a time agreement on this.
Is there a time agreement, Mr. President?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is an agreement that limits time prior
to a motion to table. Under that agreement, it is 45 minutes. The Chair
believes that is divided, with 30 minutes reserved to the Senator from
Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, how much time do I have remaining?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There are 20 minutes remaining to the Senator
from Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, to some of the people around here who
profess to be deficit hawks, along with me, let me implore you: Do not
vote for this because it is going to be built in somebody's State. Do
not vote for it because you want to help the Boeing Corp.
One other point, Mr. President. The private sector is expected to put
up 20 percent of the money. Think about this. Mr. President, here is
the $64 question. I will let you guess. How much do you think they have
committed so far? Oh, I can tell by the look on your face you already
know. Zip. Not one penny.
So I plead with my colleagues to be able to go home and say, yes, we
took out $400 million, headed for $3 billion, because we believe in the
private enterprise system in this country.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator note the absence of a quorum?
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum with
the time to be charged equally to both sides.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I will just make one quick point, a very
important point that I overlooked. And that is this rescission is in
the House version of the defense supplemental we have before us today.
So the House has already taken the $400 million out. And in order to
avoid any conflicts, any conflicts in the conference with the House we
should do the same thing here.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri is recognized.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I yield myself such time as I may need.
Mr. President, our committee has recommended substituting $400
million in public housing new construction funds for rescission rather
than the wind tunnel appropriation.
Very simply, this is an effort to get us back on track for
transforming the out-of-control Housing and Urban Development policies.
We need to stop spending in areas where we cannot spend money wisely,
but we also need to save manufacturing jobs. New science and real
manufacturing jobs are the things that depend upon this wind tunnel.
My colleague from Arkansas has said, ``Well, we do not want to be in
disagreement with the House.'' Mr. President, if we were not in
disagreement with the House, life might be a lot simpler around here,
but I do not think that we would be earning the trust that the citizens
of our States have put in us, because I happen to think that the House,
if, in fact, they have rescinded the wind tunnel authorization, has
made a major mistake.
The commercial airplane market in the United States is a $40-billion-
a-year enterprise which the United States dominated until foreign
competition, specifically Airbus, with strong governmental support,
weighed in with aggressively priced technically advanced aircraft.
Airbus has captured about 30 percent of the market and now increasing
competition is expected from Russia, China, Japan, and others.
Critical to the continued U.S. competitive position in this growing
market is the development of new technically advanced aircraft. Access
to wind tunnels, such as the ones currently under study, are necessary
for such development and such facilities do not currently exist in the
United States.
Airbus, by contrast, has several facilities available to it in
European countries, including a new transonic facility in Germany. The
development of these wind tunnels will be a joint venture between the
Government and industry, with significant industry financial
contributions. NASA and industry participants have underway an
extensive study of design configuration of this wind tunnel complex,
along with an assessment of financial and legal arrangements for a
Government-industry consortium to build and operate the national wind
tunnel facility.
These studies began last year and will not be completed until fiscal
year 1997. The appropriation of $400 million for the wind tunnel
facility was made
[[Page S4018]] last year before the schedule of the ongoing study was
determined. The contingency included for this appropriation--which call
for further funding in fiscal year 1996--therefore, did not adequately
reflect the time necessary to conduct the study.
Only after the analysis is completed will we be in a position to make
recommendations on industry participation and further funding the
complex. As I noted before, these decisions will be made in fiscal year
1997, and the administration has requested supplemental language to
change the previously enacted limitation to extend availabilities of
this funding to that fiscal year.
It is the committee's intention to recommend enactment of the
administration's requested supplemental language. This item was not
appropriate for inclusion in this defense supplemental and recision
bill. It will be considered in connection with the next supplemental
appropriation bill.
Mr. President, how much time remains on this side?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Eleven and one-half minutes remain.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I would like to yield 5 minutes to my
ranking member of the Appropriations Subcommitee, the Senator from
Maryland, Senator Mikulski.
After that, I would like to give 2 minutes to the Senator from
California [Mrs. Boxer].
Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the proposed
amendment and in support of the Committee's recommendation regarding
funding for the national wind tunnel complex.
The reason I oppose the amendment is that I believe that in our quest
for quick fixes to help ease the budget deficit, that we do not make
the kind of shortsighted cuts which will cost us jobs and productivity
in the long run.
Wind tunnels are the 21st century test tubes for America's
aeronautics industry. No industry defines our country's economy more
than commercial aeronautics.
The European aeronautics consortium, Airbus, started just 25 years
ago. But since that time, they've gained a 35-percent market share in
commercial aviation. The European Airbus consortium now make and sell
more commercial planes than McDonnel-Douglas, second only to Boeing.
They are gaining ground on us, year by year, and threaten the long-term
dominance of the United States in this centerpiece of our manufacturing
base.
Mr. President, the commercial market for aircraft is forecast to be
in excess of $800 billion in the next 20 years of which almost two-
thirds will be sales to foreign airlines. Russia, China, and Japan are
weighing entry into this market.
A vital factor in obtaining market share in the next century will be
the ability of the U.S. manufacturers to introduce new aircraft that
are capable of advanced performance through improved technologies.
The new low-speed transonic wind tunnels will enable U.S.
manufacturers to more effectively simulate flight conditions and reduce
cycle times in the development of new aircraft and derivatives.
It should come as no surprise that European governments have invested
in six major wind tunnels in the last 15 years, which has provided
Airbus with a distinct aerodynamic advantage.
Mr. President, U.S. aircraft testing facilities are so far behind the
times that American airplane makers must go to Europe to do much of
their testing and face the threat of having their most promising
technology compromised in the backyard of their biggest competitor.
Commercial aviation is one of the few areas where U.S. preeminence in
manufacturing now exists. We export far more than we import. This is
one area of our manufacturing base where we still provide high-skilled,
high-quality jobs for American workers.
But unless we act to make this industry fit for duty, we run the risk
that U.S. commercial aviation may go the way of the VCR, the
automobile, the textile industry, or the TV.
Mr. President, the $400 million that was appropriated in the fiscal
year 1995 VA-HUD bill was provided to allow the Federal Government to
join with the private sector in a cost-shared accelerated effort to
develop these wind tunnel facilities. This is a Federal investment in
pre-competitive research and development. It is not our intention to
have the Federal Government pick winners and losers. We don't subsidize
the production of commercial products. With this investment, we are
simply making sure that U.S. companies who are up against other
countries in this field have the kind of test facilities they need to
retain their edge.
Mr. President, if we are not willing to fight for aeronautics, what
kind of manufacturing strategy do we have?
It was an attempt to answer that question that persuaded Senator Bond
and me to make the recommendation that we did. Rather than sacrifice
future productivity and jobs, we elected to reduce funding available
for public housing and new construction at HUD. We decided to defer
some new starts and, given the administration's proposal to reinvent
HUD which the VA-HUD Subcommittee will be addressing in the fiscal year
1996 bill, it makes little sense to add to the existing public housing
inventory.
Mr. President, we need this wind tunnel initiative to go forward now.
As we noted in the statement of managers that accompanied the fiscal
year 1995 VA-HUD appropriations bill, the $400 million appropriated is
needed to leverage reliable and resilient cost-sharing from the private
sector and State and local governments that will bidding on potential
sites for the wind tunnel complex.
The total cost of the national wind tunnel complex is estimated to be
between $1.8 and $2.3 billion. This is more than either the Federal
Government or private industry can fund alone. What is required is a
partnership between the public and private sectors to share costs and
technical know-how.
NASA has already established an industry team led by Boeing that
includes McDonnell Douglas, Lockheed, Northrop Grumman, Pratt &
Whitney, and General Electric. Working with NASA this industry team is
developing engineering, performance, cost, financing and site
evaluation options needed to lay the groundwork for a comprehensive
plan and strategy for the development of the wind tunnels.
Although the administration has not requested additional funding for
the national wind tunnel complex in its fiscal year 1996 budget
request, the President is proposing that the $400 million appropriated
in fiscal year 1995 remain available until fiscal year 1997 to allow
for the completion of the comprehensive study. Guided by this study,
construction of the wind tunnels can begin in fiscal year 1996,
provided that funding provided in fiscal year 1995 is available.
There might be those in America who say, why does the U.S. Senate
want to advocate more wind tunnels? The whole Senate is a wind tunnel.
Well, Mr. President, I know how they feel. Very often more gets said
than gets done. What we did when we advocated the building of a
national wind tunnel complex--this is the new infrastructure that
enables the United States of America to be competitive in terms of
developing the new aviation technologies that we need to have in order
to have the new aeronautic aviation designs for the new planes of the
21st century.
The reason I oppose this amendment is that I do not believe in our
quest for quick fixes. Those kind of one-liners we can put out on talk
rodeo or radio are so shortsighted that we think if we knock something
out like this, we can grab onto how we cut out $400 million and saved a
little muffin at the school lunch program, then we have been doing
something.
Mr. President, we need to have a future. We need to have jobs in
manufacturing. The most important source of jobs in manufacturing right
now are in our aviation industry, and yet we are being beaten to death
in the new world market.
Our competitors abroad have government-financed wind tunnels that are
helping them develop the new technologies of the 21st century. That is
what these wind tunnels are. They are test tubes for America's aviation
industry.
My colleague has spoken to the aeronautics consortium, Airbus, that
started 25 years ago. With all the big bucks subsidies they get they
have now gained a 35 percent market share in commercial aviation. The
commercial
[[Page S4019]] market for aircraft is forecast to be over $800 billion
in the next 20
years. Russia, China, and Japan are talking about getting into this
market.
Mr. President, keep in mind that the European Airbus consortium began
in 1972 and by 1980 had a 20-percent share of the commercial market. By
1990, Airbus controlled 30 percent market share by the year 2005.
So we will have competition from fortress Europe and we will have
competition from the juggernauts on the Pacific rim. This is why we
need to develop this technology, so that we can continue to make sure
we are not on a glidepath and heading into a crash when it comes to our
aviation industry.
This is a partnership with the private sector. We are not picking
winners and losers. We are paying for the previous competitive
infrastructure with cooperation from the private sector. The private
sector will pay to use wind tunnels.
We cannot afford further delay. We cannot continue to allow U.S.
market share in aviation to erode. Make no mistake. The issues here are
jobs today and jobs tomorrow. Jobs in manufacturing that employ
everyone from high-tech engineers to highly skilled people in
manufacturing.
I believe the best social program is a job. I want America to
continue to be ahead in aviation. This investment is what will help the
United States be able to stay there and develop the products necessary.
I urge my colleagues to vote to table the Bumpers amendment and to
support the committee recommendation.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. As of the previous request of the Senator from
Missouri, the gentle Senator from California is recognized.
Mrs. BOXER. Thank you, Mr. President, for calling me a gentle
Senator. I will, in fact, try to be one.
While I agree with my friend from Arkansas on so many things, I think
that this amendment is shortsighted for the economic future of our
Nation.
I think people listening to this debate would wonder, what is a wind
tunnel, anyway? A wind tunnel is a place where we can test an aircraft,
a new aircraft design, before it is fully built. We can simulate the
impact of flying that newly designed aircraft. It is very important to
the aerospace industry. We are talking here about civil aviation.
As a matter of fact, a prominent NASA official has said, ``Wind
tunnels and computers are the two most important tools in the research
and development of new aircraft.'' Everyone would say immediately, of
course, computers are critical. So are wind tunnels. I hope we will not
lose that point.
The U.S. aircraft manufacturing industry is critical to our economy,
as the Senator from Maryland has said, and to our balance of trade. I
certainly know that, representing the great State of California. It is
also important to our country's technological leadership.
Now, it is true that the industry is facing many challenges, and I
want to point out why I think this amendment is off the mark. When my
friend from Arkansas says that the companies can do this on their own,
I would point out that is not so. Currently, our competitors in Europe
are getting enormous subsidies from their host countries. Already,
because they are building more state-of-the-art wind tunnels, we are
losing market share to them.
Mr. President, I do not think I need to go into too many details. The
time is short. I ask unanimous consent that a letter that I wrote to
Dan Goldin, the Administrator of NASA, back in September 1993, be
printed in the Record at this time.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
U.S. Senate,
Hart Senate Office Building,
Washington, DC, September 29, 1993.
Daniel S. Goldin,
Administrator, National Aeronautics and Space Administration,
Washington, DC.
Dear Dan: The purpose of this letter is to underscore yet
again the importance of the NASA National Wind Tunnel
Facility to the State of California. I understand that NASA
is preparing its long-range budget request for submission on
Friday to the Office of Management and Budget, and I urge you
to include in that request funds for new wind tunnel
construction.
It is no secret that California is experiencing economic
hard times. Our aerospace industry, with its preeminent
technological base, highly-skilled workforce, and historic
ties to defense production, has been particularly hard hit,
with 128,000 jobs lost in the last several years alone. The
latest round of base closures portends even more job loss and
hardship throughout the state of California.
The wind tunnel project is essential to continued U.S.
leadership in aviation technology. As you know, the
complexity of modern aircraft and the pressure of
international competition have created a critical need for
increased domestic productivity and improved simulation
requirements--and no current wind tunnel satisfies these
requirements. However, such improvements are possible through
construction of the new NASA wind tunnels.
It is my understanding that the new wind tunnels would
support primarily civilian/commercial aircraft research and
development. I understand further that commercial aircraft
manufacturers would pay NASA for use of the wind tunnels,
offsetting over time some initial construction costs and
ongoing operating expenses.
Sincerely,
Barbara Boxer,
U.S. Senator.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I would say to my friend from Missouri,
thank you for leading this debate. I think this would be very foolish
in the long run. Yes, in the short run we could save some dollars, but
in the long run if we fall behind here it means the loss of jobs. Our
economy cannot afford that kind of hit. I yield the floor.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I yield the Senator from Nebraska 5
minutes.
Mr. EXON. Mr. President, I thank my friend and colleague from
Arkansas for yielding.
Mr. President, first, I am pleased to learn that even distantly we
are reaching a point when we will move ahead and dispose of the
remaining amendments and hopefully, pass the defense supplemental
defense bill today.
It is critical that we get moving on this. I am glad to see that the
Senate has finally arrived at the position where they recognize we have
to move on this bill.
As I understand it, we will have a vote on this today. I have been
listening with great interest, Mr. President, to the remarks of my two
colleagues who have spoken before me. They made some very excellent
points that I think the U.S. Senate should take a very close and very
hard look at.
In another time, in another day, I would be persuaded by the
arguments made by the Senator from Maryland and the Senator from
California. But the facts of the matter are this is a new day, this is
a different day.
We are going to be deluged, I say, Mr. President, all of us on all
sides of various issues that are going to be upcoming with trying to do
something about the United States of America continuing to spend more
money than it takes in, however worthy.
I will simply say that regardless of the excellent points that have
been made by the two previous speakers, I must support wholeheartedly
the effort to reduce these types of expenditures regardless of how
worthy, given the situation that confronts us today.
Mr. President, all of these things are good. The question is, can we
afford them? If we are talking about programs like this, then that is
just one more deep bite of the knife or the machete--call it what you
will--into programs for the elderly, the poor, the School Lunch
Program, Women, Infants and Children, and all of these other things
that we think are tremendously important.
I simply say that if we cannot make savings in programs like this
that have already been zeroed out by the House of Representatives, then
I suspect that we are going to have even more and more difficulty than
we thought we had with regard to doing something constructively and
thoughtfully about the deficit of the United States of America and the
ever-skyrocketing national debt that is eating our economy alive.
Therefore, I say notwithstanding the good, valuable, articulate, and
well-thought out recommendations by those who are opposing the Bumpers
amendment, I simply say that I must at this time not only vote for the
Bumpers amendment, but I hope that the Senate on this occasion will
rise to the occasion and do what I think we must under the
circumstances that confront us, and that is to approve the Bumpers
amendment.
[[Page S4020]] I yield back the remainder of my time to my colleague
from Arkansas, and I yield the floor.
Mr. BUMPERS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. DeWine). The Senator from Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, how much time is remaining on each side?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 13\1/2\ minutes. The Senator
from Missouri has 2 minutes 41 seconds.
Mr. BOND. How much?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Two minutes forty-one seconds.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I want to reiterate that I voted for an
appropriations bill last year that had language in it saying that this
money was going to be rescinded, and the House kept their word and they
rescinded it. We are reneging on something we voted to do last year.
I just, frankly, cringe when I see us putting $400 million into a
program like this. The Senator from Maryland a moment ago listed the
people this is designed to help. Can you believe this? Listen:
Lockheed, General Electric, Boeing, McDonnell Douglas, Martin Marietta,
Northrup, and Pratt & Whitney.
The kids who hang around the pool hall this summer, because we killed
summer jobs, can fend for themselves, but we have to put $400 million
in this year headed, listen to this, Mr. President, headed from
somewhere between $2.5 billion and $3.2 billion for wind tunnels to
assist seven of the biggest corporations in America.
You know, Bob Reich hit a tender spot with me when he started talking
about corporate welfare. How in the name of all that is good and holy
can the U.S. Senate even consider going down this path toward a $3
billion expenditure because Airbus--because Airbus--is building a good
airplane?
I heard the same arguments in the early seventies, in the late
seventies that I just heard from my good friend and colleague from
Maryland when the Japanese were eating the American automobile
industry's lunch. The American automobile industry said, ``Well, people
are not going to like those little old minicars, they are going to quit
buying them.'' They did not quit buying them, and shortly, the American
automobile industry was on its haunches, losing money hand over fist.
We did not give them $3 billion, and they are at this moment the most
viable industry in America because they sucked it up, pulled up their
pants and did whatever they knew they had to do: Build a better
automobile.
But now we are saying to these seven corporate giants who have at
this moment not committed one penny--they say, ``We'll put up 20
percent of the money.'' You have not heard anybody say they have done
it or offered to do it.
So I am simply saying, you will never get a chance to save $400
million easier, and if we are going to go through this laborious
process this year of cutting virtually everything in sight, for God's
sake, let us cut this.
I yield the floor, Mr. President.
Ms. MIKULSKI. Will the Senator yield for just a question?
Mr. BUMPERS. Yes.
Ms. MIKULSKI. Is the Senator aware that the administration strongly
supports the retention of the $400 million request?
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I am not familiar with the fact they
strongly support it, and I am familiar with the fact they have asked
for the study to be completed before they ask for any more funds for
this project. But they are not committed and they are not proposing to
be committed until the present study is completed and you will have
plenty of time after that to decide and the Senate will, too. But for
the time being, I am saying we ought to torpedo this misguided
appropriation.
Ms. MIKULSKI. I am surprised the way the Senator characterizes this.
Mr. BUMPERS. Well, I will change it in the Record.
Ms. MIKULSKI. I know they do it in the House all the time. I would
hope we would not get into that in the Senate.
If you yield the floor then, I would just like to bring to the
attention of the Senator from Missouri that the administration has
submitted a letter in support of the wind tunnel. I ask unanimous
consent that it be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
The White House,
Washington, DC, March 16, 1995.
Hon. Barbara Mikulski,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Dear Senator Mikulski: The Administration strongly supports
the retention of the $400 million appropriated in FY 1995 to
build the National Wind Tunnel Complex and reiterates its
request that the funds remain available until a decision
whether to proceed can be made during the FY 1997 budget
process.
NASA, its government partners, and an industry team need to
continue to study and refine the wind tunnel concept and
financing options to support a well-informed decision on
proceeding with the project. At the completion of the current
contract, preliminary design will be complete and government/
industry shares of cost and risk will be negotiated. Until
the study data can be carefully evaluated, it would be
premature to either rescind or augment the current funding.
The Administration remains very concerned with the
significant erosion of the United States' share of the global
commercial aircraft market over the last 25 years. Several
recent studies, including the NASA Federal Laboratory Review,
have recommended construction of these highly productive and
capable wind tunnels to maintain the world-class capability
of the Nation's aeronautics industry. The Administration
believes that the timing of this critical decision requires
retention of the $400 million appropriation and we would
appreciate your support in this matter.
Sincerely,
John H. Gibbons,
Assistant to the President for
Science and Technology.
Mr. BOND addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Maryland. I was
going to ask that this letter dated March 16 from the science adviser
to the President, which says ``The administration strongly supports the
retention of the $400 million appropriated in FY 1995 to build the
National Wind Tunnel Complex and reiterates its request that the funds
remain available until a decision whether to proceed can be made during
the FY 1997 budget process,'' be printed in the Record. If this is the
same letter dated March 16, if it is already printed, I will not need
to ask for its printing.
Mr. President, might I ask the distinguished Senator from Arkansas if
he would be so be kind as to yield us 5 minutes of the time he has
remaining. His wonderful oratory has brought forth far more speakers
than we had envisioned. If the Senator could allocate us some of his
time.
Mr. BUMPERS. How much time do I have remaining, Mr. President?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 7 minutes 48 seconds.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent I be permitted to
yield 4 minutes to the distinguished Senator from Missouri for such
allocation as he chooses.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BOND. I thank the Senator. Let me first begin by allocating 1
minute to the Senator from Tennessee.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Tennessee.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the amendment of
the Senator from Arkansas which rescinds funds for the construction of
new national wind tunnel facilities.
This next generation of research facilities is absolutely essential
for the maintenance of the competitive advantage of the United States
that it currently enjoys in the field of commercial aviation. This will
be a national and an international resource. The development of these
facilities is absolutely critical to maintaining this position.
I commend Senator Bond and Senator Mikulski for recognizing the
importance of the U.S. aircraft manufacturing facility as spelled out
in this wind tunnel and restoring these important funds.
I thank the Chair.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I allocate 1 minute of time to the Senator
from Texas [Mrs. Hutchison].
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas is recognized for 1
minute.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I wish to add my remarks to those of
the
[[Page S4021]] Senator from Missouri and those of the Senator from
Tennessee and the great Senator from the State of Maryland.
This is exactly what responsible budgeting is. We have made a
decision in the committee that as a priority we should be looking at
the science projects that are going to create the new technologies that
keep the new jobs in America.
Mr. President, HUD is in a state of flux. We have been spending
$86,000 per housing unit to construct housing under HUD. Once
constructed, it costs $4,000 to $5,000 per year to maintain. There are
great questions if that is the best use of taxpayer dollars. I think it
is most responsible to take money from housing construction when we
think we are going to go into vouchers, which are going to work better,
and we put that money into big science which creates jobs for the
future.
Mr. President, that is what we are doing. We should table the Bumpers
amendment and do what is responsible for the future of our country.
I thank the Chair.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I yield the time remaining with the
exception of 30 seconds, which I reserve to offer a tabling motion, to
the Senator from Montana.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana is recognized for 2
minutes.
Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I wish to first thank the ranking member
and the manager of this bill for this time, and I especially wish to
thank my friend from Arkansas for allowing me just a couple extra
minutes. I appreciate that very much. He feels very strongly about
this, as a lot of us on the other side of the issue feel very strongly
about it. But one has to look at what it is all about, because in 1994
we appropriated $74 million for this program, and then in 1995 we
appropriated another $400 million for the testing and related costs to
move this program forward.
Now, that move forward had a certain number of conditions to it. Now,
if those conditions are not met, then by July 1 this $400 million will
be automatically rescinded. That was the condition of the
appropriation. But if they are met, then this money carries over into
the 1996 appropriations and to further on develop the wind tunnels.
We have to remember that as far as industrial wind tunnels in this
country, we are not in very good shape. And once we go into the
supersonic aircraft--and that is going to be the next generation of
commercial aircraft for civil aeronautics--we are going to need the
facility. Right now, 25 percent of the cost of your airplanes in this
country goes to Europe for the use of their wind tunnels.
I do not know how long it takes before we finally work out this whole
problem, but basically let us be very up front about this because if
the conditions are not met by July 1, this $400 million is
automatically rescinded. There were conditions put on this
appropriation. I am chairman of the authorizing committee.
So what we are doing, we are allowing the administration and NASA to
work out the details of how much private money is going to go into this
program. It is going to be a mix.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair would advise the Senator his time
has expired.
Mr. BURNS. I appreciate that. I have nothing to submit for the
Record, but I would say this is going to be a commingled fund. I
appreciate the time.
I yield the floor.
Mr. BUMPERS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I am prepared to close the debate and get
a vote on this amendment.
Let me reiterate that this is corporate welfare, pure and simple. You
heard the list of seven of the biggest corporations in America. They
said they would put up 20 percent of the money for this. They have not
committed one nickel--not a dime. If we cannot cut this $400 million, I
shudder to think what is going to happen in this body the rest of this
year.
The American people have a right to demand that those people who
said, ``I will be as careful with your money as I would if it were my
own,'' will do just that. They have a legitimate nonnegotiable demand
that you fulfill that promise. You cannot get it all out of welfare
programs. You cannot get it out of food stamps. You can get some of it
from those places. But now we are going to start on a $3 billion
program to accommodate GE and Lockheed and Boeing and McDonnell
Douglas, Pratt & Whitney, and Northrop. We are starting down the road
with a $3 billion expenditure because they do not want to do it. The
automobile industry did it. The aircraft industry could do it, too. If
we start down that road of corporate welfare, I shudder to think where
we are going to wind up with the deficit this year and next.
So I plead with my colleagues, keep your commitment. Vote to cut
spending.
I yield the floor and yield back such time as I may have remaining.
Mr. BOND addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
Mr. BOND. I thank my colleagues from Montana, from Texas, and from
Tennessee for their very strong arguments in favor of the wind tunnel.
It is extremely important for the commercial development of
aeronautics. It is vitally important that we keep this technology and
our developments on our shores. Because of the military applications,
the distinguished ranking member and chairman of the subcommittee on
defense also support the wind tunnels. Our future and our children's
future in this area of science and technology depends on that.
I now move to table and I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. BOND. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll to ascertain the
presence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the
roll.
Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, have the yeas and nays been ordered on the
motion to table?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. That is correct.
Program
Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I just wanted to announce before the vote
started that at 12:30, we will be honored by the presence of King
Hassan II of the Kingdom of Morocco. The King has been a loyal friend
and ally of the United States, and I urge all of my colleagues to greet
His Majesty and welcome him to the floor of the U.S. Senate.
At this very moment, he is in a meeting in S-207 which will conclude
at about 12:30. So if you can stay for a few moments after voting, I
know he will appreciate very much meeting you.
I thank the Chair.
Vote On Motion To Table Amendment No. 333
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question occurs on the motion to table the
amendment offered by the Senator from Arkansas, amendment No. 333.
The yeas and nays have been ordered.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Bradley]
is necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
who desire to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 64, nays 35, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 105 Leg.]
YEAS--64
Abraham
Akaka
Ashcroft
Bennett
Bingaman
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Burns
Campbell
Chafee
Cochran
Cohen
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
Daschle
DeWine
Dodd
Dole
Faircloth
Feinstein
Frist
Glenn
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hatch
Hatfield
Heflin
Helms
Hollings
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Johnston
Kassebaum
Kempthorne
Kerrey
Kyl
Leahy
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McConnell
Mikulski
Moynihan
Murkowski
Murray
Pressler
Rockefeller
Santorum
Sarbanes
Shelby
Simpson
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
[[Page S4022]] NAYS--35
Baucus
Biden
Brown
Bryan
Bumpers
Byrd
Coats
Conrad
Domenici
Dorgan
Exon
Feingold
Ford
Harkin
Jeffords
Kennedy
Kerry
Kohl
Lautenberg
Levin
McCain
Moseley-Braun
Nickles
Nunn
Packwood
Pell
Pryor
Reid
Robb
Roth
Simon
Smith
Snowe
Specter
Wellstone
NOT VOTING--1
Bradley
So the moton to lay on the table the amendment (No. 333) was agreed
to.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. HATFIELD. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mrs. BOXER addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California is recognized.
Amendment No. 334
(Purpose: To express the sense of the Senate that a member of the Armed
Forces sentenced by a court-martial to confinement and a punitive
discharge or dismissal should not receive pay and allowances)
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask
for its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from California [Mrs. Boxer] proposes an
amendment numbered 334.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of
the amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
On page 25, between lines 4 and 5, insert the following:
Sec. 110. It is the sense of the Senate that--
(1) Congress should enact legislation that terminates the
entitlement to pay and allowances for each member of the
Armed Forces who is sentenced by a court-martial to
confinement and either a dishonorable discharge, bad-conduct
discharge, or dismissal;
(2) the legislation should provide for restoration of the
entitlement if the sentence to confinement and punitive
discharge or dismissal, as the case may be, is disapproved or
set aside; and
(3) the legislation should include authority for the
establishment of a program that provides transitional
benefits for spouses and other dependents of a member of the
Armed Forces receiving such a sentence.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I have an amendment that we will take a
very short time on. It has been agreed to on both sides. We are
expressing the sense of the Senate that a member of the armed services
sentenced by a court martial to confinement and a punitive discharge or
dismissal should not receive full pay and allowances.
Mr. President, I will take but a moment to explain why this is such
an important amendment and to express my gratitude to both sides of the
aisle for agreeing to it.
We know that, in the month of June 1994 alone, the Department of
Defense spent more than $1 million on the salaries of 680 convicts. I
want to point out that among those were 58 rapists, 164 child
molesters, and 7 murderers, among others. I know that every single man
and woman in this Chamber wants to put an end to that kind of a
practice. I have legislation, and many Members on both sides of the
aisle are cosponsors of that legislation that would put an end to
paying these convicted felons with taxpayer dollars.
That statute that I have authored is being considered in the Armed
Services Committee today. I am very hopeful that it will move forward
and become law. In the meantime, I think it is important on this bill
that the Senate go on record as saying we oppose the military giving
full pay to these convicted felons.
In closing, I want to give you just one example. In California, a
marine, a lance corporal, who beat his 13-month-old daughter to death
almost 2 years ago still receives $1,000 each month, or about $20,000
since his conviction. He spends his days in the brig at Camp Pendleton
and does not pay a dime of child support and has managed to pack away
this $25,000. I spoke with the murdered child's grandmother. She was
totally shocked. She has not received a penny of support for the other
living child that he still has. I know we all want to put an end to
this.
At this point, I will yield the floor and thank my colleagues on both
sides for including this sense of the Senate.
I ask unanimous consent that Senator Bradley be added as a cosponsor
of this amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
military pay for military prisoners facing punitive discharges
Mr. NUNN. Mr. President, I want to commend Senator Boxer for her
sense-of-the-Senate amendment concerning the anomalous situation in
which some military prisoners facing punitive discharges continue to
receive substantial amounts of military pay while in confinement.
The amendment would express the sense of the Senate that:
First, Congress should enact legislation that terminates the
entitlement to pay and allowances for each member of the Armed Forces
who is sentenced to a punitive discharge.
Second, that the legislation should provide for restoration of pay in
the event that the punitive discharge is set aside.
Third, that the legislation should include authority for the
establishment of a program that provides transitional benefits for
spouses and other dependents of a member of the Armed Forces whose pay
is terminated in such legislation.
Mr. President, I would briefly like to outline the background of this
issue.
Under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, a court-martial has great
discretion over the sentence. Depending on the maximum punishment
authorized for an offense, a sentence can include a punitive
discharge--bad-conduct of dishonorable--or dismissal of an officer,
confinement, a reduction in rank, and forfeiture of pay. Although many
individuals sentenced to a punitive discharge and confinement also are
sentenced to total forfeiture of pay, there are exceptions.
Recent new stories have highlighted the fact that some persons with
substantial confinement and punitive discharges continue to receive
military pay. On January 11, Senator Boxer introduced S. 205 with the
goal of ending pay for such individuals.
I support the purposes of the Boxer bill, and I congratulate her for
initiating legislation to close this loophole. There are a number of
technical questions which must be addressed by the Armed Services
Committee with respect to the drafting of this legislation. These
include:
First, should the restriction on pay also apply to prisoners
sentenced to substantial periods of confinement even though the
sentence does not include a punitive discharge?
Second, should the restriction apply at the time the sentence is
announced by a military judge or at the time the sentence is approved
by the commander who convened the court-martial?
Third, what should be the impact of a commander's decision to suspend
the effect of a punitive discharge?
Fourth, how do we address the problem of prisoners who are currently
receiving pay without violating the ex post facto clause of the
Constitution (Art. I, sec. 9, cl. 3)?
Fifth, how do we address the transitional issues that face innocent
spouses and children of such prisoners who are stationed overseas or
far from their home of record without creating an expensive
entitlement?
I have discussed these matters with Senator Boxer and have
specifically addressed the questions to the Under Secretary of Defense
for Personnel and Readiness, Edwin Dorn. Secretary Dorn has advised me
that the Department of Defense is very close to completing a
legislative proposal that would address my questions.
Mr. President, I am confident that we can close this loophole. I look
forward to working with Senator Boxer, and with Senator Coats and
Senator Byrd, the chairman and ranking member of the Subcommittee on
Personnel of the Armed Services Committee, in addressing this issue.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, the amendment offered by the Senator
from California has been cleared at our Appropriations Subcommittee on
Defense and by the authorizers.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I am pleased to advise the Senate that the
Senate Armed Services Committee is in favor of this amendment, and
there is no objection on our side.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further debate?
[[Page S4023]] The question is on agreeing to amendment No. 334
offered by the Senator from California.
The amendment (No. 334) was agreed to.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. HATFIELD. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. McCAIN addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona.
Amendment No. 335
(Purpose: To rescind funds for military construction projects at
installations recommended for closure or realignment by the Secretary
of Defense in the 1995 round of the base closure process)
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask
for its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The bill clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Arizona [Mr. McCain], for himself and Mr.
Bradley, proposes an amendment numbered 335.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of
the amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
On page 25, between lines 4 and 5, insert the following:
SEC. 110. RESCISSION OF FUNDS FOR CERTAIN MILITARY
CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS.
(a) Conditional Rescission of Funds For Certain Projects.--
(1)(A) Notwithstanding any other provision of law and subject
to paragraphs (2) and (3), of the funds provided in the
Military Construction Appropriations Act, 1995 (Public Law
103-307; 108 Stat. 1659), the following funds are hereby
rescinded from the following accounts in the specified
amounts:
Military Construction, Army, $11,544,000.
Military Construction, Air Force, $6,500,000.
Military Construction, Army National Guard, $1,800,000.
(B) Rescissions under this paragraph are for projects at
military installations that were recommended for closure by
the Secretary of Defense in the recommendations submitted by
the Secretary to the Defense Base Closure and Realignment
Commission on March 1, 1995, under the base closure Act.
(2) A rescission of funds under paragraph (1) shall not
occur with respect to a project covered by that paragraph if
the Secretary certifies to Congress that--
(A) the military installation at which the project is
proposed will not be subject to closure or realignment as a
result of the 1995 round of the base closure process; or
(B) if the installation will be subject to realignment
under that round of the process, the project is for a
function or activity that will not be transferred from the
installation as a result of the realignment.
(3) A certification under paragraph (2) shall be effective
only if--
(A) the Secretary submits the certification together with
the approval and recommendations transmitted to Congress by
the President in 1995 under paragraph (2) or (4) section
2903(e) of the base closure Act; or
(B) the base closure process in 1995 is terminated pursuant
to paragraph (5) of that section.
(b) Additional Rescissions Relating to Base Closure
Process.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, funds
provided in the Military Construction Appropriations Act,
1995 for a military construction project are hereby rescinded
if--
(1) the project is located at an installation that the
President recommends for closure in 1995 under section
2903(e) of the base closure Act; or
(2) the project is located at an installation that the
President recommends for realignment in 1995 under such
section and the function or activity with which the project
is associated will be transferred from the installation as a
result of the realignment.
(c) Definition.--In the section, the term ``base closure
Act'' means the Defense Base Closure and Realignment Act of
1990 (part A of title XXIX of Public Law 101-510; 10 U.S.C.
2687 note).
Mr. HATFIELD. Will the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. McCAIN. Yes.
Mr. HATFIELD. Can the Senator agree to a time?
Mr. McCAIN. I will not take more than 10 minutes. I would be glad to
have a 20- or 30-minute time agreement.
Mr. HATFIELD. I would like to propound that request.
Mr. McCAIN. I yield to the Senator for that purpose.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the time on
the McCain amendment be limited to 30 minutes, to be equally divided in
the usual form.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
The Senator from Arizona is recognized.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, the purpose of this amendment is to
rescind $19.9 million of the fiscal year 1995 military construction
funds for projects located on installations that have been recommended
for closure by the Secretary of Defense. It provides for an automatic
rescission of military construction funds for additional bases that
would be recommended for closure or realigned by the BRAC commission.
It also delays the effect of the rescissions until the President
submits the final BRAC recommendations by July 15, 1995. And it would
permit retention of these funds if the bases are removed from the list
by the BRAC.
Mr. President, let me say at the outset that all I am seeking here is
that we not spend military construction money on bases that are on the
closure list. I am befuddled, frankly, why there would be some
opposition to this. I am not saying that we should do what I
recommended some time ago, and that is, to have rescinded $6 billion
worth of unneeded military spending. This is narrowly targeted to only
those bases that are on the closure list.
The net effect of this amendment would be to save hundreds of
millions of dollars by eliminating unnecessary constructions at
military bases that are being closed, not those that are being opened.
I want to restate that. This is nothing to do with bases that are not
either scheduled to be closed or will be scheduled to be closed as a
result of the BRAC commission or the BRAC process.
Spending scarce defense dollars on a project that stands a strong
chance of becoming unnecessary due to the BRAC's action, in my view, is
a senseless waste of money.
Last December, I asked the President to defer spending on nearly $8
billion in wasteful and unnecessary defense spending in the fiscal year
1995 appropriations bill until shortfalls and readiness and other high
priority military requirements were reviewed and addressed. I included
nearly $1 billion that was in the military construction appropriations
bill that were unrequested by the military and were on that list. Then,
in January, I wrote to Secretary Perry asking that he defer obligation
of funding for all military construction projects at least until the
base closure recommendations were released on March 1.
That letter was ignored.
On its own, the Navy recognized the illogic of staring construction
at bases that might be closed, and voluntarily deferred obligating its
military construction funds. To my knowledge, though, the other
Services did not take similar action.
Finally, when the Secretary of Defense base closure list was
released, I again wrote to him, suggesting that he defer spending on
military construction projects slated to occur at closing bases or
bases undergoing realignment. I listed about $150 million in projects
at the bases included on the Secretary's recommendations. Of these
projects, over $100 million was unrequested in the fiscal year 1995
budget.
And finally, I wrote to the chairman of the Appropriations Committee,
asking that he include in this bill rescissions of congressional add-
ons for military construction.
I also suggested that the committee rescind over $6 billion in
wasteful spending in the fiscal year 1995 defense budget, and
reallocate the funds to higher priority defense needs.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of those letters
that I mentioned be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the letters were ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC, January 23, 1995.
Hon. William Perry,
Secretary of Defense,
The Pentagon,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Secretary: As you know, I wrote to President
Clinton on December 5, 1994, asking that he defer obligation
of nearly $8 billion in defense spending for programs which
contribute little, if anything, to national defense. While
that request is still pending at the White House, I am
writing to you today to ask your assistance in a related
effort.
By March 1, you will release the final Department of
Defense recommendation for base closures and realignments. In
view of
[[Page S4024]] the expected magnitude of the changes, it is
inevitable that construction projects will be under way on at
least some of the bases recommended for closure in this
round. This is an egregious waste of millions, or even
billions, of taxpayer dollars.
In my view, a fiscally responsible approach would be to
defer the obligation of funding for all military construction
projects approved for Fiscal Year 1995 until the results of
the Commission's deliberations are known. I urge you to
contact the President and request formal deferral of all
military construction projects until July 1 of this year. In
this way, we will avoid spending scarce defense dollars for
unnecessary construction at closing military facilities.
I look forward to hearing from you at your earliest
opportunity.
Sincerely,
John McCain,
U.S. Senator.
____
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC, February 28, 1995.
Hon. William Perry,
Secretary of Defense,
The Pentagon,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Secretary: With the release this morning of your
recommendations for base closures and realignments, I believe
it is imperative to act immediately to forestall the
initiation of any military construction projects at bases
slated for closure, as well as at facilities scheduled to be
realigned to other locations.
As you may recall, I wrote to you on January 23, 1995, to
ask that you seek deferral of all military construction
projects until your base closure recommendations were
publicly released. While I am not aware that you or the
President formally undertook such action, I understand that
the Navy may have voluntarily undertaken to defer obligation
of military construction funds because of the uncertainty of
the base closure process. I hope other Services recognized
the fiscal responsibility of waiting to initiate construction
projects until the base closure list was available.
For your information, I have included a listing of military
construction projects, funded in the FY 1995 Military
Construction Appropriations Act, at bases which are
recommended for closure or realignment. This list totals $150
million in FY 1995 appropriations. At a minimum, I urge you
to ensure that none of the projects which would be affected
by your base closure or realignment recommendations are
undertaken until the BRAC Commission has completed its review
and submitted a final list to the President.
As always, I appreciate your consideration of my views. I
look forward to hearing from you.
Sincerely,
John McCain,
U.S. Senator.
____
FISCAL YEAR 1995 MILITARY CONSTRUCTION APPROPRIATIONS
[For projects at bases recommended for closure or realignment by the
Secretary of Defense, March 1 1995]
MILCON projects at bases recommended for closure:
Texas: Brooks AFB, for directed energy facility...............6,500,000
Pennsylvania: Fort Indiantown Gap:
Replace underground storage tanks...........................1,800,000
Electrical targeting system upgrade...........................770,000
Flight simulator and aeromedical complex....................4,584,000
________________
Total MILCON at bases recommended for closure............13,654,000
MILCON projects at bases recommended for realignment:
California: Defense contract management office west...........5,100,000
Florida:
Eglin AFB:
Climatic test chamber....................................20,000,000
Aquatic training facility.................................2,900,000
HC-130 parking apron......................................7,500,000
MC-130 nose dock/AMU......................................5,000,000
Airman dining facility....................................2,650,000
Homestead AFB:
Hydrant and hot pit refueling system......................2,000,000
Mobility processing facility..............................1,150,000
Renovate barracks.........................................2,550,000
Repair physical fitness center............................1,400,000
Georgia: Warner-Robbins (realign):
Weapon system support center................................4,700,000
J-STARS add to integrated support facility..................3,100,000
J-STARS dormitory...........................................5,525,000
J-STARS expanded flight kitchen.............................1,850,000
J-STARS utilities/miscellaneous support.....................3,825,000
Upgrade drainage system.....................................2,200,000
Montana: Malstrom AFB:
Underground fuel storage tanks..............................1,500,000
Underground fuel storage tanks minuteman FACS...............4,000,000
New Mexico: Kirtland AFB:
Underground fuel storage tanks..............................3,200,000
Child care center...........................................3,500,000
Base support center.........................................3,500,000
Repair water distribution center............................8,800,000
Upgrade electrical distribution system......................3,000,000
Replace underground fuel storage tanks........................900,000
Oklahoma:
Corrosion control facility [DBOF]...........................8,400,000
Extend and upgrade alternate runway........................10,800,000
Storm drainage system.......................................1,243,000
Virginia: Fort Lee:
Repair electrical distribution.............................11,000,000
Soldiers ``One Stop Center''................................4,600,000
________________
Total MILCON appropriated for realigned bases...........135,893,000
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC, March 1, 1995.
Hon. Mark Hatfield,
Senate Committee on Appropriations,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: I understand that the Senate
Appropriations Committee will soon consider legislation to
provide supplemental appropriations for FY 1995 and to offset
additional spending with certain rescissions.
I wanted to raise with you my concerns and suggestions
regarding a dangerous shortfall in defense funding. As you
know, the defense budget has been declining since 1985, with
a cumulative real reduction of nearly 45 percent by 1999.
This severe reduction has made it imperative that we work
together to ensure that scarce defense dollars are spent only
for the highest priority military requirements, namely,
readiness, quality of life, and modernization. Therefore, I
strongly believe that supplemental appropriations should be
provided to restore the $2.55 billion diverted to
peacekeeping purposes as well as to redress, as best we can,
shortfalls in the FY 1995 appropriated level for military
readiness.
I also believe that we have a fiscal obligation to offset
these supplemental appropriations with spending rescissions
in order to avoid any increase in the deficit. To this end,
as you review the FY 1995 supplemental appropriations and
rescission legislation, I urge you to consider for rescission
unobligated funds for programs included on the attached list
(Tab A).
This list represents nearly $6.3 billion in defense budget
authority, and my rough estimate is that the outlay savings
in FY 1995 achievable by rescinding these funds would be
approximately $2.5 billion.
The programs I have listed do not, in my view, contribute
directly to the readiness and capability of our Armed Forces.
They represent wasteful, earmarked, non-defense, or otherwise
low-priority programs which should not be funded at the
expense of readiness within the constraints of the declining
defense budget.
I should note an important caveat to my rescission
recommendations. The list in Tab A is comprised primarily of
programs which were added by Congress in an attempt to
circumvent the funding priorities and procedures established
by the military Services. Some of these programs could
possibly represent military requirements which were only
identified by the Services after the Administration's budget
request was submitted to Congress. Such items could still be
funded in competition with other priorities within the
Pentagon's existing budget, but should not remain as
earmarked add-ons.
The rescission of low-priority funding I've recommended
should be used to offset the Administration's request for
supplemental appropriations. As I said, however, even if the
cost of these unbudgeted operations is fully restored to the
appropriate accounts, readiness would remain seriously
underfunded in FY 1995. Therefore, I urge you to support
efforts to increase the amount of supplemental appropriations
made available to the Department of Defense to fully redress
the deleterious impact of declining defense budgets on
military readiness. Accordingly, programs not essential to
defense should be further reviewed to determine whether
additional rescissions could be made and the funds redirected
for high-priority military requirements.
I submit that a number of the defense programs suggested
for rescission, such as most of the medical and university
research activities, more appropriately belong in domestic,
not defense appropriations bills, and should compete for
funding with those accounts. I have provided a list (Tab B)
of FY 1995 appropriations in the non-defense bills which
could be rescinded in order to make funding available for any
high-priority activities which were mistakenly funded in the
defense budget last year.
In addition, I wish to express my support for the
President's $2.4 billion in FY 1995 rescissions. I believe
the Committee and the Senate should approve these
rescissions, and that the monies should be dedicated to
deficit reduction.
Of course, I know that the Committee may have its own
rescissions in mind, and I understand that the House will
soon pass a rescission bill offering additional opportunities
which should be considered by the committee to fund
readiness, higher spending priorities and deficit reduction.
[[Page S4025]] I know you have a very difficult task and I
appreciate your consideration of my views and request.
Sincerely,
John McCain,
U.S. Senator.
DEFENSE APPROPRIATIONS TO BE CONSIDERED FOR RESCISSION AND REALLOCATION
TO HIGH PRIORITY DEFENSE PROGRAMS
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Fiscal Year 1995 Amount
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Major programs:
B-2 bomber industrial base set-aside................... $125M
Industrial base set-asides, including $35 million for
tank engines and $1 million for nuclear submarine main
steam condensers...................................... 36M
Unrequested military construction Congressional add-ons 987M
Unrequested Congressional add-ons for excess Guard and
Reserve equipment, including $505 million for C-130
transport aircraft.................................... 800M
C-21/C-XX aircraft..................................... 11M
Terminate Technology Reinvestment Program.............. 550M
Former Soviet Union threat reduction................... 80M
National security education trust fund................. 14M
DOD support for Olympics and other celebrations........ 15.4M
Dual-use and conversion programs, including
manufacturing technology, advanced simulation, etc.... 1.5B
Medical and university research........................ 1.5B
Personnel:
Homeporting of 2 LST ships at Pearl Harbor to transfer
Navy reservists from Oahu to Hawaii................... 10.0M
Manning of additional C-130 units (see O&M)............ 3.6M
O&M:
National Center for Toxicological Research in
Jefferson, AR (bill).................................. 5.8M
Schofield barracks, Hawaii easement (bill)............. 9.5
National Guard Outreach Program in Los Angeles school
district (bill--changed in conference to eliminate
authorization requirement)............................ 10.0M
Additional C-130 operational support for units in
California, Kentucky, West Virginia, Louisiana,
Tennessee, South Carolina, and Ohio (bill and report). 31.6
For Pacific Missile Range Facility, Hawaii, from O&M
funds (bill).......................................... 45.9
Directed allocation of child development funds to
Pacific region........................................ 15.0
National Training Center, George AFB................... 2.0
Wild horse roundup, White Sands Missile Range, New
Mexico................................................ 1.5
OSCAR project at Letterkenny Army depot................ 1.9
Presidio of San Francisco, CA, infrastructure
improvements.......................................... 10.0
New Orleans NAS RPM backlog............................ 6.0
Charleston naval complex............................... 6.0
Establish Chester W. Nimitz Center..................... 3.0
Establish Joint Warfare Analysis Program at Naval Post
Graduate School....................................... 1.5
Transport LCU ship to American Samoa................... .85
MacDill AFB operations................................. 5.5
Electrical service upgrades at McClellan AFB, CA....... 1.65
Modification of Air Force Plan No. 3, Tulsa, OK........ 10.0
Natural gas study and infrastructure planning.......... 2.2
Anchorage, AK fuel center.............................. .5
Establish land management training center.............. 2.5
Washington Square, Philadelphia, PA renovation......... 2.6
Cannon AFB dormitory and runway repairs................ 2.2
Improvement of navigational charts for Lower
Mississippi River..................................... 1.0
To return excess medical supplies and equipment from
Europe to the U.S. for ``use by Native Americans,
local governments, and other deserving groups''....... 5.0
RPM for reserve centers in Cambria and Indiana
Counties, PA.......................................... .3
Navy LST's in Pearl Harbor............................. 7.0
C-130 operational support, Youngstown, OH.............. 10.0
WC-130 weather reconnaissance activities............... 2.0
Los Angeles School District Youth Program.............. 10.0
Calumet, MI, armory repairs............................ .12
Valparaiso, Gary, and Hammond, IN armory repairs....... .4
California armory repairs.............................. 1.2
Distance learning regional training network in West
Virginia, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and
District of Columbia.................................. 7.5
Establish continuity of operations center for Navy..... 13.0
New Orleans F. Edward Hebert complex................... 5.0
Procurement:
Pacific Missile Range Facility, HI, from procurement
funds (bill).......................................... 23.9
Natural gas utilization................................ 2.5
Switch expansion at Schofield Barracks, HI............. .5
Procurement of industrial process and information
systems equipment for industrial operations facility
at Tobyhanna Army Depot............................... 12.0
Joint training analysis and simulation center.......... 10.5
Laser articulating and robotic system, Philadelphia
Naval Shipyard, PA.................................... 6.9
Natural gas vehicles................................... 10.0
Electric vehicles...................................... 10.0
R&D:
Research on ocean acoustics at National Center for
Physical Acoustics, provided as a grant to the
Mississippi Resource Development Corp. including
$250,000 for purchase of unspecified ``special
equipment as may be required for particular projects''
(bill)................................................ 1.0M
For seismic research at Incorporated Research
Institutions for Seismology (bill).................... 12.0
National Center for Manufacturing Sciences (bill)...... 20.0
Establish an image information processing center
supporting the Air Force Maui space surveillance site
(bill)................................................ 13.0
Transfer to Department of Energy for ``Center for
Bioenvironmental Research'' (bill).................... 15.0
Experimental Program to Stimulate Competitive Research
(EPSCOR) (bill)....................................... 20.0
Los Alamos Meson facility.............................. 20.0
Naval Surface Warfare Center, Crane Division........... .167
Jefferson Proving Ground, unexploded ordnance.......... 5.0
Joint Agriculture/DOD project.......................... 4.5
Hawaii Small Business Development Center............... 5.4
Saltsburg Remediation Technology....................... 1.0
Longhorn Army ammunition plant, TX..................... 8.0
For first phase of $28.5 million project to establish
shallow water range capability at Barking Sands, HI... 11.0
C-130J development..................................... 5.0
Maui supercomputer..................................... 13.0
Maritime Technology Office............................. 12.0
Electric vehicles...................................... 15.0
Maui High Performance Computing Center................. 7.0
Institute for Advanced Flexible Manufacturing Systems.. 4.0
Kauai, HI test facility................................ 4.0
Increase in defense research funds set aside for
historically black colleges and minority institutions,
including minority women's institutions specializing
in science, math, and engineering, and tribal colleges 10.0
Prototype disaster preparedness center in Hawaii....... 5.0
Other DOD programs:
For nursing research (bill)............................ 5.0M
Requiring continued operation of Plattsburgh AFB
hospital in New York (bill)........................... 3.0
Transfer to Navy Mil Con for ROTHR in Puerto Rico
(bill)................................................ 10.0
Police Research Institute (not in either bill)......... 1.0
Southwestern Oregon Narcotics Task Force (not in either
bill)................................................. 1.0
General provisions:
Incentive payments to subcontractors under Indian
Financing Act (bill Sec. 8025A)....................... 8.0M
Mental health care dmonstration project at Fort Bragg,
NC, with open-ended price and program growth clause
(bill Sec. 8037)...................................... 18.5
Protection of 53d Weather Reconnaissance Squadron of
Air Force Reserve (bill Sec. 8047).................... .651
For independent cost effectiveness study of Air Force
bomber programs (bill Sec. 8101)...................... 4.5
For nuclear testing damage to Rongelap Atoll, for
transfer to resettlement trust fund managed by
Department of Interior (bill Sec. 8112)............... 5.0
Requirement to contract within 60 days of enactment for
procurement of AN/USH-42 mission recorders on S-3B
aircraft (bill Sec. 8133)............................. 39.8
Utility reconfiguration project at Philadelphia Naval
Shipyard (bill Sec. 8150)............................. 14.2
Direction to award contract to sole U.S. supplier of
nuclear steam generator tubing for aircraft carriers
(bill Sec. 8151)...................................... 17.5
Fiscal Year 1994
Technology Reinvestment Program........................ 77M
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Domestic Rescission Proposals
wastewater earmarks
Over $1.2 billion dollars was earmarked for wastewater
treatment grants in the FY95 HUD/VA Appropriation bill. Very
few if any of these projects were authorized. A number of
these were not properly studied before the funding levels
were set and that some of the projects may have been funded
above the 50% cost share required under the Clean Water Act.
With this mind you I propose that we rescind funding for
these projects which were not authorized, and/or have not
been properly scoped and cost-shared. We have asked the
Environmental Protection Agency to provide a list of the
projects that meet this criteria and the dollar amount
eligible for rescission.
highway demonstration projects
$352 million was appropriated for earmarked surface
transportation projects which do not necessarily represent
either federal, state or local priorities. We should rescind
any unobligated monies. Projects not yet commenced should
compete for selection among other priorities by state
transportation authorities through the applicable process.
The Department of Transportation is providing a list of the
project eligible for rescission.
special purpose grants
The VA/HUD Appropriation bill for Fiscal Year 1995 included
$290 million in special purpose grants. According to
estimates, only $7 million of this funding has been properly
authorized. Examples of projects funded in the bill include:
$450,000 for the construction of the Center for Political
Participation at the University of Maryland College Park;
$750,000 for the Scitrek Science Museum to create a
mezzanine level in its building to increase exhibit space in
downtown Atlanta;
$1.45 million to the College of Notre Dame in Baltimore, MD
for capitol costs including equipping and outfitting
activities, connected to the renovation of the Knott Science
Center; and $2 million for Depaul University's library to
provide direct services and partnerships with community
organizations, schools, and individuals in North Carolina.
All of the unauthorized earmarks for which money has not
been obligation should be rescinded. HUD is preparing a list
of the projects which meet this criteria.
ellis island
The Department of Transportation's Fiscal Year 1992
Appropriation bill provided $15 million for the construction
of a bridge to Ellis Island. The Park Services opposes the
bridge. In a 1991 study on the construction of the bridge
they wrote ``The permanent establishment of a bridge to the
island represents an adverse effect to the cultural resources
of the park, a National Register and World Heritage
resource.'' The funding for this project has not been
obligated and should also be rescinded.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, the bill reported by the Senate
Appropriations Committee that we are now considering does rescind some
of the programs I recommended, including a small cut in TRP and the
other research and defense conversion programs. On the domestic side,
the bill includes rescissions in highway trust fund demonstration
projects.
But the committee-reported bill does not touch the many earmarks for
special interest projects added by Congress. It does not rescind
industrial base set-asides. It does not cut funding for DOD support to
the Olympics and other international sporting events. It does not touch
congressional add-ons for excess Guard and Reserve equipment. And it
leaves intact several billion dollars for dual-use, defense conversion,
and medical and university research programs that were earmarked.
Further, the bill does not rescind any military construction funds.
It does not rescind any of the nearly $1 billion in congressionally-
added military construction projects, much less funding for projects on
bases slated for closure in this BRAC round.
The projects which would be affected by this amendment should not be
built anyway. No responsible DOD official would continue a construction
project at any base which has
been ordered to be closed.
I think it is time to send a signal to the American people that we
will not do this kind of thing anymore.
Mr. President, I believe that the opposition's argument against this
proposition will be that it is in reaction to an action triggered by
the executive branch in the form of the recommendations of base
closing.
Mr. President, as we know, the BRAC is a nonpartisan commission that
was
[[Page S4026]] confirmed by Congress and the President must accept all
of their recommendations or none. If this money is going to be
rescinded anyway, then this amendment is redundant. The argument will
be the rescission should be applied to all other accounts. Perhaps so.
But, Mr. President, I hope that this amendment would be accepted. I
see no reason, frankly, for it to be opposed. I would be glad to work
with the committee in order to see that it is acceptable. I cannot
imagine--I cannot imagine--any Member of this body seeking to continue
a military construction project on a base that is going to be closed.
It is beyond me.
So I certainly look forward to the response of the managers of the
bill. And, Mr. President, very reluctantly, very reluctantly, I may
have to ask for the yeas and nays because of the clarity of this issue.
Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of my time.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum and
ask unanimous consent that time be charged equally.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Kempthorne). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Amendment No. 335, as Modified
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to modify my
amendment by striking lines 5 and 6 on page 2 of my amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment (No. 335), as modified, is as follows:
On page 25, between lines 4 and 5, insert the following:
SEC. 110. RESCISSION OF FUNDS FOR CERTAIN MILITARY
CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS.
(a) Conditional Rescission of Funds For Certain Projects.--
(1)(A) Notwithstanding any other provision of law and subject
to paragraphs (2) and (3), of the funds provided in the
Military Construction Appropriations Act, 1995 (Public Law
103-307; 108 Stat. 1659), the following funds are hereby
rescinded from the following accounts in the specified
amounts:
Military Construction, Army, $11,554,000.
Military Construction, Air Force, $6,500,000.
(B) Rescissions under this paragraph are for projects at
military installations that were recommended for closure by
the Secretary of Defense in the recommendations submitted by
the Secretary to the Defense Base Closure and Realignment
Commission on March 1, 1995, under the base closure Act.
(2) A rescission of funds under paragraph (1) shall not
occur with respect to a project covered by that paragraph if
the Secretary certifies to Congress that--
(A) the military installation at which the project is
proposed will not be subject to closure or realignment as a
result of the 1995 round of the base closure process; or
(B) if the installation will be subject to realignment
under that round of the process, the project is for a
function or activity that will not be transferred from the
installation as a result of the realignment.
(3) A certification under paragraph (2) shall be effective
only if--
(A) the Secretary submits the certification together with
the approval and recommendations transmitted to Congress by
the President in 1995 under paragraph (2) or (4) section
2903(e) of the base closure Act; or
(B) the base closure process in 1995 is terminated pursuant
to paragraph (5) of that section.
(b) Additional Rescissions Relating to Base Closure
Process.--Notwithstanding any other provisions of law, funds
provided in the Military Construction Appropriations Act,
1995 for a military construction project are hereby rescinded
if--
(1) the project is located at an installation that the
President recommends for closure in 1995 under section
2903(e) of the base closure Act; or
(2) the project is located at an installation that the
President recommends for realignment in 1995 under such
section and the function or activity with which the project
is associated will be transferred from the installation as a
result of the realignment.
(c) Definition.--In the section, the term ``base closure
Act'' means the Defense Base Closure and Realignment Act of
1990 (part A of title XXIX of Public Law 101-510; 10 U.S.C.
2687 note).
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, that would eliminate the placement money
which was necessary for underground storage tanks at Fort Indiantown
Gap and that would make this amendment more closely defined in that it
only targets new construction--new construction--at this base which is
earmarked for closure.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum, with
the time equally divided.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, I have sought recognition for a moment
just to be sure that I understand the thrust of the amendment of the
distinguished Senator from Arizona. If I might have the attention of my
colleague, Senator McCain, for just a moment. He and I were just
talking briefly, and I wanted to be sure----
The PRESIDING OFFICER. I advise the Senator from Pennsylvania that
the time of the Senator from Arizona has expired. The Senator from
Oregon has 5 minutes remaining.
Mr. INOUYE. I ask unanimous consent that the Senator from Arizona be
granted 5 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The
Senator from Pennsylvania may proceed.
Mr. SPECTER. I thank the Chair, and I thank my colleague from
Arizona.
As I understand the thrust of the amendment, the provisions which
would strike $1,800,000 to replace underground storage tanks has been
deleted from the amendment because that change or that work may be
necessary in any event; is that correct?
Mr. McCAIN. The Senator is correct.
Mr. SPECTER. And the items on electrical targeting systems upgrade,
$770,000, and flight simulator and air medical complex, $4,584,000, and
barracks, $6,200,000, will be reinstated in the event Fort Indiantown
Gap remains open by proceedings under the Base Closing Commission.
Mr. McCAIN. The Senator is correct.
Mr. SPECTER. Of course, I make these inquiries because of the concern
which I have, and I know that my colleague from Pennsylvania, Senator
Santorum, shares these concerns. We believe Fort Indiantown Gap is an
important installation militarily, and we intend to fight the matter
before the Base Closing Commission. So the net effect of this
amendment, which I understand the managers are prepared to accept
without a vote, would leave Fort Indiantown Gap unharmed in the event
that it remains open.
Mr. McCAIN. The Senator is correct.
Mr. SPECTER. I thank my colleague from Arizona.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I want to thank the Senator from
Pennsylvania. I am aware how sensitive and difficult the issue of base
closures are. I think it is well known to all of us that no one fought
harder or continues to fight harder on behalf of the Philadelphia Naval
Shipyard than my colleague from Pennsylvania. He understandably is
committed to preserving jobs and the military presence in his State,
and I thank the Senator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from Arizona for
those generous remarks. I have not made a comment about the
Philadelphia Navy Yard for a long time on the Senate floor. I said
enough in the past that there really is not a need to say very much
more.
I would just make a couple of comments. That battle was lost in the
Supreme Court of the United States on a very complex legal argument.
Interestingly, the Harvard Law Review published an extensive review of
that case, Dalton versus Arlen Specter, and came to the conclusion that
the Court was wrong on its analysis of separation of powers. It is a
very complicated constitutional issue as to how Congress may delegate
to the President or executive agency authority to take action without
sufficient standards.
The thrust of my argument had been that the Navy actually concealed
evidence from certain admirals that the yard should be kept open. But
there were many other complex legal issues, and it was at least some
satisfaction to
[[Page S4027]] win the case in the Harvard Law Review if not in the
Supreme Court.
We got one interesting comment before the decision was reached. NBC
television said that it was the ultimate in constituent service. We all
say, ``I'm going to take that case to the Supreme Court of the United
States.'' Well, we did.
I thank my colleague for mentioning it and giving me an opportunity
for that brief rejoinder.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, when I heard that the Senator from
Pennsylvania was going to the U.S. Supreme Court in this case, I never
had a doubt that he was correct. It is, however, heartening to know
that the Harvard Law Review corroborates that conclusion that all of
his colleagues reached.
But seriously, it is the ultimate in constituent service and, I
think, is an indication of the dedication that the Senator from
Pennsylvania had to preserving the very livelihood of many of the
residents of his State in the Philadelphia area. I know that he has
their eternal gratitude for his herculean efforts.
Mr. SPECTER. I thank again my colleague, and I yield the floor.
Mr. BURNS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, what is the time situation?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon has 5 minutes. The
Senator from Arizona has 30 seconds.
Mr. HATFIELD. Does the Senator from Montana wish any further time?
Mr. BURNS. Just about 1 minute.
Mr. HATFIELD. I yield 1 minute to the Senator from Montana.
Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I thank my chairman, and I thank the Chair.
I am going to oppose and ask that this amendment be tabled. I think
what we have here when we start looking at the BRAC, the Base
Realignment and Closure Commission, we are all at once starting to send
wrong messages before the process is even complete on those that are
now being considered. I think probably the construction will not go on,
especially new construction, on bases that are being considered now. I
do not think that is going to happen.
So I know where my friend from Arizona is coming from and what he
wants to try to do. But I think as chairman of that committee, I would
like to see the funds at least stay there, have a possibility of
letting that Commission complete its duty, and then rescind that money.
I yield the floor.
Mr. McCAIN addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona.
Mr. McCAIN. How much time do I have?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 30 seconds remaining.
Mr. McCAIN. I ask unanimous consent for an additional minute.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I am confused by the comments of the
Senator from Montana. He says the money is not going to be spent, that
it would be restored if the base was off the list, and that is exactly
what the amendment says.
In all due respect to the Senator from Montana, I am confused by the
fact that he would oppose an amendment that says that the money would
not be spent, but if the base is off the rescission list, then it will
be spent.
I can only surmise that this is some kind of turf problem, but, Mr.
President, as the chairman of the Military Readiness and Defense
Infrastructure Subcommittee, I do not look kindly on spending money for
military construction projects which are on a base closing list and
should not be spent, with a provision that the money would be spent if
the base was off the list.
So, Mr. President, I will expend no more time and yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. BURNS. I yield back the remainder of my time. I just think it
sends the wrong message at this particular time in the process of BRAC.
But I have no further comment.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I oppose the amendment from the Senator from
Arizona because it is premature and unnecessary. Moreover, it can have
unintended effects, which might result in forcing later expenditures
that would wipe out any savings he might anticipate if the amendment
were to be passed.
First, Mr. President, the cuts he has anticipated in his amendment
are premature and could affect the final decisions of the Base Closure
Commission, prejudice the living conditions and rights of the people
serving on those bases now and the communities which are associated
with them. That would be unfair.
Second, the amendment assumes that the committees charged with
authorizing and appropriating funds for military construction projects
have not anticipated or are adequately providing for savings resulting
from the BRAC process. That is just not the case. Mr. President, if you
look at last year's conference report on military construction
appropriations you will find a reduction in the President's request of
some $135 million, split evenly among the services, and some taken from
defense-wide programs. This was in anticipation of the fiscal year 1996
BRAC decisions, and we took a large sum because we anticipated a larger
BRAC round, more closures, than actually have been recommended by the
services and DOD than has in fact been recommended.
Third, it is unclear why the Senator feels it unnecessary to amend
this appropriations measure. The Appropriations Committee has followed
the guidance of the authorizing committee and only funded those
projects which have been authorized. Why not wait until the
authorization bill is crafted and the result of the BRAC Commission are
known, rather than guess now, send confusing signals to the communities
which have been identified for possible action by the Commission.
Does the Senator just want to penalize military communities further,
in the name of spending cuts in this area?
Fourth, DOD is not asleep at the switch on this matter. The
Department is not going to allow spending for fiscal year 1995 military
construction projects that are recommended for closure.
So, Mr. President, I believe that both the Department of Defense, the
authorization and appropriations committees are well aware of the need
to reduce unnecessary construction programs resulting from the BRAC
process, and have proven that they will take the action needed, in the
framework of the BRAC decisionmaking process set up. No one wants to
spend construction funds unnecessarily, and so I feel the amendment
just jumps the gun, is not helpful, and prejudices the process that has
worked well.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question occurs on agreeing to amendment
No. 335 offered by the Senator from Arizona.
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, will the Chair desist on that matter for
another matter which has just been called to my attention by my
colleague, Senator Santorum? And that is an issue--if we may clarify,
if we can have just a minute to do that--an issue which arises in the
event that Fort Indiantown Gap is realigned instead of closed, that
whatever the consequence is, I just want to understand the intent of
the Senator from Arizona that these funds will be reinstated if the
function of Fort Indiantown Gap continues, even if it is called a
realignment.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, if I may respond, if there is a
realignment which keeps that base open, then this rescission would not
apply.
Mr. SANTORUM. If I can, if the base remains open as a Guard unit,
which is what will happen, but is designated as closed by the BRAC
because all active units will be pulled out, does that still maintain
these programs?
Mr. McCAIN. They do not. If it is a Guard installation, then we go
through the regular functions, provisions for Guard units.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. I would remind Senators all time has expired
and all time was yielded back.
The question occurs on agreeing to amendment No. 335 offered by the
Senator from Arizona.
The amendment (No. 335) was agreed to.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table.
[[Page S4028]] The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mrs. HUTCHISON addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas is recognized.
Amendment No. 336
(Purpose: To rescind fiscal year 1995 funding for listing of species as
threatened or endangered and for designation of critical habitat under
the Endangered Species Act of 1973)
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and
ask for its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Texas [Mrs. Hutchison] proposes an
amendment numbered 336.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading
of the amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
On page 28, between lines 14 and 15, insert the following:
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
UNITED STATES FISH AND WILDLIFE SERVICE
RESOURCES MANAGEMENT
(RESCISSION)
Of the funds made available under this heading in Public
Law 103-332--
(1) $1,500,00 are rescinded from the amounts available for
making determinations whether a species is a threatened or
endangered species and whether habitat is critical habitat
under the Endangered Species Act of 1973 (16 U.S.C. 1531 et
seq.); and
(2) none of the remaining funds appropriated under that
heading may be made available for making a final
determination that a species is threatened or endangered or
that habitat constitutes critical habitat (except a final
determination that a species previously determined to be
endangered is no longer endangered but continues to be
threatened).
To the extent that the Endangered Species Act of 1973 has
been interpreted or applied in any court order (including an
order approving a settlement between the parties to a civil
action) to require the making of a determination respecting
any number of species or habitats by a date certain, that Act
shall not be applied to require that the determination be
made by that date if the making of the determination is made
impracticable by the rescission made by the preceding
sentences.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, will the Senator yield----
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I will be happy to yield, Mr. President.
Mr. HATFIELD. On an understanding to the amendment.
I now ask unanimous consent that the Hutchison amendment be limited
to 40 minutes to be equally divided in the usual form.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and
it is so ordered.
The Senator from Texas is recognized.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I thank the Chair.
The amendment rescinds $1.5 million in funds for new listings of
endangered or threatened species or designation of critical habitat
through the end of the fiscal year, which is a little more than 6
months from now. It provides that remaining funds may not be used for
final listings of endangered or threatened species or final designation
of critical habitat.
The amendment does permit downlistings, changing a species from
endangered status to threatened status. In H.R. 4350, the House
regulatory moratorium bill, the House passed a moratorium on new
listings or designations until the earlier reauthorization of the
Endangered Species Act or December 31, 1996. Rescinding funds for a
more limited time period will provide a time out from new listings
controversies and will provide the momentum necessary for
reauthorization of the Endangered Species Act.
Mr. President, as many of us in this body know, we have a critical
situation with the Endangered Species Act implementation. I do not
think one Member of this body does not support the concept of
protecting endangered species.
What has happened is, I think, the regulators have really gone far
beyond congressional intent, and we have found ourselves in many States
across our country having endangered species declarations for baitfish.
In the Panhandle of Texas, we have baitfish now being looked at to be
put on the endangered species list.
Now, I would not mind baitfish being on the list if it did not
encroach on private property rights and the use of water. Water is very
important for the farmers and ranchers in the panhandle. It is very
important to the people of Amarillo. They rely on the water sources. So
when you start saying to the people of this country we are going to
take away water rights from people who are farming and ranching and
making their living off the land, when you say we are going to take
water rights from cities that need the drinking water supply, then you
set up a choice. Then you say, OK, what is more important than water
rights and private property rights of individuals?
Well, I do not think it is a baitfish. I think we might have some
instances in which it would be worth saving some sort of specie that
was in imminent danger of being extinct with some economic damage, but,
Mr. President, that is not what is happening.
Let me take another example in my State of Texas. The jaguar is to be
put on the endangered or threatened list. Now, the last time someone
saw a jaguar in south Texas was sometime in the 1940's. There are no
jaguars in Texas. Maybe one wandered up from Mexico during the Second
World War, but when you are talking about taking private property
rights because a jaguar appeared 30 years ago and has not been seen
since, we once again have a crucial decision: What is right and best
for the private property owners, for the taxpayers of our country, and
for the endangered species and the preservation of nature.
I just want common sense to come into the equation, and that is the
issue here. My amendment will say time out. The time has come for us to
look at the policies. And we are going to take up the reauthorization
of the Endangered Species Act. When we do that, we are going to be able
to look at scientific bases. How are we going to determine what is
really endangered? The fact that the Tipton kangaroo rat has feet 1
millimeter longer than the Herman rat, does that make the Tipton
kangaroo rat take precedence over a farmer in California who was
arrested and is now looking at a $300,000 fine and a year in prison
because he might have run over a Tipton kangaroo rat, when the Herman
rat, which is the same except the feet are one millimeter shorter, is
not on the endangered species list?
So we are going to be able to take that up in the Endangered Species
Act reauthorization. We are going to be able to take up cost-benefit
analysis. We are going to be able to look at the people who might lose
jobs like the logging industry in the northwest part of our country,
where people were put out of jobs that had been in families for
generations to save a spotted owl.
We are going to look at alternative habitats. We are going to look at
the possibility that we could have taken spotted owls and put them in
nearby public lands without any cost to the taxpayers and without the
breaking down of the logging industry in the northwest part of our
country, and most certainly without causing these people such
disruption in their lives by losing their livelihood and their jobs.
These people are being retrained. It is costing the taxpayers of
America $250 million as the result of a bill we passed in 1993 to
retrain workers who did not want to leave their jobs to save a spotted
owl. So these are some of the things we are going to be able to take up
in the Endangered Species Act reauthorization.
Mr. President, you and I have talked about the importance of having
full hearings on the Endangered Species Act, to hear from everyone,
from the Fish and Wildlife Department, from people who are involved in
saving the environment, from people who are involved in saving animals,
and from private property owners and people who believe that the
Constitution, the fifth amendment for private property rights, is in
fact a part of the Constitution and is intact.
So we know that it is going to take time to do that. But I wish to
make sure, Mr. President, that we do not do something between now and
the time of reauthorization or in this case until the end of the fiscal
year that would put the rights of a baitfish above the farmers and
ranchers in the Panhandle of Texas. We want to make sure that between
now and the end of the fiscal year we do not have a jaguar that
[[Page S4029]] would take away the leasing rights to many counties in
south Texas. We want to make sure that things that go beyond the realm
of reason do not happen in this country while we wait and do the
Endangered Species Act reauthorization in the right way. That is what I
wish to make sure, Mr. President, we are able to do.
So I appreciate the opportunity. I wish to reserve the remainder of
my time in case someone would speak against this amendment. I realize
it would be hard to speak against this wonderful amendment, but
nevertheless if someone decides to do it, I would like to be able to
reserve the remainder of my time to respond.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I yield whatever time we may have up
to 5 minutes to my colleague from the State of Washington.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington is recognized.
Mr. GORTON. Mr. President, the amendment proposed by the Senator from
Texas is, I think, constructive and vitally important to people in many
parts of the United States. With each passing month we learn more about
the distortions in the lives of our people caused by the application of
the present Endangered Species Act. A mere finding of threatened or
endangered status for any species subject to listing automatically
results in restrictions on the use of property, restrictions in
economic activity, and in cultural, social, and community disruptions.
This amendment will give both the country and the Congress breathing
space for a period of approximately 6 months during which the
Endangered Species Act itself can be examined, as it will be, by a
subcommittee headed by the present Presiding Officer presiding over
this body.
I know he and I and the Senator from Texas all believe the Endangered
Species Act should be continued, as it represents a real value held by
all Americans, but that it must be changed so factors and values other
than the species itself must be considered. Human values, people's
jobs, their communities, their society, their culture must be weighed
as we come up with balanced solutions to Endangered Species Act
findings. That is not possible today under the act. The breathing space
which will be imposed by the amendment of the Senator from Texas will
allow that careful consideration to take place in this body. It will
restore a degree of balance which is presently lost.
This is not and has not been asserted by the Senator from Texas to be
a long-term or full solution to the necessity of balancing human and
other interests in our environment. It is a step to allow that process
to take place in a more careful and rational and thoughtful manner. As
such, to protect our people and our communities for a 6-month period
while we discuss the Endangered Species Act, the amendment proposed by
the Senator from Texas is valuable, I may say vital, and I hope it will
be adopted by this body.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas is recognized.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I appreciate the Senator from
Washington working with me on this amendment. He and I had been
discussing the impact of these regulatory excesses on the economies of
our respective States and he has been a valuable resource to me in
putting this amendment forward. We are going to do everything we can to
move in a positive direction to make sure we do what is right for this
country, protecting private property rights and the abilities of our
farmers and ranchers, while at the same time taking the time to
reauthorize the protection of endangered species in a judicious and
timely manner.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii is recognized.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, what is the time situation?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas has 12 seconds
remaining. The Senator from Hawaii has 15 minutes and 3 seconds.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I am pleased to yield whatever time the
gracious lady from California requires.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California is recognized.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I am pleased to be here to stand up in
opposition to this amendment. The Senator from Texas had put forward a
moratorium on the Endangered Species Act as a separate bill, and
appeared before a committee on which I served, the Environment and
Public Works Committee, and, Mr. President, you are an able member of
that committee and chaired the particular subcommittee before which the
Senator from Texas appeared.
We had a very long, complicated, and involved hearing on the wisdom
of putting forward a moratorium on the Endangered Species Act. I have
to say to you, Mr. President--and it is my very strong view--that in
this U.S. Senate, with all the experience we bring to these issues,
with all the expertise we bring to these issues, it seems to me to
essentially stop the Endangered Species Act in its tracks, which is
really what this amendment would do, is not the proper way to
legislate. It is an abdication of our responsibility.
I am very pleased that the ranking member of our committee has come
to join this debate. I say to him that I will be finished with my
comments in about 3 or 4 minutes. I am very pleased that he is here to
lead this fight because it is quite appropriate that he do so.
I do not know anyone in the U.S. Senate who is perfectly satisfied
with the Endangered Species Act, who feels that it is perfect, who
feels that it does not need to be fixed, who feels that we cannot
improve it. And we are all quite dedicated to improving it. The
chairman of the Environment and Public Works Committee, Senator Chafee,
is a really great leader in this U.S. Senate. He, working along with
our ranking member, last year proposed a new reauthorization of the
Endangered Species Act. And together, in a bipartisan fashion, I have
great confidence that they will lead this fight.
I think to come on this floor in the U.S. Senate and to add an
amendment to a defense emergency supplemental bill that deals with a
very important and sensitive environmental issue is simply not the
right way to legislate.
Mr. President, 77 percent of Americans support maintaining or
strengthening the Endangered Species Act, according to a May 1994
Times-Mirror survey. Interestingly, even 72 percent of Texans support
maintaining or strengthening the act.
I have to say again that to torpedo the Endangered Species Act
because there may be a problem in Texas is not the right way to
legislate. I have been in Congress for awhile. I was 10 years in the
House of Representatives, where I served very proudly, and 2 years
here, where I am trying to do the best I can. When I have a problem
that is local in nature, I do not bring it to the floor of the U.S.
Senate and expect my colleagues to overturn an act that is supported by
the American people. I will call in the various bureaucrats. I will sit
them down around the table, and I will work with them.
I know that my friend from Texas is an excellent Senator and works
very hard and knows what she needs to do for her people. I strongly
advise that she withdraw this amendment and handle her problems in
Texas, because I frankly do not want to see us gamble with this.
Let me explain what I mean. During the hearing that we held on the
Senator's amendment, I asked her if she had ever heard of a Pacific yew
tree. She said yes, she had heard of it, but she was not exactly sure
what it had to do. I explained to her that the drug Taxal, which is in
fact the one and only hope for curing ovarian cancer that we have at
this time, and hopefully for preventing breast cancer, came from the
Pacific yew tree. By the way, the Pacific yew tree was being used for
its bark and was in danger of disappearing, and no one knew its value.
Why do I raise this issue for my colleagues to hear? It is because,
on average, endangered plant species have fewer than 120 individual
plants by the time they are listed. The fact of the matter is, when we
get down to a point because of this moratorium that we
[[Page S4030]] lose that last plant that could hold the secret for the
cure of Alzheimer's, or the secret of a cure for prostate cancer, what
is the good of that type of legislation? I say it is very harmful.
So in closing, Mr. President, I hope that we will all vote against
this amendment. I do not think it has a place on a defense supplemental
appropriations bill. If anything, we not only endanger species in this
bill, we endanger ourselves if we vote for this amendment because we
could, unwittingly, voting for this amendment, wipe out the last plant
that holds the cure for some disease. We could wipe out the last
animal. I know what I am talking about because we do not have grizzly
bears anymore in California. The California grizzly is off the face of
the Earth because we did not act in time.
I think that the Environment and Public Works Committee, under the
able leadership of Senator Chafee and Senator Baucus as ranking member,
and you, Mr. President, as the very important chair of the subcommittee
that will deal with it--I have my faith in you. And I hope we will
defeat this amendment and get on with our job of reauthorizing the
Endangered Species Act in due course, in due time, and with due
diligence.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. BAUCUS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana is recognized.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, parliamentary inquiry: How much time is
remaining?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii controls 8 minutes and
44 seconds; the Senator from Texas controls approximately 7 minutes.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I am pleased to yield all of my time to
the Senator from Montana.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana has the floor.
Mr. BAUCUS. I thank my good friend, Senator Inouye from Hawaii.
Mr. President, as ranking Democrat on the Environment and Public
Works Committee, I must oppose the Hutchison amendment. The reason is
really very simple. It is because the Endangered Species Act needs to
be improved. That is the reason, so that farmers, ranchers, homeowners,
and others have an easier time coping with the requirements of the act.
But this is no way to fix it.
At best, the Hutchison amendment is a makeshift stopgap measure that
does not really solve the underlying problem. Let me repeat that: It
does not solve the underlying problem. Once it expires, we are still
faced with the problem. And worse, the amendment actually undermines
our ability to make the act work while the situation deteriorates,
deteriorates into false hope and false promises that things are going
to be OK. Let me remind Senators of where things stand.
In the last Congress, we held a series of hearings, an extensive
series of hearings on the Endangered Species Act. We heard from a wide
variety of people that were having problems from the act. We heard
representatives of the national interest groups, all the way to
individuals, individual landowners and homeowners, who had to cope with
the designation of their property as critical habitat.
I remember a hearing we held in Ronan, MT. Ronan is in the middle of
grizzly habitat--the grizzly, an endangered species. Several hundred
people packed the school gymnasium. The hearing lasted all day--a long,
hot day, let me tell you, hot because of the physical temperature, not
because of the emotion of people in the room.
We made a lot of progress. We identified reforms that can
significantly improve the act while continuing to protect against the
extinction of the species. Reforms, like peer review of listing
species, an outside panel of peer reviews of scientists, outside peer
review panels that can give us outside advice, and a larger role for
States.
I think States, particularly State fish and game departments, who
have to manage fish and wildlife in their State, should have a greater
role, a greater reliance on incentives that have punishments,
incentives for landowners, and particularly incentives for private
landowners.
I must say that the bill I introduced had the support of both the
western Governors and the environmental community. There were
significant major changes in that legislation, and had we been able to
finish our work last year, I think a lot of the problems we are now
talking about here today would have been solved. We would not be
talking about them at all.
This Congress, and the chairman of the Environment and Public Works
Committee, Senator Chafee, and the chairman of the relevant
subcommittee, Senator Kempthorne, the Presiding Officer, have indicated
that they intend to reauthorize the act. We are going to reauthorize
the act.
Senator Reid and other Democrats on this subcommittee have made it
crystal clear that they are prepared to cooperate and work to pass a
reauthorization bill this year. They want to pass a bill this year. The
opposition to the moratorium is not opposition to reform. It is for
reform.
The fundamental point I want to make here is if we are going to serve
our people, let us reform the act. Let us not mislead them by passing a
moratorium which does not address the underlying problems of the act.
That, in my mind, is the best way to proceed.
Otherwise, we all know what will happen. A floor amendment here, an
appropriations rider there, a waiver, a moratorium, an exemption, a
carve-out--what is the result?
We wind up responding to the crisis of the moment. We do too much of
that around here and we never get around to the basic issues that must
be resolved if we are really going to improve the act.
So, I believe, Mr. President, that the Hutchison amendment is a
diversion. It is also more than that. The amendment cuts out money for
species that are on the brink of extinction. That will make a bad
situation worse. Some other species may be lost; others will survive,
but, in the meantime, the population will have declined. As a result,
our options will be more limited. Recovery will be more expensive. It
will be more burdensome, not less.
I am reminded, Mr. President, of the problem with the owl. The main
reason the Pacific Northwest faced a critical problem with the spotted
owl in old growth forests is because neither the State of Oregon nor
the State of Washington nor the U.S. Congress, nor Presidents heeded
warning signals to do something about the potential extinction of the
spotted owl. Ten, 15 years ago, agencies concerned with this issue sent
us warning signals. What did we do? We all ignored them. We swept them
under the rug and did not address the issue. I say that is going to be
the consequence here--isolated individual problems. As I said, the more
we delay, the more our options are limited and the greater the problem
becomes and the more expensive the solutions.
Instead of shutting down the process, I believe we should be
promoting efforts to go ahead, to conserve species before they are on
the brink of extinction when greater flexibility exists to accommodate
the legitimate needs of private landowners. This amendment would only
affect the Fish and Wildlife Service's ability to list additional
species. It does little or nothing to address the needs of private
landowners who are affected by species already on the list. It does
nothing about that. As a result, it is not only a shortsighted
solution, but an incomplete one. It does not do what it purports to do.
Mr. President, there are legitimate problems with the act. I believe
we should sit down, work together, find ways to minimize the burden the
act imposes on all landowners, and we should not adopt this amendment.
At the appropriate time I will move to table this amendment.
I reserve the remainder of my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. BAUCUS. How much time is remaining on both sides?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas controls 7 minutes 6
seconds. The Senator from Hawaii controls 1 minute 52 seconds.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I would like to yield up to 3 minutes
to the Senator from Idaho.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Idaho is recognized.
Mr. CRAIG. Mr. President, let me thank the Senator from Texas for
offering this amendment and bringing to the floor of this Senate for
the first time in this session what I think will
[[Page S4031]] be part of a very critical debate that I hope we will
resolve.
Let me say that there is nothing wrong with this amendment and it
ought to be enacted. We ought to vote to support a moratorium on
further listings until the Senator from Montana, the Senators from
Oregon and Idaho, and the Senator from Texas, have a chance to resolve
a very bad law that needs dramatic fixing at this moment.
We have heard rhetoric on this floor for the last 5 years that the
Endangered Species Act is not working. It is costing hundreds of
millions of dollars of lost economy and lost jobs, and we have done
nothing about it. And now on the doorstep of an opportunity to change
it, what is wrong with just stopping for a moment, stepping back from
this administration's rush to judgment and in a panic throe list
thousands of species simply because they think the Senate and the House
are now going to change a law that has needed to be changed?
So I applaud the Senator from Texas for offering this amendment. We
have heard arguments on the floor to say, well, that is a local issue,
that the Senator from Texas does not understand she has a local
problem, so why does she not deal with it locally? It is not legal in
Idaho, Washington, Oregon, and Montana, for this very act at this
moment is dislocating people, economies, farmers, ranchers and business
people with the cavalier attitude on the part of the implementing
agencies that ``so be it.'' It is all in the name of the species, and
to heck with people.
I think it is time that this Congress resolve the issue, and do it
quickly, first of all, with a moratorium and, secondly, with the
responsible authorizing committees' handling of a reauthorization of
the act. The chairman of the Appropriations Committee, yesterday,
hosted a hearing on the very viability of a regional power system that
is now being directly threatened by the impact of a decision and a
proposed management plan by a Federal agency on the Endangered Species
Act. That regional power organization has spent over $1.5 billion
trying to save a variety of species of fish in the Columbian Snake
River system. The process has been driven more by politics than by the
good science that ought to make the decisions. If it is politics that
is listing species instead of science, what is wrong with the amendment
of the Senator from Texas?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. CRAIG. Let us support the amendment and bring about a moratorium
and stop this rush to judgment.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, what is the time situation?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii has 1 minute 52
seconds remaining. The Senator from Texas has 3 minutes 56 seconds.
Mr. INOUYE. I ask unanimous consent that 8 additional minutes be
allocated to the Senator from Montana.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Reserving the right to object. You are asking for 8
minutes in addition to the 2 minutes? Are you asking for 10 minutes?
Mr. INOUYE. Yes, Mr. President. This is to accommodate the Senator
from Nevada and the Senator from New Jersey. Would you like to have an
additional 8 minutes?
Mr. CRAIG. Reserving the right to object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I would want an additional amount of
time that would equalize it. I think we have set a time agreement here
and perhaps we could accommodate to some degree, but perhaps not for 10
more minutes.
Mr. INOUYE. Five?
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I think that would be fine.
Mr. INOUYE. I ask unanimous consent that 10 additional minutes be
allocated for this debate, 5 minutes under the control of the Senator
from Texas and 5 minutes to the Senator from Montana.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BAUCUS. I yield 4 minutes to the Senator from New Jersey.
Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, I thank my friend and colleague from
Montana for allowing me just a few minutes to make some remarks,
because I must say, because I come from New Jersey, the most densely
populated State in the country, it does not mean that we have less of
an interest about species that are in jeopardy, be they animal or flora
fauna, than do they in the more remote parts of the country. And this
debate, I think, ought to be taking place at a different pace and a
different time. We just went through a hearing and a markup on Tuesday
in the EPW Committee. It was carried and was going to be presented on
the floor. Instead, I have to say that I am surprised that the Senator
from Texas, after having won an agreement from the subcommittee to pass
the amendment along, suddenly now it is attached to a rescission bill.
What is the urgency, Mr. President, of moving this so quickly? Are we
willing to say today that we do not want to continue preserving those
species that may save lives, that may interest our children and our
grandchildren in a particular type of fish, or a particular type of
bird, or particular type of animal? I am on the Environment Committee,
as is the Senator from Texas. One of the things that I did when we had
the oil spill up in Alaska a few years ago was to get up there very
quickly and talk to the people in the communities.
They were heartbroken because of the threat to the abundant species
that existed there, including bald eagles, including sea otters,
including seals; grief stricken, Mr. President, grief stricken because
it may be the end of a salmon run or a herring run or another bit of
marine life around which whole cultures and whole communities were
built.
So the madness, the urge to get this done so quickly, is something,
frankly, I do not understand. And to come along, after we have had a
full discussion--and if not full enough, we can continue it--but to
rush at this moment into a moratorium that says we cannot do anything,
tie the hands behind your back--we had a $2 million rescission; no, let
us increase it by another $1 million.
I do not know exactly what the Senator from Texas has in mind, but I
cannot believe that she or the proponents of this amendment would want
to diminish the opportunity to protect a species that might, as we
heard from the distinguished Senator from California, aid in fighting
breast cancer or another type of disease.
I know that there are trees that produce a bark that is used
medicinally and very effectively.
Mr. President, I rise today to express my dismay and unhappiness with
the amendment offered by Senator Hutchison to increase the rescission
of Fish and Wildlife funding and to restrict any remaining appropriated
funds for making any final determinations that a species is endangered
or that its habitat is critical.
The $2 million rescission already included in the bill will severely
jeopardize the Fish and Wildlife Service's activities to administer the
Endangered Species Act. It will diminish their ability to protect and
recover species, to increase public involvement and to comply with
existing court orders.
But this amendment, Mr. President, would effectively paralyze them.
I must say when I saw this amendment come to the floor, I was very
surprised.
Just 2 days ago, our subcommittee held an expedited hearing on S.
191, Senator Hutchison's bill, which would put a hold on administration
of the Endangered Species Act until it is reauthorized.
We expedited that hearing and agreed on holding a markup in good
faith, even though some of us on the committee are philosophically
opposed to this proposed legislation.
Now it appears that the Senator has decided to bypass the committee,
despite our willingness to work with her, and bring her proposal
straight to the floor.
I know that this act is not perfect. It has not been administered in
the most effective manner. And we want to fix those problems.
But Senator Hutchison's efforts to freeze the Agency in its tracks is
no solution.
[[Page S4032]]
The solution is to do what we began in committee on Tuesday: to
seriously review what's right with the act, what's wrong, and what we
can do to make it better.
Mr. President, the American people support this act. A recent poll
found that 77 percent of Americans want to maintain the ESA or even
strengthen it. The American people understand that the ESA enables us
to take proactive steps before the decline of a vulnerable species is
irreversible.
They want to save endangered species before key components of our
ecosystem are relegated to the walls of natural history museums. we
have a moral responsibility to make sure that does not happen.
The listing of an imperiled species is necessary to ensure that it
receives the protections of the ESA. Each time a species is listed, it
sends out a warning signal that the ecosystem is in decline.
There are currently 118 species that have been proposed for ESA
listing. Senator Hutchison's amendment would render us powerless to
protect the future of these 118 threatened species.
And for those who might not care about that, I would point out that
it also would effectively prevent the Fish and Wildlife Service from
meeting with landowners and resolving their concerns about the way
current policies affect their lives.
Mr. President, this amendment accomplishes nothing. Our endangered
species will continue to be endangered. The costs of recovery will
continue to mount. And the Fish and Wildlife Service will find itself
paralyzed to effect any improvements in the administration of this act.
Those of us who serve on the subcommittee want to work together in a
bipartisan manner to implement real reforms in the Endangered Species
Act.
Every Member who spoke at our committee's recent hearing on the
Endangered Species Act, including the Senator from Texas, said as much.
The general consensus following that hearing was that we would try to
accomplish that goal--in the spirit of good faith and cooperation.
Mr. President, this amendment coming between the subcommittee's
positive action on the Senator's bill and the full committee markup
expected next Thursday, would make it very difficult--if not
impossible--to operate in that spirit.
I urge my colleagues to table this amendment, and to support the
Environment Committee's efforts to craft a more effective endangered
species program.
Mr. President, I would have to say I am amused by good friends and
colleagues who stand on the floor talking about rhetoric. As the
decibels increase and the pace increases, we are talking about perhaps
major changes in the ecology of our society. I would not treat this
quite this lightly. I hope that we are able to defeat this amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, how much time remains?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana has 3 minutes and 12
seconds remaining; and the Senator from Texas, 9 minutes.
Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I rise to support the amendment offered by
Senator Hutchison of Texas. It is about time this Congress begin to put
a little bit of common sense back into the Endangered Species Act.
Currently, there are about 60 listed or candidate species in Montana.
And, there always seems to be a new species that some group wants
listed or placed on the candidate list. The recent efforts by a group
based out of Colorado who want the black-tailed prairie dog placed on
the candidates list is an example of this.
This amendment would rescind $1.5 million for the Endangered Species
Act for the new listings and habitat. That's a good place to start this
debate. Let's put this moratorium in place, and then let us reauthorize
the Endangered Species Act to include common sense and protect species
and habitat.
The State of Montana needs this amendment, and I urge its adoption.
Mr. DOMENICI. Mr. President, I rise to state my cosponsorship of and
support for the amendment offered by the Senator from Texas to rescind
$1.5 million in fiscal year 1995 funding for certain new actions under
the Endangered Species Act. I support this amendment for two reasons.
First, it is generally acknowledged that the Endangered Species Act in
its present form simply is not working as it should. Second, there is
every indication the act will be thoroughly revised by this Congress.
Consequently, this amendment will put a halt to spending more money on
certain aspects of a program that all agree is broken and that will
soon be fixed.
There is little question that the Endangered Species Act is broken.
The act was passed in 1973 with the noble goal of saving threatened and
endangered species from extinction, and having fought long and hard
over the years to protect my State's precious natural resources, I
fully support the ideals underlying the act. Twenty years of
experience, however, have revealed that the act is fundamentally flawed
in its practical application. Specifically, the act allows those who
administer it to create social and economic chaos among communities
unfortunate enough to be located anywhere near a listed species.
Let me give you an example of the chaos created by the act in my home
State. The San Juan River runs through the northwestern part of New
Mexico. Along the San Juan there is a dam, Navajo Dam, which has quite
literally provided life to the residents of that part of the State. The
dam ensures that the citizens in the surrounding cities and towns--
cities like Farmington, Aztec, and Bloomfield, towns like Turley and
Blanco--have adequate supplies of water for domestic use all year
round. The dam powers a 30,000 kilowatt hydroelectric plant which
provides electric power to all of the area's homes and businesses. The
dam supplies water to the many rural irrigation ditches in the area,
thus allowing agriculture to flourish. The dam has created one of the
most beautiful recreational lakes in the State, Lake Navajo. And the
dam provides water for, what I am proud to say, is some of the best
trout fishing in the United States; as a consequence it provides jobs
for no less than 20 world-class fishing guide services as well as jobs
for the accompanying tourist industry. So this one dam does it all; it
provides food, water, electricity, jobs, and recreation for all of the
citizens of that region.
Living in the Colorado and San Juan Rivers, however, is a
minnow known as the Colorado squawfish. This minnow has been listed
under the act as an endangered species. Unfortunately for the people of
northwestern New Mexico, a very small population of this minnow, a
population which has never been recorded at more than 30 fish, is found
in the area around Navajo Dam. As a result of this listing under the
act, a committee was established to study how the squawfish might
increase its numbers. As a part of this study, the committee would like
to see what effects, if any, the historic, pre-dam flow of the San Juan
River would have on the squawfish. To emulate this natural flow, the
releases from Navajo Dam would have to be lowered to half of their
current output for 4 months at the end of this year, and the committee
has proposed that the Bureau of Reclamation do exactly that. Mr.
President, this sounds to me as if we are using the people of the area
as guinea pigs to study the squawfish.
Needless to day, this proposal has both terrified and infuriated the
residents of the Navajo Dam area. They are terrified because, if
adopted, the proposal will leave them with completely inadequate water
supplies, will greatly increase the cost of electricity, and will wipe
out many of the fishing and tourist jobs upon which they depend. They
are infuriated because this possible social and economic upheaval will
occur solely for the academic exercise of determining whether or not a
historic flow on the San Juan River will benefit the squawfish.
Although I commend the Bureau of Reclamation for conducting town
meetings to determine what effects the proposal will have on the people
of the area, I believe that the fact that the proposal is being
seriously considered at all indicates just how out of control the
Endangered Species Act has become.
Unfortunately, this is just one example of how economically and
socially destructive the act can be and has been
[[Page S4033]] on the people of my State. I could speak at great length
about how listings have decimated the timber industries in small towns
such as Reserve, NM. I suspect that most of the Members of this Chamber
have been confronted with similar stories.
These situations, however, have generated widespread recognition that
the act has failed miserably to protect citizens from the social and
economic burdens it creates. Just recently, in fact, even Interior
Secretary Babbitt, long a defender of the act, recognized that the
current listing process can produce ``unnecessary social and economic
impacts upon private property and the regulated public.''
Therefore, as I said at the outset, the Endangered Species Act is, in
fact, broken. Fortunately, this new Congress, and Senators Chafee and
Kempthorne in particular, have made revision of the act a top priority,
and I am sure that they will do an outstanding job in this regard. It
is for this reason that I am cosponsoring this amendment. Rather than
allowing the continuation of a process that fails in practical effect
to protect communities from social and economic devastation, this
amendment will prevent moneys from being spent on new listings of
threatened or endangered species and on new designations of critical
habitat for the rest of fiscal year 1995. As I believe it only makes
sense that we stop spending money on something that is broken and that
will soon be fixed, I fully support this amendment, and I urge my
colleagues to do the same.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, might I ask the Senator from Texas, in
terms of proceeding here, if she might want to speak now so we can even
out the remaining time?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I will be happy to do that, if the
Senator from Montana will agree to let me finish on my own amendment.
Mr. BAUCUS. Yes.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Will the Chair please notify me, then, when the time
is equal?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas will have 6 minutes,
approximately, but she will be notified.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator
Gramm be added as a cosponsor of this amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on this
amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second? There is a
sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I want to respond to some of the
things that have been said, because I think we have to put this in
perspective.
The Endangered Species Act expired in September 1992. It has not been
reauthorized, although we have appropriated money for its
implementation. So, essentially, today what we are doing is saying, no
longer are we going to fully fund the implementation of this act that
expired 2 years ago.
We are not wiping out the implementation. I want to put this in
perspective. We are taking out $1.5 million out of approximately $4.9
million in the act. So there will be $3.4 million for the biologists
and the workers at the agencies to continue doing their job.
But what we are trying to do is say the time has come for us to put
parameters around the implementation of this act because it has gone so
far beyond reason.
Senator Boxer and Senator Baucus have both agreed that no one is
completely satisfied with the Endangered Species Act implementation.
That is absolutely true, which is why we should stop doing it now, so
that we can reauthorize it and tell the people who have gone so far
beyond congressional intent exactly what Congress intended; that we
intended to protect species, but that we most certainly intend to have
common sense in the equation; that we are not going to put baitfish
ahead of the water rights of farmers and ranchers; that we are not
going to put the jaguar over the leasing rights of the ranchers in
south Texas when nobody has seen a jaguar in Texas; that the golden-
cheeked warbler is not going to take precedence over the farmers and
ranchers and people in the area of Austin, TX. That is what we are
trying to do.
The Senator from California indicated that this might be sort of a
local bill, and why do we not just take care of Texas and let everyone
else fend for themselves.
Well, I would just mention that California now has 74 potential
listings, any one of which could possibly go on the endangered or
threatened endangered species list--74. I do not think this is local.
In fact, I met with the leaders of the Los Angeles business community
a few weeks ago when I was out in Los Angeles, and they told me of
their two top issues, one is the overzealous regulation in the
Endangered Species Act. I hear that from Arizona, I hear it from Idaho,
I hear it from Montana, I hear it from New Mexico. This is not a local
issue. Everyone agrees we have to do something.
What I want to do is reauthorize it in a timely and judicious manner,
and I want to have the time to do that.
The Senator from New Jersey says, ``Why the rush? Why the rush?''
The rush is not there. I introduced the bill to put a moratorium on
the Endangered Species Act on January 7 of this year. It was March 7
before we had a hearing in the subcommittee. The markup is scheduled
for March 23. So will this bill be able to be acted on before the April
recess? I do not know. I hope so, because we still need the moratorium
bill because we need to stop the overzealous regulation of this act by
every possible means until we can reauthorize the act with all of the
players at the table.
So this is not rushing. This is trying to keep a disaster from
happening. It is trying to keep people from losing their jobs while we
are taking this bill up in due course.
It was mentioned that the Pacific yew tree is being used to be a part
of a medicine that helps cure breast cancer. And I certainly am
supportive of that. As the Senator from California knows, she and I
agree on the need for more research for breast cancer.
But, in fact, I think we have to understand that the Pacific yew tree
is now being harvested by Bristol-Myers. That is one of the good things
that can happen. When we do discover that there is a plant that can be
used to help cure disease or keep us from having more disease, then we
have the ability to harvest that tree, and that is exactly what is
happening.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is notified that she now has an
equal amount of time as the Senator from Montana.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I reserve the remainder of my time.
Mr. BAUCUS. I yield 2 minutes to the Senator from Nevada.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada is recognized for 2
minutes.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I serve as the ranking member of one of the
subcommittees of the Environment and Public Works Committee, over which
there is jurisdiction of the bill introduced by the Senator from Texas.
I, in good faith, dealt with the chairman of the full committee and
the chairman the subcommittee to work out a procedure to have hearings
on her legislation. I was afraid something like this would happen, and
it appears it has.
If this is how we are going to do business, I am going to be real
upset in the future in entering into any agreements on the Environment
Committee of which I have any dealings. I am going to be as mischievous
as I can on this floor.
I dealt with the full committee chairman and the subcommittee
chairman so that we could expedite a hearing on the bill of the Senator
from Texas, have a full committee markup, and report this to the floor.
Now if we, probably because of the procedure set up here, do not have
the votes to table this, I personally am going to get as many of my
colleagues as I can, if this amendment is adopted to this bill, as
important as it is, I am going to do everything within my power to get
the President to veto this bill so that we can come back here and do
things the right way.
I have stated numerous times that I believe the Endangered Species
Act needs some work done on it. The State of Nevada is affected as much
as any
[[Page S4034]] other State. We are fourth in line as to endangered
species listings.
But this is not the way to treat a very important matter. I am very
upset. I am going to do everything that I can to make sure that the
President--if, in fact, this bill passes--will veto it so we can start
conducting business as ladies and gentleman.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, I yield the rest of our time to the
Senator from Florida, Senator Graham.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The remaining time is 1 minute 20 seconds.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, the distinguished Presiding Officer and I,
in the last Congress, were ranking member and chair of the subcommittee
which had jurisdiction over the Endangered Species Act.
As the Presiding Officer knows, we were preparing to hold a series of
hearings on this act with the goal of reauthorization in 1995. That is
a goal which I hope we will continue to meet. I think it is important
that we reauthorize this legislation.
During the course of my chairmanship of that subcommittee, I learned
some important things about the Endangered Species Act, and I would
just briefly in my remaining seconds like to enumerate some of the
things I learned.
First, that the focus should not be so much on individual species as
it should be on the habitat of those species. In many ways, the
endangerment of a species is a signal of more fundamental problems in
the habitat, problems which can have serious ramifications to the
humans who occupy that habitat.
Second, in many cases the charges made against the Endangered Species
Act were actually the responsibility of some other Federal, State, or
local action for which the endangered species became the scapegoat.
Finally, Mr. President, I believe that we need to consider the
reauthorization of this act. It certainly is in need of reform, but not
the kind of amputation that is being proposed by this amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas has 3 minutes
remaining.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I certainly understand when people
have legitimate disagreements over the rights of private property
owners versus the rights of animals and the concern that we have for
protecting habitat.
I do object to the characterization that this is somehow an
inappropriate amendment. I do not think we can say that. We have had
expedited procedures on the bill that would put the moratorium in
place--a bill that was introduced in January, that had 29 signatures on
the request for a hearing in late January, that was very much worked on
and compromised to accommodate the concerns of people who were
legitimately interested in this bill--until we finally got a hearing on
March 7.
We have not had a markup in committee. I think we can see from some
of the concerns that have been raised that we may not be able to get
this bill on the floor before April. I really do not think it is a fair
thing to say that we have had expedited treatment of this bill.
I think what is important is that we put some common sense into the
implementation of the Endangered Species Act. Congress passed the bill.
It has expired. In fact, we have not been able to reauthorize it
because the concerns are so great and the disagreements are so large.
So, we are going to take our time and we are going to reauthorize the
bills, I hope, in a judicious way. The main thing we are going to have
to do is put common sense into the equation.
What I am trying to prevent today is the use of the next 6 months
while we are taking this up in a rational way so that everyone can have
their side aired and their view aired. I am trying to say, ``time
out,'' so that silly things will not happen, so that bait fish and
golden cheeked warblers and jaguars and salmon that are running the
wrong way in a stream will not take precedence over the rights of
farmers and ranchers who have toiled on their land and who are working
for a living and providing the food for citizens to eat in this
country.
So I am very concerned that we act immediately. I think this is a
great first step. I think it is a reasonable first step. I did not wipe
out the whole agency. I just took $1.5 million out of $4.9 million.
There is $3.5 million left. We are not going to lay people off. People
will still be able to work. I think it is quite reasonable, and I did
compromise with the chairman of the committee.
I want to thank Senator Chafee for working with me on this amendment
and for working with me in a fair way to try to get this bill heard.
Thank you.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time has expired.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, I move to table the Hutchison amendment
and ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion to
table the Hutchison amendment.
The yeas and nays have been ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Bradley]
and the Senator from Maryland [Ms. Mikulski] are necessarily absent.
The result was announced--yeas 38, nays 60, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 106 Leg.]
YEAS--38
Akaka
Baucus
Biden
Bingaman
Boxer
Bryan
Bumpers
Byrd
Daschle
Dodd
Feingold
Glenn
Graham
Harkin
Heflin
Hollings
Inouye
Johnston
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Moseley-Braun
Moynihan
Murray
Nunn
Pell
Pryor
Reid
Robb
Rockefeller
Sarbanes
Simon
Wellstone
NAYS--60
Abraham
Ashcroft
Bennett
Bond
Breaux
Brown
Burns
Campbell
Chafee
Coats
Cochran
Cohen
Conrad
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
DeWine
Dole
Domenici
Dorgan
Exon
Faircloth
Feinstein
Ford
Frist
Gorton
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hatch
Hatfield
Helms
Hutchison
Inhofe
Jeffords
Kassebaum
Kempthorne
Kyl
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Packwood
Pressler
Roth
Santorum
Shelby
Simpson
Smith
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
NOT VOTING--2
Bradley
Mikulski
So the motion to lay on the table the amendment (No. 336) was
rejected.
Mr. REID addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Gregg). The Senator from Nevada.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I make a point of order that the amendment
violates rule XVI of the Standing Rules of the Senate and is
legislation on an appropriation bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The point of order is well taken. The Chair
sustains the point of order.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I appeal the ruling of the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas appeals the ruling of
the Chair.
The question now before the Senate is, Shall the decision of the
Chair stand as the judgment of the Senate?
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Vote On The Decision Of The Chair
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question now before the Senate is, Shall
the decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the Senate?
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Bradley]
is necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
who desire to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 42, nays 57, as follows:
[[Page S4035]] [Rollcall Vote No. 107 Leg.]
YEAS--42
Akaka
Baucus
Biden
Bingaman
Boxer
Breaux
Bryan
Bumpers
Byrd
Daschle
Dodd
Exon
Feingold
Feinstein
Ford
Glenn
Graham
Harkin
Heflin
Inouye
Johnston
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Moynihan
Murray
Nunn
Pell
Pryor
Reid
Robb
Rockefeller
Sarbanes
Simon
Wellstone
NAYS--57
Abraham
Ashcroft
Bennett
Bond
Brown
Burns
Campbell
Chafee
Coats
Cochran
Cohen
Conrad
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
DeWine
Dole
Domenici
Dorgan
Faircloth
Frist
Gorton
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hatch
Hatfield
Helms
Hollings
Hutchison
Inhofe
Jeffords
Kassebaum
Kempthorne
Kyl
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Packwood
Pressler
Roth
Santorum
Shelby
Simpson
Smith
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
NOT VOTING--1
Bradley
So, the ruling of the Chair was rejected as the judgment of the
Senate.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I ask unanimous consent that the yeas and nays be
vitiated on the Hutchison amendment and that Senators Gorton and
Domenici be added as original cosponsors.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment.
The amendment (No. 336) was agreed to.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
____________________