[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 33 (Wednesday, February 22, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H2056-H2063]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                          BLACK HISTORY MONTH

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ney). Under the Speaker's previously 
announced policy of January 4, 1995, the Chair recognizes the gentleman 
from New York [Mr. Owens] for 60 minutes.
  Mr. OWENS. I want to congratulate, Mr. Speaker, my colleagues and 
congratulate the Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and 
History for their theme this year on Black History.
  Mr. Speaker, in the interest of maintaining the continuity that we 
have started, I am going to reserve my own comments and let my 
colleagues who have been waiting go at this point ahead of me.
  I would like to first yield to the gentleman from Puerto Rico, 
Governor Romero-Barcelo.
  Mr. ROMERO-BARCELO. I thank the gentleman from New York for yielding 
some time for me to speak on this occasion to commemorate the 
outstanding African-Americans throughout this Black History Month.
  Mr. Speaker, there have been some outstanding African-Americans in 
Puerto Rico's fame, which has transcended our shores.
  Just to name a few: In the field of music, Mr. Campos was the 
foremost composer of the dance, semi-classical dance music so popular 
in Puerto Rico.
  In the field of the performing arts, Fern Hernandez, who won an Oscar 
for the Best Supporting Actor. He did not win an Oscar for the Best 
Actor, because in those days they did not give blacks too much of an 
opportunity for the leading roles.
  And of course, one who needs no explanation as to the things he has 
done throughout his lifetime, the outstanding player, one of the most 
outstanding players in the All-American game, Roberto Clemente.
  But there is an African-American in Puerto Rico whose influence 
transcends all of them, and I refer to Dr. Jose Celso Barbosa.
  Mr. Speaker, as we continue to celebrate Black History Month, I 
wanted to take this opportunity to honor the memory of Dr. Jose Celso 
Barbosa, the founding father of Puerto Rico's statehood movement, 
founding father of the Republican Party in Puerto Rico and the island's 
most prominent and distinguished African-American leader.
  Born in the City of Bayamon, PR, on July 27, 1857, Dr. Barbosa 
dedicated his whole life to his struggle for political and economic 
equality for all Puerto Ricans. He was very instrumental in the 
extension by Congress in 1917 of U.S. citizenship to all persons born 
in Puerto Rico.
  From very humble origins--his father was a craftsman--Dr. Barbosa 
contributed to make our goal of achieving political and economic 
equality through statehood, no longer a distant dream, but a reality 
well within our reach.
  A very intelligent and dedicated student, he graduated with honors in 
1875 from the Conciliate Seminary School. Five years later he graduated 
with a doctor's degree in medicine and surgery from the University of 
Michigan. In so doing, Dr. Barbosa was the first black Puerto Rican and 
one of the first island residents to graduate from a university in the 
continental United States.
  Back in his native Puerto Rico, Dr. Barbosa acquired a solid 
reputation both as a doctor and as a respected citizen. At the age of 
23, he started to become involved in Puerto Rican politics.
  When the sovereignty change came to Puerto Rico after the Spanish-
American War in 1898, Dr. Barbosa began his struggle so that Puerto 
Ricans would benefit from the American political process and the 
democratic values that he had experienced first-hand during his earlier 
years as a student in Michigan.
  In 1899, Dr. Barbosa founded and organized Puerto Rico's Republican 
Party, committed to achieving political and economic equality through 
statehood for the island. He devoted the rest of his life to this 
purpose.
  [[Page H2057]] Although he was never to see his dream become a 
reality, he never gave up his struggle for civil rights and voting 
rights of the 3.7 million U.S. Citizens in Puerto Rico and, in the 
process, inspired our people in our fight for political and economic 
equality and has been a personal inspiration to me in my dedication to 
the fulfillment of his dream.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank you for the opportunity to bring to the 
attention of our colleagues in the House of Representatives the 
accomplishments of Dr. Jose Celso Barboso, Puerto Rico's Dr. Martin 
Luther King. He was truly an exceptional individual whose legacy runs 
deep in the hearts of all Puerto Ricans.
                              {time}  2120

  Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Puerto Rico [Mr. 
Romero-Barcelo], and to continue our special observance of Black 
History Month I yield to the gentlewoman from North Carolina [Mrs. 
Clayton].
  Mrs. CLAYTON. Mr. Speaker, nearly 70 years ago, Dr. Carter G. Woodson 
launched a tradition of celebrating the legacy of African-Americans. 
``Black History Month'' began to be officially acclaimed a half century 
later, in 1976. The contributions and achievements of African-Americans 
is a subject rich in substance and worthy of recognition. The history 
of blacks in America is a compelling story that must be told and 
retold.
  James Weldon Johnson, in his renowned work, ``The Autobiography of an 
Ex-Colored Man,'' captured the importance of telling history--
particularly black-American history--again and again. ``Every race,'' 
he said, ``and every nation should be judged by the best it has been 
able to produce, not by the worst.'' I believe, Mr. Speaker, too often 
black Americans are judged by a distorted image of who we are and what 
we stand for. Too often, the portrait of black America is painted with 
a muddied brush--one that fails to render an accurate depiction of what 
we have given to the construction of this nation.
  We are heroes in defense of democracy, like Crispus Attucks, the 
first to die in the Boston Massacre; like the 9th and 10th calvaries 
and the 24th and 25th infantries--best known as the Buffalo Soldiers, 
who helped win Texas and the Southwest; like Benjamin O. Davis, Sr., 
the first black general; and like private first class Milton L. Olive 
III, who was posthumously awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor. 
During the Vietnam war, he fell on an exploding grenade, taking his own 
life to save the lives of his fellow soldiers, black and white. We have 
shed our blood in battle and given our lives to preserve those words of 
freedom, ``liberty'', ``justice'', ``equality''. We are scientists and 
inventors, like Benjamin Banneker, who helped plan Washington, D.C.; 
like Dr. Charles Drew, a blood plasma researcher, who set up the first 
blood bank in England; and like Katherine Johnson, an aerospace 
technologist for NASA, and a pioneer in new navigation procedures for 
tracking space missions. We are explorers and astronauts, some of whom 
have made the ultimate sacrifice in behalf of this nation, like Ronald 
E. McNair, who died in the Challenger Shuttle explosion in 1986. We are 
writers and educators, like Maya Angelou, who knows why the caged bird 
sings; like
 Ralph Ellison, who pondered the question of the black-American as, The 
Invisible Man; like Alex Haley, who discovered his Roots and raised the 
consciousness of the nation and the world; and like Phyllis Wheatley, 
whose poems have played an historical role in the growth of black 
literature. We are artists, musicians, television personalities, 
lawyers and judges, educators, athletes, politicians and leaders. But, 
we are also small farmers, common laborers, maids, dishwashers, 
construction workers, food service employees, and some of us are 
recipients of public assistance. A disproportionate number of us, 
however, are minimum wage workers, with families, thrust below the 
poverty line. We ask not for charity, but a chance--a chance to meet 
our obligatons--to feed, clothe and shelter our families. We too want 
welfare reform. The best welfare reform is a job at a livable wage. We 
too want to rid our communities of crime. The best crime bill is a jobs 
bill. We too want a balanced budget. But, balance the budget in a fair 
way, not just on the backs of those who broke their backs picking this 
Nation's cotton. We too want to eliminate teenage pregnancies. But, we 
will resist with all of our might, the attempt to take nutrition from 
pregnant women, children and seniors. This year, we place special 
recognition on the lives and legacies of three great and powerful black 
men, Frederick Douglas, William E.B. DuBois and Booker T. Washington. 
Yes, we are men, and we are women, like Rosa Parks; Harriet Tubman and 
Sojourner Truth. But, perhaps most importantly, Mr. Speaker, we are 
Americans. We are no different than those who populate this great 
Nation from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean and all points in 
between. We want what they want--a decent life, a strong family, a 
home, security, something to aspire to and a place at the bountiful 
table that is America.

  These are tough times in America. But, like Dr. Martin Luther King, 
Jr. reminded us on one occasion:

       The test of good government is not where it stands or what 
     it does when times are good. The true test of good government 
     is where it stands and what it does when times are tough.

  African-Americans have given their best to this Nation. Some want to 
underscore the worst. The best far outweighs the worst. We pause on 
this day and during this month of celebrate our best. Much more is yet 
to come.
                              {time}  2130

  Mr. OWENS. I thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina. Continuing 
our special order observance of Black History Month, I yield 5 minutes 
to the gentlewoman from Texas, Ms. Sheila Jackson-Lee.
  (Ms. JACKSON-LEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend 
her remarks.)
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE. Mr. Speaker, I do humble thank the gentleman from 
New York.
  Mr. Speaker, as I rise in this great House to speak in commemoration 
of Black History Month, I am strengthened by the rich contributions of 
my ancestors.
  Reflecting upon the year 1895, I am moved to think of the state that 
found America herself in during the Reconstruction era. Thirty years 
after the abolition of slavery, newly found freedoms were being 
negotiated against newly found means of oppression. Emancipation and 
liberation were met by Jim Crow laws and black codes; eager men and 
women with hopes for education and opportunity were handed miseducation 
and disenfranchisement; children who had heard stories of a better life 
were left having their dreams deferred. Although America had ended its 
Civil War, an even more insidious war was being waged--the war of 
racial intolerance. Hope, however, continued to abound among a people 
hungry for opportunity.
  My friends, standing here a mere 100 years post 1895, I am heartened 
by the progress that we have made as a nation, and yet standing here a 
mere 5 years before the dawn of a new century, I am filled with great 
trepidation. When our allies come to us for military assistance, no 
other nation takes up the banner of national defense faster than the 
United States. When human rights abuses are brought to our attention, 
we are vigilant in our pursuit of justice and fairness. Mr. Speaker, 
America's own private war is destroying our Nation. As America moves 
its great caravan of truth and justice across the globe, our righteous 
cries of fairness and equity are being drowned out by the piercing 
rattle of the skeletons of hypocrisy that reside in our darkest 
closets.
  Gunnar Myrdal, the Swedish sociologist commented some 30 years ago 
that America's greatest problem would be that of race relations. As we 
herald the accomplishments of African-Americans today in this Black 
History Observance, we all should recommit ourselves to the quests of 
our ancestors excellence and opportunity. African-American history in 
the country is to be lauded.
  While we take pride in saluting the great African-American scientists 
and inventors, America remains a nation still needing to heal. While we 
marvel at the majesty and grace of African-American performers and 
artists--America is still groping to implement racial equality. As I 
stand in this great 
[[Page H2058]]  House that charts the destiny of a nation, upholding 
the legacy of my district that brought to Washington prolific 
legislators like Barbara Jordan and the late, but never forgotten 
Mickey Leland, I believe we should actively in 1995 thwart efforts that 
would divide this Nation.
  Today, let us strike a blow for true democracy and for real 
inclusion. Reflecting upon 1895 and upon the memory of Frederick 
Douglass, W.E.B. DuBois, and Booker T. Washington, the vision that each 
held continues to burn passionately in those of us who bear their 
legacy.
  I am indebted to Frederick Douglass, who was born into bondage, sold 
repeatedly in the slave markets of the South, yet who secretly taught 
himself to read and write. Up to his death in 1895, his defiance 
against the pervasive system of racial inhumanity enabled him to speak 
out and to illustrate the moral dilemma that America embodied. 
Frederick Douglass empowers all of us today.
  Known as the intellectual father of modern African-American 
scholarship, W.E.B. DuBois worked fervently to establish the NAACP, 
edited and published ``The Crisis,'' founded the Pan African 
Congresses, and made pilgrimages to Ghana. DuBois' international 
leadership set the stage in 1895 for a global African-consciousness 
movement that reverberates today from Haiti to Soweto. His presence is 
affirmed in this great House today, and my colleagues and I are honored 
to carry on his legacy.
  As Booker T. Washington struggled through Hampton Normal and 
Agricultural Institute, the Great Wizard of the Negro who eloquently 
expressed himself at the Niagara Conference and at the Atlanta 
Exposition, urged us all to be diligent in our work. He spoke of action 
and commitment. He exemplified his dedication through establishing 
Tuskegee Institute, and his tenacity left us a chronicle of his life 
through his autobiography, ``Up From Slavery.'' Mr. Washington, my 
colleagues and I have heard your call to action, and we stand here 
ready to move.
  Mr. Speaker, now if I may personally salute the African-Americans of 
the 18th Congressional District of Texas. Hard-working, dedicated 
Americans reflected in the lives of the late Zollie Scales, Dr. John B. 
Coleman, Jack Yates, Hattie White, Christie Adair, Moses Leroy, and 
others.
  Mr. Speaker, as I reflect upon Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. DuBois, and 
Booker Taliafero Washington, let us honor the memory of these great 
American patriots by affirming the principles for which they pledged 
their lives. We, Mr. Speaker, you--me--and our colleagues, have an 
opportunity to send strong messages to the American people as we 
consider the balance of the legislation pending before us. Let us move 
away from race-baiting descriptions of programs and proposals, and move 
toward rational and fair legislation.
  America is divided; yet within that division, we the Members of the 
104th Congress, have the opportunity and the responsibility to bridge, 
to narrow, and to close the rift that may divide us.
  Mr. Speaker, let us sound the call today that this is nation time. 
Removing a 12-inch knife 6 inches from the back of a dying man, is not 
progress. We cannot be content with incremental change.
  Mr. OWENS. I thank the gentlewoman from Texas, and I yield now to the 
gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Jefferson].
  Mr. JEFFERSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in the 
Congressional Black Caucus for special orders in conjunction with Black 
History Month. Each year, CBC members speak on important contributions 
to the African-American community, individuals or organizations. This 
year, I have chosen to honor the Congressional Black Caucus itself as 
it celebrates 25 years of service to the African-American community in 
America and, indeed, to all of America.
  The Congressional Black Caucus was born in 1970, when 13 African-
American Members of Congress joined ranks to strengthen their efforts 
to address concerns of blacks, women, Hispanic, Asians, and other 
disadvantaged citizens.
  Mr. Speaker, it did not take long for the fledgling caucus to capture 
national attention. In March, 1971, the CBC made headlines presenting 
President Richard Nixon with 60 recommendations for government action 
on domestic and foreign policy issues.
  Although President Nixon did not respond positively to the 
recommendations, his less than adequate response strengthened the 
resolve of the original members of the CBC to continue on its new found 
mission.
  During the past 25 years, the CBC has blossomed as a strong and 
progressive voice for alternative legislative programs.
  Mr. Speaker, let me name just a few of the CBC's achievements during 
its quarter century of existence.
  In 1972, the CBC convened hearings on ``Racism in the Media'' and a 
national policy conference on ``Education for Black Americans.''
  In 1974, the CBC introduced the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and 
Balanced Growth Act to reduce unemployment and inflation which became 
law in 1977.
  In 1977, the CBC established the National Black Leadership 
Roundtable; and, in Congress, amended the Public Works Employment Act 
to provide for 10 percent of the $4 billion of authorized Federal funds 
to be spent with minority firms.
  In 1980, the Caucus offered the first CBC constructive alternative 
budget and published ``Black Voter Guidelines'' for elections that 
year.
  In 1982, the CBC introduced and passed legislation to designate the 
birthday of Martin Luther King, Jr. a national holiday.
  In 1985, the CBC leadership forced the House and Senate to protect 
critical domestic programs from Gramm-Rudman budget cuts.
  In 1986, the CBC passed sweeping South Africa sanctions legislation 
and created four major Federal minority enterprise programs--the most 
notable in the $32 billion Defense Authorization bill.
  In 1989 the CBC cofounded the Parliamentary Black Caucus in the 
British Parliament.
  And in 1992, the CBC pushed through important legislation for 
financial assistance for the college education of disadvantaged, and 
for historically black colleges.
  Mr. Speaker, these are just a few of the significant accomplishments 
of the Congressional Black Caucus.
  The Congressional Black Caucus has grown in numbers, diversity, 
expertise and influence during the past 25 years.
  New members represent urban and rural areas, the east coast and west 
coast, the North and South and agricultural and manufacturing centers.
  They come to the U.S. Congress uniquely prepared to serve, many 
bringing a wealth of experience in State and local governments as well 
as the desire to make an immediate impact on issues important to the 
poor, the underprivileged, women, African Americans, Hispanics, Asian 
Americans, and the middle class.
  In fact, the 40-member Congressional Black Caucus turned the 103d 
Congress into the most productive in its history--passing motor-voter 
legislation, tax incentives for private investment in minority venture 
capital funds, improved earned income tax benefits, enterprise zone 
legislation and full funding for the Women, Infant and Children 
program, and for Head Start.
  As the 41-member Congressional Black Caucus begins its second quarter 
century of work, its members will face new challenges. These new 
challenges will, I am confident, be dealt with like the old ones, with 
persistent, dogged commitment, with strong, solid leadership and with 
experienced and determined membership.
  As the members of the Congressional Black Caucus' silver anniversary, 
we pause to remember the Congressional Black Caucus itself, with 
grateful hearts and with a deep and justifiable pride. The caucus' 
accomplishments, indeed its continued existence have contributed 
significantly to not only African-American History, but also to 
American history for the last quarter of a century. It has truly been 
the conscience of the Congress and the conscience of the nation.
  With God's help, may it always be so.
                              {time}  2140

  Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Louisiana.
  [[Page H2059]] Continuing our special observance of Black History 
Month, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Donald Payne.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, let me continue on as we talk 
about Frederick Douglass. As I had mentioned earlier, Frederick 
Douglass, a person who was educated, who was taught how to read early 
in life by his slaveowner's wife, who once he found out what was going 
on, stopped it, but Frederick Douglass ran away. He became a runaway 
slave, and his record, as you know, speaking out for women, speaking 
out for abolitionists and so forth, was really a tremendous record.
  Mr. Speaker, let me just say that Frederick Douglass also had John 
Brown spend a month with him before John Brown had the raid on Harper's 
Ferry, and tried to convince him that he was not sure that that was the 
right way to go. As we know, there was that whole incident of John 
Brown, and later Denmark Veasy, who attempted to free slaves in South 
Carolina.
  As a matter of fact, there was a commerce clause that today is the 
basis of interstate commerce, which was denied by the Supreme Court. 
They would not take up the fact that there should be interstate 
commerce controlled by the Federal Government because slaves were a 
part of the interstate commerce, and the courts did not want to rule on 
whether slavery should be, then, a national problem, and left it to the 
States.
  When we look at some of the things that happened, it is so important 
that we recall our history and what impact it has had on this 
Government.
  Let me just say, the first Black History celebration was on August 25 
in 1893, when Frederick Douglass, at a World's Fair celebrating 400 
years of the founding of this country, had colored Americans there, so 
the real first observance, as I mentioned before, happened to be in 
1893.
  Actually, in 1895 a woman by the name of Josephine Bruce put forth 
the proposal before the organization of the National Council of Colored 
Women's Clubs, which later became the National Council of Negro Women, 
and she put a formal proposal before her organization to say, ``Let's 
have Negro history week.''
  Interestingly enough, it was defeated. Then, of course, we do know 
that in 1926, Carter G. Woodson moved forward, and we have this whole 
question of African-American History Month today.
  I just want to mention very quickly in the remaining minutes that I 
have that African-Americans have been participants in our history from 
the beginning. We have had approximately 5,000 African-Americans fight 
in the Revolutionary War, but it was not until the British invited all 
blacks to join its forces, promising freedom as a reward, that then 
George Washington decided to allow blacks to fight for the colonial 
people.
  It was, as we know, in 1770 when Crispus Attucks was killed, but at 
the battle of Bunker Hill there were two blacks who were outstanding in 
that battle. Peter Salem was one, and Salem Poor. Peter Salem was the 
one who fired the shot that killed Major Pitcairn, who led the Boston 
massacre on March 5, in 1770, when Crispus Attucks and four other 
Americans fell.
  I would just like to say in conclusion the fact that at the battle of 
Savannah in the Civil War, it was a group of troops from Haiti that 
fought so valiantly at that battle, and it really reversed the history 
of this country, because, as you know, the
 Haitian army back in the late 1700's defeated the British and the 
French.

  Napoleon then had to sell the Louisiana Purchase to the United States 
of America at 15 cents an acre, which gave the land west of the 
Mississippi to the United States Government, which therefore relieved 
the French's threat on the United States Government, because France and 
the United States were still battling each other. When we look at our 
history, we can thank the Haitian military for eventually causing the 
French to have to sell all that territory.
  Let me conclude by saying there are some heroes today. We have seen 
Ron Brown, who has brought more trade to this United States of America, 
$40 billion from China, $7 billion recently from India, an outstanding 
person, but under attack.
  We see a Dr. Foster, a hero of today, who should be appointed. We see 
a Lannie Guinier, who should have had an opportunity, but it was taken 
away before she could do what she could have done positively for this 
country. We see Joycelyn Elders, today an outspoken person who was 
doing the job well, but was brought down from her position, and Mike 
Espy.
  As we talk about heroes of the past, I would like to say that we must 
continue to support those outstanding Americans today, the Ron Browns, 
that are making this Nation a better place for all of us.
  Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey.
  I yield to the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Scott].
  Mr. SCOTT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York and the 
gentleman from Ohio for organizing this special order on Black History 
Month.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to call the attention of the House to Black 
History Month. As I reflect on the importance of this celebration I am 
reminded of the commitment of Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Dubois, and 
Booker T. Washington to bettering their communities and the Nation. 
Like many other men and women, these individuals spent their lives 
fighting for equality and opportunity for all of America's citizens. 
While each differed in his approach, each one of these men recognized 
and utilized education as a vital tool in their efforts. They 
recognized that education is essential to freedom.
  Frederick Douglass, while culminating a life of service and struggle 
in 1895, epitomized a commitment to education and scholarship. We 
should all be familiar with the story that Douglass tells of his 
efforts to learn to read and write. Nor can we forget his lifelong 
commitment to providing the same skills and opportunities to his peers 
both as an orator and as a crusader against slavery. Ultimately, 
Frederick Douglass recognized that education is necessary in order to 
obtain both freedom and equality.
  Like Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Dubois, a graduate of Fisk University
   and the first African-American to receive a Ph.D. from Harvard, also 
exemplified the importance of education and national progress. Not only 
was Dr. Dubois committed to his personal scholarship, he spent his life 
providing research and education resources to African-Americans 
nationwide. As a founding father of the NAACP, DuBois provided the 
Nation with the Crisis magazine, which continues today as the literary 
arm of the NAACP. In addition, he taught at both Wilberforce and 
Atlanta University.

  Booker T. Washington, much like Dubois and Douglass, also made 
education a paramount part of his work and life. As the proud graduate 
of Hampton University, which is located in my district, Mr. Washington 
sought to provide access and resources to communities that were 
disadvantaged and disenfranchised. Believing that education would 
assist in achieving economic equity, Booker T. Washington founded 
Tuskeegee University in 1881.
  Recognizing the legacy of education that these men have given us, we 
are charged with no less of a commitment to education today. It is our 
responsibility to ensure that each American has access to a quality 
education. We must support and defend those institutions and programs 
that make such access and equity possible.
  Keeping that in mind, Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the 103 
historically black colleges and universities [HBCU's] that are 
currently working tirelessly to provide education to students 
nationwide. In particular, I would like to recognize Mr. Washington's 
alma mater, Hampton University, as well as Norfolk State University, 
Virginia Union University, St. Paul's College, and Virginia State 
University which have graduated many of our Nation's leaders and 
continue to serve the residents of Virginia and the Nation as a whole. 
As we celebrate Black History Month and recognize HBCU's, I must also 
acknowledge the 50th anniversary of the Central Intercollegiate 
Athletic Association [CIAA] basketball tournament that is being 
celebrated this week. The CIAA is the Nation's largest African-American 
athletic association.
  Mr. Speaker, education continues to be essential to freedom as well 
as to 
[[Page H2060]]  life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The 
individuals, institutions, and organizations I have mentioned help 
create and continue the legacy of the brave men and women whose lives 
and contributions we commemorate through Black History Month 
celebrations.

                              {time}  2120

  Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Virginia, and I 
yield to the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Watt].
  Mr. WATT of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, it is with great pride that 
I pay tribute to my distinguished colleague, Representative Eva M. 
Clayton, the first black Congresswoman ever elected from North Carolina 
(representing the First Congressional District).
  I am especially pleased to recognize Congresswoman Clayton, because I 
was privileged to join her in the 103d Congress, as one of two African-
American Representatives elected from North Carolina since 1901, 94 
years ago.
  In recognition of Black History Month and in honor of this special 
Representative, I am pleased to submit a paper entitled ``The Election 
of Eva M. Clayton as the First Black Congresswoman from North 
Carolina,'' written by Philip A. Grant, Jr., professor of history at 
Pace University in New York, which documents this historic event.
  Mr. Speaker, this paper is being made a part of the Record at this 
point in the Record, as follows:

       On October 4, 1991 Congressman Walter B. Jones of North 
     Carolina formally announced that he would not be a candidate 
     for re-election to a fifteenth term. Jones, a seventy-eight 
     year old Democrat, had initially entered the House of 
     Representatives in 1966, after winning a special election to 
     fill a vacancy in North Carolina's First Congressional 
     District. Since 1981, Jones had occupied the post of Chairman 
     of the House Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries.
       The First Congressional District had been created by the 
     North Carolina Legislature on June 16, 1961, at which time 
     the ``Tarheel State'' lost one of its existing twelve 
     districts. Based on well-documented population patterns, the 
     boundaries of the First District were slightly altered after 
     the Censuses of 1970 and 1980. Located in close proximity to 
     the Atlantic Ocean, the First District was primarily rural in 
     character and solidly Democratic in terms of party 
     registration.
       Throughout the nineteen seventies and nineteen eighties 
     Congressman Jones seldom encountered political difficulty in 
     his numerous House campaigns. Because of Jones' enormous 
     personal popularity and the indisputable fact that the 
     veteran incumbent was in the process of accumulating valuable 
     seniority, formidable Democratic primary challenges simply 
     did not materialize.
       When Jones announced his decision to retire, it was 
     anticipated that several candidates would opt to seek the 
     Democratic and Republican congressional nominations. While 
     the Republican Party has grown steadily in eastern North 
     Carolina since the late nineteen sixties, no G.O.P. candidate 
     from 1970 to 1990 has polled more than 35.2% of the popular 
     vote in the First District. Consequently, the victor in the 
     1992 Democratic primary would definitely be favored to win 
     the general election.
       Since Blacks accounted for roughly thirty-six percent of 
     the citizens of the First District, it was a virtual 
     certainty that at least one Black would enter the race to 
     succeed Jones. Indeed a number of Blacks were serving either 
     as county commissioners or state legislators within the First 
     District. It was expected that a Black with proven electoral 
     appeal might emerge as a serious contender for the First 
     District seat.
       Inasmuch as North Carolina would gain a House seat because 
     of its sustained population growth over the previous decade, 
     the Legislature would have the task of redrawing the 
     boundaries of the state's congressional districts. When the 
     Legislature failed to produce an acceptable plan, a panel of 
     three federal judges resolved the question. According to the 
     court ruling of February 6, 1992, the Black population of the 
     new First District was estimated at 57.3%.
       The First District consisted of twenty-eight counties 
     extending from the Virginia line to approximately ten miles 
     of the South Carolina border. While twenty-one of these 
     twenty-eight counties were rural in complexion, the district 
     also included a number of eastern North Carolina's urban 
     centers. Among the cities located within the confines of the 
     district were Wilmington, Fayetteville, New Bern, Greenville, 
     Wilson, Rocky Mount, and Henderson.
       Competing against one another in the May 5 Democratic 
     primary were seven candidates, four Blacks and three whites. 
     Generally regarded as the foremost Democratic candidates were 
     Eva M. Clayton, a Black, and Walter B. Jones, Jr., a white. 
     Clayton was a Warren County Commissioner, while Jones, the 
     son of the retiring incumbent, was a member of the North 
     Carolina House of Representatives.
       North Carolina law provided that a minimum of forty percent 
     of the popular vote was required to win a party primary, 
     whenever more than two rival candidates were involved. Since 
     Jones obviously benefitted from name recognition, he was 
     striving to reach the forty percent threshold. On primary 
     night Jones assumed a modest lead over Clayton, but fell 
     short of the
      necessary forty percent. The official returns were: Jones, 
     33,634 (38.7%); Clayton, 27,477 (31.6%); Others, 25,855 
     (30.7%).
       The failure of any candidate to prevail in the Democratic 
     primary made a run-off contest mandatory. Clayton strongly 
     urged Black Democrats to participate in the run-off, 
     believing that a huge Black turnout would certainly enhance 
     her prospects.
       In the June 2 run-off primary it appeared that Blacks were 
     voting in record numbers. The preliminary returns indicated 
     that Clayton would defeat Jones by at least five thousands 
     votes. The final returns were: Clayton, 43,210 (54.8%); 
     Jones, 35,729 (45.2%). While Jones gained an additional 2,095 
     votes over his showing in the first primary, Clayton's total 
     increased by an astounding 15,757.
       It was a foregone conclusion that Clayton would win the 
     general election. The highly respected Congressional 
     Quarterly in late October listed North Carolina's First 
     Congressional District in the ``Safe Democratic'' column. 
     Congressional Quarterly noted that eight-seven percent of the 
     citizens of the First District were affiliated with the 
     Democratic Party.
       On November 5, 1992 Clayton overwhelmed her Republican 
     opponent, Ted Tyler, The official tabulation was follows: 
     Clayton, 116,078 (68.1%); Tyler, 54,457 (31.9%). Clayton thus 
     became the first Black woman ever elected to Congress from 
     North Carolina and only the second Black congresswoman ever 
     elected to represent a district in a southern state.
       Clayton was one of the one hundred and ten freshmen elected 
     to the House on November 5, 1992. The North Carolina 
     congresswoman would be one of the thirty-nine Blacks in the 
     House, fourteen of whom were also elected for the first time 
     in 1992. In January 1993 Clayton was assigned to the 
     Committee on Agriculture and attained the distinction of 
     being elected President of the Freshman Class.

  Mr. WATT of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate 
Black History Month by honoring Dr. Charlotte Hawkins Brown, an 
African-American North Carolina native who had a vision in the early 
1900s: to ensure that all black youth receive the type of education 
that would fully prepare them for their futures.
  Lottie Hawkins was born in 1883 in Henderson, North Carolina. When 
she was young, the Hawkins family moved to Massachusetts, where she 
studied at Cambridge High School and Salem State Normal School. Before 
graduating from high school, young Lottie changed her name to Charlotte 
Eugenia Hawkins.
  At age 18, Miss Hawkins accepted a teaching position from the 
American Missionary Association to return to her home state to teach at 
Bethany Institute near Greensboro at a time when North Carolina had the 
second highest illiteracy rate in the country. Unfortunately, the 
school closed after Miss Hawkins' first year there. The school closing 
only made Miss Hawkins even more determined to start her own school. 
She felt there was a lack of educational opportunities for young blacks 
in the South. There were approximately 2,400 elementary schools across 
the country responsible for educating young black children, but many of 
these schools, she felt, were far from adequate.
  Miss Hawkins left for Massachusetts to raise money to finance her 
dream. She personally met with supporters and even sang for donations 
at seaside resorts. In 1902, she returned to North Carolina where 15 
acres of land and an old log blacksmith's shop were donated to her by a 
local minister. She used the money raised in Massachusetts to convert 
the shop into a school, thus making her dream a reality.
  The schools' beginnings were extremely humble. Fifteen girls and two 
teachers including Miss Hawkins slept in cramped quarters in the loft. 
The rest of the building was occupied by classrooms, a living room and 
a kitchen. Nevertheless, in November 1902, classes began at the Alice 
Freeman Palmer Memorial Institute. The school was named for Miss 
Hawkins' benefactor and friend who was also the second female president 
of Wellesley College in Massachusetts.
  After its opening, the school was faced with ever-present financial 
battles. Although tuition was $5.00 a month, many of the students at 
Palmer found it difficult to manage. The school was involved
 in letter-writing campaigns and the students themselves worked the 
land to help keep expenses 
[[Page H2061]]  down. Through this effort, the school was able to 
purchase 250 acres of land. However, money still remained scarce. As a 
result, Palmer relied heavily on the donations from sympathetic, white 
northerns and some southerners to survive.
  In 1911 at the age of 29, Miss Hawkins married Edward Brown. The 
marriage later broke up over Edward's unhappiness with living in 
Sedalia. Still Mrs. Brown continued to move forward. Under her 
direction, the school grew to more than 350 acres of land. Donations 
and community and student involvement enabled the construction of 
several frame buildings.
  The growing needs and changes of the community forced Palmer's 
curriculum to go from an agriculture and manual training-based 
curriculum to one that expanded to include more classes in liberal 
arts, languages, sciences, and dramatics. Elementary education was 
eliminated and a junior-college level teaching course was added.
  Palmer evolved into ``an elite institution that prepared African 
American youth for college.'' Tuition rose to $800 per year by the late 
1950s and 90 percent of the graduates went on to pursue further 
education. More and more students began enrolling from around the 
country.
  The school survived three fires and economic hardship. Even with the 
unfortunate mishaps, the school was able to exult about its 1,000 
strong, proud black student graduates. Dr. Brown went on to receive 
several honorary degrees herself. She often spoke to multiracial groups 
of women advocating equality, wrote novels, and was given the nickname 
``The Mayor of Sedalia'' by her community.
  On January 11, 1961, Dr. Charlotte Hawkins died. Her legacy which was 
her school, continued until 1971. Bennett College, a historically black 
women's college in Greensboro bought the campus.
  Today, the Charlotte Hawkins Brown Memorial sits on 40 acres of land 
in Sedalia, North Carolina, east of Greensboro. The state legislature 
allocated $400,000 to purchase the land and partially restore the 
campus. It is the first historic site honoring an African-American and 
a woman.
  Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from North Carolina.
  Mr. Speaker, it is customary for the Congressional Black Caucus 
during this observance of Black History Month to allow Members to speak 
about whatever aspects of black history they wish to speak of. We have 
had a number of different testimonials to black history.
  I would like to stay close to the theme that has been developed by 
the Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History. Some 
of my colleagues have dealt with that theme, but I would like to focus 
on it in more detail and try to relate it to what is currently 
happening here in the Congress.
  The theme that has been set forth by the Association for the Study of 
Afro-American Life and History is ``Reflections on 1895: Douglas, Du 
Bois, and Washington''; ``Reflections on 1895: Douglass, Du Bois, and 
Washington.'' I suppose the association chose 1895 because 1895 is 
exactly 100 years ago. We are in 1995, and they chose to reflect on 
1895, and I think it was a stroke of genius that they put Douglas, Du 
Bois, and Booker T. Washington together, Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. 
Du Bois, and Frederick Douglass.

                              {time}  2200

  These are all giants in black history. These are all people of great 
stature. They happened all to be alive in 1895. In 1895 it was the last 
year of Frederick Douglass' life. He died in 1895. In 1895 Booker 
Washington was alive. In 1895 W.E.B. DuBois was alive. W.E.B. DuBois 
was born in 1868, and he died in 1963. Booker Washington was born in 
1856, and he died in 1915. Frederick Douglass was born in 1817, and he 
died in 1895, a hundred years ago.
  I was very much influenced in my life by a book that I stumbled 
across in the library when I was in the sixth grade called, ``Up from 
Slavery,'' the autobiography of Booker T. Washington. I have also read 
the writings of DuBois and Frederick Douglass. We are now in 1995, and 
the question is of what significance is 1895 to us here in 1995, of 
what significance are the lives of these three giants in black history?
  In 1895 you were past the Civil War, the end of the Civil War, a 
little more than 25 years. The Civil War, what I choose to call the War 
Against Slavery, had ended, and in 1895 we had gone through a period in 
history which is called the Reconstruction, an all too short period 
where the duly freed slaves were now allowed for a brief time to 
participate in civic affairs. They actually had the majority in some 
State legislatures, and the legislature of the State of South Carolina 
passed some of the most far-reaching social legislation in the history 
of the country until the New Deal. The legislation of South Carolina 
performed magnificently, and many other legislatures. There was a whole 
period where blacks struggle to grapple with the running of towns, 
counties, and there were blacks who came to Congress also during that 
period.
  But by 1895 this had all come to a crashing halt. In 1895 of course 
Booker Washington was very much alive, as I said before. That was the 
last year Frederick Douglass was alive. Frederick Douglass died with a 
broken heart. He had seen all of the hope of Reconstruction come 
crashing down, all the hope of progress, of true freedom, of onward and 
upward advancement for the people of African descent, the former 
slaves, all that had come crashing down.
  The Freed Man's Bureau, which was established shortly after the 
slaves were freed, had been wiped out. The Freed Man's Bureau was 
possibly the first
 social program ever authorized by the Federal Government. That had 
been wiped out. All attempts to do anything to help the newly freed 
slaves assimilate had been abandoned, and not only were there no 
attempts by the government of the established order to assist the 
slaves or the former slaves. There was a great deal of hostility that 
had been projected by 1895 in slaves, and slave leadership, and slave--
the former slaves, their leadership in society, their institutions. All 
were struggling in a hostile environment.

  I would like to just comment on the most recent giant who watched all 
of this happen. DuBois was born in 1868, so he saw the Reconstruction, 
the last days of the Reconstruction, the first Reconstruction period. 
He saw it crumble, but DuBois was an exceptionally advantaged 
individual. He happened to have been born in Massachusetts, an 
environment which encouraged him to go forward and get ahead.
  So, W.E.B. DuBois became the first doctorate. He was the first person 
of African descent to get a PhD from Harvard, and he was a great 
intellectual, wrote many books and saw himself as being very 
important in trying to reconstruct the soul of black folks. He wrote 
one book called, ``The Souls of Black Folk'' because he understood that 
one of the objectives of slavery had been to obliterate the soul of 
black folk.
  The whole institution of slavery was designed to destroy the humanity 
of the slaves. A slave was to be an efficient beast of burden, and 
slavery could not do that as long as you were dealing with a human 
being. You could not let slaves operate as if they were human. You 
could not allow them to have families. So it was, you know, 
deliberately that every effort was made to tear families apart. First 
officially and formally it was against the law for them to get married. 
They could not get married. They had to devise their own means of being 
married for short periods of time, but those were only short periods of 
time where they had their own arrangements among families because 
families were torn apart frequently by being sold. One, traditionally 
very young children were taken from their mother's arms and sold into 
slavery far away. There was no such thing as a mother or a husband 
being kept with a wife because he happened to be the father of her 
children. They were sold like animals.
  So, you know, the need to restore the soul of the people of African 
descent was a major preoccupation of DuBois. You have to reconstruct 
institutions, construct new institutions, because in order to make the 
slave more effective and efficient as beasts of burden they were cut 
off from their past tribal customs. They were deliberately loaded on 
slave ships and brought over here in arrangements which placed slaves 
next to each other from different tribes so they 
[[Page H2062]]  spoke different languages, had different customs, and 
chaos prevented any revolt or any kind of getting together to do 
anything. So all of that had to be counteracted in the view of DuBois.
  Booker T. Washington took an approach of you have to develop certain 
kinds of means of coping with life as it is. Booker T. Washington was a 
very practical man. He founded Tuskegee Institute and felt that the 
first thing the slaves had to do, the ex-slaves, former slaves, had to 
do was to learn skills, occupations; you know, job training, and less 
emphasis should be placed on learning the classics, learning the right 
poetry or dealing with music. The things that DuBois was concerned with 
was of no concern to Booker T. Washington. Self-help and building a
 practical economy within the eternal communities of slaves was a 
preoccupation of Booker T. Washington. He was criticized for not 
espousing a form of education that would help blacks to become poets, 
and intellectuals and philosophers. I think some of the criticism is 
valid, but I think the combination of DuBois' approach and a Booker 
Washington's approach was that really would have worked best instead of 
fighting each other, instead of two schools of thought being developed.

  It would have been great if they could have come together. Frederick 
Douglass, the earliest of the three, is a person I would like to focus 
on. He died in 1895, as I said before, and Frederick Douglass was born 
a slave. Frederick Douglass was born in a time when it was illegal to 
teach slaves to read. So the very fact that he learned to read, the 
very fact that he educated himself, became a great writer, became a 
great orator, a great thinker, a great organizer; all of that is due to 
an exceptional set of talents that this individual possessed.
  He died in 1895, as I said before. This is 1995. Some of the things 
that are happening right here in the Congress right now remind me of 
the era of 1895 and the period leading up to 1895 when the 
Reconstruction benefits had all collapsed and the people of African 
descent experienced a great setback. We have forces at work now which 
are attempting to set back the progress made by the people of African 
descent, the descendants of slaves, the victims of one of the most 
heinous crimes ever committed against humanity.

                              {time}  2210

  There are attempts being made to roll back the clock and take away 
programs that provide life and death sustenance to large numbers of 
people who are poor because of the fact that they are trapped in 
situations where they cannot go forward. A mismanaged economy has taken 
away the jobs, and various other problems exist, and these are people 
who comes from a slave background.
  I am a descendant of slaves. A Mexican who comes across the border in 
California, no matter how poor they are, they have far more than the 
slaves brought with them, because they have some sense of family that 
they left in Mexico. They are often coming to people that they know in 
this country, so the poorest person crossing the border has something 
of value that slaves did not have.
  All that was taken away. No descendant of a slave can say they can go 
back in history and lean on ancestors who had this to pass down, no 
inheritance, no help whatsoever. That is the lot of people of African 
descent. They had to make it all by themselves.
  I say all this because I understand that in addition to the whole 
series of onslaughts being waged against certain programs that benefit 
people of African descent, we now have a threat on affirmative action. 
There is a coming onslaught against affirmative action which will also 
finish off some of the benefits gained through what I call the second 
reconstruction. The period leading up to 1995 has the civil rights in 
it, the Voting Rights Act, a number of other progressive steps taken to 
compensate for all that was not done when the slaves were set free.
  Now we are talking about a colorblind America. Suddenly we want 
nobody to be given any extra assistance. We readily understand the need 
to assist people who are victims of earthquakes. We readily understand 
the need to assist people who are the victims of floods or people who 
are the victims of hurricanes. We rush to give assistance to those 
victims, but we do not want to give assistance to victims trapped in 
big cities, mismanaged economies where jobs have been taken away, and 
they are also victims. We do not want to give the same kind of 
assistance. We also do not want to give assistance in recognition of 
the fact that there is a slave history.
  I want to end on this note, because there will be a continuation of 
what I have started here. I want everybody to know that Frederick 
Douglass is most famous for a speech he made in Rochester, New York. He 
was invited on the 4th of July to address a great gathering there. He 
was a former slave, but he was invited to address a gathering there. He 
was known as a great abolitionist, a great orator. And during his 
address he asked some very blunt questions: Why do you invite me here 
if you are not interested in helping to end slavery and end the effects 
of slavery? Why do you invite me here to celebrate freedom, when at 
this moment dastardly deeds are being done all across the Nation to my 
people? Why do you invite me?
  His confrontation with those who had invited him was so forthright 
that there was a riot in Rochester. He had to run for his life.
  I am afraid that those who want to attack affirmative action and 
those who want to combine the onslaught against social programs and the 
onslaught against education programs and all of the things that are 
going to drive us back in time and eliminate the benefits of a second 
reconstruction for people of African descent, I want them all to know, 
we are not going to sit still and take it quietly. We are going to come 
like Frederick Douglass and make all of those who want to see the world 
in very simple-minded terms only today is important. They want to erase 
200 years of slavery, 200 years of crimes against humanity, unlike any 
that ever existed.
  We do not talk much about this in the African-American community. 
Nobody wants to dredge up slavery. My parents did not want my teachers 
to teach me anything about slavery. They felt ashamed of it, the 
victims being ashamed. I as not ashamed. I was a victim. But for every 
victim or descendant of victims, there are descendants of criminals, 
the people who perpetrated that. We do not want to get into that if we 
are not forced into it. If you force us into it, we have to review what 
does America owe for all of those years that it officially permitted 
slavery to exist? In the Constitution, slavery is recognized. A slave 
is considered three-fifths of a man in the Constitution. So our 
Government and all that has come after our Government has to bear the 
burden of blame for letting the institution of slavery exist long after 
it was established.
  What about the 200 million people who were lost in the Atlantic 
crossing? Very conservative estimates say the slave trade, just the 
crossing of the Atlantic, bringing the salves across, there were 200 
million people who died coming across. So great was the number of 
people thrown overboard, that it altered the ecology of the oceans. The 
sharks even now follow after ships along a trail seeking the flesh that 
was thrown overboard in all those years, 200 years of the slave trade.
  Once the slaves found themselves in this country, they were treated, 
of course, like beasts of burden. We have all of that that we will be 
forced to dredge up and forced to discuss. Repatriations. Repatriations 
are due, but people consider that out of the question, to talk about 
some kind of compensation for all those 200 years of free labor and for 
the 100 years after that of illegal segregation and other kinds of 
repression.
  We do not want to deal with that, but we will be forced to deal with 
it if you are going to attack affirmative action, if you attack the 
programs that help the most needy people in our communities. We will be 
forced to have a review of what it is owed, what does this country owe, 
what do individuals owe, and how might some of these same individuals 
who insist on persecuting the decedents of slaves, the victims of 
slavery today, how might some of them fare if we had some genealogists 
to go back in their history and check and 
[[Page H2063]]  double-check to see who were their ancestors, how many 
of their ancestors participated in the rape and the murder and the 
torture that went on daily in slavery.
  The production Roots that appeared on television was a disinfected, 
sterilized, cleaned-up version of slavery. Slavery was the closest 
thing to hell, and it endured on and on, decade after decade, for 200 
years. Nothing like it ever existed, and we hate to have to deal with 
it. But on this occasion of the observance of Black History Month, I 
serve warning on all of those out there who want to wage war on little 
meager efforts to compensate like affirmative action, a very piddling 
effort to compensate for that heinous crime, all of those who want to 
take us on, we will be forced to defend ourselves by requesting a 
review, a thorough review of the crime of slavery and the implications 
of that crime on all the descendants, the victims and the perpetrators.


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