[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 33 (Wednesday, February 22, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H2041-H2056]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                          BLACK HISTORY MONTH

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ney). Under the Speaker's announced 
policy of January 4, 1995, the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Payne] is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, thank you very much for giving 
us this opportunity to speak this evening. I would like to thank my 
colleagues who are here for taking time in their busy schedule to join 
us, join us in this special order.
  First of all, let me acknowledge the true sponsor of the special 
orders during Black History Month, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. 
Stokes], from Cleveland. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Stokes] for a 
number of years has taken time out in special orders, and although he 
is currently in committee where he is conducting some very important 
business, he will be here at the first opportunity that he gets.
  As you know, the Stokes family really rewrote history in the middle 
1960's when Carl Stokes became the first African-American to become 
elected to a major city, and it sort of set the trend and the tone 
through the 1960's, and up to the current time where we have close to 
9,000 African-American elected officials. But it was Carl Stokes, led 
by Louis Stokes, who was able to finally break through and to be a real 
hero. He is currently serving as United States Ambassador, and we are 
very pleased at his great achievement, a judge recently also.
  [[Page H2042]] And, of course, Mr. Louis Stokes, who serves on the 
Committee on Appropriations, has done such an outstanding job there on 
that very important task.
  The 1995 National Black History Month theme is ``Reflections of 1895, 
Douglass, Du Bois, and Washington.''
  This really marks a milestone in the struggle of black Americans. It 
calls us to pause and remember the dreams and visions of these three 
men as well as thousands of other African-Americans, men and women, who 
championed the cause for freedom through vigilance and aggressive 
action.
  I would like to take a few minutes to honor an individual out of 
these three that I will talk about for a few moments. Frederick 
Douglass is one of the three that we are reflecting on and others in 
our history, but Frederick Douglass was an accomplished author, he was 
a journalist, he was a statesman, he was an orator, he was a publisher, 
he was a Presidential adviser, he was fluent in many languages, he was 
an abolitionist, he was an activist for women's rights, he was an 
internationally celebrated leader.
  Born into slavery, he was self-educated. Frederick Douglass was being 
taught by his slaveowner's wife, Mrs. Old, who had a young son and 
taught both Frederick Douglass and the young son to read at the same 
time. When the slavemaster heard what was occurring, he demanded that 
his wife stop teaching Frederick Douglass how to read and said that a 
slave is no good if he is educated.
  Frederick Douglass though, being creative as an 8- or 9-year-old, 
found several neighborhood young boys who could read. They were not 
African-American youngsters. They were poor youngsters, but he was able 
to strike a deal with them that he would give them food that he would 
slip out of the house if they would teach him how to read. So Frederick 
Douglass continued to learn how to read and really moved into being one 
of the most outstanding men this Nation has ever had.
  Abraham Lincoln, a contemporary of Douglass, once referred to him as 
the most meritorious man of the 19th century. Frederick Douglass became 
a spokesman
 for the abolitionist movement. He also, in 1848, decided that he would 
attend the Seneca, NY, conference on women where he was one that pushed 
women's rights, one of the first men in the Nation to speak out for 
women's rights. He was in full support of the Declaration of Rights and 
Sentiments which demanded equal suffrage for women.

  In 1848, he became the editor and publisher of the North Star, which 
was a newspaper that was the truth squad of the Nation, and he went out 
defending the rights of women, defending the rights of the 
abolitionists who had a forum and a platform.
  As I sort of conclude on Frederick Douglass, he directed his talents 
to the abolitionist movement. It was Frederick Douglass who convinced 
President Lincoln that the abolition of slavery should be a major part 
of the Civil War.
  It was not until January 1 of 1863 that the Emancipation Proclamation 
was given by President Lincoln, and it was at the urging of Frederick 
Douglass, who insisted the abolition of slavery be a real plank and 
part of the Civil War.
  At that time slaves were supporting the Confederacy. They were doing 
work that made the Confederacy strong, and what happened was that when 
the Emancipation Proclamation occurred, not only did Frederick Douglass 
encourage Lincoln to do that, but he encouraged Lincoln to allow freed 
slaves to fight in the Civil War, and two of Douglass' sons, Louis and 
Charles, were among the first to enlist in the 54th Massachusetts 
Volunteers. I think that was something that we saw in the movie 
``Glory.''
  It was Frederick Douglass who told Lincoln and urged him to use these 
freed slaves, because these slaves then fought for their freedom. There 
were over 180,000 African-Americans who fought in the Civil War, and at 
that time, the Civil War was at a stalemate, and it was the infusion of 
the African-Americans into the Civil War that tipped, totally tipped, 
the scale towards the North, and in the Navy there were 30 percent of 
the persons in the Navy at that time in the Civil War that were 
African-Americans.
  And so we saw that Frederick Douglass was a real hero. He became a 
U.S. marshal in 1872. He became the Registrar of Deeds and Mortgages 
for the District of Columbia in 1881, and the Counsel General to Haiti 
in 1889.
  He also said that he was not going to abide by a white-only covenant 
in housing, and he purchased a home in Cedar Hill here in Anacostia.
                              {time}  2020

  He was a person who had the first Colored Person's Day, which was 
held at the 1883 World Columbian Exposition. The World Columbian 
Exposition was celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of 
the New World. At that particular meeting that was held on August 25, 
1893, over 2,000 people came, mostly African-Americans. That was a time 
when Frederick Douglass was being interrupted by white hecklers. That 
is when he finally become annoyed and angry at his tormentors, and he 
gave the speech. Once again, the old lion roared:

       Men talk of the Negro problem. There is no Negro problem. 
     The problem is whether American people have loyalty enough, 
     honor enough, patriotism enough to live up to the 
     Constitution. We Negroes love our country. We fought for it. 
     We ask only that we be treated as well as those who fought 
     against it.

  At that great first African-American Day on August 25, 1893, Paul 
Lawrence Dunbar was at that meeting, Ida B. Wells was there, James 
Weldon Johnson was there. Many of the African-American heroes of that 
time were there. So it is 100 years since his death just 3 days ago, on 
February 20 of 1895, Frederick Douglass passed away. It is appropriate 
that we celebrate the centennial of his death because he was a person 
who had done more for this country, I believe, than any other American.
  So, as we talk about Douglass, as we talk about the debate between Du 
Bois and Booker T. Washington, we needed both. It was a great debate as 
to which way should we go. The majority people made those two great 
heroes conflict with each other, but we needed both Booker T. 
Washington, who said you should train and learn and stand in rural 
areas and have trades and be farmers, and then you will earn your 
respect. Du Bois, who was tired of lynching, went on the 1909 Niagara 
convention where the NAACP was founded, and he said, ``We should be 
scientists, and they could help the rest.'' So we needed both, we 
needed Washington and we needed Du Bois. We saw in the 1960's the same 
argument whether it should be Malcolm or Martin. That was a time when 
both were necessary.
  Mr. Speaker, thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak this 
evening. I want to thank my fellow colleagues who have taken time from 
their busy schedules to join us for this special order. We take pride 
in the opportunity to highlight our heritage and honor the many 
African-Americans who have contributed so much to this great Nation.
  The 1995 National Black History Month theme, ``Reflections of 1895--
Douglass, DuBois, and Washington,'' marks a milestone in the life 
struggle of Black America. It causes us to pause and remember the dream 
and visions of these three men, as well as thousands of other African-
American men and women who championed the cause for freedom through 
vigilant and aggressive action.
  I would like to take a few minutes to honor an individual who was 
probably the foremost voice in the abolitionist movement of the 19th 
century. Frederick Douglass was an accomplished author, journalist, 
statesman, orator, publisher, Presidential adviser, multilingual, 
activist in women's rights, and an international celebrated leader.
  W.E.B. DuBois and Booker T. Washington had the same inspiring effect 
on their listeners. These two men had completely different approaches, 
but the same determination and commitment to solving the same problem--
freedom and better quality of life for African-Americans.
  Washington was an advocate for industrial education and vocational 
training for Southern blacks, and founded Tuskegee Institute. He 
believed that blacks should remain in the rural areas and work the 
land, rather than migrate to the city.
  DuBois was displeased with the compromising attitude of Washington 
and advocated that blacks study many different disciplines. DuBois 
began to speak out on civil rights for African-Americans through the 
Niagara Movement, which became the NAACP.
  What these three great leaders advocated then, still applies today. 
Many problems continue in our communities, tarnishing the ideal 
[[Page H2043]]  of equality because these problems affect African-
Americans more adversely than the rest of the population. The poverty, 
drugs, and violence that afflict too many of our communities is 
threatening our vision of a better world.
  Throughout this month, we look to the lessons of our past, for 
solutions of the future. Let us reflect on the accomplishments of 
DuBois, Washington, and Douglass by rediscovering and celebrating our 
history so that we can begin a new era of healing and hope.
  So, as I yield to the gentleman, who I will ask to, temporarily for 
me as I go back to the committee, handle the proceedings until I or Mr. 
Louis Stokes returns, I yield to the gentleman from Louisiana, 
Representative Fields.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey.
  Let me commend the gentleman from New Jersey for calling this special 
order tonight and also commend the gentleman for being a chairman, and 
a very good chairman, I may add, of the Congressional Black Caucus, 
because he indeed will go down in history today.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Bentsen].
  (Mr. BENTSEN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. BENTSEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to join our Nation in celebrating Black History 
Month. The theme of this year's special order observance is 
``Reflections on 1895: Douglas, DuBois, Washington.'' However, I would 
also like to take this opportunity to highlight and pay tribute to the 
vast accomplishments and contributions of African-Americans in all 
facets of our Nation's history.
  In particular, I want to recognize and pay tribute to the late John 
Wesley Peavy, Sr., and the late Judson Robinson, Jr. They are not 
household names and you may never find them mentioned among the great 
African-Americans of our time. However, in Texas, especially in 
Houston, these two men were in the forefront of the civil rights 
movement at a time when such activities were much less accepted than 
they are today.
  The late Mr. John Wesley Peavy, Sr., a labor and civic leader in 
Houston, was born November 22, 1906, in Bethel Grove, TX. He received 
many accolades and awards during his lifetime, and was recognized 
locally in Houston and nationally as a political leader. Under 
President Roosevelt, he was appointed political action chairman of the 
AFL-CIO. The late Mr. Peavy served as precinct judge and executive 
committee chairman for precinct 48 in Houston's fifth ward from 1942 to 
1994. As the chair of the Democratic executive committee I had the 
great honor of working with him. He was an original member of Houston's 
NAACP chapter. He was the first African-American Texas elector in this 
century and the first black Texan to attend a State Democratic 
Convention.
  In 1984, he was honored at an achievers awards dinner as having the 
longest tenure in the black political arena in Harris County. In 1990, 
he was selected as a winner of The Frankie Award for his work in the 
area of civil rights and affirmative action.
  The late Mr. Peavy loved his wife, children, and relatives. He also 
loved his neighborhood and lastly, he loved and cared about the city of 
Houston and worked to make it a better place to live. His deeds were 
appreciated by the residents, and the love he had for the community was 
reciprocated by them in their efforts.
  That is why today, if you are traveling to Houston going to the ship 
channel, there is a possibility that you will travel on John Wesley 
Peavy, Sr. Drive to get there.
  Additionally, if you traveled down Market Street in Houston, there is 
a good chance you may pass the J.W. Peavy Senior Citizens Center. These 
and many other honors were awarded to the late John Peavy by the 
residents of Houston for his tireless efforts in devoting over 50 years 
of community service and making a difference. I might also add that 
among Mr. Peavy's children is the Honorable John Peavy, Jr., a former 
Harris County district judge and recently elected member of the Houston 
City Council. Mr. Peavy has left us a living legacy in his son, 
Councilman Peavy.
  The second person that I am going to pay tribute to is the late 
Judson W. Robinson, Jr. The late Mr. Robinson was a distinguished 
graduate of Houston's Jack Yates High School, where he was active in 
football, debate, and drama. After completing college at Fisk 
University, he returned to Houston where he joined the family real 
estate business and began devoting himself to breaking barriers and 
expanding opportunity for African-Americans in the business arena.
  Mr. Robinson's commitment to the Pleasantville community, which is on 
the east side of Houston, ignited his flame of political involvement. 
He was elected president of the Pleasantville Civic Club and later 
became precinct judge of precinct 259. In 1971, he became the first 
African-American elected to the Houston City Council and held a 
councilman-at-large position for five terms. Additionally, Mr. Robinson 
was nominated and unanimously confirmed by his city council colleagues 
as a mayor pro tem, a position he held until his death.
  Mr. Robinson promoted educational and enrichment opportunities for 
youth. The late Mr. Robinson was an exemplary public servant and an 
advocate for racial equality, and served as a role model for all 
children in the Houston community. Like Judge Peavy, Sr., Mr. Judson 
Robinson left a living legacy in his son Councilman Judson W. Robinson 
III.
  Judson Robinson, Jr.'s years of public service left its mark on 
Judson III and thus he decided to run for city council. In 1991, Judson 
Robinson III's successful election campaign provided him with the 
challenge to follow in the footsteps of his father. Judson Robinson III 
serves on eight council committees and chairs the business and tourism 
committee.
  Clearly, young African-Americans, and all Americans, can search 
through our Nation's history and find inspiration in the legacy of many 
black Americans before them. This endless honor roll includes the late 
Supreme Court Justice, Thurgood Marshall; some compelling speakers and 
leaders like Sojourner Truth; educators and intellectuals like Mary 
McLead Bethune and W.E.B. DuBois; and giants of the civil rights 
movement like Rosa Parks and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and other 
great Houstonians such as Mickey Leland and Barbara Jordan.
  The people I just named contributed substantially to the history of 
this country. However, we should not forget those less prominent who 
worked just as hard to open the doors of opportunity for all Americans, 
let's not forget the John W. Peavy, Sr.'s and the Judson Robinson, 
Jr.'s of the world.
                              {time}  2030

  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from 
Texas for his dissertation.
  I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Hilliard].
  Mr. HILLIARD. Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and let me thank my colleague, 
the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Fields], for getting us together on a 
magnificent program. But before the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Bentsen] 
goes, I would like to say to him that I had a very wonderful 
opportunity of getting to know Mr. John W. Peavy, Sr., and I met him 
through his son. His son and I were classmates at Howard University 
School of Law, and we graduated in 1967, and I was there to celebrate 
his victory when he became, I believe, the first judge in the State, 
the first African-American judge elected in the State of Texas. That 
was a wonderful honor that the people bestowed upon him, but he has the 
ability, he has the tenacity, and it was well deserved for him, and I 
am very happy that the gentleman had an opportunity to get to know such 
a magnificent individual as John Wesley Peavy, Sr., and I am also happy 
that he had an opportunity, and my colleague has an opportunity, to 
interact with his son, John Peavy, Jr., and I would like to say that I 
was elated to learn that he has won a seat on the city council in 
Houston. I am certain that he will do a fantastic job, and, as the 
gentleman said, he is carrying on in the footsteps of his father. It is 
a beautiful legacy, it is a lovely story, and it is one that should be 
told over and over again, and I say to the gentleman, ``The next time 
you see him, please give him my regards. Thank you very much.''
  Mr. Speaker, today I rise also in observing Black History Month, and 
I 
[[Page H2044]]  wish to talk about a native Alabamian, one that I did 
not have the opportunity to know as I knew Judge Peavy, but I am 
familiar with his struggles as a pioneer, and I speak of the famous 
educator and leader, Booker T. Washington.
  Here is a man who was self-made. He was born into slavery in 1856. He 
educated himself; he was self-taught. Then he attended the prestigious 
Hampton University Institute while working as a janitor, and as a 
janitor he got to know the instructors there, he got to know the 
students there, and he built on that, and later he moved to Alabama, 
and he believed truly in education. So in 1881 he founded Tuskegee 
Institute, and, as a result of his belief in education, he trained 
since that time more than a hundred thousand students who have passed 
through Tuskegee University, and once again he set the stage for them 
to have an opportunity to be educated. This man, with limited financial 
resources, began Tuskegee Institute with only 40 students. He did not 
see the lack of finances, nor the lack of students, as an 
inopportunity, but he saw it as an opportunity to move forward and to 
take care of the business of educating the Negro.
  Tuskegee was founded in a dilapidated shanty near the Negro Methodist 
Church of Tuskegee, and it was a very small shotgun house, but it has 
grown now to over 80 buildings and is a magnificent institution. I have 
the honor and pleasure of serving as one of the trustees of that famed 
university. I would like to say that by the time of Booker T. 
Washington's death in 1915, Tuskegee Institute had grown to an 
enrollment of over 2,000 students, and it had accumulated a yearly 
budget in the millions of dollars.
  However more important than the intellectual legacy that Booker T. 
Washington was known for, he was known for his use of words, and one 
phrase still stands before us, and it is one that we all remember. He 
said, ``There are two ways of exerting one's strength. One is pushing 
down, and the other is pulling up.'' And I would like to say to all 
Americans today that it is time that we all began pulling up. In a time 
when African-Americans were not educated, this African-American stepped 
forth. He took a challenge, and he performed as a pioneer, 
magnificently.
  In 1860, the Civil War was fought, it was won, and in 1960 the civil 
rights struggle was fought, and it was won, and I would like to think 
that education made the difference, and because Booker T. Washington, 
through the famed Tuskegee Institute, helped educate hundreds of 
thousands of African-Americans, the civil rights struggle did not have 
the casualties that the Civil War had, and it was because of Booker T. 
Washington.
  In 1895 African-Americans fought to make sure that all the rights 
that had been won by the Civil War would not be undone. In 1995, we 
still have that struggle. We will struggle now to make sure that all 
the affirmative rights that we have won as a result of the civil rights 
struggle would not be lost. They lost the fight of Reconstruction, and 
it took me 117 years to get here as a Representative in
 Congress from the State of Alabama. We will not lose this fight. We 
will not lose this struggle. Mr. Speaker, it is too important to the 
future of democracy in America.

  I speak about Booker T. Washington, a leader for yesterday and one 
whose legacy I share today.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from 
Alabama [Mr. Hilliard] for his moment in black history and tell the 
gentleman he himself will go down as a moment in black history, not 
only today, but in the future as well.


                             general leave

  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their 
remarks on the subject of this special order tonight.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ney). Is there objection to the request 
of the gentleman from Louisiana?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from 
South Carolina [Mr. Clyburn] to give us his moment in black history.

                              {time}  2040

  (Mr. CLYBURN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, as I rise today in honor of Black History 
Month, I rise to look back on the history of a proud people, who 
despite seemingly insurmountable odds, made a way out of no way, and 
made their indelible mark on American history and culture. The names 
are familiar to us: Frederick Douglass, the great abolitionist; George 
Washington Carver, the brilliant scientist and inventor; Harriet 
Tubman, a feisty former slave who led hundreds of slaves to freedom; 
Booker T. Washington; W.E.B. DuBois, and hundreds, yes, thousands of 
others. There are some more recent names, of course: The great civil 
rights leader and Noble Prize winner, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and 
many others during his period. And today, in my native State of South 
Carolina, Judge Matthew Perry, Judge Ernest Finney; and civil rights 
activists Septima Clark and Majestica Simkins. All of these have made 
significant contributions toward the development of African-Americans 
in our great Nation.
  I would like to pause here at the mention of these illustrative South 
Carolina trail blazers, because I
 would like to talk for a few minutes about South Carolina history; to 
be more specific, a particular timeframe in South Carolina history.

  The period is 1868 to 1878, that brief time just after the Civil War, 
during which black South Carolinians held Federal and State public 
offices in numbers approximately close to their presence in the South 
Carolina population. They seemed to have been well on the way to 
becoming full participants in what this Nation so fondly calls a 
democracy. I want to pay special attention to this period in South 
Carolina history, because of its powerful parallels to what seems to be 
happening in the Nation as a whole today.
  Let me set the scene for you. The time is 1868, just a few years 
after the Civil War. The Black Code, a set of State laws restricting 
the rights of newly freed slaves, had been deemed null and void 2 years 
earlier in 1866. A year later, in 1867, blacks in South Carolina 
registered to vote. In 1868, South Carolina adopted a new State 
constitution which among other things provided for equal rights for 
Negroes, abolished property qualifications for holding office, and 
established a free public school system. And I might add, Mr. Speaker, 
the general assembly that gave us all of that was two-thirds black.
  In 1873, the State university opened to blacks. A black man, 
Pennsylvanian Jonathan Jasper Wright, sat on the South Carolina Supreme 
Court from 1870 to 1877. Blacks served in the State legislature, 
including Francis L. Cardoza, a Charleston, SC-born educator, who 
served as Secretary of State and State treasurer, and later served here 
in Washington, DC as principals of various DC schools. In fact, today 
one of those schools, Cardoza High School, bears his name.
  South Carolina had its share of black representatives in Congress, 
the first one being Joseph H. Rainey, and then George Washington 
Murray, who served from 1893 to 1895, and again from 1896 to 1897. 
Murray was the last black Congressman to serve the State before I was 
elected in 1992, 95 years later.
  Why did it take so long to elect another black representative? What 
happened in South Carolina and other places throughout the country just 
after Reconstruction?
  Here is where parallels can be drawn between then and now. South 
Carolina's political climate shifted, along with its economic climate, 
in the 1870's. Cotton was no longer king. Industrial technology had yet 
to make its big debut in the South. And both blacks and whites were 
going hungry as a result. Enter into this unstable economy the likes of 
``Pitchford Ben'' Tillman, who became Governor of South Carolina in 
1890, and later a U.S. Senator in 1894. By playing on the fears of 
hungry and angry white farmers, who, looking for a scapegoat for their 
plight, immediately pointed the finger at what they called uppity free 
blacks.
  Tillman was successful in revising the State constitution, and by 
1895, almost all blacks were disenfranchised and a rigid policy of 
racial segregation was developed that would last until the civil rights 
movement of the 1960's.
  Now, let us draw some parallels to what is happening today. Let us 
look 
[[Page H2045]]  at the economy, for while the unemployment rate has 
fallen in recent years due to an increase in service-oriented jobs, the 
Nation's changing economy has left whole segments of the population 
unprepared for competition in increasingly technical job markets.
  Compare also the political climate, where so-called leaders have 
risen to prominence by blaming practically all of the Nation's budget 
woes on everything from welfare mothers to affirmative action, to crime 
prevention programs.
  As I watch the witch hunt on African-American office holders and 
potential political appointees that we are experiencing today, as I 
hear the lopsided debates for abolishing affirmative action, as I see 
the legal maneuvers involved in countering what some have labeled 
bizarre-shaped congressional districts, I cannot help but wonder in 
which direction are we headed?
  Mr. Speaker, I close by saying as I used to say to my students when I 
taught in the Charleston, SC public schools, if a thing has happened 
before, it can happen again.
  As I close, I want to say in this current political climate, I want 
to applaud all of the black Americans who were pioneers, as well as 
those here this evening carrying on their legacy. I want to applaud all 
of our fellow white Americans who understand this history, who know 
what it means, and who are working with us to make sure that the clock 
is not turned back, to make sure that we do not repeat that period of 
our history, and I want to say to all of them, good luck and Godspeed, 
and I know what the apprehensions are.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman 
from South Carolina for adding to this special order tonight, and also 
want to thank the gentleman for bringing more insight as it relates to 
the State of South Carolina and its participation and contribution to 
black history.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the great gentleman from California [Mr. 
Filner].
  Mr. FILNER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman and thank the members 
of the Black Caucus for organizing this very special special order.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to participate in this historic celebration 
we have appropriately named Black History Month. Black History Month is 
a time of reflection and a time to gain insight from the past and to 
help our continual striving for equality for all.
  Today, Mr. Speaker, I want to underline the importance of the 
continued fight for freedom for Africa-Americans, because that fight is 
in reality a fight for freedom for all Americans. It is a fight that 
has seen many victories and overcome many obstacles, only to be faced 
with more challenges.
  In Germany during the 1940's repression was called fascism. In the 
1960's, during the civil rights movement, we called it racism. Now in 
the 1990's, repression has a new face. We do not have a short label for 
it yet, but all the hallmarks are there. Division, intolerance, hatred. 
This new racism threatens many of our achievements of the past 30 
years, achievements for example by many African-Americans in my 
hometown of San Diego who have strived to create a better city and a 
better Nation. Mr. Donnie Cochran, the first African-American to 
command the Navy's elite Blue Angles; Miss Regina Petty, the first 
African-American ever to be named president of the San Diego County 
Bary Association; the Montford Point Marine Association, the Historic 
African-American Marine fighting force from World War II; Bethel 
African Methodist Episcopal Church, the oldest African-American Church 
in San Diego County; the Neighborhood House, an organization that 
originated the Head Start Program in San Diego; the San Diego Urban 
League, an organization that has served as a leader, mentor and an 
instructor for the African-American community. The list goes on and on.
  These individuals and organizations have served as role models not 
only for the African-American community, but for all residents in the 
San Diego area, and I am honored to serve as a representative of these 
outstanding Americans and organizations.
  But, Mr. Speaker, if we are not forceful in our efforts to combat 
racism, we will destroy these achievements in the legacy of the civil 
rights movement and thrust our country backward into hostility and 
animosity. We know, of course, due to these celebrations, the name of 
African-American heroes, W.E.B. DuBois, Frederick Douglas, George 
Washington Carver, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Rosa Parks, Fannie Lou 
Hamer, Thurgood Marshall, and many, many others who dedicated their 
lives to the fight for equality and justice.
  But even as we celebrate the progress African-Americans have made in 
our lifetime, we cannot become comfortable with what has been achieved. 
The torch must be passed to each generation and the responsibility to 
continue the fight rests on our shoulders. Yes, we must reflect on the 
past as we are doing tonight, but, more importantly, we must organize 
and work in the present and plan for the future.
  As we go through the new majority's 100 days, we need to understand 
that today's actions have consequences for our Nation. We must work 
together to ensure that our policies are based on hope, optimism, 
equality and justice.
  So I stand to honor African-Americans for their culture and 
achievements on this occasion tonight, but let us never forget we are 
all writing the next chapter in this important history. Let us make 
sure that our chapter is read by our children with price.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from 
California for adding to this particular special order, and 
particularly talking about those African-Americans in the State of 
California who have made great and significant contributions to this 
country.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Arkansas, 
Mr. Ray Thornton, in this special order.
  Mr. THORNTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
want to thank the organizers, the gentleman from New Jersey, the 
gentleman from Ohio, for taking this special order to reflect upon the 
great contributions that African-Americans have made to our society.
  One of my constituents, Mrs. Daisy Bates of Little Rock, deserves 
special recognition, not only for her courageous and inspiring role in 
encouraging and supporting the nine African-American students who 
enrolled in Central High School in 1957, but also for a lifetime of 
advancing the cause of racial justice.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Louisiana and I had the privilege 
just a few short months ago of visiting in Mrs. Bates' home, and I am 
glad to report that she is doing well and in great spirits, as always.
  I had the privilege, as president of the University of Arkansas, to 
write the forward to her book, the Long Shadow of Little Rock, which 
was reprinted by the University of Arkansas Press in 1986. In that 
foreword I wrote:

       During a critical period in the history of our state, Daisy 
     Bates charged into the heart of a gathering storm of 
     intolerance and prejudice, armed only with principles of 
     justice, of reason, of compassion, and of tolerance. Her 
     leadership, her vision, and her courage have lifted all of us 
     to a clearer understanding of the dignity and ultimate value 
     of the human spirit. This book should be read by all who 
     celebrate those virtues.

  Mr. Speaker, I am also very proud that the University of Arkansas, 
long before the decision, the United States court decision in Brown 
against Board of Education, became the first Southern state to 
voluntarily admit African-American students to previously segregated 
programs in law and in medicine.
  Silas Hunt, Wylie Branton, and Dr. Morris Jackson were among those 
first students admitted in 1948, and no chronicle of Arkansas history 
would be complete without giving recognition to our own son, John H. 
Johnson, who, with $500 of borrowed money loaned by his mother, founded 
Johnson Publishing Company, Incorporated, the publisher of Ebony 
Magazine, and a host of related enterprises.
  How complete would our literature be today without the contributions 
of Arkansas' own Maya Angelou, whose childhood in Stamps, Arkansas, 
caused the formation of her beautiful poetic spirit?
  Mr. Speaker, African-Americans from Arkansas have not only led in 
business successes and the cause of education. Many were pioneers in 
the years before 1952 and the struggle for voting rights.
  [[Page H2046]] It is with great pleasure that I call to the attention 
of my colleagues the history of voting rights for African-Americans in 
Arkansas during that period. John Kirk, who won first place in the F. 
Hampton Roy History Awards Contest, has written a fine historical paper 
relating the activities of Dr. John Marshall Robinson in securing 
voting participation for African-Americans in Arkansas long before the 
nationwide civil rights achievements of the 1960s.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask that Mr. Kirk's article, ``Dr. J.M. Robinson, the 
Arkansas Negro Democratic Association and Black Politics in Little 
Rock, Arkansas, 1928 to 1952,'' be made part of the Record at this 
point.
  The article referred to follows:
Dr. J.M. Robinson, the Arkansas Negro Democratic Association and Black 
              Politics in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1928-1952

                             [By John Kirk]

       [After the 1944 elections] the activities of Dr. Robinson 
     and ANDA seemed to wane for some time. Other factors and 
     players now began to come into the equation. In 1940, at 
     Stamps, Arkansas, the Committee On Negro Organizations (CNO) 
     led by Pine Bluff Attorney W.H. Flowers was formed. This 
     movement had the stated aim of seeking the ``endorsement of 
     its program by Negro church, civic, fraternal, and social 
     organizations.'' It formed one of the most important black 
     movements in the struggle for black political freedom of its 
     time in Arkansas. By attempting to organize a coalition of 
     the diverse black political, civic, religious and economic 
     groupings and giving coordination and focus to their efforts 
     in their various communities, the CNO pioneered the ethos of 
     mass voting on a much more extensive scale and seems to have 
     had some degree of success in its efforts.
       Increasing the significance of black voter potential by 
     promoting poll tax drives, the CNO built an ever-increasing 
     reservoir of black political power. In later elections this 
     would provide an already established electorate upon which to 
     build a black political power base. Even though blacks were 
     deprived of the vote at the time, these drives evidenced a 
     genuine political interest in the black community and meant 
     that larger numbers of qualified voters were now being 
     deprived of their say via the Democratic primaries. In turn, 
     as the rhetoric of ``democracy'' grew throughout the war 
     years, there was more and more pressure for change on those 
     who were denying black voters their full suffrage rights.
       In Little Rock, voting blocks organized by different 
     community leaders, like the East End Civil League under the 
     guidance of Jeffrey Hawkins, for example, began to have an 
     impact on city elections. The double primary system, which 
     had been used to prevent blacks from voting after the Smith 
     v. Allwright decision proved to be both expensive and an 
     administrative nightmare and had been grinding to a halt ever 
     since its installment in 1945. Statewide blacks began voting 
     in Democratic primaries again. Pulaski County, however, 
     financed separate primaries to the bitter end, which came in 
     1947, when the General Assembly repealed the law which had 
     established them. Thus, although not officially sanctioned 
     (since blacks still could not be members of the Democratic 
     Party and so technically could not vote), blacks did begin 
     voting in Little Rock's Democratic primaries again in 1948. 
     With local black groups encouraging citizens to pay the poll 
     tax and providing voter education and information, the black 
     vote became a more and more effective tool with which to gain 
     influence.
       In the same year that blacks started to trickle back into 
     local Democratic primaries, the Arkansas Democrat informed 
     its readers that the national Democratic Party was going 
     ``All-Out for [the] Negro Vote.'' Although Henry Wallace's 
     Progressive Party was taking a much more liberal stance in 
     the presidential election, particularly regarding policies of 
     race, Dr. Robinson was not interested: ``Arkansas Negro 
     Democrats don't want any Wallace stuff or their party 
     stuff.'' he said. Dr. Robinson gave his continued support, 
     endorsing ``the Democratic administration tooth and toe-
     nail,'' in particular the Free Employment Practices 
     Commission (FEPC) in government jobs and the anti-lynching 
     law. At the same time, however, he expressed indifference to 
     the anti-poll tax law (``We believe that individuals will buy 
     poll taxes and vote, if they have sufficient interest in 
     elections'') and was set against ``civil disobedience'' 
     espoused by some black leaders nationally.
       Just as Dr. Robinson had been innovative in his day, 
     starting a new movement and leading black politics in a new 
     direction, now new circumstances were overtaking his 
     organization. With the political currency of mass voting by 
     blacks rising in value, Dr. Robinson found his one-man 
     leadership threatened. The organization and following he had 
     built now could have significant political leverage but only 
     with a ``new style'' black politician, attuned to the 
     possibilities of mass voting and the potential for 
     advancement which it held.
       In November of 1949 a new group called the Young Negro 
     Democratic Association was formed, with I. S. McClinton as 
     its president. In May of 1950, blacks representing political 
     interests in all of Arkansas's seventy-five counties met in 
     North Little Rock, apparently to discuss voting in the 
     Democratic primaries of that year. Dr. Robinson was not 
     informed of the meeting, although he attended. An associate 
     of his at this meeting demanded to know why Dr. Robinson had 
     not been consulted. Harry Bass, then secretary of the Urban 
     League, replied that in the job at hand it did not matter 
     ``who called the meeting or who the officers were.'' Dr. 
     Robinson tried to smooth matters over by taking the floor and 
     declaring that he had been ``mighty angry'' when he had first 
     learned of the meeting, but after matters had been explained 
     to him, he realized that the meeting had been organized ``in 
     good faith.'' In a conciliatory tone he added, ``I want this 
     group to know that I am with you in this effort.''
       Times were rapidly changing. The next political challenge 
     was to be neither from Dr. Robinson, ANDA, nor the new style 
     political leaders. It was the NAACP who finally managed to 
     break the barrier into the Democratic Party structure. In May 
     of 1950, the Reverend J. H. Gatlin, of the Metropolitan 
     Baptist Church, announced his intention to become a candidate 
     for Second Ward city alderman. To do so would mean standing 
     in the Democratic city primaries. To do this would mean 
     becoming a member of the Democratic Party. The immediate 
     reaction from June Wooten, secretary of the County Committee, 
     was to comment, ``I see no way under the rules of the State 
     Committee that a Negro would qualify for a place on the State 
     ballot.'' Black groups, including ANDA, fought shy of the 
     attempt, with Dr. Robinson commenting that Gatlin was not 
     part of his organization and ``cannot be identified as a 
     Negro Democrat in Arkansas until he joins.'' The local 
     chapter of the NAACP initially withheld its official 
     sanction, even though it had held its monthly meeting at 
     Gatlin's church the Sunday before.
       Before Gatlin could run, the filing fee had to be paid to 
     the secretary of the Pulaski County Democratic Committee. An 
     attempt to do so on June 3, 1950, was rebuffed by June Wooten 
     who returned Gatlin's filing fee and loyalty pledge with the 
     reasons for its refusal written upon it. In the wake of this 
     development the local branch of the NAACP, while still 
     refusing to endorse his candidacy, promised to fight for 
     Gatlin's right to be placed on the ballot.
       The deadline for filing for the city race was June 24. On 
     June 7, Gatlin signed a letter prepared by the legal redress 
     committee of the Little Rock NAACP, which was then sent out 
     to the State Democratic Central Committee members, asking 
     that they change the rules preventing blacks from being put 
     on the Democratic ballot. In this letter Gatlin cited recent 
     U.S. Supreme Court decisions as a precedent for his request. 
     Although not mentioning the case specifically, Willis R. 
     Smith, State Democratic Party chairman, called a special 
     session meeting for the following Tuesday at the Hotel Marion 
     in Little Rock.
       At the meeting on June 13, it was ruled, after a protest by 
     Roy Penix, committee member from Jonesboro, that only the 
     State Democratic Convention and not just the Central 
     Committee acting alone had the right to vote upon rule 
     changes to the Party's constitution. June Wooten urged the 
     members of the committee to think seriously about their 
     actions since in light of recent court decisions she believed 
     that Gatlin would, if the case came to court, win. As the 
     meeting adjourned with the decision to put the matter to the 
     convention in the fall (well after the primaries), Wooten 
     half-heartedly joked, ``if I get in jail somebody bring me a 
     case of Cokes.''
       In response to the decision, L. C. Bates, chairman of the 
     legal redress committee of the local NAACP, stated, ``we are 
     calling our committee together immediately'' and that ``it 
     will probably be a matter of hours before a suit is filed.'' 
     The suit was duly filed, naming June P. Wooten and Willis R. 
     Smith as defendants. Later that week, even though the rules 
     of the Democratic Party remained unchanged, a black candidate 
     was allowed on the Democratic primary ballot in Pine Bluff. 
     Yet, in Little Rock, the gridlock remained.
       On June 17, attorneys J.R. Booker of Little Rock and U. 
     Simpson Tate of Dallas filed Gatlin's case with the United 
     States District Court, together was a request for an 
     injunction preventing the exclusion of Gatlin ``or any other 
     person qualified * * * on account of race, color, religion, 
     national origin or any other unconstitutional restriction'' 
     from the Democratic Party city primaries. The case was based 
     on the argument, stated often before, that primary elections 
     in Arkansas were tantamount to election to office and 
     therefore should be held to be public elections.
       On July 5, 1950, Judge Thomas C. Trimble upheld this 
     argument and ordered that Gatlin be placed on the Democratic 
     primary ballot on July 25, basing his decision on an 
     ``analogy'' with other similar recent decisions in the 
     courts. He finally clarified in his decision that the primary 
     election was ``an integral part of the state election system 
     * * * tantamount to election at the general election'' and 
     ruled: ``It is not sufficient that a citizen have a token 
     exercise of his right and privilege [to vote].''
       Mr. Gatlin was duly allowed to stand. The ludicrous 
     situation now existed that blacks were permitted to stand for 
     election under the Democratic banner, but still not allowed, 
     technically, to vote in Democratic primaries or to be a 
     member of the Democratic Party. Even for the die-hard 
     Democrats this was a farce that could not be perpetuated for 
     any 
     [[Page H2047]]  great length of time. In September 1950 a 
     proposition to introduce a resolution to the Democratic 
     Convention was forwarded by J. Fred Parish, recommending 
     removal of the ``white electors'' only voter qualification 
     from party rules. It was approved ``without a murmur'' by the 
     Resolutions Committee. However, a further request by Parish 
     to have removed from the ``declarations of principle'' the 
     call for continued segregation and legal prohibition of 
     interracial marriages, created a ``furor,'' and he was forced 
     to drop the suggestion. ``One man can only do so much at one 
     time.'' Parish said.
       The following day at the convention, the ``white electors'' 
     only clause was removed from the party constitution. Governor 
     Sid McMath in his closing speech said: ``I am proud, and I 
     know you are proud * * * [that the convention] * * * has said 
     the Negro citizen is entitled to rights and privileges of 
     Party membership.'' The only real dissension came from Amis 
     ``Gutheridge and his Pulaski County junta'' who had been the 
     only delegation to cast a ``nay'' vote on the amendment to 
     the party constitution. Gutheridge had told the party 
     conference, ``Sid McMath is all right but is just a man of 
     the moment. You are going to do something here today that you 
     may have cause to regret for years to come.'' Gutheridge 
     would return to center stage, as a man of a different moment, 
     in not many years to come.
       The NAACP financed victory, gaining the right for Gatlin to 
     be placed on the ballot, did not succeed in isolation. Credit 
     must be given to the McMath administration which had from the 
     outset taken a principled stand on the race issue. Yet of 
     more impact and significance were the efforts of local 
     community politicians in registering blacks to vote, which 
     undoubtedly gave evidence of a latent black interest in 
     politics. Also significant were the blueprints for political 
     organization and the previous court struggles which were a 
     legacy of Dr. Robinson and ANDA. It was these efforts which 
     provided important precedents and set a contemporary context 
     in which the battle for participation in the Democratic Party 
     structure was won.
       Such networks of local support were vital in providing 
     continued pressure on obstructionists and mandates for those 
     how favored change. The NAACP had to rely upon such local 
     groups for channeling its efforts and laying the groundwork 
     within which it could maneuvre at the ``grass-roots'' level. 
     It was, however, significant also that it was the NAACP which 
     exerted the final pressure to allow full participation in the 
     party. It had the advantage of a national network of support 
     not embroiled in the local situation of political stalemate, 
     and, perhaps more importantly, it also had the financial 
     clout to sustain its protests through the courts which local 
     organizations did not. Help like this was to become 
     increasingly important in the years ahead.
       While the NAACP fought the Gatlin case in the courts, 
     political activity continued on the local level elsewhere. 
     Dr. Robinson, perhaps in an attempt to adjust to the new 
     demands on black politicians, had begun to organize more poll 
     tax drives to boost mass voting in general elections. He 
     began to stress getting ``every Negro'' to pay the poll tax 
     to gain the vote in the various counties with greater 
     emphasis than he had in the past. At the same time he 
     pointedly expressed anger at the
      Young Negro Democrats for having ``nothing to do with the 
     mother group'' after ``giving these persons our good 
     blessings.''
       On another occasion Dr. Robinson reacted angrily to the 
     circulation of ``pink tickets,'' which were pre-marked 
     ballots, distributed to black voters going into the polling 
     place. Such a practice contravened the law. He believed that 
     this ``might become embarrassing to Negro voters in future 
     elections'' and maintained ``that the law be obeyed.'' At the 
     same time he alleged that ``some of our enthusiastic 
     leaders'' circulated such tickets for ``fat fees'' from 
     ``certain candidates.'' Such black leaders were ``breaking 
     faith'' with the Democratic Party he declared.
       This did not, and probably could not, stop the increased 
     involvement of other leaders in trying to get as much 
     political leverage out of the black vote as possible. While 
     Dr. Robinson was making these statements, I. S. McClinton was 
     continuing to expand the base of his rival group, the Young 
     Negro Democrats, establishing chapters in more than ten 
     counties and declaring that his organization was the ``only 
     political organization in which a young man or woman has the 
     chance to help direct the policy'' which affected the black 
     community. In making an appeal to ``young people'' it seems 
     he was clearly contrasting a new dynamic ``all out'' style of 
     utilizing the political process on behalf of the black 
     community, rather than an old style of relying on the ``good 
     faith'' of the white Democratic Party. In the same meeting at 
     which these statements were made, a committee of three was 
     set up to investigate state and local candidates for office 
     with a view to informing black voters about them, since 
     voters had already begun to request such information. The 
     committee consisted of Wiley Branton, Charles Bussey and 
     McClinton himself.
       Shortly after the fight by blacks to participate in 
     Democratic politics was won, a fight which Dr. Robinson had 
     himself long fought, he announced his decision to retire from 
     politics. ``I am tired,'' he said and ``I have spent twenty-
     five years fighting for my people. I've done my work, I will 
     ask the convention to name a younger man to the reins.'' His 
     decision came after dissension from within ANDA ranks over 
     Dr. Robinson's switch from favoring Sid McMath to Jack Holt 
     in the governor's race.
       However, the change in leadership seemed to have been 
     brewing for a while. Dr. Robinson's philosophy of getting 
     blacks into politics had been overtaken by a new, more 
     aggressive stance, of asking what blacks could get out of 
     politics by using their political leverage to make gains. New 
     leaders also pushed to become fully integrated members of the 
     Democratic Party Central Committee which they achieved for 
     the first time under the governorship of Orval Faubus in 
     1954. The political climate was moving toward integration, to 
     blacks becoming an integral, not separate, part of political 
     and social affairs. Thus, in 1952, the Arkansas State Press 
     concluded that ``the ANDA under Dr. Robinson has served well, 
     but today, its usefulness is ended.''
       Old ways cannot last forever and just as Dr. Robinson had 
     taken the reins for advancement, now he had decided to 
     relinquish them and move over for others to take his place. 
     Yet advancement did not necessarily mean improvement. There 
     were abuses. Undoubtedly a more focused and pragmatic use of 
     politics could bring gains. However, the new freedoms could 
     also lead to dissension and turn campaigning into a money-
     making racket so that, ``Every time a white candidate seeking 
     a political office gives a Negro a campaign card and a 3 cent 
     cigar, that Negro immediately becomes a leader of his 
     people.''
       In later years the Arkansa State Press would voice regret 
     at the retirement of ``the dean of Negro politics, Dr. J. M. 
     Robinson,'' claiming that since that time ``politics among 
     Negroes has become just as rotten as it is among white 
     people.'' The charge was that ``Negro politicians have found 
     politics to be a lucrative item by bargaining off the Negro 
     vote.'' Because of this, ``the Negro has been retarded under 
     the new Negro political leadership . . . [whose program] is 
     strictly one of swelling their pockets with money from white 
     candidates.''
       Undoubtedly there were those who tried to manipulate the 
     newly acquired voting strength for their own profit, and the 
     State Press point is well taken. There were the ``boodlers'' 
     who would come around at election time, offering to use their 
     ``influence'' with the black community in return for certain 
     ``expenses.'' Often these ``leaders'' could take money to 
     campaign with, without holding any influence whatsoever. I. 
     S. McClinton referred to the problem of ``two month 
     politicians'' in later years, indicating that these corrupt 
     practices continued for some time.
       However, despite the phoney politicians, there were also 
     genuine politicians who could exert genuine influence. Among 
     these were the already mentioned Jeffery Hawkins and the East 
     End Civic League, as well as I. S. McClinton, whose Arkansas 
     Democratic Voters Association (ADVA) eventually appropriated 
     the Democratic mantle from Dr. Robinson. Other groups like 
     Charles Bussey's Veterans Good Government Association also 
     successfully dabbled in politics.
       These various groups were not necessarily antagonistic to 
     one another, alliances and coalitions seem to have shifted 
     continually. Since many of these politicians had their own 
     sections and areas of interest, however, as in most political 
     rivalries, competition and friction could exist. In spite of 
     periodic divisions, however, by unifying black political 
     action, these leaders could make white politicians more 
     receptive to requests for amenities like parks, general 
     community improvements and so on. Even, albeit in a limited 
     sense, the barriers of segregation could be negotiated. By 
     advocating ``block'' voting, black political strength could 
     become more effective through being focused.
       Following Dr. Robinson's retirement the black political 
     scene became more complex and diverse than when he had been 
     almost its sole voice in the state. The complexities and 
     subtleties of the new black politics would lead to a jostling 
     for position among these different organizations and leaders, 
     with different groups having varying amounts of success in 
     their endeavours.
       Dr. Robinson's political career had included many other 
     highlights aside from ANDA, including being invited to attend 
     all functions of President Truman's inauguration, attending 
     several Democratic party conferences, being elected as first 
     vice chairman of the National Progressive Voters League and 
     president of the Mid-Western Negro Democratic Association.
       Even after retirement from politics he did not fade into 
     obscurity. As he had always done, he worked for the continual 
     betterment and improvement of the black community. In 1953 he 
     was one of the first black doctors to be admitted to the 
     Pulaski County Medical Society, along with Dr. O. B. White, 
     Dr. G. W. Ish and Dr. Hugh Brown. As well as leading ANDA and 
     being Little Rock's foremost black Democratic politician for 
     many years, Dr. Robinson's career also included service in 
     the Urban League, NAACP, YMCA, YWCA, Little Rock Chamber of 
     Commerce, Community Chest Drives (he was awarded the Bronze 
     ``Oscar'' in 1949), Bethel AME Church, and the Free Masons. 
     He also once chaired the Negro division of the Arkansas 
     Livestock Show.
       He was a founder of the Baptist Memorial Hospital, helped 
     organize the Pulaski County Medical, Dental and 
     Pharmaceutical Association (of which he served as president 
     five times), was a member of the National Medical 
     Association, published in the national 
     [[Page H2048]]  medical journal, was a staff member of the 
     Arkansas Baptist Medical Center, St. Vincent Infirmary and 
     Memorial Hospital, and was awarded the certificate of merit 
     from the Arkansas Medical Society in 1960.
       And in any spare time that he had, he bred Wyonette 
     chickens as a hobby.
       In 1944, the Arkansas State Press had hailed Dr. Robinson 
     as ``one of [Arkansas's] foremost leaders'' and ``the modern 
     Moses to lead Arkansas thru [sic] to the new day that is 
     approaching fast.'' If Dr. Robinson had not actually led the 
     black political cause into the modern era, then he, like 
     Moses, had certainly begun to ``part the waters,'' laying the 
     foundations upon which many leaders would continue to build.
       That ANDA finally disappeared does not constitute a 
     failure. On the contrary, it fully lived up to and finally 
     went beyond the original intentions of its formation. Through 
     ANDA Dr. Robinson had kept politics alive, providing a forum 
     for black protest and expression, almost single-handedly, and 
     sustaining the movement many times from his own pocket. An 
     ethic of civic mindedness and a thirst for justice and 
     political equality served to sustain one of the most 
     important black political organizations of its time. Dr. 
     Robinson was the quintessential community politician, not 
     only leading from the front, but also lending a hand to 
     better the day-to-day lives of those in the community.
       In some small way, this article hopes to recognize Dr. 
     Robinson as one of Pulaski County's leading politicians as 
     well as give some insight and understanding of his career in 
     the context of the black political struggle of the time in 
     which it took place.
       (Mr. Kirk won first place in the 1993 F. Hampton Roy 
     History Awards Contest. He is a student at the University of 
     Newcastle upon Tyne in England and is in Little Rock for a 
     year doing research for his Ph.D. dissertation.)
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman 
for participating in this special order tonight, and I thank the 
gentleman for giving me the opportunity to actually meet Ms. Daisy 
Bates, who is a constituent of his.
  It was a pleasure to meet her, it was a pleasure to get an 
autographed book, and it is a pleasure to know that the gentleman 
played a vital role, along with the University of Arkansas, so I want 
to thank the gentleman.
  The gentlewoman from Arkansas also reminds me of a gentleman from 
Louisiana who made a significant contribution to civil rights by the 
name of A.Z. Young, who opened up many doors for African-Americans in 
the State of Louisiana, and perhaps across the world.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from the State of 
Georgia [Mr. Bishop].
  Mr. BISHOP. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, from its beginning nearly 50 years ago, Black History 
Month has helped enlighten the country about the true role played by 
African-Americans in the country's cultural, intellectual, and economic 
development. It has given millions of black citizens, particularly 
young people, a better sense of their heritage and a more hopeful 
vision for their own future and the future of the country. At a time 
when poverty, and drug abuse, and violence still plague our communities 
everywhere, the importance of this observance has never been greater.
  So it is a special privilege, Mr. Speaker, to have an opportunity to 
participate in this special order commemorating Black History Month.
  I would like to particularly pay tribute this evening to a noted 
black American who was born in my own congressional district in south 
Georgia. His name was Henry Ossian Flipper. He was born into slavery in 
1856 in Thomasville. His dream was to become an officer in the U.S. 
Army, and following the Civil War he set out to fulfill that dream.
  In spite of the incredible obstacles, Henry Flipper succeeded in 
securing an appointment to West Point. In fact, he turned down the 
enormous sum of $5,000--about $75,000 in today's economy--offered by a 
white student for his academy nomination. Although he was to suffer 
abuse and ostracism during his years at West Point, he persevered and 
became the academy's first black graduate.
  While serving with the 10th Cavalry in the West, he was falsely 
accused of embezzling commissary funds. And, although he was 
exonerated, he was nevertheless discharged from the Service.
  Perhaps his success after that profound setback is the most 
inspirational part of his life. During the remaining years of his life, 
he was to serve as an inventor, surveyor, engineer, newspaper editor 
and author, a developer of the Alaskan Railway system, a special agent 
to the U.S. Justice Department, an assistant to the Secretary of the 
Interior, and a pioneer in the country's oil industry.
  But Henry Flipper always considered himself, first and foremost, a 
soldier. He repeatedly appealed to Congress to clear his name. But was 
rejected. When he died, he was buried in an unmarked grave in Atlanta. 
His death certificate listed the one occupation he wished recorded: 
``retired Army officer.''
  It was not until 1977 that the Army formally reinstated him to 
honorable status. His body was reinterred amid full military honors and 
a 21-gun salute. Today, his statute is on the grounds of West Point.
  His story is an inspiration to us today because he faced injustice 
and bigotry with courage, honor and dignity. By examining his life, we 
are taught the importance of hard work and determination. Through him, 
we know the value of education. His fight to regain his honor gives us 
a thirst for truth.
  Mr. Speaker, it is fitting during Black History Month to reflect on 
the lives of great Americans like Henry Ossian Flipper of Thomasville, 
GA.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman 
from Georgia for adding to this special order, talking about the 
significance of African-Americans in the State of Georgia who have made 
a great contribution to this country.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to my good friend and my colleague and my 
neighbor, the gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Thompson], to participate 
in this special order.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I would congratulate the 
gentleman from Louisiana, [Mr. Fields], and other Members who put this 
special order on.
  Indeed, this is, as you know, Black History Month. I think it is 
fitting and proper that at every opportunity we get we should highlight 
the importance of African-Americans to this country.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate Black History Month by 
paying tribute to the late Fanny Lou Hamer, who rose from a 
sharecropper on a Mississippi plantation to a prominent position as one 
of America's most distinguished human rights leaders.
  Mrs. Hamer revolutionized the Mississippi Democratic party by helping 
to organize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, which was 
established in 1964, to organize disenfranchised citizens.
  The party's primary goal was to challenge the exclusion of African-
Americans from the Mississippi Democratic party. Mrs. Hamer was a 
powerful orator, a courageous leader who led by example. She encouraged 
people to register and vote. In 1964 Mrs. Hamer ran for Congress on a 
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party ticket.

                              {time}  2100

  Because of the discriminatory practices of the Mississippi Democratic 
Party, Mrs. Hamer led the fight to challenge the seating of the 
delegates of the Mississippi Democratic Party at the 1964 Democratic 
National Convention in Atlantic City, NJ. Even though she was 
unsuccessful in this effort, the State Democratic Party eventually 
became a diverse party.
  The most visible result of her struggle is the fact that an African-
American is now serving as chairman of the Mississippi Democratic 
Party. In addition, Mississippi currently has more African-American 
elected officials than any other State in the Nation.
  Even though Mrs. Hamer had little formal education, she always 
encouraged young people to obtain a good education. She was the 
recipient of honorary doctorate degrees from numerous colleges and 
universities across the country for her civil rights activism.
  In the 103d Congress, I introduced a bill, which became law, that 
designated the post office in Ruleville, MS, in honor of Mrs. Hamer. 
Last Saturday, we dedicated the post office in her honor.
  Last Saturday we dedicated the post office in her honor with over 700 
people present.
  It is ironic that with the assaults on affirmative action and the 
playing of the race card by many Members of this body that Fannie Lou, 
if she was here 
[[Page H2049]]  today, would indeed be sick and tired of being sick and 
tired.
  So, again, I compliment the people for putting this special order on. 
I compliment the gentleman from Louisiana for taking the leadership in 
this, and I look forward to the debate on other issues as they come 
forward.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I want to thank the gentleman from 
Mississippi for his contribution tonight, particularly in talking about 
Fannie Lou Hamer, who is a person who was born and raised in 
Mississippi and one of her famous quotes, as the gentleman stated, was 
one that stuck with me and will stick with me for the rest of my life 
when she said, ``I am sick and tired of being sick and tired.'' I want 
the gentleman to know people like Fannie Lou Hamer; those words are all 
across the country.
  I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Barrett], 
who walked in and who wishes to participate in the special order.
  Mr. BARRETT of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I want to compliment the 
gentleman from Louisiana for organizing tonight's special order.
  Mr. Speaker, I commend my colleagues, Mr. Louis Stokes and Mr. Donald 
Payne for reserving this special order to celebrate Black History 
Month, a tradition dating back to 1926 when Dr. Carter G. Woodson set 
aside time in February to honor the contributions and achievements of 
African-Americans.
  The theme of this year's observance, ``Reflections on 1895: Douglas, 
DuBois, Washington,'' gives us an opportunity to honor three heroes 
from America's past. As we look back at the contributions Frederick 
Douglass, W.E.B. DuBois, and Booker T. Washington have made to our 
society, we can all find inspiration in the seemingly insurmountable 
odds they overcame to establish themselves as giants in American 
history.
  I take pride in saluting these American heroes and in heralding their 
accomplishments this Black History Month.
  While it is important to remember the achievements of the past, it is 
equally important to recognize African-Americans who are making a 
difference in their communities today.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to stand before you today to salute an 
outstanding citizen who lives in my hometown of Milwaukee, Mr. James 
Cameron.
  Mr. Cameron clearly understands the importance of preserving a 
thorough and accurate record of our past history for future generations 
of Americans.
  In his book entitled ``A Time of Terror: A Survivor's Story'', Mr. 
Cameron recounts the lynching he survived 64 years ago. The rope was 
strung around his neck tight enough to leave burn marks as he dangled 
from a tree. He prayed, and in those last moments his prayer was 
answered. But, the memory has never faded.
  This experience gave Mr. Cameron, then 16, a vision he has followed 
the rest of his life--to retell the events of terror and ensure that 
history is not forgotten.
  Mr. Cameron is the founder of America's Black Holocaust Museum in 
Milwaukee, and is currently raising funds to expand the project. Mr. 
Cameron's collection teaches us about the events of our past to prevent 
history from repeating itself.
  Now 80 years old, Mr. Cameron has led a rich life. He married, raised 
a family, and has dedicated much of his life's work to civil rights. I 
am certain that the people of Milwaukee will continue to benefit from 
his tireless efforts for years to come.
  This month and every month, we should pay tribute to the many 
accomplishments of African-Americans of the past and to those 
outstanding citizens, like James Cameron, who are making history by 
their actions today.
  Again, I thank Mr. Stokes and Mr. Payne for reserving this special 
order to honor heroes of America's past and those who are with us 
today.
  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I want to thank the gentleman from Wisconsin 
for participating in this special order and also bringing to the 
forefront those African-Americans in his own State who have made a 
significant contribution to this country.
  Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to yield to the gentleman 
from Georgia, a person whom I have had and have a great deal of respect 
for and a person I have watched from afar from my own State of 
Louisiana and a person I have always viewed as a significant 
contributor to African-American history, because he, in fact, has 
always been on the front edge, the leading edge, the cutting edge of 
the civil rights movement, and I want to thank him today, because it is 
people like him who have opened up doors for people like me to be in 
this very House today. I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. 
Lewis], and I yield to the gentleman from Georgia.
  Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague, the 
gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Fields], for holding and organizing this 
special order, and I want to thank my friend and my colleague for those 
very kind words. Thank you for being my friend.
  Mr. Speaker, It is time to pay tribute to those great men and women 
who have dedicated their lives to making sure that African-Americans 
are able to enjoy all of the rights and freedoms of this great Nation. 
It is also a time for us to reflect on the distance we have come as 
Americans and the distance we have yet to travel.
  Since I have been in the Congress, I have made a special effort to 
encourage the preservation of black history. Earlier this month, I 
introduced a bill to establish a National African-American Museum in 
Washington, DC. the bill seeks the establishment of a national museum 
dedicated to the heritage and culture of African-Americans.
  The museum would collect, catalogue, conserve, and exhibit materials 
related to the art, history, and culture of African-Americans. It would 
be housed in the Art & Industries Building, a facility on the Mall.
  A better understanding of American history has the power to inspire 
and uplift present and future generations of Americans. Our history is 
a precious resource. We should do all that we can to preserve it, and 
to ensure its accuracy by including the history of all Americans. I 
urge my colleagues to support this important legislation.
  Today, I rise to remember three giants of American history. Frederick 
Douglass, Booker T. Washington, and W.E.B. DuBois provided visionary 
leadership for African-Americans in the 20th century. Their ideas have 
served as the intellectual and spiritual foundation for the black 
struggle in America. Their arguments for full social, political and 
economic rights provided the ammunition for African-Americans to 
overturn segregation and outlay discrimination.
  Mr. Speaker, these men were men of great vision. I feel a tremendous 
sense of gratitude and humility to be able to stand on their shoulders.
  As the great abolitionist, Frederick Douglass personally lobbied 
President Abraham Lincoln to abolish slavery. Douglass was easily the 
most influential African-American public figure of the 19th century. He 
preached that agitation and protest were the instruments of freedom for 
an oppressed people. Frederick Douglass planted the seeds of liberation 
and inspired generations to pursue social justice at all cost.
  During his lifetime, Booker T. Washington was known to many as the 
Wizard of Tuskegee. An innovative and determined leader, Washington 
founded prestigious Tuskegee University in southern Alabama. Washington 
preached that social uplift would result from economic prosperity and 
independence. Washington sought a pragmatic approach to the betterment 
of the African-American people.
  Though he was criticized by some for not being forceful enough in 
advocating political freedom for African-Americans, Booker T. 
Washington was a visionary whose philosophy guides us still as we seek 
economic empowerment. Indeed, Washington's views will continue to guide 
us as we move into the 21st century.
  W.E.B. DuBois, the author of ``The Souls of Black Folk,'' can be 
considered the intellectual father of the American civil rights 
movement. A founding member of the National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People, DuBois offered an uncompromising vision 
for political and social freedom. His writings helped to inspire the 
legal foundation of the NAACP that eventually led to the desegregation 
of public schools and facilities. 
[[Page H2050]]  DuBois devoted his entire life to the pursuit of social 
justice and political freedom.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to claim these men as my heroes and my 
mentors. They have inspired me and millions of Americans. It is fitting 
and appropriate that we pay tribute to these men.
                              {time}  2110

  Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, again let me thank the 
gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Lewis] because I know of the work that the 
gentleman has done across this country, with other great African-
Americans, to secure the right to vote, to secure equal access to 
public housing, to public facilities and accommodations. I thank the 
gentleman because I know the gentleman has worked the highways and 
byways of this Nation. I also think of other great African-Americans, 
like Sojourner Truth, who was on a journey for the truth when she said, 
``I hold this Constitution in my hand, and I look and look into this 
Constitution, but I see no rights for me.'' She died so that African-
Americans could be in this Congress.
  I want to thank Fanny Lou Hammer, who said, ``I am sick and tired of 
being sick and tired.'' I want to thank Rosa Lee Parks, who took a seat 
so we all could stand, take a stand. I also want to thank some of the 
great pioneers in my home State whose names will never be written in 
the history books. I want to thank A.Z. Young, who opened many doors 
for African-Americans in Louisiana. And also Annie Smart, Lillie B. 
Coleman, and Acie Belton, Leon Robinson and Ben Jeffers.
  I also want to thank those great inventors. They have opened up so 
many doors and made life so much better for African-Americans. Every 
time I wake up in the morning and I put on a pair of shoes, I say, 
``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man named Jan Matziger 
invented the shoes. Every time I get in my automobile and I touch the 
brakes, I say, ``Thank you,'' in tribute to black America, because a 
black man by the name of Granville T. Woods invented the air brakes. 
And I want the gentleman to know that every time I stop at a traffic 
light, I say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man by the 
name of Gray Morgan invented the traffic light. And if I ever run a 
traffic light and get into an accident and need some blood, I am going 
to say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black American named 
Charles Drew invented the process for preserving blood.
  If the doctors ever tell me I need open heart surgery, I am going to 
say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man by the name of 
Daniel Hale Williams was the first to perform open heart surgery.
  And further, I wanted to mention to the gentleman that every time I 
stick my spoon or knife in a jar of peanut butter, I always say, 
``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man by the name of George 
Washington Carver invented the peanut butter. Every time I fly into 
Washington, DC., and walk into this Chamber and every time I look at my 
watch or look up at the clock that is above the Speaker's head, I often 
say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man named Ben 
Banneker designed DC. and laid out the first design for the clock.
  So I just want to thank those African-Americans. But in particular I 
want to thank the gentleman from Georgia because as a young man in this 
Congress and as the youngest black American in this Congress, I am 
smart enough to know that I would not be here today but for Members 
like the gentleman from Georgia.
  So I say, ``Thank you, gentlemen.''
  Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. I want to thank the gentleman, my colleague and 
friend from the great State of Louisiana, for those words. The 
gentleman is so right that countless, nameless individuals whose names 
will never appear in a newspaper or a magazine, their faces will never 
appear on television, African-Americans who made outstanding, 
unbelievable contributions that we must never forget.
  I thank my friend.
  Mr. STOKES. Mr. Speaker, I want to express my appreciation to my 
colleagues who are joining me in the House Chamber this evening for our 
special order in observance of Black History Month. We take special 
pride in this opportunity to highlight and pay tribute to notable 
African-Americans who have contributed so much to this great Nation. I 
am pleased to also recognize the distinguished chairman of the 
Congressional Black Caucus, the gentleman from New Jersey [Don Payne] 
who joins me in sponsoring the special order.
  I want to share with my colleagues and the Nation some pertinent 
information regarding our celebration of black history. It was in 1926 
that the late Dr. Carter G. Woodson initiated the observance of Negro 
History Week. He set aside 1 week in February to recognize the 
contributions of African-Americans to the building and shaping of our 
Nation. Dr. Woodson, a noted historian, understood that black Americans 
were not receiving recognition in history for their vast contributions. 
He hoped that through this special observance, black Americans and, 
indeed, all Americans, would gain a greater understanding and 
appreciation of these contributions.
  In 1972, the association for the study of negro life and history, 
which Dr. Woodson founded, changed the name of the observance of 
African-American History Week. The celebration was expanded during the 
Nation's Bicentennial in 1976, and President Gerald Ford urged the 
Nation to join in the first month-long observance of Black History 
Month. The U.S. Congress also recognized the importance of the black 
history observance. In February 1976, our colleague from Illinois, the 
late Ralph Metcalfe, introduced legislation, House Resolution 1050, 
which declared that the House of Representatives recognize the month of 
February as Black History Month.
  Mr. Speaker, African-Americans have a magnificent and rich history; a 
history which is woven into the economic, social and political fabric 
of this Nation. As we gather for this special order, we pay tribute to 
Dr. Carter G. Woodson, Ralph Metcalfe, and the many others who have 
carried forth the tradition of celebrating our accomplishments.
  The organization which Dr. Woodson founded is now known as the 
Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History. Each year, 
the organization is responsible for selecting a theme for the national 
observance of Black History Month. This year the association has 
selected the theme, ``Reflections on 1895: Douglass, Du Bois, 
Washington.'' I want to take a few moments to recognize the 
contributions of these three giants to American History.
  Frederick Douglass was born a slave in Talbot County, MD, in February 
1817. He was taught to read by the wife of his owner. Douglass escaped 
and eventually his freedom was purchased by Quaker abolitionists. 
During his lifetime, Douglass was a powerful, effective spokesman for 
the cause of freedom and equality. In his writings and speeches, 
Douglass' major concerns were civil rights and human freedom. He fought 
to end slavery, racial prejudice, and discrimination.
  Frederick Douglass utilized his own newspaper, the North Star which 
he began publishing in 1847, to give voice to the struggle. His 
writings also included his autobiographies, ``The Narrative of the Life 
of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave,'' and ``Life and Times of 
Frederick Douglass.
  During his lifetime, Douglass held a number of prestigious government 
positions including marshall and recorder of deeds in the District of 
Columbia, and United States Minister to Haiti. Indeed, our Nation's 
Capital provides a fitting reminder of Frederick Douglass' historical 
contributions. We can look to the White House and recall Douglass 
urging President Lincoln to declare emancipation as the central cause 
of the Civil War. And, we recall that here in this Capitol building, 
Frederick Douglass came to Congress to protest the inadequacies of 
Reconstruction.
  Frederick Douglass died on February 20, 1895. In the cause for 
freedom, he was one of America's greatest orators, writers, and 
editors. He fought to guarantee that the ideals of the Declaration of 
Independence be extended to all Americans.
  Mr. Speaker, during Black History Month, we note the accomplishments 
of William E.B. Du Bois, a teacher, author, editor, poet, and scholar. 
This great American was born in February 1869, in the State of 
Massachusetts.
  Du Bois made history in 1895 when he became the first African-
American to earn a Ph.D. from the prestigious Harvard College. He went 
on to teach Greek, German, and English at Wilberforce University, and 
economics and history at Atlanta University. In one of his greatest 
works, ``The Souls of Black Folk,'' it is said that the reader may 
sample history, sociology, biography, economic analysis, educational 
theory, and social commentary.
  One of the greatest contributions of W.E.B. Du Bois was his strong 
leadership which resulted in the birth of one of America's most 
distinguished organizations, the National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People, or NAACP, in 1909. Du Bois and others 
saw the need for an organization to fight for voting rights, 
educational opportunities, and 
[[Page H2051]]  access to public facilities for African-Americans.
  The NAACP and its publications became the voice for African-Americans 
throughout the Nation. Eighty-six years later, the organizations is 
celebrating the selection of Myrlie Evers-Williams, a civil rights 
activist and wife of slain civil rights leader, Medgar Evers, as its 
national board chairman. With her at the helm, the NAACP will continue 
to play a leadership role in the quest for justice and equality for all 
Americans. W.E.B. Du Bois died on August 27, 1963. He will always be 
remembered as a champion in the struggle for equality.
  Mr. Speaker, as we reflect upon our theme for Black History Month, we 
note the historical contributions of Booker T. Washington, a gifted 
educator and leader. Washington was born in April 1856, in Franklin 
County, VA. He spent 9 years in slavery before his mother moved the 
family to West Virginia.
  On September 19, 1881, Washington received the opportunity of his 
life when the Alabama Legislature authorized the establishment of a 
school which would train black men and women to be teachers. Washington 
was recommended and accepted the post as head of the institution. 
Arriving at Tuskegee, AL, Washington found that no land or buildings 
had been acquired for the projected school, nor were funds allocated 
for these purposes.
  Undaunted by these circumstances, Booker T. Washington went to work 
recruiting black students and gaining financial support for the effort. 
Borrowing funds from Hampton Institute, Washington purchased an 
abandoned plantation and students then went to work not only making the 
bricks, but constructing buildings for what would become one of the 
Nation's most distinguished black institutions of higher learning.
  By 1888, Tuskegee Institute owned 540 acres of land and had an 
enrollment of more than 400. The school offered the first training to 
African-Americans in the trade skills such as carpentry, cabinetmaking, 
printing, and shoemaking. The influence of the school extended far 
beyond Alabama. By the time of Washington's death in 1915, similar 
institutions modeled on Tuskegee had been founded in other states.
  Although Tuskegee was Booker T. Washington's most enduring monument, 
his oratorical skills and writings also signaled him as a leader and 
spokesman for the African-American community. He is also famous for his 
autobiographies ``My Life and Work,'' ``Up From Slavery,'' and ``My 
Larger Education.'' Booker T. Washington died on November 15, 1915. His 
spirit lives on through the work which continues at Tuskegee Institute, 
and in his published works.
  Mr. Speaker, this evening as we remember the contributions of 
Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington, we are led 
back to our theme for Black History Month, ``Reflections on 1895.'' One 
hundred years ago, America was poised to undergo tremendous social and 
political change with the abolishment of slavery 32 years earlier.
  Slavery ended with the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation on 
January 1, 1863, by President Abraham Lincoln. Yet, for African-
Americans, true freedom would continue to be denied by the systematic 
exclusion of economic opportunity and equality.
  The legal restrictions on black civil rights arose in 1865 and 1866, 
when many Southern State governments passed laws that became known as 
the black codes. These
 laws were like the earlier slave codes. They prohibited African-
Americans from owning land. Other codes established a nightly curfew, 
and some even permitted States to jail African-Americans for the simple 
reason of being jobless.

  In the last 1800's, African-Americans in the South suffered from 
segregation, the denial of voting rights, and other forms of 
discrimination. The new cotton mills and mill towns were generally for 
whites only, and sharecropping was the way of life for the majority of 
blacks in the South. Black Americans who lived in northern cities were 
largely confined to jobs that required the least skills and brought the 
lowest pay.
  Several decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court enabled Southern States 
to continue to practice segregation and discrimination. In 1883 the 
Supreme Court declared the Civil Rights Act of 1875 to be 
unconstitutional. That act had prohibited segregated public 
transportation and accommodations. In addition, the Civil Rights Act of 
1866 and the 14th amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1868, had 
forbidden the States to deny equal rights to any person. But in 1896, 
the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Plessy versus Ferguson that a 
Louisiana law requiring the separation of black and white railroad 
passengers was constitutional. This ruling, known as the separate but 
equal doctrine, became the basis of southern race relations. African-
Americans were dismayed as they saw their rights eroded by court 
decrees and insensitive political leaders.
  One hundred years later, as we gather this evening to celebrate Black 
History Month, we should ask ourselves where America stands in the 
quest for equality and economic opportunity. As we reflect on the 
conditions of 1895, has this great Nation embraced the declaration of 
equality for all its people?
  In the nearly 100 years since the infamous Plessy versus Ferguson 
decision, I must express my concern about the continued assault on the 
African-American community through the dismantling of affirmative 
action programs and other legal devices designed to guarantee equality. 
Today, Congress and the Nation is involved in one of its most important 
debates on the issue of affirmative action.
  Affirmative action has been employed as the primary tool to allow 
minorities and women to break through the many barriers of 
discrimination. Studies prove that these barriers help to keep them 
unemployed, underpaid, and in jobs where there is little or no 
opportunity for advancement.
  Tonight, I would remind those who oppose affirmative action that 
African-Americans and other minorities also have a contract with 
America. That contract is rooted in both the Constitution and the 
Declaration of Independence. As it relates to jobs in America, people 
of color have every right to believe in the doctrine that reads: ``We 
hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal.''
  Mr. Speaker, as we celebrate black history and black progress since 
1895, I want to also recognize the importance of voting rights laws. 
Without this important vehicle, many of us would not be here today.
  The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was aimed at dismantling all voting-
related discrimination practices. Over the years, the Voting Rights Act 
and redistricting have played an essential role in ending the stain of 
State-sponsored racism that the Supreme Court approved of the Plessy 
versus Ferguson decision nearly 100 years ago.
  The opportunity to participate in the political process has been the 
cornerstone of progress for the African-American community. No where is 
that fact more evident than here in the Halls of Congress. As African-
Americans sought economic equity and equality, they have utilized the 
ballot box to bring about change.
  This evening, I pay special tribute to my colleagues in the 
Congressional Black Caucus. We are Members of Congress elected to 
office from every corner of America, North, East, South, and West. I 
also recognize the importance of the organization which binds us, the 
Congressional Black Caucus. Since its founding in 1972, the Caucus has 
been instrumental in articulating the concerns of the African-American 
community. From our founding 13 members to the present 41, we have 
grown not only in size, but in significance, shaping the way America 
views the African-American community.
  Mr. Speaker, I am saddened to report that while the doors of 
opportunity have allowed African-Americans and other minorities to step 
forward into leadership posts in government and other areas, through 
devious and sometimes overt means, our minority leaders are subjected 
to relentless investigations, witch hunts, and character 
assassinations. Today, we include the names of Lani Guinier, Mike Espy, 
Jocelyn Elders, Ron Brown, and Dr. Henry Foster to the list of those 
who have been subjected to unwarranted attacks. Until we can eliminate 
the selective character assassinations on persons of color, our Nation 
cannot stand and proudly proclaim that government is: of the people, by 
the people, and for the people.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleagues for joining me in this 
special order celebrating Black History Month. As we reflect back on 
our accomplishments, we are even more determined to move forward in the 
spirit of the brave heroes and heroines in whose path we follow.
  It is our hope that one day, the celebration of Black History Month 
will not be limited to 1 month. It is our hope that 1 day American 
leaders, heroes, and activists of all races, will stand side by side 
throughout all the pages of our history books, for all the world to 
appreciate. Then, in fact, we will be the Nation to which we pledge 
allegiance: One Nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty, and 
justice for all.
  Mrs. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today standing 
on the broad shoulders of Josiah T. Walls; the first black elected to 
the Florida House of Representatives, the Florida Senate, and the U.S. 
House or Representatives from Florida; Joe Lang Kershaw, the first 
black elected to the Florida House of Representatives in this century; 
and Gwen Sawyer Cherry, the first black woman ever to serve in the 
Florida Legislature.
  Often times we Members of Congress like to remember those who came 
before us by naming buildings or erecting monuments in their memory. 
But Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to pay tribute to a person 
whose work and commitment to our children, our race, and women 
everywhere is still bearing fruit today.
  [[Page H2052]] The person I am referring to is Mary McLeod Bethune.
  In 1947, Mary McLeod Bethune, in an address to the 22nd annual 
meeting of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 
said:

       If our people are to fight their way up out of bondage we 
     must arm them with the sword and the shield and the bunker of 
     pride--in themselves and their possibilities, based upon a 
     sure knowledge of the achievements of the past. That 
     knowledge and that pride we must give them if it breaks every 
     back in the kingdom.

  This quote, perhaps more than anything else, captures the basic 
spirit and philosophy and commitment that Mary McLeod Bethune had for 
her race and the promotion and the development of women and African-
American history.
  I am greatly moved by the memory of Mary McLeod Bethune. She was an 
inspirational American woman, of African decent, who was from the 
people--not of the people. She provided my generation, indeed many 
generations, with a beacon of light and hope that all things are 
possible through God and through hard work. I am hopeful that future 
generations will be able to light their individual torches from the 
bright flame of wisdom, strength, and knowledge that Mrs. Bethune 
displayed. Today, Mrs. Bethune's light still shines through the work of 
her students, including me, and the generations of young people she has 
laid the foundation for a Bethune-Cookman College in Daytona Beach, FL.
  Beginning as an educator and founder of a school which bears her 
name, Mrs. Bethune became the valued and trusted counselor to four U.S. 
Presidents, the director of an important government agency, the founder 
of a major organization for human rights, and a consultant to world 
leaders seeking to build universal peace through the United Nations.
  Mrs. Bethune gained national and international prominence for her 
advocacy and work on behalf of African-Americans and women. During her 
life, she was elected and appointed to a number of key positions, which 
provided visibility for her causes and an opportunity to mobilize 
African-Americans on issues of concern to the race. From the early 
1930's, until her death in 1955, she was a very vocal advocate and 
activist for African-American and women's history.
  In the early 1920's, Mrs. Bethune, was one of the first to actively 
campaign for legislation to build a national black museum in 
Washington, DC.
  Born in 1875, in Mayesville, SC, Mary McLeod Bethune grew up in the 
rural South during a period of great transition and turmoil. Her 
experience with poverty, racism, and ignorance in South Carolina, and 
later in Georgia and Florida, provided her with first-hand knowledge of 
the suffering and needs of her people. It was in this context that she 
committed her life to work with, and on behalf of her people.
  A strong believer in education and in self-help, she was an 
integrationist and Pan Africanist, who argued for unity among people of 
African decent throughout the world. She viewed education as an 
important link to African-American freedom and equality. In her view, 
white people needed to know and appreciate African and African-American 
history, as well as blacks. In concert with W.E.D. DuBois, and Carter 
G. Woodson, she believed that, if properly utilized, history could be a 
powerful weapon in the fight against segregation and discrimination.
  Moreover, Mrs. Bethune believed that blacks needed a broader 
knowledge of world history, with a specific focus on African and 
African-American heritage.
  Mrs. Bethune, was one of the first African-American educators to 
fully inculcate African-American history into a curriculum. She did 
this at the Daytona Normal School for girls, which she founded in 1904. 
Working to produce and sustain a school, she stressed the achievements 
and contributions of historic figures such as Frederick Douglass, 
Booker T. Washington, Lucy Laney, and others who were role models, she 
held them up to the pupils for emulation.
  Developing contacts with both white and black leadership, Mrs. 
Bethune was able to build a base of power and influence, which by 1940, 
would allow her to be recognized as the foremost leader of African-
American women.
  Tonight as we celebrate Black History Month, I challenge all 
Americans to reflect on the example of faith, hope, and charity 
provided by Mary McLeod Bethune's great legacy. As Mrs. Bethune 
challenged Americans to continue the search for sustaining truth, and 
to spread that truth far and near, until we, in our turn, shall pass 
her saving legacy, undiminished, into the waiting hands of posterity.
  Many of us here today have relighted our torches from the bright 
flame provided by Carter G. Woodson, Mary McLeod Bethune, Gwen Sawyer 
Cherry, Joe Lang Kershaw, Josiah T. Walls, Mary Church Terrell, Nannie 
Helen Burroughs, and many others whose lives have informed and inspired 
our work.
  Mrs. Bethune's pioneering work in the education, and in the 
preservation of the history of Blacks and women is to be celebrated and 
perpetuated. Few leaders have been so diverse in their contributions 
and so distinctive in their vision. Mrs. Bethune saw African-American 
history as an integral part of our lives. She has left us a rich 
heritage. We must commit ourselves and dedicate our lives to carrying 
forth that vision to another, higher level, unit we too shall pass the 
torch.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to join my colleagues today to 
commemorate Black History Month. Particularly, Mr. Speaker, I would 
like to thank Mr. Stokes and Mr. Payne for requesting this special 
order.
  Black history is more than just a designation on a calendar; it is a 
time when all Americans can reflect upon the towering achievements 
African-Americans have made and continue to make in this country. It is 
a time when we honor men and women who have influenced and shaped 
American culture and life.
  We thank those who through their writings and teachings have enabled 
all of America to know and appreciate the African-American legacy, past 
struggles, and present dreams. We pay tribute to America's sports 
heroes. We honor scientists and educators who labored so hard to 
overcome racial barriers in our society and proved that America could 
not afford squander the talent and knowledge of African-Americans.
  I want to honor and share with you the story of an African-American 
whose history is deeply rooted in the part of the congressional 
district I represent. The achievements of Henry Jenifer, a person who 
dedicated his life to preserving the lives of others, deserves a place 
in our history books.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to submit Henry Jenifer's story for the 
Record.

           [From ``I Wouldn't Take Nothing For My Journey'']

                         (By Leonidas H. Berry)

       Buried in the small family cemetery at Deep Falls in 
     Chaptico is a celebrated Revolutionary War soldier and a 
     former Maryland governor. Far from the stately house with 
     ornately carved doorways handsome chimneys and rolling falls, 
     a small clump of trees stands out in the middle of a farmer's 
     soybean field. There, obscured and buried in the overgrowth, 
     is the site of former slave cabins that once housed the 
     working force of the Southern Maryland tobacco plantation. 
     The hills and fields are silent now, but there is a story 
     passed down from oral tradition of African-American History, 
     the legend of a natural healer and his passage to freedom.
       Henry Jenifer was a slave of Dr. William Thomas, owner of 
     Deep Falls. Henry's family served the Thomas' for 
     generations. Thomas' brother, James, was Maryland's 26th 
     governor. From the time he was a boy, Henry cared for the 
     doctor's horse and buggy, accompanying him on his rounds of 
     serving the Chaptico community.
       As he grew older, Henry learned medicine, not only from 
     watching the white physician as he performed his practiced 
     skills, but from the ancient healing ways of his African 
     ancestors. Using simple methods such as looking at the tongue 
     or a patient's eyes, he could diagnose the illness, amble to 
     the deep woods and emerge with root, tree bark or plant to 
     effectively cure what ailed them. The black folk began 
     calling him ``Doc'' Henry, and at times when Dr. Thomas was 
     away or had failed to produce a cure the whites called upon 
     Doc as well. Like the Native American preceding them on the 
     landscape, the African American combined spiritual as well as 
     physical remedies to heal his patients, often with great 
     success.
       At times Dr. Thomas would send Henry to tend his patients. 
     A white farmer with a large open wound on his foot was 
     treated by the white physician with a solution of carbolic 
     acid and water, and it was Henry's job to bathe the wound in 
     the solution on a daily basis. After the gash failed to heal, 
     Doc Henry offered to help, but only if his patient agreed not 
     to tell. The slave soaked some wheat bread in water and left 
     it in the open air until it was covered with a heavy growth 
     of mold. This he applied to the wound, which healed in a 
     short time. Dr. Thomas never knew that his patient was cured 
     by a crude form of penicillin--a hundred years ahead of its 
     time.
       As 1848 dawned in St. Mary's County, a severe outbreak of 
     yellow fever ravaged the countyside. When the epidemic 
     reached its height, Henry was taught the art of 
     ``bloodletting'' by his master, through which patients were 
     bled to leech out the poison in their system. As the fever 
     raged through the long, hot
      summer, fear soon mingled with ignorance. Residents 
     attempted to flee to other areas, but were stopped at the 
     county's borders by gunpoint and forced to return. Henry's 
     services became invaluable as he tended to the sick, 
     sometimes while family members lay dead nearby.
       As summer waned into fall, the yellow fever epidemic 
     finally began to subside. It lasted 10 weeks and took 
     hundreds of lives. The dead were buried in graveyards and 
     cornfields. Prayers of thanksgiving were offered. Black and 
     white, slave and free man, mourned together. Their joy and 
     their sorrow knew no color, no race.
        [[Page H2053]] Throughout Henry's servitude, Dr. Thomas 
     allowed him to earn money for his work, and promised his 
     trusted servant that when he had enough money Henry could buy 
     his freedom with it. His master kept the money for him at the 
     plantation. When the epidemic was past, Henry approached Dr. 
     Thomas about buying his freedom. By then, Henry's services 
     had become too valuable to the physician, who informed him 
     that the money had been stolen. Depressed and feeling 
     betrayed, Henry conceived a plan. Unbeknownst to Dr. Thomas, 
     Henry had saved some money on his own. He got word to ``dat 
     Harriet woman'' that he wished to leave St. Mary's County on 
     the Underground Railroad. Harriet Tubman's ``underground 
     train'' was situated on Maryland's Eastern Shore, but had a 
     network that stretched throughout Southern Maryland.
       One day Dr. Thomas waited with frustration for Henry to 
     arrive and hitch up his horse to buggy in order that he might 
     make his daily rounds. Henry, however, had fled across back 
     roads and fields to Leonardtown, eventually making his way to 
     the Patuxent River, then on to Cove Point in the Chesapeake 
     Bay. Dozens of participants, black and white, from every 
     profession, helped make up the ties of the underground 
     railroad, which led from Dorchester County to Canada. Before 
     he left Maryland, Henry was to meet his benefactor, Harriett 
     Tubman, in Cambridge.
       After long weeks passed, the former slave reached his 
     destination a safe and free man. He mourned having left 
     behind his family, still in bondage at Deep Falls. Another 15 
     years would pass before they were awarded freedom during the 
     War Between the States, the same war in which their masters 
     would fight for Confederate Army.
  Mr. CLAY. Mr. Speaker, the theme ``Reflections on 1895: Douglass, 
DuBois, and Washington'' is most appropriate for this time because we 
are asking the same question in 1995 that these men attempted to answer 
in 1895--``How can black Americans empower themselves economically, 
educationally, and politically''?
  It is my hope that during this observance of Black History Month, my 
colleagues will study the works of Douglass, DuBois, and Washington 
very carefully and make a distinction between their leadership 
qualities.
  Instead of focusing on education and professions like medicine and 
law, avenues to self-empowerment, Booker T. Washington preached that 
all Negroes should be satisfied and happy to have a job working in the 
cottonfields or in the farmyard. If he had been successful in his 
course of action, black Americans would have been guaranteed jobs, but 
they would have been doomed to a life of servitude in menial jobs.
  Booker T. Washington was a Negro leader created by whites who 
supported him because his message served their general purpose of 
keeping Negroes as close to a state of bondage as legally possible. As 
a matter of fact, a New York Times article put it succinctly in 1958, 
and I quote:

       Washington was far from being the Negroes' acknowledged 
     leader, but he was still the only Negro leader the whites 
     acknowledged.

  Booker T. Washington may have been a leader to them, but he was a 
disappointment to many black Americans.
  DuBois, a creative thinking leader, who promoted racial integration, 
was criticized because he disagreed with Washington, thus antagonizing 
the power structure. In his response to Washington's ideology, DuBois 
proclaimed:

       I am an earnest advocate of manual training and the 
     teaching of black boys, and white boys, too. I believe that 
     next to the founding of Negro colleges the most valuable 
     Negro education since the war has been industrial training 
     for black boys. Nevertheless, I insist that the object of all 
     true education is not to make men carpenters, it is to make 
     carpenters men.

  DuBois believed that blacks had tilled enough fields, picked enough 
cotton, dug enough ditches. He thought it was time to perform surgery, 
teach physics, develop businesses, write poetry, and sing the operas.
  Frederick Douglass believed that blacks should have the opportunity 
to improve themselves and their standard of living. He warned that 
despite individual efforts, the black race would not reach its full 
potential until whites stopped putting road blocks in their way. 
Douglass warned:

       Where justice is denied, where poverty is forced, where 
     ignorance prevails, and where one class is made to feel that 
     society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob, and 
     degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe.

  What does all of this have to do with Black History Month? The answer 
is everything. Black History Month was adopted because the black 
experience has been neglected, downplayed, and in some instances 
ignored in American history. A large section of a country's history has 
been left out of the history books and the accomplishments of millions 
of its citizens are not acknowledged. In the process, Black Americans 
have been denied the opportunity to empower themselves. They have been 
denied access to resources that would afford them the opportunity to 
obtain better jobs, better education, better housing, and all other 
necessities.
  For a long time black history was not included in history books 
because those who wanted to justify human slavery and the oppression of 
the race, attempted to do so by alleging that black Americans made no 
significant contributions. Despite the years of contributions our 
forefathers made to the growth of this country, there were attempts to 
write black Americans out of history--completely. And, if there was any 
effort to include them, men like Booker T.
 Washington and others, who entertained the country with demeaning 
speeches about the inferiority of the black race, were presented as 
heroes and leaders of the race when, in fact, they were black 
Americans' biggest enemies.

  But, thanks to Dr. Carter G. Woodson, a renown historian and one of 
the few blacks to earn a PH.D. from Harvard University in the early 
part of the century, we now celebrate the accomplishments of black 
Americans who were real leaders and progressive visionaries like DuBois 
and Douglass. Dr. Woodson established the original idea of a separate 
time for celebrating black history, arguing that it should be a week 
long and held in the month of February between the birthdays of Abraham 
Lincoln and Frederick Douglass. Later, Black History Week was expanded 
to Black History Month. The underlying purpose is to familiarize 
whites, as well as blacks, with the contributions black Americans have 
made to our advancement as a nation.
  I do not want to give the impression that this great country could 
not have progressed and prospered had it not been for black people. I 
contend it would not have progressed as fast and prospered as much 
without those contributions.
  Despite efforts to recognize the contributions of black people there 
are still some who insists on denying black Americans their rightful 
place in history because these people simply don't like blacks. Most 
don't even know why. But I would bet that it has a lot to do with their 
lack of knowledge about the race. Many of them don't realize that their 
everyday lives have benefited from the intellect and talents of black 
Americans.
  To illustrate, let's imagine what their lives would be like if they 
refused to enjoy the discoveries of black scientists and inventors.
  Any person who chooses to boycott black inventions would wake up 
tired in the morning from tossing and turning all night on a bed 
covered by some coarse material instead of cotton--because it was a 
black slave who provided the genius in the development of Eli Whitney's 
cotton gin which makes cotton affordable. When that person throws his 
legs out of bed, he would not have a nice inexpensive pair of leather 
house shoes to put on because Jan Matzeliger, a black man, invented the 
shoe last which made it possible to mass produce shoes. Then, of 
course, he would not have the pleasure of drinking a cup of instant 
coffee which was invented by Dr. George Washington Carver. Nor would 
that person have the opportunity of putting a spoon of sugar in it 
because Norbert Rilliexux invented the sugar refining system that is 
still used today.
  He probably would have had a clock to wake up to because they are 
common now-a-days. But the first clock made in America was by a black 
man, Benjamin Banneker, who helped design the city of Washington, DC. 
Then, one boycotting black creations, he would have had to wait until 
the sun came up in order to see what time it was, had it not been for 
Louis Howard Latimer, a black man, who supervised the installation of 
Thomas Edison's electric lights in America and invented an incandescent 
light bulb of his own.
  If it's a Saturday morning, the old boy who is boycotting black 
accomplishments would not be able to cut his grass because the first 
lawn mower patented in this country was by a black American. He would 
even have trouble playing his usual game of golf had it not been for 
George F. Grant who gave us the golf tee. And at the 19th hole had it 
not been for Hyram S. Thomas, there would be no ice cream served.
  If it's a work day and he drives, he would be late getting there, had 
it not been for Garrett A. Morgan who was responsible for the electric 
traffic light. You say he could take the subway. No way. Black 
inventors, Granville T. Woods and Elijah McCoy, made it all possible. 
Woods invented the third rail which made subway transit possible. And 
McCoy alone with 75 other inventions developed the system for automatic 
lubricating of locomotive machinery. Have you heard the expression, 
it's the ``real McCoy''. That's him.
  And the list of things to be boycotted goes on and on. The first 
successful open-heart surgery was performed by Dr. Daniel Hale. The 
recipe for potato chips was invented by Dr. George Washington Carver 
who, born a slave, received international acclaim for his research in 
agriculture. He developed products 
[[Page H2054]]  from peanuts, sweet potatoes, and pecans. This 
beautiful human being, a perfect example of personal selflessness, 
never made a nickel from his creative genius. He refused to patent his 
discoveries saying, ``God gave them to me. How can I sell them to 
someone else.''
  During his 45 years of experimentation with simple plants, he created 
more than 300 products from the peanut, including soap, ink, dyes, 
paint, and nitroglycerin. From the sweet potato, he made 118 products, 
including flour, shoe polish, and candy. From the pecan another 75 
products. He made synthetic marble from wood shavings; dyes from clay; 
and starch, gum, and wallboard from cotton stalks.
  The best way I can explain why this is important is the quote from 
Justice John W. Hammond of the Supreme Judicial Court of the
 State of Massachusetts. He once said to Irishmen attending a St. 
Patrick's Day celebration:

       * * * You are of Irish ancestry and are proud of it. I am 
     of the strongest pilgrim ancestry, and am proud of it. It is 
     right, proper, and beneficial that each of us maintain those 
     memories which are peculiar to ourselves. It is right for us 
     to emulate the virtues of our ancestors as it is right to 
     criticize their faults and avoid them if we can * * *

  If both black and white know the complete history of our country and 
all of the people who contributed to it, very few will join the ranks 
of those who say, ``I just don't like black people.''
  I know that I have departed from today's theme a little. But, it is 
because I believe that our theme's importance lies in its relation to 
the issues of today. The purpose of history is to learn from our 
mistakes and to find hope in our accomplishments. By studying the works 
of DuBois, Douglass, and Washington, you will get an understanding of 
where black people have been and how far we have to go. In doing so, it 
will help you to understand the problems that black people face and to 
come up with effective solutions to these problems. But, if nothing 
else, you will learn that black people are a people with a rich 
history.
  In closing, I commend my colleagues for recognizing the contributions 
of great black Americans. However, I encourage them to move beyond 
recognition to constructive action. We must not forget that many of the 
black Americans we are honoring this month were selfless men and women 
who went beyond the call of duty to make the American dream a reality 
for all Americans. Some of them even gave their lives for this purpose. 
It is incumbent upon us to build upon their accomplishments. Anything 
less would be derision.
  Mr. FAZIO. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues today in this special 
order recognizing the accomplishments of African-Americans and their 
contributions to our Nation's history.
  Black History Month gives all Americans the opportunity to appreciate 
and understand the involvement of African-Americans in America's 
history and society. Arising from a legacy of slavery and oppression, 
African-Americans have made ongoing contributions to America's 
agriculture and industry. There is no area in which their ongoing 
presence and contributions are not felt--be it the military, 
Government, education, literature, the sciences, entertainment, the 
arts, sports, or social reform--all while struggling for equality and 
freedom, and fighting to counteract the effects of the racism that 
continues to pervade our society.
  The theme for 1995's Black History Month is ``Reflections on 1895: 
Douglass, DuBois, Washington.'' A reflection on the lives of these men 
is particularly important in this day and age because of their immense 
contribution to equality and freedom for all. These great men shared 
one important quality. They all sought freedom and equality through 
knowledge. They refused to accept the limitations that society placed 
on them. They sought to change their world by writing, speaking, and 
living lives that were influenced by the belief that all men, 
regardless of color, are created equal. They showed all Americans how 
much better a world in which all are equal can be. Because of this I 
recognize them and urge all Americans to live by their example. We 
often take the freedoms that Douglass, Dubois, and Washington worked so 
hard to achieve for granted. Imagine how much better our country and 
world would be if all of us had the energy and zest for learning that 
made them great men.
  Mr. Speaker, I am honored to participate in this opportunity to 
highlight the accomplishments and contributions of our African-
Americans citizens. I also commend the distinguished gentleman from 
Virginia [Mr. Payne], chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, and 
the distinguished gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Stokes], for calling this 
special order, and I thank them both for including me in this effort.
  Mr. PICKETT. Mr. Speaker, the month of February provides us with the 
opportunity to examine, explore, and celebrate African-American 
history. I thank Mr. Stokes for calling this special order today in 
honor of African-American Heritage Month.
  In light of the 1995 theme for Black History Month, ``Reflections on 
1895: Douglas, DuBois, Washington'', it is fitting to note that 92 
years ago, in 1903, W.E.B. DuBois began writing what has become one of 
the great works not only of American literature but also of American 
history, ``The Souls of Black Folk.'' In this work, DuBois paints his 
vision of an ideal America, an America in which Americans of all races 
develop in large conformity to the greater ideals of the American 
Republic, in order that some day on American soil two world-races may 
give each to each those characteristics both so sadly lack. Well, that 
``some day'' has arrived.
  While DuBois provided America with an ideal to aspire to, it is the 
many African-Americans who have followed in this great leader's 
footsteps who have transformed his vision into reality. African-
American artists, musicians, authors, politicians, educators, 
scientists, doctors, and athletes have acted as emissaries of their 
culture and heritage, facilitating an exchange of ideas and values 
amongst the American people.
  To witness a clear and quite poetic symbiosis of two races, one need 
only look as far as the world of music. African-American musicians and 
composers have heavily influenced American music by introducing new 
musical forms and acquainting America with the traditional music of 
Africa. Songs and rhythms which were once confined to slave cabins now 
echo around the country.
  In the early 20th century, the meshing of ragtime and blues resulted 
in jazz as we know it today. The lively rags of Scott Joplin, the blues 
of B.B. King, and the jazz of Ray Charles have become mainstays of 
American music. White America of the early 20th century was taken by 
this beautiful art form, moved by its melodies and touched by its 
depth. The music of black Americans spoke to all Americans, telling a 
story of both suffering and triumph.
  Rock and roll of the mid 1900's owes much of its rhythm and style to 
patterns which emerged out of African-American music. African-Americans 
have inspired and enlarged the music world, passing their musical 
message not only onto American audiences but onto international 
audiences as well. Stars such as Diana Ross, Stevie Wonder, and Whitney 
Houston have enjoyed international fame. And in attaining that fame 
these individuals have shared with the world their black heritage and 
culture.
  Music, whether lyrical or not, has a special way of speaking to its 
listener. Its rhythm, tone, and melody tell a story as effectively as 
any novel. All that is required is a willing and open ear. African-
American music speaks to a listening America, as one world race gives 
to the other characteristics which it lacks. DuBois himself recognized 
the power of music and its ability to convey thoughts, feelings, and 
even social agendas. In fact, DuBois entitled the final chapter of 
``The Souls of Black Folk,'' ``Of the Sorrow Songs''.
  In this concluding chapter, DuBois studies and analyzes certain 
popular slave songs. DuBois argues that the Sorrow Songs ``breathe a 
hope -a faith in the ultimate justice of things. The minor cadences of 
despair change often to triumph and calm confidence''. But whatever the 
case, DuBois declares that in these songs, ``the meaning is always 
clear: that sometime, somewhere, men will judge men by their souls and 
not by their skins''. That sometime and that somewhere are now, today, 
in America. The Sorrow Songs have spoken, they have delivered their 
message, and they have been heard. In celebrating Black History Month, 
let us celebrate this triumph. Let us celebrate the attainment of 
W.E.B. DuBois' vision of America.
  Mr. DIXON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the Crenshaw High 
School students participating in the school's choir and the 
enterprising students from this school who have dedicated themselves to 
Food from the 'Hood, the Nation's first student-owned natural foods 
company. As we observe Black History Month, I believe it is important 
to acknowledge these students who have worked hard to reach their 
potential and create opportunities for themselves.
  Food from the 'Hood has an ambitious company mission that seeks to 
illustrate the potential of young adults and provide them with jobs, 
give back to the community, and prove that businesses can be socially 
responsible and profitable. The students have successfully marketed 
their first product, Straight Out the Garden Creamy Italian Salad 
Dressing, at over 10 major grocery stores in southern California. 
Profits from the project are used for scholarships for the student-
owners and contributions to local charities.
  In response to the Los Angeles disturbances, a science teacher at 
Crenshaw High School, Ms. Tammy Bird, encouraged her students to 
restore the school's garden and give the food to the needy. On December 
18, 1992, the students reaped their first harvest 
[[Page H2055]]  and donated it to a local food bank, Helpers for the 
Homeless and the Hungry. While always giving at least 25 percent to the 
needy, the students also sold produce, enabling them to provide $600 
worth of college scholarships to three graduating students. With the 
help of Ms. Melinda McMullen, a former marketing executive, the 
students soon expanded their base and formalized the concept of a 
student-owned business.
  In devising a means through which they could further their education 
and enhance the quality of life within their community, these young 
entrepreneurs have served as examples for our youth and have provided a 
source of much-needed hope to the inner city community of Los Angeles.
  Another group of students from Crenshaw High School has inspired the 
Los Angeles community and people all over the world. The Crenshaw High 
School Choir consists of over 200 talented and dedicated students who 
have consistently been recognized for their outstanding music. Iris 
Stevenson, the dedicated and inspirational director of the choir, has 
taken representatives of Crenshaw High School Elite Choir to the 
Caribbean and France. The choir won the Jamaican Jazz Festival 4 years 
in a row and performed in French at Nice's Worldwide Music Festival in 
1992 and 1993. The group is currently performing at the festival in 
France. The talented Elite Choir has performed on several television 
shows and was the inspiration for Disney's ``Sister Act II.''
  Black History Month is an important time to look at the contributions 
made by African-Americans to this nation. It is also a time to look at 
where our children will take the country in the future. The students at 
Crenshaw High School show us the positive aspirations of this 
generation and the inspirational and caring way that they contribute to 
our society. I am pleased to have this opportunity to commend the 
outstanding students of the Crenshaw Choir and Food from the 'Hood. 
They inspire hope for our future. I also commend the Principal of 
Crenshaw High School, Mrs. Yvonne Noble, and Mrs. Iris Stevenson, Ms. 
Tammy Bird and the other instructors who work with these students.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in 
commemorating Black History Month for 1995. I would like to thank the 
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Stokes] for arranging the time for this 
special order.
  Black History Month is an appropriate time to commemorate the great 
black men and women who have contributed so much to our society. This 
year we are paying special attention to the deeds of three black 
leaders who were changing America 100 years ago and more.
  Frederick Douglass was an escaped slave who rose up in the face of 
opposition to meet and conquer any and all obstacles. An abolitionist 
leader at a young age, Douglass spread his ideas through writings and 
speeches and probably did more to call to the attention of the entire 
world the injustice and inhumanity of slavery than any other individual 
of his generation of any race. His talents and influence as an orator 
were unmatched in his time. While living as a fugitive in England, he 
earned enough money to purchase his own freedom. His accomplishments 
while working for the Federal Government as an advisor to President 
Lincoln and later as a diplomat are outstanding examples of what a 
determined, hard-working individual can achieve in the face of great 
odds and underscore the adage that one committed individual can indeed 
accomplish a great deal. Frederick Douglass died one hundred years ago 
this year, but his ideals are immortal.
  William E.B. DuBois, whose birthday we celebrate tomorrow, was the 
first African-American to receive a Ph.D. in history from Harvard. He 
went on to publish dozens of books and articles concerning the Black 
condition, and founded the NAACP. He spent an incredibly busy lifetime 
teaching African Americans to work toward social emancipation by 
fighting for their Civil Rights. This made him one of the most 
influential men of all time, but also made him a major opponent of 
Booker T. Washington. Washington believed that Afro-Americans could 
enjoy the full fruits of freedom by achieving economic self-sufficiency 
within a segregated society. W.E.B. DuBois contended that as long as 
the races were kept separate, true equality and freedom was impossible. 
While Washington's philosophy was endorsed in the Supreme Court 
decision Plessy versus Ferguson (1896), it was DuBois' view that 
ultimately prevailed, when the Court reversed itself in 1954, ruling in 
Brown versus Board of Education of Topeka that segregated facilities in 
education are inherently unequal.
  Booker T. Washington, like Frederick Douglass, rose out of a 
childhood in bondage to accomplish significant deeds. While 
controversial, his ideas helped motivate southern blacks to improve 
their economic situation. In retrospect, many today deplore 
Washington's argument that freedom for Afro-Americans could be won 
through economic improvement and self-reliance, without social 
equality. But we must remember the times in which he lived, and 
remember that all progress in human history has come about one step at 
a time. It is doubtful that future advances could have been made had 
not Booker T. Washington become a living symbol of his race, blazing a 
trail in his own
 day by specific symbolic achievements, such as becoming the first 
Black person invited to dine at the White House. Washington's founding 
of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, the first institute of higher 
learning for Afro-Americans in the nation, have earned him an immortal 
place in the hearts of all of us.

  As my colleagues have pointed out, these three men changed American 
society in ways that are yet to be equaled. They are not alone, 
however, as black heroes and leaders. Our history books do not yet tell 
of all the most significant African Americans and all they have done to 
make America the fine country that it is today.
  For example, Crispus Attucks, a free black man who, at the Boston 
Massacre, was the first American to die for the Revolutionary cause. 
After our War of Independence was won, a black man by the name of 
Benjamin Banneker laid out our Capital City of Washington, D.C.
  Black men and women were among the most courageous and determined 
fighters in the war to end slavery. While thousands of African 
Americans were dying at the hands of their owners as examples to their 
peers, thousands more were escaping to the north by way of the 
Underground Railroad founded by Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman. And 
of course, let us not forget the tens of thousands of black soldiers 
who sacrificed their lives to end slavery in the Civil War.
  While the Civil War helped to end slavery in policy, it did little to 
end social slavery. When Jim Crow laws threatened to prevent black men 
and women from assimilating into the American culture that had been 
denied them for so long, leaders such as Douglas, DuBois, and 
Washington fought to end such barbaric policies. Their work paved the 
way for the great Civil Rights Movement of the 1960's, in which the 
moral conscience of the entire nation was awakened, and in which our 
laws were finally brought into compliance with the ideals of our own 
American Revolution, Declaration of Independence, Constitution, and 
Bill of Rights.
  Black History Month is an appropriate time to recall and recite the 
events in which black Americans changed our nation's policies and 
attitudes. But we must also remind our students that the struggle for 
equality goes on today not only in The United States but also broad. 
Fortunately, today we are blessed with heroic black men and women who 
work to bring our races closer together and set a shining example for 
our youth.
  It is imperative that we not simply acknowledge Black History this 
month, forgetting about it in months to come. The contributions of 
African Americans to our society are truly overwhelming yet are too 
often taken for granted. I urge my colleagues to bear these 
contributions in mind throughout our deliberations.
  Our Nation's rich diversity sets it apart from every other nation on 
the face of the Earth. If we embrace that diversity and learn from it, 
then nothing will stand in our way. Black Americans have significantly 
contributed to every facet of our society and therefore our culture. 
This, Mr. Speaker, is the point that we must teach our children, in 
hopes that they too will one day teach their children these thoughts.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, in celebration of this year's theme, I am 
pleased to be here today to honor the memories of three great African-
Americans in recognition of Black History Month. But first let us 
recognize Dr. Carter G. Woodson, the man who in 1926 first called for a 
period of time to be set aside for the recognition of important 
historical achievements by African-Americans. It is his legacy that we 
also celebrate today, and his work to create this important holiday.
  One hundred years ago, Mr. Speaker, in 1895, the lives of three 
giants in history intersected. Frederick Douglass, runaway slave and 
later educator to thousands, passed away. He left behind a legacy that 
has continued to inspire those who love freedom.
  After successfully escaping from slavery, he traveled widely, 
speaking against the enslavement of people everywhere and supporting 
the rights of women. He later held various government posts, including 
the territorial legislature of the District of Columbia.
  Mr. Speaker, Frederick Douglass was a man who refused to accept 
defeat. Even though he had been taught to build ships, the indignities 
of prejudice forced him to work as a common laborer. He helped 
President Lincoln to organize the celebrated 54th and 55th 
Massachusetts regiments of all black soldiers. And shortly before his 
death, he served as the consul general to the Republic of Haiti. 
Frederick Douglass led a life of which we could all 
[[Page H2056]]  be proud, Mr. Speaker, and which deserves our highest 
honor.
  Mr. Speaker, W.E.B. DuBois was a prolific writer who challenged all 
our views about race. In 1895 he received his Ph.D. in history from 
Harvard University, the first African-American to receive such an 
honor. He worked as a professor at a number of universities before 
becoming involved with what was called the Niagra Movement.
  As a founding member of the NAACP Dr. DuBois believed that an 
important goal for African-Americans was the utilization of any and all 
educational opportunities. He stressed the need for African-Americans 
to promote their own cultural and social values.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, Booker T. Washington delivered a famous speech 
in 1895, which outlined his philosophy of vocational education as an 
avenue of advancement. Mr. Washington's speech at the Atlanta 
Exposition urged the African-Americans at that time to try and gain an 
industrial education in order to make use of the rural areas where many 
blacks lived. Although his views were considered controversial at the 
time, he helped to further the dialog that led to equal rights for all 
of America's citizens.
  Mr. Speaker, these three men made their mark on history by pursuing 
truth, justice and equality. They were truly great statesmen, and great 
leaders.
  Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to take part in this Special 
Order on Black History Month to recognize the achievements and 
contributions that African-Americans have made to our country. I would 
like to thank Congressman Louis Stokes and Congressman Donald M. Payne 
for organizing this opportunity to applaud the accomplishments of the 
African-American culture. Since 1976, the month of February has been 
celebrated as Black History Month. But the origins date back to 1926 
when Dr. Carter G. Woodson had the vision to set aside a week in the 
month of February to celebrate the accomplishments and heritage of 
African-Americans.
  Indeed, it would be foolish not to recognize such a large part of our 
heritage. On the national scene, the contributions that African-
Americans have made to our society are innumerable. Through literature, 
we have been blessed with the powerful writings of Maya Angelou, W.E.B. 
DuBois, and Alice Walker. We all have received joy from listening to 
the stirring melodies of Ray Charles, Aretha Franklin and Duke 
Ellington.
  While all of these are important contributions, what I find to be of 
equal importance are those of people who are in our own community: The 
men and women who live down the street, attend the same church with 
you, or whose children play with your own. These men and women have 
performed extraordinary acts of bravery and selflessness that should 
make us all proud. Indeed, Alonzo Swann, a World War II veteran from 
Northwest Indiana, was just awarded the Navy Cross for showing 
extraordinary bravery in the face of Japanese Kamikaze attacks.
  The theme for Black History Month this year is ``Reflections on 1895: 
Douglass, Dubois and Washington.'' In keeping with the dedication to 
education and political involvement these men supported, Ms. Patricia 
Harris, Supervisor of the Gary Community School Corporation's Staff 
Development Center, sponsored several events that helped to educate the 
citizens of Gary about the accomplishments of African-Americans in 
Northwest Indiana. Among these events was a presentation by Quentin P. 
Smith, telling about his experiences during World War II as a member of 
the Tuskegee Airmen, a special cadet program established to train black 
aviators. Smith, a resident of Gary and member of the 477th Bombardment 
Group, recounted his experience as one of 101 airmen who protested 
segregated officers club facilities at Freemen Field in Seymour, 
Indiana and were consequently threatened with court martial. An 
independent commission of inquiry, appointed by President Truman, 
exonerated the airmen and ordered integration of the club. In addition 
to Mr. Smith, Ms. Dharthula Millender spoke about the origins of the 
City of Gary and the crucial role that African-Americans had in forming 
the city. In the city's first census, African-Americans numbered 100 of 
the first 334 people in the area. Ms. Millender also pointed out that 
as Northwest Indiana's steel mills grew, steelworkers were recruited 
from all over the U.S. and in many European countries. The result was 
that, from its beginning, the people of Gary had an appreciation for 
its multi-ethnic community.
  The goal of these programs is to teach Gary's parents and children 
about their community's history. I commend Patricia Harris and the 
staff of the Staff Development Center for taking the initiative to make 
the teachings of Black History Month extend throughout the rest of the 
year. By having our children learn about a part of their culture, we 
can help ignorance give way to understanding and realize that we all 
are created equal. In closing, I commend and thank all of the people of 
Northwest Indiana, who in their own special way have brought special 
meaning to this month. Again, I would like to thank my distinguished 
colleagues, Congressmen Stokes and Payne, for giving the U.S. House of 
Representatives this special opportunity to celebrate Black History 
Month.


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