Congressional Record, Volume 141 Issue 19 (Tuesday, January 31, 1995)

[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 19 (Tuesday, January 31, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H906-H954]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

UNFUNDED MANDATE REFORM ACT OF 1995

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 38 and rule
XXIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union for the further consideration of the bill,
H.R. 5.

{time} 1208
in the committee of the whole

Accordingly the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union for the further consideration of the
bill (H.R. 5) to curb the practice of imposing unfunded Federal
mandates on States and local governments, to ensure that the Federal
Government pays the costs incurred by those governments in complying
with certain requirements under Federal statutes and regulations, and
to provide information on the cost of Federal mandates on the private
sector, and for other purposes, with Mr. Emerson in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. When the Committee of the Whole rose on Monday, January
30, 1995, the amendments en bloc offered by the gentleman from
Louisiana [Mr. Fields] had been disposed of and title I was open for
amendment at any point.
Are there any amendments to title I?
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
I do so, Mr. Chairman, to sort of review where we are and where we
hope to go, where we hope to be by the end of this day and the next
couple of days. The good news is that we have over the last 6 days
disposed of about 24 amendments and mercifully we have now completed
action on section 4 of the bill.
I would say that I express my appreciation to Members on both sides
of the aisle for the spirit in which the debate was conducted
yesterday. I think we moved expeditiously through the amendments in a
very orderly way and I was very indebted to the gentlewoman from
Illinois [Mrs. Collins] for her support as we went through the process
yesterday.

{time} 1230

The bad news, however, is that we have about 130 or so amendments to
go. All of the what I consider to be weakening amendments that were
offered in terms of exemptions to the bill were defeated, not because
the programs sought to be exempted by those amendments were not worthy
and meritorious and had great value, because I think many of them did
and do, but frankly because H.R. 5 poses absolutely no threat to the
present administration, the present way those programs are being
implemented, and really only asks us to be accountable to any
additional mandates that may be imposed as a result of those provisions
in the future.
So, I think those amendments have been defeated now, we have now
moved on. Today we are going to take up title I to the bill, which is
an attempt to look at what may be duplicative and redundant in the
existing mandates. It is my hope that we can complete expeditiously
title I to the bill. I think there are not too many areas in dispute in
that, and I have discussed this with the gentlewoman from Illinois
[Mrs. Collins] and I think she agrees we can move rather expeditiously
through title I. And it is my hope we can do that, and it is my intent,
Mr. Chairman, to complete title I and II before we rise tonight.
Let me stress it is not my intent to limit consideration of any and
all amendments. This is an open rule, and we are respecting that. I
think that every Member should have an opportunity to offer their
amendment and have it considered.
Nor do I, Mr. Chairman, want to limit debate on the amendments that
will be offered, and I will only seek to do so, and I hope I would not
have to seek to do so, if it becomes clear that we are frankly beating
amendments to death. I do not think that is going to
[[Page H907]] happen. I really sense we are moving toward an orderly
resolution of the remaining titles.
So, Mr. Chairman, I would just say that I look forward to the
discussion of today. I think we do have some interesting issues in
title II that deserve a full airing today. As I say, I hope we can move
fairly rapidly through title I.
But, in closing, I would just say that there is a bipartisan, I
think, majority of this House that is here and has been here for the
last 7 days trying to do what President Clinton himself has requested.
I would repeat what I read into the Record yesterday at this time when
the President spoke to the National Governors.

We are strongly supporting the move to get unfunded
mandates legislation passed in the Congress and are
encouraged by the work that was done in the United States
Senate where, as I remember, the bill passed 86 to 10 last
week. After a really open and honest discussion of all
appropriate amendments, the legislation is now moving through
the House--I think there are about 100 amendments pending--
but I think they will move through it in a fairly expeditious
way, just as the Senate did.

Mr. Chairman, I would encourage Members on both sides to comply with
what the President has requested as we move into day 7.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Schiff

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Schiff:
Amend title I to read as follows:

TITLE I--REVIEW OF UNFUNDED FEDERAL MANDATES

SEC. 101. REPORT ON UNFUNDED FEDERAL MANDATES BY ADVISORY
COMMISSION ON INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS.

(a) In General.--The Advisory Commission shall in
accordance with this section--
(1) investigate and review the role of unfunded Federal
mandates in intergovernmental relations and their impact on
State, local, tribal, and Federal Government objectives and
responsibilities, and their impact on the competitive balance
between States, local and tribal governments, and the private
sector; and
(2) make recommendations to the President and the Congress
regarding--
(A) allowing flexibility for State, local, and tribal
governments in complying with specific unfunded Federal
mandates for which terms of compliance are unnecessarily
rigid or complex;
(B) reconciling any 2 or more unfunded Federal mandates
which impose contradictory or inconsistent requirements;
(C) terminating unfunded Federal mandates which are
duplicative, obsolete, or lacking in practical utility;
(D) suspending, on a temporary basis, unfunded Federal
mandates which are not vital to public health and safety and
which compound the fiscal difficulties of State, local, and
tribal governments, including recommendations for triggering
such suspension;
(E) consolidating or simplifying unfunded Federal mandates,
or the planning or reporting requirements of such mandates,
in order to reduce duplication and facilitate compliance by
State, local, and tribal governments with those mandates;
(F) establishing common Federal definitions or standards to
be used by State, local, and tribal governments in complying
with unfunded Federal mandates that use different definitions
or standards for the same terms or principles; and
(G) establishing procedures to ensure that, in cases in
which a Federal private sector mandate applies to private
sector entities which are competing directly or indirectly
with States, local governments, or tribal governments for the
purpose of providing substantially similar goods or services
to the public, any relief from unfunded Federal mandates is
applied in the same manner and to the same extent to the
private sector entities as it is to the States, local
governments, and tribal governments with which they compete.

Each recommendation under paragraph (2) shall, to the extent
practicable, identify the specific unfunded Federal mandates
to which the recommendation applies.
(b) Criteria.--
(1) In general.--The Advisory Commission shall establish
criteria for making recommendations under subsection (a).
(2) Issuance of proposed criteria..--The Advisory
Commission shall issue proposed criteria under this
subsection not later than 60 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, and thereafter provide a period of 30
days for submission by the public of comments on the proposed
criteria.
(3) Final criteria.--Not later than 45 days after the date
of issuance of proposed criteria, the Advisory Commission
shall--
(A) consider comments on the proposed criteria received
under paragraph (2);
(B) adopt and incorporate in final criteria any
recommendations submitted in those comments that the Advisory
Commission determines will aid the Advisory Commission in
carrying out its duties under this section; and
(C) issue final criteria under this subsection.
(c) Preliminary Report.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 9 months after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Advisory Commission shall--
(A) prepare and publish a preliminary report on its
activities under this title, including preliminary
recommendations pursuant to subsection (a);
(B) publish in the Federal Register a notice of
availability of the preliminary report; and
(C) provide copies of the preliminary report to the public
upon request.
(2) Public hearings.--The Advisory Commission shall hold
public hearings on the preliminary recommendations contained
in the preliminary report of the Advisory Commission under
this subsection.
(d) Final Report.--Not later than 3 months after the date
of the publication of the preliminary report under subsection
(c), the Advisory Commission shall submit to the Congress,
including the Committee on government Reform and Oversight of
the House of Representatives and the Committee on
Governmental Affairs of the Senate, and to the President a
final report on the findings, conclusions, and
recommendations of the Advisory Commission under this
section.

SEC. 102. SPECIAL AUTHORITIES OF ADVISORY COMMISSION.

(a) Experts and Consultants.--The Advisory Commission may
procure temporary and intermittent services of experts or
consultants under section 3109(b) of title 5, United States
Code.
(b) Staff of Federal Agencies.--Upon request of the
Executive Director of the Advisory Commission, the head of
any Federal department of agency may detail, on a
reimbursable basis, any of the personnel of that department
or agency to the Advisory Commission to assist it in carrying
out its duties under this title.
(c) Administrative Support Services.--Upon the request of
the Advisory Commission, the Administrator of General
Services shall provide to the Advisory Commission, on a
reimbursable basis, the administrative support services
necessary for the Advisory Commission to carry out its duties
under this title.
(d) Contract Authority.--The Advisory Commission may,
subject to appropriations, contract with and compensate
Government and private agencies or persons for property and
services used to carry out its duties under this title.

SEC. 103. DEFINITION.

In this title:
(1) Advisory commission.--The term ``Advisory Commission''
means the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations.
(2) Federal mandate.--The term ``Federal mandate'' means
any provision in statute or regulation or any Federal court
ruling that imposes an enforceable duty upon States, local
governments, or tribal governments including a condition of
Federal assistance or a duty arising from participation in a
voluntary Federal program.
Modification to Amendment Offered by Mr. Schiff

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I have a modification to that amendment at
the desk, and I ask that the amendment and modification be considered
together.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will report the modification.
The Clerk read as follows:

Modification to amendment offered by Mr. Schiff:
In the proposed section 101(a), after paragraph (1) insert
the following new paragraphs (and redesignate the subsequent
paragraphs accordingly):
(2) investigate and review the role of unfunded State
mandates imposed on local governments, the private sector,
and individuals;
(3) investigate and review the role of unfunded local
mandates imposed on the private sector and individuals;
In the last undesignated sentence at the end of the
proposed subsection 101(a), strike out ``paragraph (2)'' and
insert ``paragraph (4)''.
In the proposed subsection 101(b)(3)(A) strike out
``paragraph (2)'' and insert ``paragraph (4)''.
At the end of the proposed section 101, add the following
new subsection:
(e) State Mandate and Local Mandate Defined.--As used in
this title:
(1) State mandate.--The term ``State mandate'' means any
provision in a State statute or regulation that imposes an
enforceable duty on local governments, the private sector, or
individuals, including a condition of State assistance or a
duty arising from participation in a voluntary State program.
(2) Local mandate.--The Term ``local mandate'' means any
provision in a local ordinance or regulation that imposes an
enforceable duty on the private sector or individuals,
including a condition of local assistance or a duty arising
from participation in a voluntary local program.

Mr. SCHIFF (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent
[[Page H908]] that the modification be considered as read and printed
in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
New Mexico?
There was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the modification is agreed to.
There was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] is
recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, first of all, I am pleased to say that the
amendment that I am about to offer was put together on a bipartisan
basis. I worked very closely with the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman]
on our side, and with the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], the
gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Gejdenson], and the gentlewoman from
Florida [Mrs. Meek] on the Democrat side.
This amendment makes two changes that are related to each other with
respect to title I. The main change is that it takes out the brand-new
commission that would have been created under title I to study the
unfunded mandate issue further, as called for under this bill, and
instead substitutes an existing government agency, the Advisory
Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, whose members are appointed
by the Congress and by the President on a bipartisan and independent
basis to do this task.
Related to that change is the second change. My amendment would
remove the $1 million authorization that is now contained in the bill
as originally written for this purpose, and does not provide any
authorization of additional funds.
I want to add, Mr. Chairman, that the other body, in their bill which
recently passed that body, made the first of these changes. They
substituted the Advisory Commission on International Governmental
Relations for the new commission. However, I want to point out to our
body that in their bill they added new duties in the bill that are not
anywhere part of the bill nor part of my amendment. And because they
added new duties, they added an authorization for the purpose of
accomplishing the new duties.
It would be my recommendation to the House that assuming our bill
passes in conference, we take up their additions and their proposed
authorization as a matter of conference between the two Houses.
However, my particular amendment does not contain new duties and does
not contain any authorization. So the net effect of my amendment is to
make a net reduction in the authorization by $1 million.
Mr. Chairman, I want to say that we have been advised by the
Parliamentarian that because my amendment made so many changes it is in
the nature of a substitute to title I, and therefore those other
Members who may seek to amend title I may do so as amendments in the
second degree to the amendment I am now offering. But I would like to
explain that the modification which I offered, and which is now a part
of my amendment, is the adoption of the language offered by the
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fattah], which was a modification to
title I which was offered out of order previously in consideration of
this bill. If that modification is not accepted into my amendment, then
it could essentially get lost if my amendment is adopted by the House
in the nature of a substitute to title I. That is the sole purpose of
the modification that I have offered: to protect the language offered
by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fattah] and make sure it is
continued in the language I am offering, if my language is adopted.
Mrs. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the amendment offered by my
colleague, the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] as well as the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], the gentleman from Connecticut
[Mr. Gejdenson], and the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman]. We
originally offered this amendment during our full committee markup in
the House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight that is so ably
served by our chairman and by our ranking member.
I felt then, as I do now, that it makes no sense to create and fund a
new bureaucracy. I think we are on the right track here. A new
commission on unfunded Federal mandates we do not need to study that
this year. We already have an Advisory Committee on Intergovernmental
Relations. It has conducted several studies which seem to have validity
on the Federal mandates issue. It has the expertise.
I am very happy my colleague, the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr.
Schiff], also removed the $1 million fiscal impact of such an endeavor,
because wherever we can cut and save money the better it is, and this
commission is already serving a similar purpose. They can do the job,
and we need to let them do it.
I want my colleagues to support this amendment because it is one that
has inculcated a bipartisan support and bipartisan input on that
committee.

{time} 1220

I have some concerns about H.R. 5, and I have supported and will
support the amendments to strengthen and improve this bill, and I think
that this amendment does. It saves money. It saves time. And it
maximizes the efficiency which we already have, Mr. Chairman.
With that, I want to ask all of my colleagues to support the Schiff
amendment.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Let me first of all commend the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr.
Schiff], who is a member of the ACIR, for this amendment and also the
gentlewoman from Florida [Mrs. Meek], who has been a principal
architect and author of this amendment. I think it is a good amendment.
I think it recognizes, takes into account, that we have an existing
commission which has done a great deal of work in this whole area over
many, many years.
Initially my only concern with using ACIR as the commission to
undertake this task was that the commission is very, very deliberate in
what it does, and my concern was that it might take too long a period
of time. We have already put this commission on a fairly short leash
and said we really want to have a report back from the commission
within a year's time as to what should be done or should not be done.
My only concern initially was ACIR might not be able to do what was
required within the time that we gave them. I have since had
conversations with Governor Winter, who is the head of the ACIR. He
assured me the commission has taken that into account, will comply with
our time restraints, will proceed with the work, so having been
reassured in my own mind that the commission can in fact do that job we
ask them to do in title II, I can now enthusiastically support the
amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Schiff amendment to substitute
the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations for the Unfunded
Mandate Commission contained in H.R. 5.
This issue was first brought to the attention of the Government
Reform Committee by Representative Carrie Meek during our committee
markup of H.R. 5. Mrs. Meek offered this very substitute, but withdrew
it at the request of Chairman Clinger.
If we must have another mandate report, at least we should not waste
taxpayer money. The Unfunded Mandate Commission in H.R. 5 is pure
Government waste. Why should we throw away $1 million in taxpayer money
to set up another Government commission?
This amendment would substitute the language in last year's bill, and
require the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations to
do the mandate report.
The U.S. Advisory Commission is nonpartisan, and has done numerous
reports on unfunded mandates. These reports serve as the background for
much of the work that has already been done in this area.
It is irrational to set a new Commission, with new staff, to do work
that can be done by an existing Commission, with the existing staff.
The American people are sick and tired of Congress wasting millions of
dollars on unnecessary commissions.
Let us stop doing business as usual around here. Let us put an end to
Government waste. I urge support for this amendment. I fully support
this, and I
[[Page H909]] am very happy that both the minority and the majority
side have been able to agree on this amendment.
This is a darn good amendment.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. I want to thank the gentlewoman. Obviously we have had a
number of differences on other parts of this bill. I just want to thank
the distinguished ranking member from Illinois for working with our
side, working with me and other Members, the gentlewoman from Florida
[Mrs. Meek], the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Gejdenson], the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], for working in a common interest
where we can agree to make some progress on the bill. I want to express
my appreciation.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I wanted to tell the vice-chair of the
committee we certainly have enjoyed the opportunity of working with him
and found he was certainly eager to enable us to work with him on this
very important issue, and we are glad we had comity in this case.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
I just rise to support the efforts of my colleagues, the gentleman
from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff], my colleagues on the other side including
the gentlewoman from Florida [Mrs. Meek], to offer the strengthening
amendment to the bill. I think it clarifies and strengthens what we are
trying to do here. It should be noted there have been five major
studies produced by ACIR in the last decade on this very issue of
unfunded Federal mandates. I think theirs is certainly the professional
organization in a position to do this job. It is made up of 26 members
of all levels of government, local, State, and Federal.
I think the gentlewoman from Florida [Mrs. Meek] is to be commended
for raising this issue. I think in the end, as the vice chairman has
noted, this will save the taxpayers money. We will end up with a better
product.
I also will say I, too, have been in discussions with ACIR. I think
they are properly motivated and properly focused on the timeframe that
the chairman, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger], has noted.
So I have every confidence they are going to come through.
I would also say the Senate has approved a very similar amendment so
that the Senate and the House bills will be, if not identical, very
similar on this subject. ACIR is going to be given the responsibility
and the authority to do this job.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I also rise in support of this amendment.
I would like to ask the gentleman from New Mexico the effect of
deleting the specific $1 million portion of appropriations. Is that
limiting or delimiting the ability of the Commission to function?
I was walking over here as you were explaining it, I suspect, but I
know that you made reference to the additional responsibilities that
this Commission would have to take on as a result of the Senate action.
Is it your intention to supply sufficient resources or to eliminate
the resources that we would make available?
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MORAN. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. I appreciate the gentleman yielding.
The intent of my amendment would remove at this time the
authorization for new funds for this Commission which may now be the
existing Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations. That
agency is already funded at approximately $1 million a year. Now, as
the gentleman indicated and as I did refer to earlier, the Senate in
their bill gave new duties. They adopted the Advisory Commission in
place of a brandnew Commission. They then added new duties in the bill
and provided an authorization, because they thought they had reached a
point where some additional authorization was necessary even to an
existing Commission.
My amendment does not offer extensive new duties and, therefore, I do
not offer any additional authorization. I think if the House adopts my
amendment and adopts this bill, that would be a matter of conference
between our two Houses as to whether we wanted to have sufficient
additional duties and some additional authorization.
Mr. MORAN. Reclaiming my time. I thank the gentleman for the
explanation.
I am concerned that with such an important bill if
we do not give the Commission that is delegated the responsibility
of defining mandates and determining their impact, then all of this
effort is for nought if we do not have sufficient resources to carry
out this responsibility. So I have some concern with not providing
sufficient funds.

I do not want underscore the importance of having the Advisory
Commission on Intergovernmental Relations take on this responsibility.
For those of you who are not familiar with it, it is chaired by the
former Governor of Mississippi, Bill Winter; a very active member is
the Republican mayor of Knoxville, TN, Victor Ashe, who is also
president of the United States Conference of Mayors; a former senior
staff person for the National League of Cities is executive director;
Gov. Mike Leavitt is a very active member; the Democratic mayor of
Philadelphia, Ed Rendell, is a very active member. It is totally
bipartisan. In fact, it is fully committed to the principles espoused
in the unfunded-mandates legislation we are currently considering. Over
the last year, in fact, they have worked on defining a definition of
mandates, the principles and processes involved in seeking relief for
State and local governments, the guidelines for evaluating existing
mandates and implementing mandate-relief legislation.
So they are the ideal body. They were created 30 years ago, and they
have a history of being responsive to the issue that has caused us, the
Congress, to devote the last 2 weeks to the concerns of State and local
governments. So I am strongly in support of this amendment to the
legislation.
I have some concern that within the legislation the Commission is
required to come up with a criteria upon 60 days of enactment of this
legislation. If we do not pass this amendment which designates ACIR, it
is impossible to put a new Commission together in time to have the
criteria, because the legislation actually designates the Commission to
take operation within 60 days as well, so, in other words, the
legislation empowers the Commission 2 months after enactment, but
within 2 months after enactment, the Commission also has to have the
report ready. So if we do not pass this amendment, we are going to have
to revise some of the proposed legislation.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MORAN. I yield to the gentleman from Connecticut.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Chairman, I just rise in support of the gentleman
from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] and the gentleman from Virginia [Mr.
Moran] and the gentlewoman from Florida [Mrs. Meek] and all the other
speakers. This makes a lot of sense, even for those who have some
doubts about the general legislation. This is an obvious improvement.
It saves money and takes an existing institution with some memory to
get the job done.

{time} 1230

Mr. MORAN. I thank the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Gejdenson] for
his comments.
Mr. FLANAGAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
(Mr. FLANAGAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. FLANAGAN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of Mr. Schiff's
amendment to H.R. 5, the Unfunded Mandate Reform Act. I too believe
H.R. 5 is an important first step in gaining control of big government
spending and fulfilling the promises we made to the American people in
keeping with the Contract With America. As it stands now, H.R. 5 sends
an important message to the American people that the 104th Congress is
serious about decreasing the financial burdens on States and
localities.
Mr. Chairman, over the last 20 years, there has been a steady
increase in the number of unfunded Federal mandates passed down by the
Congress to our
[[Page H910]] State and local governments. While the number of unfunded
mandates increase, the compliance with these mandates become more
difficult. According to a GAO estimate released last year, from 1992 to
1995, Chicagoans will spend $319 million to comply with unfunded
Federal mandates. H.R. 5 puts a stop to this trend, and therefore,
relieves the burdens on our State and local governments.
The people of Chicago carry the weight of unfunded Federal mandates
such as the National Voter Registration Act, better known as the Motor-
Voter Act and the 1991 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act
at the expense of our city's educational system, infrastructure,
business community, and law enforcement. According to my colleague, Mr.
Donald Manzullo, after an additional $15 million implementation cost,
the Motor-Voter Act could cost our home State of Illinois another $2
million annually. The act will cost the Nation more than $100 million
over 5 years according to the Americans for Tax Reform. These costs do
not include the litigation cost adding up in States like California
that have chosen to sue the Federal Government rather than comply with
the unfunded mandate. That is why I have signed on as a cosponsor of
Mr. Manzullo's Motor-Voter Relief Act of 1995, which seeks to allow
States to voluntarily adopt the motor-voter bill of 1993.
Unfunded Federal mandates place a burden on States, localities, and
eventually, the taxpayers. There are many times when Federal mandates
preempt State procedures which leads to ineffective policy and wasteful
overhauls of systems that already work. Our State elected officials
know what works best in their local area and we should trust them to
make these
decisions. One example that comes to mind is a measure which Congress
previously considered that would prohibit the use of lead in piping
anywhere in the transportation of public drinking water. Historically,
all of the city of Chicago's public water lines contained lead soddar.
These public water lines have not been all replaced, consequently,
large sections essential to water trasport remain. In addition, many
water lines serving private homes are composed of lead soddar. The city
treats its water in order to assure FDA approval of our public drinking
water. This is a perfect example of how our city reached a solution
locally that ultimately satisfied the same FDA requirements that all
cities are asked to abide by. If the city was forced to replace these
public water lines that transported drinking water, it would be a
financial disaster costing Chicagoans millions of dollars.

It is not only taxpayers who are bearing the burden. It is small
business owners as well. Earlier this month the Washington Times
reported on a regulation to force a Kansas City bank to install a
Braille keypad, costing several thousand dollars, on its drive-through
automatic teller.
In addition to being financially difficult on taxpayers and small
business, unfunded Federal mandate's one-size-fits-all mentality is
extremely disturbing.
Unfunded Federal mandates lead to wasteful spending. The Center for
Study of American Business reported that in one community, the
Endangered Species Act required paying a consultant $5,000 in taxpayers
money to search for desert tortoises in dry desert washes. No tortoises
were found but the city paid the consultant fees required by the
Federal Government.
Mr. Schiff's amendment, in my opinion, is a perfecting amendment to
an already top rate piece of legislation. It is designed to eliminate
the proposed Commission on Unfunded Federal Mandates which, in my
opinion, creates more bureaucracy. Why create more Government when an
existing commission can be called upon to perform the required duties?
Not only does this amendment eliminate the creation of a new arm of the
Federal Government, it also eliminates the need to fund the proposed
Commission to the tune of $1 million.
I strongly support H.R. 5 which limits future unfunded Federal
mandates. Downscaling Government and stopping the irresponsible
spending habits of past Congresses is what I, along with many of my
colleagues, were sent here to do.
I compliment the gentleman from New Mexico on finding an avenue to do
just that and I gladly support Mr. Schiff's amendment and H.R. 5 on
behalf of the people of the Fifth District of Illinois.
Ms. LOFGREN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words, and I rise to engage in a brief colloquy with the gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger].
As the gentleman knows, I was prepared to offer an amendment,
amendment No. 89, that would ask the Commission to report back and
investigate the extent to which States require local governments,
without their consent, to perform duties imposed on State government by
the unfunded Federal mandates, including any duty to pay a matching
amount as a condition of Federal assistance.
In reviewing this matter, it has been suggested to me that this
investigatory and review function is really already included within the
scope of what will be reviewed and reported back to this Congress.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. LOFGREN. I yield to the chairman of the committee.
Mr. CLINGER. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, may I confirm to the gentlewoman that that is exactly
the intention here, that that would be included in the review, that we
want to make sure we are reviewing at all levels the impact, both of
Federal on local, of State on local, all up and down the line. So it
would be included within the language.
Ms. LOFGREN. So given that we would get a report back on that
specific subject, I would like it to be known that I will not be
offering amendment No. 89. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. CLINGER. I thank the gentlewoman.

perfecting amendment offered by mr. burton of indiana to the amendment,
as modified, offered by mr. schiff

Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, I offer a perfecting amendment
to the amendment, as modified.
The Clerk read as follows:

Perfecting amendment offered by Mr. Burton of Indiana to
the amendment, as modified, offered by Mr. Schiff: In section
101(a)(4)(G), strike the period at the end of the paragraph
and add the following ``, and to ensure that unfunded Federal
mandate relief does not increase private sector burdens.''.

Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, I do not think this is a
controversial amendment. I have cleared it with the majority and with
the ranking minority member, the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs.
Collins].
Exempting the public sector and their private sector competitors from
unfunded Federal mandates could also burden private sector entities
which are not competing with the public sector. They may bear a larger
share of the burden of meeting the mandate if the mandate itself is
unchanged.
For example, and this is a hypothetical example: City governments are
exempted from a new clean air mandate for their vehicles. But the new
clean air bill overall still requires pollutants to be reduced by 100
million tons. That is even though the cities will be exempt from it.
Therefore, since city-owned vehicles are exempt from the mandate,
privately owned vehicles collectively must bear a larger share of the
burden of accomplishing the 100 million tons of pollution reduction.
Even though there is not competition, we would still have the public
sector relief, which we support, inadvertently hurting the private
sector.
So we just want the Commission to study this in the event that this
might occur in the future.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I support the gentleman's amendment to the amendment.
It has been raised numerous times during debate on this bill about the
possible effect of limiting unfunded mandates on public sector entities
while not limiting them or not limiting them as much on private sector
entities, the effect it might have when they are in competition with
each other, such as in
[[Page H911]] some cases power generation and other examples.
I want to say that although I think we have addressed that at
different places, the gentleman's amendment to the amendment is well
taken, to expressly ask the Commission to study that effect and report
back to Congress so that Congress could consider it in terms of further
legislation.
So I support the amendment of the gentleman from Indiana to the
amendment.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I thank the gentleman, and I thank the
chairman of the committee, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Clinger], and the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins] for her help
as well.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the perfecting amendment offered by
the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Burton] to the amendment, as modified,
offered by the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff].
The perfecting amendment to the amendment, as modified, was agreed
to.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to speak in support of the amendment and the
efforts of the gentleman on this bill. Although there have been some
differences on this side of the aisle on certain areas of exemptions
and concerns that we have, I do plan to vote for this bill. I think it
is a good bill. Its time is overdue.
Mr. Chairman, I was to have an amendment to this title which dealt
with this Commission. This Commission, as we can see, is now a moot
point, and naturally I will not have to offer that amendment.
But what my amendment would have done, if you will, in this
Commission there would have been nine members appointed from
individuals who possess extensive leadership and experience in and
knowledge of State and local and tribal governments and
intergovernmental relations, including State and local elected
officials.
The Traficant amendment would simply say it would include officials
representing the interests of working men and working women.
Now, I am not going to offer that. But when in fact the authorization
comes up for the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, I
do want to support, to specify within that authorization those specific
advocates for, that are keeping an eye out for, working men and working
women.

{time} 1240

But in title 2, when we move toward certain activities within the
bill that look at the impact that this legislation, the effect it will
have on the private sector, and productivity, growth, employment and
jobs, I will have an amendment that specifies that it also consider and
factor in workers benefits and pensions, and let me say this to the
majority:
``Some of you are saying, `Well, maybe that is covered.' There is a
great need in this country to consider all of our legislation as it
impacts benefits and health insurance which we are trying now to
promulgate and plan to help those that are impacted upon by that and
pensions, many of which are underfunded.''
So, I am going to ask the majority to consider that in title 2. It is
germane. I will not be offering my amendment in title 1, and I do
support the gentleman's amendment.
I think one of the first things we could and should do is, if we are
going to have this Federal mandates, maybe who do not need a lot of
these commissions, so perhaps it is wise to throw some of these things
out.
I commend the gentleman and ask for his support in that defining,
delineating language to look at workers benefits and pensions in that
title 2 scenario.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. TRAFICANT. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I want to say I will be glad to look at the
gentleman's working. I have not seen it yet, but I just want to back up
the gentleman's point about the composition of the Commission.
Of the 26 members of the Commission, Mr. Chairman, 20 are appointed
by the President of the United States, and the existing law requires
that three be private citizens without any connection to the
Government.
So I think the concern the gentleman is addressing in terms of the
composition I believe is already found in the existing Commission in
the amendment I have offered, and I thank the gentleman for his
support.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I ask the gentleman to give me a hand;
to give me a hand there in title 2. It is reasonable. Pensions and
benefits of our workers should be considered in the impact of any
legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

request by Mr. Bartlett of Maryland to offer amendment

Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment numbered
27 of the amendment as modified, as amended.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
First, let the Chair inquire, does the gentleman have an amendment to
the Schiff amendment.
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I was asked to submit the
amendment now. It is a perfecting amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Reserving the right to object, Mr.
Chairman, I do not think we have a copy of the amendment. We are
looking for it now. We do not have a copy of it here.
What is going on here?
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. It is No. 27 in the Record.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. All right.
Mr. Chairman, I will reserve a point of order.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins] reserves
the point of order.
The Chairman will advise the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Bartlett]
that his amendment, as drawn, is not compatible with the amendment
offered by the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff], but it could be
easily modified to be compatible, and if the gentleman would withdraw
it at the moment and work with the gentleman from New Mexico, perhaps
his amendment would be in proper form.
parliamentary inquiry

Mr. GEKAS. Mr. Chairman, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will state it.
Mr. GEKAS. Cannot the gentleman from Maryland, by unanimous consent,
request that the amendment be completed now so that he could proceed
with his amendment?
By unanimous consent could he ask that the language be conformed to
the amendment offered by the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff]?
The CHAIRMAN. He could ask unanimous consent to have the amendment
drawn as a modification of the amendment offered by the gentleman from
New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] as opposed to the language of the bill.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Reserving the right to object, Mr.
Chairman, I am reserving the right to object because I would like to
engage in a colloquy with the gentleman who wishes to offer the
amendment.
Could the gentleman please just tell us what he is trying to do here?
Maybe we can try to come to some kind of an agreement.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will treat as pending a unanimous-consent
request to modify offered by the gentleman from Maryland and recognizes
the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins] on a reservation of
objection.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I ask the gentleman from
Maryland, will the gentleman tell me if he is planning just to engage
in a colloquy or what he is planning to do at this point?
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Yes. If I could move to strike the last
word, I think we could dispense with it very easily.
The CHAIRMAN. The committee is proceeding under a reservation of
objection by the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins]. If the
gentleman from Maryland could simply respond to the gentlewoman from
Illinois, that would probably take care of it.
[[Page H912]] Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. That would take care of it.
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. All right.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment was really quite a simple one. It merely
instructs the Commission to examine whether unbiased science is used
when enforcing the State implementation plans such as other emissions
testing under the Clean Air Act.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I want to first clear up the bit of
confusion that started.
We were advised by the Parliamentarian that because we felt we had to
make so many changes in the bill to add the Advisory Commission in
place of the proposed new Commission that my amendment is offered in
the nature of a substitute.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Yes.
Mr. SCHIFF. For that reason other amendments must be technically
offered as amendments to my amendment, and I trust that all Members
would, if they have not done so, ask unanimous consent just for that
technical modification.
I do not speak for the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Bartlett], but it
is my understanding that he and the chairman of the committee have
agreed that following a colloquy, which would be responded with a
reference to report language, the gentleman would offer to withdraw his
amendment at that time.
May I ask the gentleman from Maryland if that is correct?
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. That is correct. The chairman indicated
that he supports the intent of our amendment, that what we want to
accomplish could be effectively accomplished with report language, and
with his assurance that that report language will be developed, we are
prepared to withdraw our offer of the amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I withdraw my reservation of
objection.
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I withdraw my proffer of the
amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins] withdraws
her reservation of objection, and the gentleman from Maryland [Mr.
Bartlett] has withdrawn his proffer of the amendment.
perfecting amendment offered by mr. riggs to the amendment offered by
mr. schiff, as modified, as amended

Mr. RIGGS. Mr. Chairman, I offer a perfecting amendment to the
amendment, as modified, as amended.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the perfecting amendment.
The text of the perfecting amendment to the amendment, as amended, as
modified, is as follows:

Perfecting amendment offered by Mr. Riggs to the amendment
offered by Mr. Schiff, as modified, as amended: At the end of
section 101 (Page 5, after line 14), add the following:
(e) Priority to Mandates That Are Subject of Judicial
Proceedings.--In carrying out this section, the Advisory
Commission shall give the highest priority to immediately
investigating, reviewing, and making recommendations
regarding unfunded Federal mandates that are the subject of
judicial proceedings between the United States and a State,
local, or tribal government.

Mr. RIGGS. Mr. Chairman, title 1 of H.R. 5, the Unfunded Mandates
Reform Act, provides for an establishment of a commission to review
existing unfunded mandates, as we have been discussing over the last
few minutes. The gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] has offered a
substitute, currently under consideration by the House, to title 1
designating the existing Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental
Relations as the body to conduct this review.
I rise to offer a bipartisan perfecting amendment to the Schiff
substitute for myself, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Manzullo], and
the gentleman from California [Mr. Condit], and I might add this
amendment also has the unanimous support of my colleagues, the
California Republican congressional delegation.
The Riggs-Manzullo amendment will direct the Commission to give the
highest priority to immediately investigating, reviewing, and making
recommendations regarding unfunded Federal mandates that are the
subject of judicial proceedings between the United States and a State,
local, or tribal government.
The Riggs-Manzullo amendment will not change underlying law, only
direct that matters in litigation be given the Commission's first
attention.
I urge my colleagues to support this important amendment.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. RIGGS. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I want to say that I support the Riggs
amendment as cosponsored by other Members of the House. I think that to
say that the Advisory Commission should give its priority in studying
those issues which are in litigation makes a great deal of sense. I
have always felt, and long before I had the privilege of serving in
this body, that there is a great waste of taxpayers' money when
government agencies or levels of government go to court against one
another and the taxpayers are essentially paying for both sides of a
lawsuit.
Now we all understand that is necessary, that a sovereign State has
the right to make certain challenges to the Federal Government, and
within the laws of those States, municipalities and counties may be
able to challenge the State.

{time} 1250

But it seems to me to the extent we can head this off or if they
arise to the extent we can address them rapidly, that saves a great
deal of money, of time, and of effort of government agencies that are
litigating against each other.
Mr. Chairman, I want to conclude by saying that the gentleman's
amendment is not any more specific. There is no way of saying whether
litigation in the future might involve Democratic administrations at
one level versus Republican administrations at another level. It does
not matter. It is not relevant to the amendment, and it should not be
relevant to the study of the Commission. Once there is litigation
between levels of government, that should be sufficient to trigger the
gentleman's priority, with which I agree.
So, Mr. Chairman, I support the amendment.
Mr. RIGGS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his comments.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the chairman of the California Legislative
Task Force, the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier].
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise simply to reiterate what was stated by my
friend, the vice chairman of the California congressional delegation,
that being that our delegation is strongly behind this. Clearly, the
issue of litigation, as we look at this question of unfunded mandates,
should be a priority. It has been demonstrated that there is major
concern and controversy over a number of particular items.
It seems to me that as we look at those, ACIR should be in position
to in fact place those items at the top of the priority list. The Riggs
amendment is, I believe, a very wise and helpful perfection to the
Schiff amendment. I strongly support it, and I know my California
colleagues join in extending their support.
Mr. RIGGS. Mr. Chairman, I yield now to the gentleman from California
[Mr. Condit].
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment.
I think this is a good amendment. The fact that California and
several other States are involved in lawsuits and the fact that
litigation exists is an example of proof that the issue of unfunded
mandates is an extreme problem for State and local governments. I think
this is one of the ways for us to expedite the problems of litigation
and legal problems by getting it before this Commission and hopefully
getting it resolved.
Mr. Chairman, I think it is a good amendment, one that we should
adopt, and I ask my colleagues to support it.
Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I stand in support of this amendment that the gentleman
form California [Mr. Riggs] and I crafted.
The issue here is very simple. Regardless of the views of Members of
[[Page H913]] this Chamber on the issue of unfunded mandates, I am sure
that they know full well that this bill is going to pass, and that
everybody in this body would want to make sure that those matters have
the first attention of the Commission during the study of those matters
that are presently in the hands of the courts or may be in the hands of
the courts later on.
The purpose of this amendment is to state that because litigation is
existing, this means that the issue of studying unfunded mandates in
those particular situations is paramount.
Therefore, Mr. Chairman, I rise to urge the Members of this body to
vote in favor of the Riggs-Manzullo amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the perfecting amendment offered by
the gentleman from California [Mr. Riggs] to the amendment offered by
the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff], as modified, as amended.
The perfecting amendment to the amendment, as modified, as amended,
was agreed to.
Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I will not use very much time, but I wanted to discuss
this with the gentleman from New Mexico.
On the amendment that was withdrawn by the gentleman from Maryland
[Mr. Bartlett], I would just say that I support the gentleman in what
he is trying to do. The auto emission testing is a major issue
certainly in my State and in my home city of Houston.
While I support the goals of the Clean Air Act, we have found that
the implementation of the program has not gone as planned, and it is
something that has been a problem. There are not enough stations, and
the lines are long. If the car fails the testing, the consumer must pay
for repairs, as well as return for another test, and that is quite a
bit to ask, particularly when they are asked to get other tests under
State laws as well.
So, Mr. Chairman, I support the intent to have the ACIR look at this.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BENTSEN. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's yielding.
First of all, I appreciate the gentleman's concern over the auto
emissions testing. In the city of Albuquerque which I represent, the
city of Albuquerque has attained Federal clean air standards for the
last 3 consecutive years. Nevertheless people within our municipal and
local governments believe that they have to alter our current testing
programs to be in compliance with the desires of the Environmental
Protection Agency. I am not clear on why we have to make changes when
in fact we are now in compliance with Federal clean air standards.
It was simply felt by the chairman of the committee and the gentleman
from Maryland that certain issues laid down listing specifically--
because we could list specific issues virtually without end--that that
issue instead of being listed as part of the bill would be recommended
in report language in conference between the House and the Senate, and
that is the commitment the chairman of the committee had with the
gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate that, and I appreciate the
intent of the committee to include that in report language.
Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite
number of words.
(Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the
amendment offered by my colleagues, Representatives Schiff, Gejdenson,
Moran, and Meek to delete the provision in H.R. 5 that establishes the
Commission on Unfunded Federal Mandates and would instead require a
similar review of unfunded mandates by the existing Advisory Commission
on Intergovernmental Relations.
This bipartisan body was established to ensure coordination between
the different levels of government. As a member of the Advisory
Commission, I have been impressed with the ability of the 26-member
bipartisan panel which includes Members of Congress, members of the
executive branch, Governors, and other State, county, and local
officials to develop consensus on issues important at every level of
government.
Mr. Chairman, the Advisory Commission is currently in existence and
equipped to carry out the mandate prescribed by H.R. 5. The Advisory
Commission on Intergovernmental Relations is uniquely qualified to
provide us with the expertise to give technical assistance on unfunded
mandates. This agency has garnered an impressive body of research on
this issue.
The Commission has already completed a comprehensive analysis of the
impact of unfunded mandates at every level of government, especially at
the localities where the impact of regulatory burden is focused and
felt.
It does not make sense to expend limited resources to create a new
bureaucracy, while we sit up here talking about dismantling a bloated
one, when there is already an existing agency currently functioning in
the proposed capacity.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this very important
measure, because in all the rhetoric of cutting unnecessary government
machinery, we have lost sight of the fact that creating a duplicate
agency works counter to that objective.

perfecting amendment offered by mr. manzullo to the amendment offered
by mr. schiff, as modified, as amended

Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Chairman, I offer a perfecting amendment to the
amendment offered by the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff]. I wish
to enter into a colloquy with the gentleman, and then it will be my
intention to withdraw the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Perfecting amendment offered by Mr. Manzullo to the
amendment offered by Mr. Schiff, as modified, as amended: In
section 102(a)--
(1) in paragraph (1), before the semicolon insert the
following: ``, including the role and impact of requirements
under section 182(d)(1)(B) of the Clean Air Act (42 U.S.C.
7511a(d)(1)(B))''; and
(2) in paragraph (3), at the end add the following: ``The
Commission shall include in recommendations under paragraph
(2) recommendations with respect to requirements under
section 182(d)(1)(B) of the Clean Air Act (42 U.S.C.
7511a(d)(1)(B)).''.

Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Chairman, the amendment I offer brings to focus a
terrible unfunded mandate that has come as a result of the 1990
amendments to the Clean Air Act. That states as follows: ``In any area
that has been nominated to be a severe or extreme ozone nonattainable
area, States are required to file a State compliance plan.''
Part of that plan states that any employer that has an excess of 100
employees has to file a plan that certifies that within a year or two
employee trips will be reduced by 25 percent. This is known as forced
car pooling.
The purpose of my amendment here would be to direct that the
Commission give No. 1 priority to this unfunded mandate which is
costing the States millions and millions of dollars.
The gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] has cordially agreed to
enter into a colloquy to show that on the employee commute option,
which is part of the Clean Air Act, had we had the unfunded mandates
law in effect in 1990, this would have been studied. I ask the
gentleman, is that correct?
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will yield, I believe that
is correct.

{time} 1300

Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Chairman, it just goes to show the absolute
necessity of passing this unfunded mandate law. Back in 1990 there
would have been required a study to say what is the impact on forced
car pooling on State agencies, local agencies, and on local businesses.
The State of Illinois now faces tens of millions of dollars in this new
unfunded mandate. It is a new age, it is a new federalism. It is a time
to look at America through the eyes of those that are trying to
conserve its resources. That is why I simply cannot impress upon this
body the absolute necessity of passing this unfunded mandates bill.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MANZULLO. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
[[Page H914]] Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I want to say the chairman
of the committee, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger], and
the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Manzullo] have discussed this issue,
and once again there are issues which we recommend be placed in the
bill and other issues which by way of example are matters that the
committee should stay.
I understand the chairman of the committee has made a commitment to
the gentleman from Illinois that assuming we do get to conference with
the other body, that the chairman commits to try to get into report
language the issues the gentleman has raised.
Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my
amendment numbered 17.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
Illinois?
There was no objection.
perfecting amendment offered by mr. traficant to the amendment offered
by mr. schiff, as modified, as amended

Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I offer a perfecting amendment to the
amendment, as modified, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:

Perfecting amendment offered by Mr. Traficant to the
amendment offered by Mr. Schiff, as amended, as modified:
Before the semicolon at the end of the proposed section
101(a)(1), insert ``and consider views of and the impact on
working men and women on those same matters''.

Mr. TRAFICANT (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
Ohio?
There was no objection.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, the amendment says at the end of section
101(a)(1), before that semicolon, insert, which would be after the
following: ``Investigate and review the role of unfunded Federal
mandates in intergovernmental relations and their impact on State,
local, tribal, and Federal Government objectives and responsibilities
and their impact on the competitive balance between State, local, and
tribal governments and the private sector.''
The Traficant amendment is very clear. It would clarify an intent of
Congress and a concern of Congress by adding the following words: ``And
consider views of and the impact on working men and working women on
those same matters.''
That is the amendment in a nutshell. It would not have been germane
for me to offerit to that Commission, but as a perfecting amendment to
the gentleman from New Mexico's amendment, I believe it will clarify
the intent of Congress more than anything else in legislative history.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. TRAFICANT. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, when this bill was drafted, I believe that
it was the committee's intent to include the working people who work
for State government, local government, tribal government and the
private sector as being considered under the study by the Commission.
However, I certainly believe that this clarifies that issue for the
future, should this bill be enacted into law. Therefore, I accept the
amendment of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Traficant].
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's support. I
think the legislative history shows the intent of Congress to be
concerned with the views of the working men and women to be in our best
interests.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the perfecting amendment offered by
the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Traficant] to the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff], as modified, as amended.
The perfecting amendment to the amendment, as modified, as amended,
was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff], as modified, as amended.
The amendment, as modified, as amended, was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there other amendments to title I?
If not, the Clerk will designate title II.
The text of title II is as follows:
TITLE II--REGULATORY ACCOUNTABILITY AND REFORM

SEC. 201. REGULATORY PROCESS.

(a) In General.--Each agency shall, to the extent permitted
by subchapter II of chapter 5 of title 5, United States
Code--
(1) assess the effects of Federal regulations on States,
local governments, tribal governments, and the private sector
(other than to the extent that such regulations incorporate
requirements specifically set forth in legislation),
including specifically the availability of resources to carry
out any Federal mandates in those regulations; and
(2) seek to minimize those burdens that uniquely or
significantly affect such governmental entities or the
private sector, consistent with achieving statutory and
regulatory objectives.
(b) State, Local Government, and Tribal Government Input.--
Each agency shall develop an effective process to permit
elected officials (or their designated representatives) of
States, local governments, and tribal governments to provide
meaningful and timely input in the development of regulatory
proposals containing significant Federal intergovernmental
mandates.
(c) Agency Plan.--
(1) In general.--Before establishing any regulatory
requirements that might significantly or uniquely affect
small governments, an agency shall have developed a plan
under which the agency shall--
(A) provide notice of the contemplated requirements to
potentially affected small governments, if any;
(B) enable officials of affected small governments to
provide input pursuant to subsection (b); and
(C) inform, educate, and advise small governments on
compliance with the requirements.
(2) Effects on private sector.--Before establishing any
regulatory requirements, agencies shall prepare estimates,
based on available data, of the effect of Federal private
sector mandates on the national economy, including the effect
on productivity, economic growth, full employment, creation
of productive jobs, and international competitiveness of
United States goods and services.
SEC. 202. STATEMENTS TO ACCOMPANY SIGNIFICANT REGULATORY
ACTIONS.

(a) In General.--Before promulgating any final rule that
includes any Federal mandate that may result in the
expenditure by States, local governments, or tribal
governments, in the aggregate, or the private sector of at
least $100,000,000 (adjusted annually for inflation) in any 1
year and before promulgating any general notice of proposed
rulemaking that is likely to result in promulgation of any
such rule, the agency shall prepare a written statement
containing--
(1) estimates by the agency, including the underlying
analysis, of the anticipated costs to States, local
governments, tribal governments, and the private sector of
complying with the Federal mandates, and of the extent to
which such costs may be paid with funds provided by the
Federal Government or otherwise paid through Federal
financial assistance;
(2) estimates by the agency, if and to the extent that the
agency determines that accurate estimates are reasonably
feasible, of--
(A) the future costs of the Federal mandate; and
(B) any disproportionate budgetary effects of the Federal
mandates upon any particular regions of the country or
particular States, local governments, tribal governments,
urban or rural or other types of communities, or particular
segments of the private sector;
(3) a qualitative, and if possible, a quantitative
assessment of costs and benefits anticipated from the Federal
mandates (such as the enhancement of health and safety and
the protection of the natural environment);
(4) the effect of Federal private sector mandates on the
national economy, including the effect on productivity,
economic growth, full employment, creation of productive
jobs, and international competitiveness of United States
goods and services;
(5) a description of the extent of the agency's prior
consultation with elected representatives (or their
designated representatives) of the affected States, local
governments, and tribal governments, and designated
representatives of the private sector;
(6) a summary of the comments and concerns that were
presented by States, local governments, or tribal governments
and the private sector either orally or in writing to the
agency;
(7) a summary of the agency's evaluation of those comments
and concerns; and
(8) the agency's position supporting the need to issue the
regulation containing the Federal mandates (considering,
among other things, the extent to which costs may or may not
be paid with funds provided by the Federal Government).
(b) Promulgation.--In promulgating a general notice of
proposed rulemaking or a final rule for which a statement
under subsection (a) is required, the agency shall include in
the promulgation a summary of the information contained in
the statement.
(c) Preparation in Conjunction With Other Statement.--Any
agency may prepare any statement required by subsection (a)
in conjunction with or as part of any
[[Page H915]] other statement or analysis,
if the statement or analysis satisfies the provisions of
subsection (a).

SEC. 203. ASSISTANCE TO THE CONGRESSIONAL BUDGET OFFICE.

The Director of the Office of Management and Budget shall--
(1) collect from agencies the statements prepared under
section 202; and
(2) periodically forward copies of them to the Director of
the Congressional Budget Office on a reasonably timely basis
after promulgation of the general notice of proposed
rulemaking or of the final rule for which the statement was
prepared.

SEC. 204. PILOT PROGRAM ON SMALL GOVERNMENT FLEXIBILITY.

(a) In General.--The Director of the Office of Management
and Budget, in consultation with Federal agencies, shall
establish pilot programs in at least 2 agencies to test
innovative and more flexible regulatory approaches that--
(1) reduce reporting and compliance burdens on small
governments; and
(2) meet overall statutory goals and objectives.
(b) Program Focus.--The pilot programs shall focus on rules
in effect or proposal rules, or on a combination thereof.

SEC. 205. ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS REGARDING FEDERAL COURT
RULINGS.

Not later than 4 months after the date of enactment of this
Act, and no later than March 15 of each year thereafter, the
Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations shall
submit to the Congress, including each of the Committee on
Government Reform and Oversight of the House of
Representatives and the Committee on Governmental Affairs of
the Senate, and to the President a report describing Federal
court rulings in the preceding calendar year which imposed an
enforceable duty on 1 or more States, local governments, or
tribal governments.

amendment offered by mr. waxman

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment to subsection (c) of
section 201.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Waxman: In subsection (c) of
section 201, strike paragraph (2), strike the heading for
paragraph (1) and run its text to the dash following the
heading for the subsection, and redesignate subparagraphs
(A), (B), and (C) as paragraphs (1), (2), and (3),
respectively.

Mr. WAXMAN (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
California?
There was no objection.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, this amendment has been worked out in
consultation with the majority. Section 201(c)(2) requires an
evaluation of private sector costs associated with major rules that
appear to largely duplicate the evaluation required in section 202.
Thus the amendment improves the bill by striking an apparently
redundant provision. The amendment is also necessary because the
language in section 201(c)(2) used vague terms like regulatory
requirement that could have been interpreted to cover more than major
rules. This amendment eliminates these potential ambiguities.
Mr. Chairman, I urge support of the amendment.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. WAXMAN. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. I thank the gentleman from California. This is an
important clarifying amendment. We have worked this out, and I want to
congratulate the gentleman on clarifying an important aspect of the
legislation.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman].
The amendment was agreed to.

amendment offered by mr. waxman

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer my amendment numbered 140.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Waxman: Amend section 201(b) to--
(1) strike ``and Tribal Government'' in the subsection
heading and insert ``Tribal Government, and Concerned
Citizens'', and
(2) strike ``and tribal governments'' and insert ``tribal
governments, and concerned citizens''.

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, H.R. 5 provides that Federal agencies must
consult with State and local governments before proposing Federal
regulations. This amendment that I am offering modifies this provision
to require that Federal agencies also consult with concerned citizens
at the same time. The amendment was adopted without dissent in the full
Committee on Government Operations in the last Congress in October.
The amendment recognizes that concerned citizens should have the same
rights to participate in the rulemaking process as State and local
governments.
For example, if EPA is considering a new drinking water standard, the
public that drinks the water should have just as much input into the
standard as the public water suppliers who have to comply with that
standard. I think this amendment makes a great deal of sense. It brings
about a consultation with all those who are involved in the matter, and
therefore would help those who are about to propose regulations to make
the wisest regulations possible. I urge support for the amendment.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I have to rise in reluctant opposition to this
amendment, having accepted the last amendment from the gentleman from
California [Mr. Waxman], which I thought was a good clarifying
amendment.
The chairman of the committee and other Members on this side who have
been active in this process have looked carefully at this amendment. We
are reluctantly opposing it. We certainly think input from private
citizens to develop meaningful regulations makes a lot of sense, and
that is exactly why there is a process currently in the legislation to
allow citizens to participate, call a notice and comment period for the
promulgation of regulations. every citizen has a right to submit
comments and participate in this regulatory process.
Reluctantly, because we agree on the intent of the amendment but we
think it is not necessary to further amend this title with regard to
this second amendment from the genteleman from California [Mr. Waxman],
we must rise in opposition to it.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PORTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I understand the point the gentleman is
making, that you think all parties ought to be involved, but I wanted
to point out that the comment period is after a proposal is already on
the table. And this bill provides that State and local governments can
come in in advance. If they are going to come in in advance, then
private citizens ought to be able to come in in advance and be able to
participate on equal terms.
What we are proposing to do is there ought to be equal terms for
comments, whether it be by a local government or by other concerned
citizens.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time for a moment, I think
what we have done in this legislation is entirely consistent with the
executive order and the current process. State and local governments
are coregulators.

{time} 1310

It is appropriate that they have the input that is provided in the
title. Again, although I think the intent of the gentleman's amendment
we all agree with, we think there currently is the ability for citizens
to have the kind of input that the gentleman desires. Again, we must
reluctantly oppose the amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, this is a meritorious amendment.
This bill requires agencies issuing regulations to first develop a
plan to solicit input from local governments. However, there is no
similar requirement to solicit the input of private citizens who may
also be affected by the regulation being contemplated.
Ironically, this bill, in title III, does require CBO to solicit and
consider information or comments from designated representatives of the
private sector in conducting studies under section 424(b)(3), page 37
at line 19.
So why not require of the agencies the same wide range of views that
is required by CBO? During the debate in
[[Page H916]] the committee last Congress, the gentleman from
California [Mr. Waxman] raised similar concerns. And the gentleman from
New Mexico [Mr. Schiff] made some excellent points that deserved to be
heard by the new members of the committee, and there are 31 new members
of the committee.
He stated that if there is an antipollution regulation that addresses
a health hazard affecting anyone, that it makes sense to have input
from those who might be affected. And he supported an amendment that is
similar to this one.
Let me give my colleagues an example why this is so important. If EPA
is contemplating proposing a new regulation, for example, affecting
incinerators operated by State and local governments under H.R. 5, EPA
must allow officials of those governments to have input before the
regulation is even proposed. Yet neither the residents of these local
low-income communities who are breathing in the pollution from these
incinerators nor the operators of privately run incinerators would have
that same opportunity.
This is a commonsense amendment, and I would certainly hope that my
colleagues would support this amendment.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me.
I just want to reiterate the point that was persuasive on both sides
of the aisle in the last Congress. If a local government is running an
incinerator and they want to come in in advance and have consultation
with the regulators, that is unfair to the citizens who are not also
being consulted in advance who are going to have to breathe in the
pollution. The same would be true when Government is acting in a
businesslike capacity almost like a private sector business, where they
run a drinking water system or a sewage system.
I have no objection with the consultation with the regulators, but it
seems to me that they should not have an unfair advantage to be
consulted without other citizens having that same opportunity.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words, and I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Again, I think what the gentleman is attempting to achieve here, we
can certainly understand it and sympathize with it. In fact, I think
one of the things we are trying to get at with this bill is to prod the
Federal Government, which has been reluctant to seek the kind of input
from State and local governments. But this bill is really going to the
regulator. They are coregulators. These are the people we are
attempting to involve in the process.
They have not been adequately involved in the process before. Private
citizens should they have the same standing, should they have the same
level, be allowed to input the system at the same level? I think not,
because we are really asking here for the State and local governments
to be a part of the process on regulations that directly affect them.
I think we should note that nothing in this legislation prevents
anyone from making comments on proposed regulations. That clearly is
not the intent of this legislation. I must also point out that all of
the interest groups that have been involved in shaping this
legislation, the so-called big 7, National Governors Association,
League of Mayors, all of the rest of them oppose this amendment because
they do not want to see a special kind of a review process carved out
for private citizens.
So I must oppose the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman].
The amendment was rejected.

amendment offered by mr. moran

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, my amendment No. 2.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Moran: Insert at the end of
section 201 the following:
(d) Least Burdensome Option or Explanation Required.--An
agency may not issue a rule that contains a Federal mandate
if the rulemaking record for the rule indicates that there
are 2 or more methods that could be used to accomplish the
objective of the rule, unless--
(1) the Federal mandate is the least costly method, or has
the least burdensome effect, for--
(A) States, local governments, and tribal governments, in
the case of a rule containing a Federal intergovernmental
mandate, and
(B) the private sector, in the case of a rule containing a
Federal private sector mandate; or
(2) the agency publishes with the final rule an explanation
of why the more costly or burdensome method of the Federal
mandate was adopted.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, most of my colleagues on the other side and
on this side are aware that I introduced an unfunded mandates bill
about 4 years ago. Most of the provisions that were in that bill are
also included in this bill. But there are some very important
provisions that are not. This amendment deals with one of those.
This amendment would require that when Federal agencies issue a
notice of proposed rulemaking, receive comments back from the private
sector and from State and local governments that would be affected by
the new rule, that they choose the least costly alternative method of
implementing the intent of the legislation. And if they do not choose
that least costly alternative, then they must at least explain why they
did not.
I think this is a terribly important provision to include in our
unfunded mandates bill, Mr. Chairman. The amendment simply asks that
the Federal agencies act rationally. It does not tie their hands. But
the fact that they have not, in many cases, acted rationally is the
core problem for many of the issues that have come to the floor over
the last week and a half during this unfunded mandates debate.
One such issue is that of the emissions inspection requirement under
the Clean Air Act. Now, when the Environmental Protection Agency issued
its regulations, they got a lot of comments back. But they chose to
impose a cookie cutter approach to implementation of the Clean Air Act.
That is why so many Members, and it happened again this morning, have
risen opposed to that Federal agency's regulations. There are far
better ways of implementing the intent of the Clean Air Act, a concept
that I agree with, I agree with the intent of the legislation. I very
strongly disagree with the way in which the Environmental Protection
Agency has chosen to implement that legislation.
For example, they have required in many States to have central
testing facilities, facilities that did not exist before, facilities
that are not equipped to make the repairs necessitated by the rejection
of the emissions test. And so we have a ping pong effect where citizens
not only have to wait in long lines but they have to go back to a
repair station, get the repair done. They cannot know whether it is
going to pass or not until they go back to the central testing
facility, and then oftentimes they ping pong back and forth. And it
takes up the entire day or several days. No wonder the American people
are upset with the Federal Government. It does not make sense.
Why not have new automobiles be able to go to test and repair
stations that already exist, but older automobiles could go to central
testing? There are any number of other ways that we could choose to
implement the intent of the legislation without violating any of the
basic provisions and save a whole lot of money and a whole lot of
aggravation.
Another example is in Alexandria, and this is one of the reasons why
I offered the unfunded mandates legislation, the FAIR Act, 4 years ago.
EPA said that we had to separate our sewage from our storm water
runoff. But they said we have to do it in a way that every other
jurisdiction does it. For Alexandria, it meant digging up streets that
were laid down 200 years ago, that were surveyed by George Washington,
that are supporting very expensive historic structures. We would have
had to dig under all those homes and streets to lay an additional storm
water piping.
[[Page H917]] {time} 1320

We had an alternative to have a retaining tank down in Old Town.
Members have probably not noticed it because it is not even obvious. We
could do it with very little money, accomplish the same purpose, with
no threat to the health of our citizens, at a fraction of the cost, and
yet it was unacceptable to EPA because they had one cookie cutter
approach they wanted every jurisdiction to implement.
This is the case with many Federal agencies, so what this amendment
would do, Mr. Chairman, is to say, ``If you get better ideas from State
and local governments on how to implement these regulations, or from
the private sector, use that better thinking. Take advantage of it.
Work with States and localities and businesses, and let us do the
public's business in the most efficient and effective manner
possible.''
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I am confused because I am going to accept the
gentleman's amendment. I am delighted to be able to indicate strong
support for the amendment. I think the gentleman has made a very good
argument that what we are trying to do here is to find the most
effective, the most efficient, the least expensive and least disruptive
way to accomplish these things.
What the gentleman had done here is to clearly indicate that where
there are two choices, we should clearly opt and encourage that the
least expensive, least costly, and least disruptive be adopted, so I am
pleased to accept the gentleman's amendment as a major contribution.
Let me just also commend the gentleman for his, as he said, 4- or 5-
year effort in this regard as a principal player in this whole unfunded
mandates debate. He has done a superb job. We have been grateful to
work with him.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CLINGER. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, I would echo the gentleman's comments. I am very
pleased to support the amendment. Let me say briefly, this amendment is
consistent with language that is in the FAIR Act, which I believe is
the foundation for the legislation, H.R. 5, before us today, and have
said that on many occasions, as the gentleman knows.
It is also consistent with the Executive order, and we have had lots
of discussions about the Presidential Executive order that is currently
in place. All agencies are meant to abide by the requirements in this
Executive order. It goes far further than title II of this act, which
sets up the requirements for our Federal agencies in this legislation.
Mr. Chairman, let me give a couple of examples. H.R. 5 only applies
to rules having an impact of $100 million or more annually. The
Executive order currently in place by President Clinton applies not
only to rules having an impact of $100 million or more, but in addition
all rules affecting in a material way productivity, competition, jobs,
environment, State and local governments, even if less than $100
million.
Therefore, I would just make the point clearly here that yes, the
gentleman's amendment is a good one. The least burdensome manner in
which the agencies can regulate is a good idea. It is a sound idea. It
is part of FAIR. It is also part of the Executive order.
I would say, though, in addition, Mr. Chairman, that the Executive
order in fact goes even further than the gentleman's amendment, and we
will be accepting this amendment happily, but not picking up all of the
requirements and additional burdens on the regulators that is in the
Executive order, the Clinton Executive order of October 1993. I am
happy to accept the amendment.
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CLINGER. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, I rise to support the amendment, and make
mention of the efforts of the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran] on
this issue. He has been a tremendous leader in the unfunded mandates
issue. He is partly the reason we are here today. Had he not started
this fight and engaged us in this debate some time ago, we would not,
probably, be at this point.
To his amendment, the gentleman's amendment is a good amendment. I
think it demonstrates good common sense for us to take the best option,
and the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], I think in his amendment
characterizes what he has done in this whole issue, for us to move to a
solid, commonsense solution. I commend the gentleman for that. I urge
Members to support the amendment, and I congratulate and commend the
gentleman for his effort in this entire issue.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CLINGER. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friends and colleagues for their
support.
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CLINGER. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment offered by my friend
and neighbor, the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], on this. I just
want to take the opportunity to say I think this puts some teeth into
title II. As a former board chairman adjacent to the city of
Alexandria, of which Mr. Moran was the mayor, I applaud his leadership
in this area.
Long before many people were talking about unfunded mandates, the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran] has been a leader in this cause. I
think this amendment will strengthen this bill. I just want to applaud
the gentleman once again for his efforts in this, and rise in support
of it. I hope the amendment will be accepted.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Clinger], has expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mr. Clinger was allowed to proceed for 1
additional minute.)
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Texas, Mr.
Gene Green.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I would also like to thank the
sponsor of the amendment for bringing this issue up.
Mr. Chairman, let me just relate as quickly as I could the experience
of Texas on the unfunded mandates issue with the Clean Air Act. We also
support clean air, but there are options we can get to that, I think
the Moran amendment points that out, that we have the option, both the
State agencies, but also the EPA here in Washington has some options
that they would pick the least burdensome, or, as we call it, the most
user-friendly, to get to that point on clean air.
Mr. Chairman, I think with the controversy going on not only in Texas
but in Illinois and lots of other States, I think this adds to this
bill. I am glad that my colleague and also the chairman is accepting
the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran].
The amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there further amendments to title II?
amendment offered by mr. moran

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, amendment No. 3.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Moran: At the end of title II
insert the following:

SEC. 206. JUDICIAL REVIEW.

(A) Review of Agency Actions Subject to Review Under Other
Federal Law.--If an agency action that is subject to section
201 or 202 is subject to judicial review under any other
Federal law (other than chapter 7 of title 5, United States
Code)--
(1) any court of the United States having jurisdiction to
review the action under the other law shall have jurisdiction
to review the action under sections 201 and 202; and

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, there is another part of this bill that I
think could be strengthened. That deals with the issue of judicial
review.
The bill before us is silent on judicial review, but that does not
mean that judicial review does not apply. In fact, ironically, it opens
up much of this legislation to procedural suits, procedural delays,
excessive litigation.
[[Page H918]] My amendment, Mr. Chairman, would specify what is
appropriate judicial review, and limit the ability to conduct unlimited
litigation against provisions of law and regulation for which the
unfunded mandates legislation might apply. Specifically, Mr. Chairman,
it says that where we have agencies that are not currently subject to
judicial review, that they would not become subject to judicial review
under the Administrative Procedures Act solely for compliance with the
procedural aspects of this legislation.
It also says, Mr. Chairman, that where there is a single court of
jurisdiction, whether it be the Court of International Trade, the U.S.
Circuit Court, whatever court is appropriate for that agency, that any
other litigation must go through that court. In other words, lawyers
cannot go to several courts, which would be principally for the purpose
of delaying action.
Third, where there is an exhaustion of administrative remedies under
the Administrative Procedures Act, in substantive legislation that
exhaustion of administrative remedies would apply in this case as well,
where legislation has been affected by the unfunded mandates
legislation.
Fourth, if there are substantive agency actions that cannot be
stayed; in other words, you cannot delay implementation of the
regulations, get an injunction against issuance of regulations, then
you cannot as a result of this legislation, either.
Mr. Chairman, there are four aspects that really do need to be
addressed and refined. Mr. Chairman, I think it is terribly important
that there be judicial remedies if Federal agencies and the executive
branch do not comply with the intent of this legislation. On the other
hand, we certainly do not want to open up a Pandora's box of
opportunities to litigate for any period of time that a person who
feels they are adversely affected by legislation or regulations might
choose to.
I think without this clarifying amendment, this limited amendment,
Mr. Chairman, we would do just that, because if we do not specify
limits to judicial review, the Administrative Procedures Act applies to
everything, and in fact would create substantial gridlock throughout
the Federal Government.
Therefore, Mr. Chairman, I would ask the chairman of the committee
and the sponsors of this bill to positively consider this amendment,
and I think that its strengthens the legislation itself, the underlying
legislation.
{time} 1330

The only people who might not like it are in the legal community, but
I do not think their interests are particularly well-served, either, by
not addressing the issue of judicial review.
I could give any number of examples where this would apply and where
in fact this must apply to implement this legislation in a rational
way, but at this point I would respond to any comments by people that
might have questions about the intent of this amendment.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, just to
very briefly say we have now had a chance to review this amendment on
our side. In fact we have been in long discussions with the gentleman
from Virginia [Mr. Moran] over a long period of time on this. I think
it represents a very, very good compromise between very divergent views
on this question of judicial review. I think it is better than what we
started out with, that it is clearly an improvement. I am delighted to
accept the measure.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CLINGER. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding, just
briefly to rise in support also of the amendment. It is a very good
amendment.
We have had on the floor here an interesting debate the last several
days about the issue of judicial review. It came up in the context of
the exemptions to the legislation, but it really went at some of the
core issues of this act.
I think the gentleman from Virginia would agree that judicial review
is very important in order to ensure that there are teeth in the
provisions in title II, to ensure that the agencies actually carry out
the provisions which again are less burdensome on the agencies than the
current executive order requirements that President Clinton issued in
October 1993.
I would say that this is an important clarification of the kind of
judicial review that we had intended to have in this legislation. It is
our view that this is not an issue that necessarily needed to be
resolved by amendment, but if there is any misunderstanding or any
clarification needed, I think it is important to do so. This
specifically addresses concerns raised on the floor by the gentleman
from Pennsylvania [Mr. Kanjorski]. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Kanjorski] raised the issue that you could possibly have a stay on an
injunction in the case of a regulation and it would keep the regulation
from going forward. This language I think very clearly provides that
such a stay would not be permitted, that there would not be that kind
of injunctive relief provided under the judicial review that is
provided under H.R. 5.
I thank the gentleman for clarifying that point and for addressing a
legitimate concern which was raised on the floor.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CLINGER. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. MORAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
The chairman of this committee and principal sponsor of this
legislation has played a very constructive role in both working out the
amendments that strengthen the legislation and in fact in getting this
bill to the floor which I think is terribly important. I certainly
appreciate the comments that were made by the gentleman from
Pennsylvania, the gentleman from Ohio, the gentleman from Virginia, and
the gentleman from California.
I would like to say for the Record whereas I am getting recognized, I
would like to recognize someone who was the original sponsor of the
Fair Act and worked very hard on it. This particular judicial review
issue was terribly important to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Goodling]. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Goodling] has played an
instrumental role in the unfunded mandates legislation. As a former
superintendent of schools, he understood the importance of not imposing
mandates that in effect abrogated a locality's ability to carry out
their own priorities with their own best judgment.
I want to recognize particularly the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Goodling] and I thank my friends and colleagues on the other side.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I had put in the Record an amendment on this very
subject of judicial review which I will not offer at this time. I will
support the Moran amendment because I think it is an improvement over
the text that has been submitted to this Committee of the Whole. But I
do not think it goes far enough.
I would hope that when we go into conference with the other body, the
managers of this legislation will look with great care at the other
body's stand on this very issue. In the other body, in their unfunded
mandates legislation, there is an explicit provision saying that there
should not be judicial review. I think that is appropriate, for the
very simply reason that judicial review can tie up regulations for a
very, very long time and leave a great deal of uncertainly about what
the regulations will in fact be in the long term.
Section 202 of H.R. 5 provides that before promulgating a final
regulation containing a Federal mandate, the agency would have to
prepare a detailed statement analyzing a number of different factors,
economic and other impacts of the regulation. The matters that must be
analyzed include the anticipated costs to State and local governments;
the estimates of future costs of Federal mandate; estimates of
disproportionate budgetary effects upon particular regions of the
country or particular States; estimates of disproportionate budgetary
effects upon
[[Page H919]] urban or rural or other types of communities; estimates
of any disproportionate budgetary effects on the private sector; a
qualitative, and if possible, a quantitative assessment of costs and
benefits anticipated from the Federal mandate, including enhancement of
health and safety and protection of the natural environment; the effect
on national economy; the effect on productivity; the effect on economic
growth; the effect on full employment; the effect on creation of jobs;
and the effect of mandate on international competitiveness.
I do not disagree with all of these factors being analyzed, but if we
allowed judicial review of the regulation pursuant to statute, pursuant
to laws adopted by the Congress and signed by the President and the
judicial review does not go against the regulation as to whether it is
a wise one pursuant to the statute, but in case they did not look at
the
productivity factors as opposed to one economist's view vis-a-vis
another economist's view on any of those items I have listed, it seems
to me that it will not make a lot of sense to allow that kind of
second-guessing by the courts of the regulations.

It seems to me to offer a lot of opportunity for agencies to be
stymied in their objectives to carry out laws like the Clean Air Act,
the Safe Drinking Water Act, laws that are put in place to protect the
public.
Who will benefit from judicial review? One thing I can say with
certainty, it will be all the lawyers that will be litigating this
matter, because they will have the ability to drag this litigation on
for a very long time.
The Moran amendment does go far enough to say that there cannot be an
injunction on the implementation of the regulation, but it still
permits the adjudication of that regulation based on whether the agency
has done a sufficient analysis to the satisfaction of the court, which
may then decide to get involved in the procedural matters of this
review.
I do not think judicial review is necessary to enforce what we are
asking the agencies to do before they adopt regulations. The judicial
review is not necessary for enforcement. The review requirements can be
enforced by the White House during OMB review. The requirement can also
be enforced through congressional oversight.
Before EPA developed its proposal to regulate emissions from
municipal incinerators, EPA consulted with the Conference of Mayors,
the National League of Cities, and the National Association of
Counties.
Before the Department of Education proposed a regulation relating to
vocational training for disadvantaged students, the Department held
public meetings with State and local education officials.

{time} 1340

Before proposing rules affecting housing on tribal lands, HUD met
with many tribal authorities. In fact to assure compliance with the
Executive order, OMB has sent several regulations back to the agencies
for failure to consult with all of the State and local governments that
were appropriate.
For instance, EPA regulations controlling emissions from municipal
landfills were sent back to EPA for this reason. Likewise regulations
to improve water quality in the Great Lakes were sent back to EPA for
that same reason.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman]
has expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mr. Waxman was allowed to proceed for 2
additional minutes.)
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, in other words, we ought not to provide a
judicial review as the way to enforce that the analysis be done. OMB
has that role as they look at regulations coming from that agency and
they have required the agencies to go back and review these things if
they felt a satisfactory review did not take place.
In fact, the Director of OIRA, the Office of Information and
Regulatory Affairs at OMB, Sally Katzen, has informed us that she is
not aware of a single complaint with a State, local or tribal authority
since the adoption of the Clinton Executive order, which has the same
purpose as this legislation would in this regard.
So the point is the Executive order is working without judicial
review. The idea of judicial review can be very troublesome for the
regulations to be settled with certainty. There are industries that can
be affected by that uncertainty, and the public interest has been
certainly adversely affected by that uncertainty and the lengthy
litigations to be followed.
It would be far better to see if there is a problem in reality before
we have a judicial review provision that could have the consequence I
fear.
So I stand in support of this amendment with the statement that I
want to make very clear on the Record that I do not think it needs to
go as far as we need to have us go on this very issue.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, first let me say in response to the comments from my
colleague from California that I appreciate him bringing this issue to
the floor, for bringing it to the attention of the sponsors of the
legislation. I think we worked responsibly with the gentleman from
Virginia [Mr. Moran], with the gentleman from California, and others to
try to address at least the major concerns that have been raised on the
floor, and I think it was a healthy process.
I happen to believe in the end we have ended up with the right mix.
We have judicial review, which I think is necessary to put teeth into
agency requirements in title II.
Just to remind my colleagues again, these requirements are less
burdensome on the agencies than those found in the Executive order
which is currently in place.
I would also just very briefly talk to the issue of the standard
which the courts will apply that the agency action must be arbitrary
and capricious standard, which is very high. I quote from Judge Scalia
with regard to the issue the gentleman raises:

The scope of review under the ``arbitrary and capricious''
standard is narrow and a court is not to substitute its
judgment for that of the agency. This is especially true when
the agency is called upon to weigh the costs and benefits of
alternative policies since such cost-benefit analyses
epitomize the types of decisions that are most appropriately
entrusted to the expertise of an agency.

I think that is very important, and I think I would agree with the
gentleman from California, we do not want to needlessly tie things up
in court. We want to defer to the agency expertise. The gentleman has
raised a number of important concerns, and I believe given that
standard which was just quoted, which is the common practice of the
courts, that we would not be in such a position.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PORTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding on that
point. I think it is a helpful one for us to have on the record and I
do want to express to the gentleman and the chairman of the committee
my appreciation for their willingness to explore this issue with me. I
regret that we were not able to reach full agreement on it. I think we
have come to a compromise, and perhaps we can continue to look at the
issue as this legislation moves forward. But I do express the good
spirit in which the gentleman engaged us in this issue to try to come
up with what is the best public policy.
Mr. PORTMAN. Reclaiming my time, I thank the gentleman. Again, I
think we have done this in a way where we end up with the kind of teeth
in the legislation, H.R. 5, many of us on this side feel is necessary
to make sure these requirements are carried out.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PORTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I want
to say the gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman] has clearly stated
his position that he does not believe judicial review should apply at
all, and I understand the position and I respect the reasons he has
given. However, I believe no judicial review ultimately means no
enforcement.
However, the concerns that have been raised have been legitimate
concerns. And I think the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran] in his
amendment has tried to tighten this bill and
[[Page H920]] tighten judicial review, so we hope to avoid even the
prospect of some of the problems that might have arisen due to judicial
review, as remote in my judgment as they may have been. I think the
amendment strengthens the bill, and I support the amendment of the
gentleman from Virginia.
I yield back to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. I thank the gentleman from New Mexico.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I reluctantly support the amendment of the gentleman
from Virginia, because I, too, do not think it goes far enough. If this
bill is subject to judicial review, we should rename it the Lawyers
Relief Act of 1995.
Any new regulations issued pursuant to the bills covered by H.R. 5
could be tied up in court for years. The Senate provision, which is the
same as the original contract, would preclude judicial reviews, and I
urge my colleagues to look at the Senate provision very carefully. It
carries out the language of the contract. It favors review but it does
not favor lawyers and litigation.
New cottage industries on mandate law will suddenly spring up all
over the country. Courses in mandate will be required to graduate from
law school. The Civil Division at the Department of Justice will have
to increase the number of lawyers it hires in order to keep up with the
rising workload. Anyone remotely familiar with civil litigation knows
that that agency regulations could easily be tied up in court for
years. Delays, postponements, discovery, motions, and trials would make
the swift implementation of agency regulations next to impossible.
Meanwhile, the American people would be left out without vital health
and safety protection.
How important are these regulations?
Well, I think one example will suffice. Just ask the parents of
children who have died of E. coli bacteria about the need for new
mandated requirements with State governments for meat inspection. The
President and Vice President are continuing a historic effort to
reinvent Government. Part of this effort involves streamlining and
simplifying the Federal regulatory process.
It also involves making the Federal Government respond more quickly
to the needs of the American people. Yet much of the progress that has
been made already by the President will be undone if all of the
Government actions are subject to judicial review.
The Federal Government will become entangled in an endless array of
needless and confusing regulatory requirements in an effort to protect
itself from being sued.
Those who support judicial review argue that it is needed to ensure
that Federal agencies comply with the requirements of this act. But
there are other more effective ways to guarantee compliance. One way is
the congressional oversight process, and that is what our committee is:
Government Reform and Oversight.
The Constitution confers on the Congress the responsibility to
oversee the operations of the Federal Government. Congress has also
been given a vast arsenal of weapons to oversee agencies' compliance
with Federal law, including subpoena power and the power to command the
appearance of witnesses to testify in public hearings, and the power to
get access to most agency documents.
Second, we have the appropriations process, the power of the purse.
An agency's failure to comply with Federal law can be met with a
reduction in funding for that agency. I can think of no more powerful
tool to enforce the requirements of this bill.
Many supporters of the no funding, no mandates provisions in this
bill should also be concerned if it is undermined by judicial review.
Suppose during a fiscal year the Committee on Appropriations fails to
fully fund a mandate, triggering the bill's requirement that the
responsible agency reduce the responsibilities of State and local
governments. Judicial review will prevent that reduction from going
into effect. This will leave State and local governments with less
money while performing the same duties for years, while the issue is
resolved in court.
Tying up the executive branch with costly litigation is not an
appropriate remedy for the problem of compliance. Compromising health
and safety regulations because of legal gridlock is extremely
dangerous.
And again, I am going to support the amendment by the gentleman from
Virginia [Mr. Moran], but I sure do not think it goes far enough.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. GOODLING. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GOODLING. I yield to the distinguished chairman, the gentleman
from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, just to clarify what may not have been
clarified, and that is that as the chairman of the committee I do
support the gentleman's amendment wholeheartedly.
Mr. MORAN, Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will yield, I very much
thank the gentleman for that clarification.

{time} 1350

Mr. GOODLING. Mr. Chairman, there was a time in the history of this
Congress when they believed that people back home would believe
whatever we say and whatever we say we did rather than really tell them
the way it is. Fortunately for this country that time is gone forever.
I can remember a gentleman that I came with to Congress, and I used
to say to him, ``I do not understand the philosophy you espouse here,
because it seems to be totally opposite of your constituency.'' He
said, ``My constituents believe what I tell them.'' Well, as I said,
fortunately that is gone. I mention that simply because I am glad an
accommodation was worked out, because as the gentleman from Virginia
said, I feel very strongly about judicial review. I feel very strongly
because nothing is going to happen if that threat is not there.
When we presented the bill a couple years ago, I and others asked the
CRS to comment on what it is we were doing in relationship to judicial
review. We asked three specific things: How judicial review would apply
to sections 201, 202, and 203; what impact this would have on the
regulatory process, whether agencies would have to comply with the
stipulations stated in sections 201, 202, 203, if section 201, page 15,
lines 22 through 24, were removed.
I am convinced in their response that we are on the right track and
we are on the right track when we sent out the Dear Colleague, and I
would like to read just a portion of that Dear Colleague:

As you may recall, President Jimmy Carter signed the
Regulatory Flexibility Act into law September 19, 1980. The
new law requires agencies to consider the special needs and
concerns of small entities whenever they engage in rulemaking
subject to the notice and comment requirements of the APA or
other laws. Each time an agency was to propose a rule in the
Federal Register, it was also supposed to publish a
regulatory flexibility analysis. This RFA would describe the
impact of a proposed rule on small entities, which includes
small business, organizations, and governmental jurisdiction.

Well, to make a long story short, provided in this was also an
indication that judicial review would not apply. The end result was, as
history will show, that the agencies paid no attention whatsoever to
the RFA. They just ignored it completely, and so it meant that
the act had no teeth and, therefore, the act was totally worthless.

That was my fear with this legislation, that we would have this
wonderful shell out there as if we were really doing something big, but
they would not have the opportunity for judicial review. In return, the
agencies would pay no attention whatsoever.
Now, you see, the history of judicial review would indicate to us
that there is no standing only line out there where everybody is
rushing in trying to get into the judicial review process. It is so
difficult that very seldom is it ever used.
So, again, I am glad that we have come up with some accommodation. I
hope we are strong enough, because I feel very strongly that without it
this is a worthless, toothless piece of legislation.
Mr. EWING. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
[[Page H921]] Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this
amendment and the compromise that has been reached with this piece of
legislation.
When I first ran for Congress, I realized in talking to my
constituency that there is a real problem with excessive regulation,
and there is a real problem, because the Federal Government was not
listening to the little guy, to the small business, to the units of
government that do not have large legal staffs or big budgets. When I
came to this body then, I thought what can we do about it. I looked
into it, and I found that we had the Regulatory Flexibility Act, and I
read that act. I thought, ``This should work. This should be a big
help.''
And then I said, ``Why is it not working?'' Well, I was told very
quickly that it was not working because of the boilerplate language in
that act that says that any agency can say the act does not apply to
this rule and regulation and move right ahead as if no analysis was
needed.
What was the response from those being regulated? It was there was no
judicial review.
Ladies and gentlemen, judicial review is imperative unless we want to
project on the American people another cruel hoax that we are doing
something to help them overcome regulation and yet we are not.
So this is an excellent compromise. I think that it is excellent that
we are going to do this and send it to conference, and we can discuss
that with the Senate side and hopefully we will come up with judicial
review that will protect the little guy, the small business, the small
unit of government.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has had prior recognition.
Without objection, the gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I rose before to strike the last word, and
I rise in support of the amendment now.
I do so to clarify for the Record that the General Accounting Office
was asked to review what is called the Reg Flex Act to see whether the
regulatory flexibility regulations are in fact being enforced by the
executive branch, and they came back with a report which I would insert
in the Record following my remarks that some agencies have in fact
complied.
The Environmental Protection Agency, which is a target of much of the
debate here today, they said had complied. Where there was
noncompliance, the reasons were many, not, they pointed out, because
there was a lack of judicial review, but because the Small Business
Administration had not issued guidance, or the OMB had not established
procedures to enforce the Regulatory Flexibility Act. They did not say
that a judicial review was recommended or required in order for the
Regulatory Act to work. I want to make that point clear.
Because I do not think judicial review is advisable as a part of
enforcement of these proposals.
Mr. Chairman, the GAO report is included at this point in the Record,
as follows:

U.S. General Accounting Office,

Washington, DC, April 27, 1994.
Hon. John J. LaFalce,
Chairman, Committee on Small Business, House of
Representatives.
Hon. John Glenn,
Chairman, Committee on Governmental Affairs, U.S. Senate.
This letter is in response to your requests that we
evaluate federal agencies' implementation of the Regulatory
Flexibility Act of 1980 (RFA), codified in Title 5 of the
U.S. Code.\1\ Specifically, you asked that we (1) review the
Small Business Administration's (SBA) annual reports on
agency compliance with the RFA and generalize from the
reports about which agencies were and were not implementing
the RFA in an effective manner and (2) review SBA annual
reports and related documents on the extent to which agencies
have complied with the RFA requirement that they periodically
examine their rules (section 610 of Title 5).
\1\ 5 U.S.C. 601-612.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------

background

The RFA requires federal agencies to assess the effects on
their proposed rules on small entities. According to the RFA,
small entities include small businesses, small governmental
jurisdictions, and small not-for-profit organizations. As a
result of their assessments, agencies must either (1) perform
a regulatory flexibility analysis describing the impact of
the proposed rules on small entities or (2) certify that
their rules will not have a ``significant economic impact on
a substantial number of small entities.'' The RFA does not
define ``significant economic impact'' or ``substantial
number,'' but does require the regulatory flexibility
analysis to indicate the objectives of the rule and the
projected reporting, recordkeeping, and other compliance
requirements. Agencies must also consider alternatives to the
proposal that will accomplish the agencies' objectives while
minimizing the impact on small entities. The RFA also
requires agencies to publish a semiannual regulatory agenda
that describes any prospective rule that is likely to have a
significant effect on a substantial number of small entities.
Section 612 of Title 5 requires the SBA Chief Counsel for
Advocacy to monitor and report at least annually on agency
compliance with the RFA.\2\ SBA's primary method of
monitoring agencies' compliance is to review and comment on
proposed regulations when they are published for notice and
comment in the Federal Register during the federal rulemaking
process. The Chief Counsels have issued 12 annual reports on
RFA compliance since 1980.\3\ The reports discuss some, but
not all, federal agencies' RFA compliance.
\2\There have been several Chief Counsels since the RFA was
enacted, some of whom served as Acting Chief Counsels. In
this report, the Acting Chief Counsels are referred to as
``Chief Counsels.''
\3\The first report for 1981 was provided on October 7, 1981,
in testimony before the Subcommittee on Export Opportunities
and Special Small business Problems of the House Committee on
Small Business. Reports for 1989 and 1990 were not prepared
until 1992. All reports were prepared the year after the
subject year. The report for 1993 is scheduled to be
published in mid-1994.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------

results in brief

The SBA annual reports indicated agencies' compliance with
the RFA has varied widely from one agency to another. Some
agencies (e.g., the Environmental Protection Agency) were
repeatedly characterized as satisfying the RFA's
requirements, while other agencies (e.g., the Internal
Revenue Service) were viewed by SBA as recalcitrant in
complying with those requirements. Still other agencies' RFA
compliance reportedly varied over time (e.g., the Federal
Communications Commission) or varied by subagency (e.g., the
U.S. Department of Agriculture). The same lack of uniform
compliance is reflected in SBA documents regarding the
section 610 requirement that agencies periodically examine
their rules. Some agencies had developed plans for the review
of their regulations and had acted on those plans, while
other agencies had neither developed plans nor taken any
action.
One reason for this lack of compliance with the RFA's
requirements is that the RFA does not expressly authorize SBA
to interpret key provisions in the statute. Also, the RFA
does not require SBA to develop criteria for agencies to
follow in reviewing their rules, and SBA has not issued any
guidance to federal agencies defining key statutory
provisions. Finally, the RFA does not authorize SBA or any
other agency to compel rulemaking agencies to comply with the
act's provisions. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB)
said that it has helped to ensure RFA compliance during the
rulemaking process whenever SBA has notified OMB of SBA's
concerns regarding an agency's RFA compliance. However, OMB's
ability to ensure RFA compliance has been limited because SBA
does not normally notify OMB of SBA's RFA concerns when it
comments on agencies' proposed rules. Also, OMB has no
established procedures in its review process to determine
whether agencies have complied with the RFA. Finally, OMB
cannot review rules from independent regulatory agencies or
agricultural marketing orders.
objectives, scope, and methodology

The objectives of our review were to determine which
agencies SBA's annual reports and other documents (1)
frequently indicated were and were not implementing the RFA
in an effective manner and (2) indicated were and were not
complying with section 610 of Title 5. To accomplish these
objectives, we reviewed the annual reports of the SBA Chief
Counsel for Advocacy for 1981 through 1992; correspondence
from SBA and various agencies regarding section 610
activities; and related hearing records, reports, and other
RFA-related materials. We also obtained information on the
RFA and the regulatory process from officials at both SBA and
OMB. We did not make an independent determination of
agencies' RFA compliance. Any characterizations of particular
agencies in this report are directly attributable to SBA. We
discussed the results of our work with the SBA Chief Counsel
for Advocacy and officials, including the Deputy
Administrator, from the Office of Information and Regulatory
Affairs at OMB in March 1994 and incorporated their comments
where appropriate. We conducted our review from September
1993 to February 1994 at the Washington, D.C., headquarters
offices of SBA and OMB. The review was conducted in
accordance with generally accepted government auditing
standards.

sba reports indicate variable agency compliance with the rfa

The SBA annual reports we reviewed did not evaluate all
federal agencies' compliance
[[Page H922]] with the RFA.\4\ Only the Environmental
Protection Agency's compliance record was specifically
mentioned in all 12 reports. Five other agencies--the U.S.
Department of Agriculture (certain subagencies), the U.S.
Department of Labor, the Federal Communications Commission,
the Internal Revenue Service, and the Securities and Exchange
Commission--were mentioned in at least 8 of the 12 reports.
At the other extreme, some agencies (e.g., the U.S.
Departments of Education, Energy, Housing and Urban
Development, Justice, State, and Veterans Affairs) were
either not mentioned in any annual reports or were only
rarely mentioned. The SBA Chief Counsel said that differences
in the degree to which agencies were mentioned in the reports
are primarily due to differences between the agencies in
their levels of regulatory activity. For example, the State
Department issues very few regulations that affect small
entities.
\4\All but the first report contained an appendix listing
selected comments filed by the Office of Advocacy regarding
agencies' proposed rules during the year. These listings did
not, however, evaluate agencies' compliance with the RFA.
The Chief Counsel said SBA normally becomes aware of the
specifics of a proposed rule when it is published for notice
and comment. If SBA believes the rulemaking agency has not
adequately considered the effect of the proposed rule on
small entities, the Chief Counsel said SBA will send the
agency written comments. However, the Chief Counsel said that
SBA does not usually send OMB a copy of their compliance
concerns. OMB officials said that SBA officials have
occasionally called them on the telephone regarding certain
agencies' RFA compliance and, in those instances, OMB has
taken SBA's views into consideration during its reviews and
helped ensure RFA compliance. For example, they said that if
SBA official told them that a rulemaking agency should have
conducted an RFA analysis, OMB would ask the agency to show
why an analysis was not done before permitting the proposed
rule to be published in its final form.

conclusions

Our review of SBA's annual reports and other documentation
indicated that some agencies have not complied with the RFA
as interpreted by the SBA Chief Counsel for Advocacy. We
believe that the reasons for this apparent lack of compliance
include the following: (1) the RFA does not expressly
authorize SBA to interpret the act's key provisions, (2) the
RFA does not require SBA to develop criteria for agencies to
follow in reviewing their rules, (3) SBA has not issued any
guidance to federal agencies defining key statutory
provisions in the RFA, and (4) the RFA does not authorize SBA
or any other entity to compel rulemaking agencies to comply
with the act's provisions.
OMB can help ensure certain rulemaking agencies' compliance
with the RFA by reviewing and commenting on those agencies'
significant regulatory actions pursuant to its
responsibilities under Executive Order 12866. OMB can return
most regulatory actions to agencies for further consideration
if it believes the actions are inconsistent with the RFA.
However, OMB's authority to play an enforcement role is
limited in several respects. OMB cannot review rules proposed
by independent regulatory agencies and cannot return
agricultural marketing orders to AMS. Also, OMB does not have
established criteria or procedures to determine whether
agencies have complied with the RFA. Finally, while SBA
reportedly notifies rulemaking agencies in writing of its RFA
concerns during the rulemaking notice and comment period, it
does not normally provide OMB with a copy of those concerns
and only occasionally telephones OMB about SBA's compliance
concerns. Therefore, OMB's ability to ensure agencies' RFA
compliance is diminished because it is often unaware of SBA's
concerns regarding an agency's compliance.
matters for consideration of congress

If Congress wishes to strengthen the implementation of the
RFA, it should consider amending the act to (1) provide SBA
with clearer authority and responsibility to interpret the
RFA's provisions and (2) require SBA, in consultation with
OMB, to develop criteria as to whether and how federal
agencies should conduct RFA analyses. Congress could also
consider focusing its RFA oversight on the independent
regulatory agencies and agricultural marketing orders over
which OMB's review and comment authority is limited.

recommendations

We recommend that the OMB Director, in consultation with
SBA, establish procedures OMB can use to determine agencies'
compliance with the RFA. These procedures should be
incorporated into OMB's processes for reviewing regulations
before they are published for notice and comment and before
they are published in final. We also recommend that the SBA
Administrator direct the SBA Chief Counsel for Advocacy to
send OMB a copy of any written notification of RFA
noncompliance the Chief Counsel sends to an agency.

agency comments and our evaluation

We provided a draft of this report to the SBA Chief Counsel
for Advocacy and discussed the report with her on March 23,
1994. She suggested certain technical changes, which were
incorporated into the final report. Overall, she said she
agreed with the report's conclusions and recommendations. She
said SBA welcomes clarification of its authority to interpret
RFA provisions and will work with OMB to develop criteria and
procedures for agency compliance with the act. The Chief
Counsel also said that she will send OMB a copy of any
written notifications of RFA noncompliance she sends to
agencies during the rulemaking process.
We also provided a draft of the report to the Administrator
of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs at OMB
and discussed the report with her staff on March 3, 1994. The
Deputy Administrator said OMB has no objection to any changes
in the statute or in the rulemaking process that would
strengthen its position in ensuring RFA compliance. He also
said OMB would work with SBA to develop criteria and
procedures for determining RFA compliance. Finally, he said
that if the SBA Chief Counsel notifies OMB during the
rulemaking process that an agency is not complying with the
RFA, OMB would discuss the issue with the agency before
concluding its review of any final regulations.
We are sending copies of this report to the SBA
Administrator, the SBA Chief Counsel for Advocacy, the OMB
Director, the Administrator of the Office of Information and
Regulatory Affairs at OMB, interested congressional
committees, and others who may have an interest in this
matter. Copies will also be made available to others upon
request.
The major contributors to this report are Charles I.
Patton, Jr., Associate Director, Federal Management Issues,
General Government Division; Curtis W. Copeland, Assistant
Director, Federal Management Issues, General Government
Division; and V. Bruce Goddard, Senior Attorney, Office of
the General Counsel. If you have any questions or require any
additional information, please call me on (202) 512-8676.
William M. Hunt,
Director, Federal Management Issues.

The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran].
The amendment was agreed to.
amendment offered by ms. pryce

Ms. PRYCE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, No. 106 as printed in
the Congressional Record.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Ms. Pryce: At the end of title II
insert the following:

SEC. 206. ANNUAL STATEMENTS TO CONGRESS ON AGENCY COMPLIANCE
WITH REQUIREMENTS OF TITLE.

Not later than one year after the effective date of title
III and annually thereafter, the Director of the Office of
Management and Budget shall submit to Congress, including the
Committee on Government Reform and Oversight of the House of
Representatives and the Committee on Governmental Affairs of
the Senate, written statements detailing the compliance with
the requirements of sections 201 and 202 by each agency
during the period reported on.

Ms. PRYCE. Mr. Chairman, the amendment that I am offering, along with
my friend, the gentleman from California [Mr. Condit], is designed very
simply to strengthen regulatory accountability and improve
congressional oversight of executive branch agencies.
To insure that Federal agencies are not skirting the intent of this
legislation, our amendment would require the Office of Management and
Budget to provide Congress with annual written statements detailing
each Federal agency's compliance with the requirements set forth in
title II. Our proposal would allow the Committee on Government Reform
and Oversight and its sister committee in the Senate to conduct greater
oversight of Federal agencies.
The amendment is not meant as a substitute for judicial review, nor
is it incompatible therewith.
Our amendment would merely give Congress a reliable status check on
how well agencies are complying and whether any modifications are
needed.
Without this amendment, I fear agencies may regard these requirements
merely as obstacles to overcome, rather than a standard to be
diligently applied.
This amendment provides real teeth go into title II of this
legislation. Accountability should be part and parcel of the work that
every Federal agency performs.
Too often, bureaucracies take on a life of their own, and in the
process they lose sight of the original intent of the legislation.
We have all heard the horror stories about regulatory abuses by
overzealous bureaucrats. This amendment would help ensure that State
and local governments and the private sector are protected from future
abuses.
[[Page H923]] State and local governments are valuable coregulators.
They help carry out the purposes of many Federal laws, and their
perspectives should be invited and heard.
This legislation and our amendment would force Federal agencies to
recognize that mandates impose real costs on taxpayers and consumers
alike. If for some reason agencies choose to ignore the requirements in
title II and avoid coming to this realization, then they will have to
justify their actions before this Congress.

{time} 1400

Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank my friend from California for his
strong support for this common sense, good government amendment. I urge
its adoption.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. PRYCE. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to say that my Rules Committee colleague
has done a superb job. The gentlewoman mentioned my friend from the
other part of California who is a coauthor of this amendment, but I
would like to associate myself with the words of the gentlewoman and
state that accountability is key here, and enhancing the ability for
reporting back to us from the agencies is I think a very important part
of this whole goal of trying to reduce this extraordinary burden which
is shifted from Washington onto the shoulders of State and local
governments.
I would like to again say how proud I am of the fine work my friend
from Columbus is doing on the Rules Committee and this amendment is
clear evidence of that.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. PRYCE. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger].
Mr. CLINGER. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, the gentlewoman's amendment is going to do much to shed
light on how this whole bill is going to work. It is going to provide
Congress with the administrative material to comply with H.R. 5. The
information is going to be of interest to the President as well, since
much of this is what is required by the President through his Executive
order, and I believe this affords the Congress strong oversight. I
think it is a very valuable addition to what we are trying to
accomplish in H.R. 5. It does clarify what is required, and I am glad
to support the gentlewoman.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. PRYCE. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to comment on my colleague from Ohio's
amendment. I would like to thank the Rules Committee for helping us to
perfect the legislation. This is a good example of that. It provides a
very important feedback loop back to the authorizing committees from
the agencies that I think is really critical in order for the structure
of H.R. 5 to work properly, and I congratulate the gentlewoman.
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. PRYCE. I am happy to yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. CONDIT. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment and say this is one
of the good amendments that would force Congress to revisit this issue
so it does not get away from us. It forces us to reevaluate the
program, whether or not it is working, so we can take corrective
actions if we need to do so.
I commend the gentlewoman for her thoughtfulness in bringing up this
amendment, and I have enjoyed working with her on it.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. PRYCE. I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins].
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I have reviewed the amendment and support it.
As I said earlier, congressional oversight of agency compliance with
title II is an important mechanism that should be used to make title II
effective.
It is a less costly and more effective oversight tool than the
courts.
I recognize it is not being offered as a substitute for judicial
review, but I still support it as a useful amendment.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. PRYCE. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. TRAFICANT. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I think this is a very good perfecting amendment. It
not only is common sense, it is good government. I think the
gentlewoman brings that record to the Congress, and I support the
amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Ohio [Ms. Pryce].
The amendment was agreed to.

Amendment, as Modified, Offered by Mr. ALLARD

Mr. ALLARD. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, and I ask unanimous
consent that it be considered as read and printed in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
Colorado?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, reserving the right to
object, we would like to know the number of the amendment.
Mr. ALLARD. Mr. Chairman, if the gentlewoman will yield, it is No.
26.
The CHAIRMAN. It is the Chair's understanding that this is a new form
of the amendment.
Mr. ALLARD. This is a modification of amendment No. 26. We cleared it
with the Clerk, and it was determined that the best way for everybody
to understand where we were at this point was just to move the
amendment. But it is a modification of amendment No. 26.
The CHAIRMAN. The amendment, as modified, is required to be read.
Is there objection to dispensing with the reading of the amendment?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order
until we find out what the modification is.
The CHAIRMAN. The point of order is reserved.
Mr. ALLARD. Mr. Chairman, I have no objection to reading the
amendment. It is a very short amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Colorado [Mr. Allard] withdraws his
request, and the Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:

Amendment, as modified, offered by Mr. Allard: In section
202(a) in the matter preceding paragraph (1), strike
``prepare a written statement containing--'' and insert
``prepare a written statement identifying the provision of
Federal law under which the rule is being promulgated and
containing--''.

Mr. ALLARD. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 5 and also the
amendment, as modified. I want to note that according to my
understanding, the amendment, as modified, is now acceptable to the
sponsors of H.R. 5.
The Unfunded Mandates Reform Act of 1995 is a piece of legislation
whose time has come. However, as currently written, H.R. 5 will not
prohibit certain regulations that could impose an unfunded mandate on
States and localities. That is why Mr. Graham of South Carolina and I
are offering this amendment to tighten H.R. 5.
Our amendment requires regulatory agencies to identify the statutes
that give the agencies specific authority to issue a regulation that
imposes a mandate on State and local government and the private sector.
This helps to ensure that executive agencies cannot escape the scrutiny
of H.R. 5 by issuing general regulations that impose an unfunded
mandate.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ALLARD. I yield to the chairman of the committee.
Mr. CLINGER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I would rise in support of the amendment. President
Clinton's Executive order contains a very similar kind of requirement
that a regulatory plan must include a statement of the statutory basis
by which the plan is being carried out, and I think this clarifies that
the intent is we are not trying to do anything extralegally. We are
trying to ensure that what does
[[Page H924]] happen here is going to be done according to statute. I
think it is a welcome addition to the bill.
I would urge my colleagues to support the Allard-Graham amendment.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ALLARD. I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. GRAHAM. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment is the kind of amendment that embodies
the idea of government, a very simple idea but an important idea.
Almost every municipality or county government in my district is
affected by an unfunded regulatory mandate. What we are trying to do
now is for the regulatory agency to tell us where the authority exists
to regulate, to begin with. A big problem in this country is that
agencies get off and running with these statutes and we are trying to
rein them in.
I come from a town of 2,000 people. Let me tell you what happened to
a town of 2,000 in central South Carolina because of a regulatory
mandate situation.
The water bill went up 80 percent, we spent $16,000 to test the water
through a government mandate that could have been done for about $2,000
from a private firm. We had to pay $5 million to upgrade their water
system, to test for contaminants not native to South Carolina.
It is about time we started doing something about it, and this is a
good step.
Mr. BURR. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ALLARD. I yield to the gentleman from North Carolina.
Mr. BURR. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the Allard-Graham
amendment. I believe that this amendment will halt overzealous
regulators that pass unfunded mandates to our local communities. This
amendment strengthens H.R. 5, by forcing Federal regulators to be
fiscally responsible as well. Under this amendment, regulators will be
required to reference a specific law before passing unfunded mandates
onto the State and local officials.
In my district, I had a county commission that was forced to raise
taxes on its citizens, not from an unfunded Federal mandate, but from
an unfunded regulatory agency mandate. In Caldwell County, the
Environmental Protection Agency forced the commission to place a clay
liner on its land fill. Protection was not at issue. Instead, the issue
was why a clay liner? Why was it necessary to use a material not
available in the area? Why not look for and use and equally reliable
material to reduce the $6 million cost to this community? And most
importantly, what law gave the EPA the right to mandate this community?
The fact is, a lack of legislation allowed this to occur. By supporting
the Allard-Graham amendment, you can put an end to this ``taxation
without representation''.
Mr. Chairman, I urge strong support for this amendment.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ALLARD. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. MORAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise at this time only to withdraw the point of order
reservation made by the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins].
The CHAIRMAN. The reservation of the point of order is withdrawn.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ALLARD. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's amendment. It
is a good amendment. It is the kind of clarification that we need. I
would also like to thank the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr.
Graham] for working closely with the sponsors of the legislation and
with the chairman of the committee to come up with a proposal that I
think fits with the broader scheme of H.R. 5.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment, as modified, offered
by the gentleman from Colorado [Mr. Allard].
The amendment, as modified, was agreed to.

{time} 1410

Amendment Offered by Mr. Oxley

Mr. OXLEY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designated the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Oxley:

SECTION 205. CLARIFICATION OF MANDATE ISSUE AS TO GREAT LAKES
WATER QUALITY GUIDANCE.

Section (c)(2)(C) of the Federal Water Pollution Control
Act (33 U.S.C. Section 1268(c)(2) is amended by adding at the
end thereof the following new sentence:

``For purposes of this subparagraph, the requirement that the
States adopt programs `consistent with' the Great Lakes
guidance shall mean that States are required to take the
guidance into account in adopting their programs for waters
within the Great Lakes System, but are in no event required
to adopt programs that are identical or substantially
identical to the provisions in the guidance.''

Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order against the
amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger] reserves
a point of order against the amendment.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Oxley].
Mr. OXLEY. Mr. Chairman, I would like to bring to the attention of my
colleagues another example of an unfunded mandate under the Clean Water
Act which will cost my constituents millions of dollars. The issue is
the proposed Great Lakes water quality rule from the U.S. EPA which is
expected to be finalized in early March.
The Great Lakes Critical Programs Act requires EPA to issue guidance
concerning certain water quality regulatory procedures, and then
requires the Great Lakes States to adopt requirements that are
consistent with that guidance. However, when EPA issued its proposed
guidance, that document was actually a binding regulatory mandate
instead of the guidance that the act requires. If fact, EPA clearly
indicated that it wants all of the State programs, to be identical to
the Federal rule.
EPA's intention to issue a binding regulation rather than guidance
with respect to the Great Lakes is inconsistent with congressional
intent. Also, by taking away any flexibility for a State to develop a
program that is appropriate for its own situation, EPA would violate
the basic federalism principles that are at the heart of the Clean
Water Act. Again, the Federal Government would be imposing an unfunded
mandate on the States.
This mandate will result in unfunded compliance costs in excess of $2
billion per year and potential loss of 33,000 jobs without producing
meaningful toxic reductions.
Several cities in my district surveyed their own municipal water
treatment operations and looked at the additional regulatory controls
needed to control mercury under the proposed Great Lakes water quality
rule. The survey, based upon mercury only, shows that it would cost
Bucyrus, OH, population 14,000, $13.6 million to comply with the
proposed rule. Mansfield, OH, population 50,000, would pay $29.1
million and Lima, OH, population 43,000, would pay $89 million.
In terms of household taxes, the town of Lima has estimated an
increase of $207 in taxes to pay for the costs of the water treatment
program. In later years, as the rule is fully implemented, the town of
Lima estimates that the household tax will increase to $1,147 per home
per year.
This is an incredible increase in local taxes for a federally
mandated program from EPA. These costs are in addition to what Lima
taxpayers already pay for safe drinking water controls and Clean Water
Act controls on mercury. The Federal Government and EPA cannot expect
towns like Lima to spend millions of additional dollars when the
results will demonstrate little environmental improvement.
EPA has simply gone too far. The 1986 reauthorization of the Clean
Water Act did not ask EPA to propose a rule on these pollutants to
improve the Great Lakes Basin. In fact, the act simply called for the
EPA to issue guidance to the States surrounding the Great Lakes.
The Great Lakes States want to fix the toxics problem, not just
throw
[[Page H925]] money at it. My amendment would require that the EPA
issued guidance which could be used in a flexible manner as the States
choose.
If we are to keep our promise we made with the people, we must not
force the costs of the Great Lakes initiative on the cities and States.
Including this initiative in the unfunded mandates reform would prevent
if from being issued as a regulation. It is my hope that if we cannot
resolve this matter today, Congress will move quickly to fix the Great
Lakes water quality initiative. While well-intended, this proposal is
an unproductive and expensive detour around the real environmental
solutions.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I am going to have to insist on my point
of order because I think the amendment is not germane. I do appreciate
the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Oxley] taking the time to raise this very
important issue. I would like to assure the gentleman that I am aware
of and sensitive to the impact that the Great Lakes water quality
initiative is going to have on municipalities and industries all across
the Great Lakes region.
My district does not border on the Great Lakes. My hometown of Warren
is only an hour's drive from Erie, PA, and, according to a study
conducted by the Great Lakes Quality Coalition, the EPA's new binding
regulatory mandates could cost Erie, PA $119 million. Also the General
Electric plant in Erie expects GLI's regulation to cost $50 million.
National Forge, a major employer in my district, manufactures
crankshafts for approximately 900 engines built annually in G.E.'s Erie
plant, and the G.E. plant accounts for nearly 20 percent of National
Forge's business, and the ripple effect of these costly mandates could
force layoffs, or worse, relocation of National Forge.
Another company affected by these new regulations that has
significant presence in my district is International Paper. The cost of
compliance to I.P.'s mill at Erie could reach $30 million.
Although the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Resources
states it would not impose the new regulations statewide, the Lock
Haven mill in my district could be indirectly affected since the Erie
mill supplies wood pulp to Lock Haven.
So, as the gentleman could see, I, too, have some concerns about
EPA's new regulations and very much appreciate his bringing this to our
attention and would like to work with the gentleman to address this
very important issue, but must insist, I think, on my point of order in
this regard.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Chairman, I commend the gentleman from Ohio [Mr.
Oxley], the author of the amendment to H.R. 5, for his efforts in
bringing this issue to the floor.
I support this proposal which seeks to clarify the original
legislative intent in the Federal Water Pollution Prevention and
Control Act of 1990. The language in this act requires the States to
institute water quality programs consistent with the Environmental
Protection Agency's Great Lakes guidance, but in no way requires the
States to adopt regulations which identically comply with the specific
elements of the Great Lakes guidance.
Accordingly, Mr. Chairman, it will be helpful to clarify the intent
of this section of the Federal Water Pollution Prevention and Control
Act.
Mr. OXLEY. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the
amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
Ohio?
There was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. The amendment is withdrawn.
Mr. BONIOR. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment that was just
withdrawn by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Oxley], and I take the time
of the House to speak on this because it is such an important issue to
those of us who reside on the Great Lakes.
The Great Lakes are the largest single body of fresh water in the
world. They are an important environmental and economic resource for
this Nation and for those of us who live on their borders.
In 1990, we passed the Great Lakes Critical Programs Act which
included a measure to level the playing field of all States that border
the Great Lakes. The Great Lakes Water Quality Initiative, or the GLI
as it is known, requires Great Lakes State governments to develop and
adopt uniform water quality standards, and it is imperative that the
overall mission of the GLI not be undermined by the amendment that we
were about to consider. This is a classic case where the Federal
Government is needed to ensure that each State is playing by the same
rules, that we have a level playing field, that one State does not
disadvantage another State.
The GLI eliminates the competitive advantage a State might derive by
setting relaxed pollution standards. Now different States share
resources, and one has a different approach to managing the resources
than another. Who mediates the dispute? Logic would suggest the Federal
Government.
I do not always agree with my Governor, Gov. John Engler of Michigan,
but in this case he understands the need to replace conflicting water
pollution control rules that widely vary from State to State with a
uniform comprehensive and enforceable set of standards, and in this
instance I hope that others of his party will follow his lead in the
future.
While I do not believe this amendment is germane, and it obviously is
not because it was withdrawn by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Oxley] at
the suggestion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger], I
would have opposed it anyway. Good responsible governing does not try
to gut every Federal rule that has ever been made. It is about
resolving issues that States cannot resolve on their own. This is one
instance where the Federal Government should and must intervene, and I
hope, when this debate unfolds in the future, that we will remember
this issue and we will
not give up on a program that works, is needed and will help mediate
the problems between the various Great Lakes States.

Mr. Chairman, I submit for the Record an editorial from the Detroit
Free Press: ``Ban on Federal Mandates May Even Hurt Great Lakes.''

[From the Detroit Free Press, Jan. 30, 1995]

Ban on Federal Mandates May Even Hurt Great Lakes

If you want an example of the mischief that can be done in
the name of heedlessly doing away with unfunded mandates,
consider an Ohio congressman's move to throw out the proposed
Great Lakes water quality standards.
The Great Lakes Initiative [GLI] has been painfully
hammered out by business, regulators, governors and the
environmental community. The result didn't satisfy everybody,
but its stunning virtue is that it would apply the same rules
to all players: Steel mills in Illinois, auto plants in Ohio
and sewage plants in Wisconsin would have the same water
quality rules as their counterparts in Michigan.
That protects the Great Lakes, and also eliminates the
competitive advantage a state might derive from winking at
pollution. The principle is critical for Michigan, which has
had tougher water quality standards than many of its
neighbors. The GLI has the firm support of Gov. John Engler.
That protects the Great Lakes, and also eliminates the
competitive advantage a stage might derive from winking at
pollution. The principle is critical for Michigan, which has
had tougher water quality standards than many of its
neighbors. The GLI has the firm support of Gov. John Engler.
Enter Rep. Michael Oxley, R-Ohio, with an amendment to the
unfunded mandates bill that would turn the GLI into advisory
guidelines, rather than rules. That would get Ohio off the
hook and gut Great Lakes protection. And bad as the Oxley
proposal is, it is only one of scores of similar amendments
the trash-the-rules gang is lining up to tack onto the
measure.
Clean lakes? Safe drinking water? Worker safety? Consumer
protection? Not if the mandate-bashers have anything to say
about it. Rep. Oxley's amendment emasculating the GLI is bad
enough. A rigid, unthinking prohibition of any form of
federal mandate would be far worse.
{time} 1420

amendment offered by mr. traficant

Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Traficant: In section 202(a),
after ``productive jobs,'' insert ``worker benefits and
pensions,''.

Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, this amendment has been banged around a
[[Page H926]] little bit. It has had quite a bit of scrutiny and
review, but I think it is imperative that the amendment be understood
and that we understand the importance of the amendment as it relates to
unfunded mandates, working people, and the health of our economy.
This bill requires Federal agencies to examine a number of factors
before promulgating regulations, but under this section where my
amendment is in fact targeted, agencies are required to examine the
effect of a proposed rule on the economy, the effect on productivity,
economic growth, full employment, creation of productive jobs, and the
impact on international competitiveness.
The Traficant amendment adds the impact on workers' benefits and
their pensions. Let me say this: Many pensions in this country are
underfunded. When a pension plan is underfunded, the Congress of the
United States bails those pension plans out through the Pension Benefit
Guaranty Corporation.
As we know, workers are worried sick around the country about many of
these underfunded pension plans.
The Traficant amendment is not designed to impose any regulatory
process on the insurance industry nor pension plans, but what the
Traficant amendment says is that when we consider and when that group
considers the impact of these unfunded Federal mandates on these
respective elements under section 202(a)(4), they also look at its
impact on the long-term effect on those health insurance plans and
those pension plans.
The Pension Plan Fund of America is the major source of investment
money that impacts our stock markets, our bond markets, and the
viability of our economic community, and I believe that in fact to
leave that out, to be silent on that, or to not address it specifically
would be a failing of this bill.
I am a strong supporter of the bill, and I believe that we cannot
separate these important areas from the other elements that are
addressed specifically in the bill.
So I would ask the Members to support the amendment and to keep that
amendment in that part of the bill which addresses the fact that it
must be reviewed and considered in any other capacity as those other
areas so delineated. I think if we are going to ask the agencies to
examine those other areas, we would be remiss if we did not focus on
those two main areas that so affect our economy.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from California
[Mr. Condit].
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
rise in support of the amendment offered by my colleague, the gentleman
from Ohio [Mr. Traficant].
The gentleman from Ohio has been very active on this issue of making
the bill a better bill. I think this amendment is a good amendment. I
think he has tried to work it out with the majority and tried to do
everything he can to make sure it fits in where it is supposed to fit.
I commend the gentleman for his effort and his support on this issue.
It has been greatly appreciated, and I ask the Members to support the
amendment.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from California
for his leadership on the bill.
Mr. Chairman, I now yield to the distinguished chairman of the
subcommittee.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I want to say that as I understand the
debate over the type of unfunded mandates we are talking about, I see
them distant in the areas I can think of from the areas the gentleman
is talking about.
However, the area of pension guarantees is so important that if there
is any possibility that this legislation affects the areas the
gentleman from Ohio is identifying, then I think it is important that
we add his amendment to the bill as offered, and I accept the amendment
and support it.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the support of the
gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Schiff].
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs.
Collins].
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for
yielding.
I certainly support the gentleman's amendment. It makes a lot of
sense. It would add the words, ``work benefits and pensions'' after the
words, ``creation of productive jobs'' as one aspect of private sector
regulatory analysis.
Certainly regulations can affect productivity and jobs. They can
create jobs or cost jobs. What is equally important is the impact upon
the benefits and pensions of workers across the country. I find that
the average worker is not just concerned about the security of his job
or her job, but they are equally concerned about the security of
benefits and the security of pensions which are increasingly being
eroded.
The gentleman's amendment makes a lot of good sense. It focuses our
attention and the agency's attention on this very important matter.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Traficant] has
expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mr. Traficant was allowed to proceed for 2
additional minutes.)
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. TRAFICANT. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank my colleague, the gentleman from
Ohio, for yielding, and I just want to thank the gentleman for
educating us over the last several hours here on this very important
issue. I thank the gentleman for his contribution to the debate.
Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's comments.
Before I complete my presentation, let me say this: It is not just
the retirees and their pension plans I am concerned about. When those
pension plans are impacted and that money dries up for investment in
our economy, it impacts the active workers in our country as well.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the openness of the Members of the
majority party in looking at this issue as broadly as they have. I
appreciate their support.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Traficant].
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. FATTAH. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to protect my right to offer an amendment,
amendment No. 14.
I understand a similar amendment has already been considered today,
and I was not on the floor at that time. But I do, nonetheless, want to
raise the issue.
Mr. Chairman, on page 17 of this bill it provides that each agency
shall develop an effective process to permit elected officials or their
designated representatives of State, local, or tribal governments to
provide meaningful and timely input in the development of regulatory
proposals.
The amendment that I had considered offering today and, therefore,
had printed in the Record, was an amendment that would also provide for
private sector input and not just the input of elected officials. I
thought the thrust of what I had been hearing here on the Hill was that
we wanted to give the government back to the people, and that perhaps
we wanted to have input from individuals, private individuals, not just
elected officials.
Having understood a previous amendment which was very similar to mine
was not passed, I would be willing to not belabor the point if I could
get a point of view as to why this type of amendment would not be found
acceptable by the majority.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. FATTAH. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's yielding.
Very briefly, we did have a good discussion on this issue previously
in response to the amendment offered by the gentleman from California
[Mr. Waxman] which was not accepted.
I think there are two issues here. No. 1, there is a process by which
through the existing Administrative Procedures Act, in a notice and
comment period in the private sector, individuals would have an
opportunity to be heard.
The second point is that we do in fact provide for a special place in
a sense for State and local governments at the table, but that is
because they are the coregulators of the very Federal regulations that
are subject to this rulemaking.
So I think the response is, frankly, that there is already in the
process the
[[Page H927]] opportunity for people to be heard, and that is
appropriate. We endorse that. But we did not need to carve out a
special requirement for the agencies with respect to this. We did so
for State and local governments, again in the sense that they are the
coregulators and are directly affected by these regulations.
Mr. FATTAH. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his explanation.
Mr. Chairman, in consideration of what has been offered as an
explanation, I would reiterate that it would seem to me that it would
be appropriate for us to provide in this section absolute guarantees of
private sector input and private citizen input. However, so that we
would not delay the process and in consideration of the vote on the
previous amendment which was similar to mine, I at this point would
withdraw my amendment.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield further?
Mr. FATTAH. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, let me say that I again thank the
gentleman from Pennsylvania. We worked closely on some other amendments
in the process, including amendments to title I, and I appreciate the
gentleman's withdrawing his amendment at this time.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will state that the gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. Fattah] simply declines to offer his amendment.

{time} 1430

Mr. ROTH. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, this is an extremely important piece of legislation,
and I must just take 1 minute to draw the body's attention to what this
legislation is doing in the area, for example, of the Great Lakes.
Mr. Chairman, we've heard many examples of the burdens placed on the
States by unfunded Federal mandates during this debate. The Great Lakes
States, are facing a very serious problem that will affect cities,
townships, and villages all around the lakes.
The EPA's proposed Great Lakes Water Quality Initiative [GLI] will
impose substantial costs on local government and industry with little
proven environmental benefit.
The EPA Science Advisory Board and the American Council on Science
and Health, as well as a study commissioned by the Great lakes
Governors, have all expressed doubts about the proposal's potential
environmental effectiveness.
There is little doubt, however, that the proposal will do significant
damage to the Great Lakes economy. The Governors' study estimates that
it will cost more than $2 billion a year and destroy more than 33,000
jobs.
These large costs are not being imposed solely on industry. The most
recent study estimates the costs will be even higher. For just 50
municipalities, this study estimates $1.7 billion in capital costs and
$695 million in operating and maintenance costs. That means costs to
the entire region could be well in excess of $5 billion.
The EPA currently intends to issue the proposal as a binding
regulatory mandate that must be implemented the same way in every State
and every community. There would be no flexibility, and consequently,
no opportunity to reduce costs.
This is yet another example of an outrageous unfunded mandate imposed
by an out-of-control bureaucracy. A mandate that may bankrupt an entire
region with little or no proven environmental benefit.
We must return to some common sense in our governmental conduct. The
proposal was originally intended as a guidance, not a mandate. We must
give the States back the flexibility to adopt the GLI to local
conditions and needs.
This amendment says clearly that the States should take the EPA
guidance into account in adopting water quality programs. At the same
time, however, State programs do not have to be identical to the EPA
guidance.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment would provide a sensible remedy to an
expensive and unfair situation.
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that we proceed out
of order at this point. I think this amendment is the last one that was
going to be offered in title II. We are working with the majority side
to try to reach agreement on this language. Rather than try to proceed
prematurely, I ask unanimous consent that we go into title III and
reserve the right to come back.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, reserving the right to object, we have no
objection. The gentleman from Colorado and the chairman of the
committee have been discussing this issue. In the possibility that they
might reach agreement, it would be well warranted.
Mr. Chairman, I withdraw my reservation of objection.
The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the rights of the gentleman from
Colorado [Mr. Skaggs] to offer an amendment to title II will be
protected.
There was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there further amendments to title II?
If not, the Clerk will designate title III.
The text of title III is as follows:

TITLE III--LEGISLATIVE ACCOUNTABILITY AND REFORM

SEC. 301. LEGISLATIVE MANDATE ACCOUNTABILITY AND REFORM.

Title IV of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 is amended
by--
(1) inserting before section 401 the following:

``Part A--General Provisions''; and

(2) adding at the end the following new part:

``Part B--Federal Mandates

``SEC. 421. DEFINITIONS.

``For purposes of this part:
``(1) Agency.--The term `agency' has the meaning stated in
section 551(1) of title 5, United States Code, but does not
include independent regulatory agencies, as defined by
section 3502(10) of title 44, United States Code.
``(2) Director.--The term `Director' means the Director of
the Congressional Budget Office.
``(3) Federal financial assistance.--The term `Federal
financial assistance' means the amount of budget authority
for any Federal grant assistance or any Federal program
providing loan guarantees or direct loans.
``(4) Federal intergovernmental mandate.--The term `Federal
intergovernmental mandate' means--
``(A) any provision in legislation, statute, or regulation
that--
``(i) would impose an enforceable duty upon States, local
governments, or tribal governments, except--
``(I) a condition of Federal assistance; or
``(II) a duty arising from participation in a voluntary
Federal program, except as provided in subparagraph (B); or
``(ii) would reduce or eliminate the amount of
authorization of appropriations for Federal financial
assistance that would be provided to States, local
governments, or tribal governments for the purpose of
complying with any such previously imposed duty unless such
duty is reduced or eliminated by a corresponding amount; or
``(B) any provision in legislation, statute, or regulation
that relates to a then-existing Federal program under which
$500,000,000 or more is provided annually to States, local
governments, and tribal governments under entitlement
authority, if--
``(i)(I) the provision would increase the stringency of
conditions of assistance to States, local governments, or
tribal governments under the program; or
``(II) would place caps upon, or otherwise decrease, the
Federal Government's responsibility to provide funding to
States, local governments, or tribal governments under the
program; and
``(ii) the States, local governments, or tribal governments
that participate in the Federal program lack authority under
that program to amend their financial or programmatic
responsibilities to continue providing required services that
are affected by the legislation, statute, or regulation.
``(5) Federal private sector mandate.--The term `Federal
private sector mandate' means any provision in legislation,
statute, or regulation that--
``(A) would impose an enforceable duty on the private
sector except--
``(i) a condition of Federal assistance; or
``(ii) a duty arising from participation in a voluntary
Federal program; or
``(B) would reduce or eliminate the amount of authorization
of appropriations for Federal financial assistance that will
be provided to the private sector for the purpose of ensuring
compliance with such duty.
``(6) Federal mandate.--The term `Federal mandate' means a
Federal intergovernmental mandate or a Federal private sector
mandate, as defined in paragraphs (4) and (5).
``(7) Federal mandate direct costs.--
``(A) Federal intergovernmental direct costs.--In the case
of a Federal intergovernmental mandate, the term `direct
costs' means the aggregate estimated amounts that all States,
local governments, and tribal governments would be required
to spend or would be required to forego in revenues in order
to comply with the Federal intergovernmental mandate, or in
the case of a provision referred to in paragraph (4)(A)(ii),
the amount of Federal financial assistance eliminated or
reduced.
``(B) Private sector direct costs.--In the case of a
Federal private sector mandate, the
[[Page H928]] term `direct costs' means the aggregate
estimated amounts that the private sector would be required
to spend in order to comply with a Federal private sector
mandate.
``(C) Execlusion from direct costs.--The term `direct
costs' does not include--
``(i) estimated amounts that the States, local governments,
and tribal governments (in the case of a Federal
intergovernmental mandate), or the private sector (in the
case of a Federal private sector mandate), would spend--
``(I) to comply with or carry out all applicable Federal,
State, local, and tribal laws and regulations in effect at
the time of the adoption of a Federal mandate for the same
activity as is affected by that Federal mandate; or
``(II) to comply with or carry out State, local government,
and tribal governmental programs, or private-sector business
or other activities in effect at the time of the adoption of
a Federal mandate for the same activity as is affected by
that mandate; or
``(ii) expenditures to the extent that they will be offset
by any direct savings to be enjoyed by the States, local
governments, and tribal governments, or by the private
sector, as a result of--
``(I) their compliance with the Federal mandate; or
``(II) other changes in Federal law or regulation that are
enacted or adopted in the same bill or joint resolution or
proposed or final Federal regulation and that govern the same
activity as is affected by the Federal mandate.
``(D) Determination of costs.--Direct costs shall be
determined based on the assumption that States, local
governments, tribal governments, and the private sector will
take all reasonable steps necessary to mitigate the costs
resulting from the Federal mandate, and will comply with
applicable standards of practice and conduct established by
recognized professional or trade associations. Reasonable
steps to mitigate the costs shall not include increases in
State, local, or tribal taxes or fees.
``(8) Local government.--The term `local government' has
the same meaning as in section 6501(6) of title 31, United
States Code.
``(9) Private sector.--The term `private sector' means
individuals, partnerships, associations, corporations,
business trusts, or legal representatives, organized groups
of individuals, and educational and other nonprofit
institutions.
``(10) Regulation.--The term `regulation' or `rule' has the
meaning of `rule' as defined in section 601(2) of title 5,
United States Code.
``(11) State.--The term `State' has the same meaning as in
section 6501(9) of title 31, United States Code.

``SEC. 422. LIMITATION ON APPLICATION.

``This part shall not apply to any provision in a bill,
joint resolution, motion, amendment, or conference report
before Congress that--
``(1) enforces constitutional rights of individuals;
``(2) establishes or enforces any statutory rights that
prohibit discrimination on the basis of race, religion,
gender, national origin, or handicapped or disability status;
``(3) requires compliance with accounting and auditing
procedures with respect to grants or other money or property
provided by the Federal Government;
``(4) provides for emergency assistance or relief at the
request of any State, local government, or tribal government
or any official of such a government;
``(5) is necessary for the national security or the
ratification or implementation of international treaty
obligations;
``(6) the President designates as emergency legislation and
that the Congress so designates in statute; or
``(7) pertains to Social Security.

``SEC. 423. DUTIES OF CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES.

``(a) Submission of Rules to the Director.--When a
committee of authorization of the House of Representatives or
the Senate orders a bill or joint resolution of a public
character reported, the committee shall promptly provide the
text of the bill or joint resolution to the Director and
shall identify to the Director any Federal mandate contained
in the bill or resolution.
``(b) Committee Report.--
``(1) Information regarding federal mandates.--When a
committee of authorization of the House of Representatives or
the Senate reports a bill or joint resolution of a public
character that includes any Federal mandate, the report of
the committee accompanying the bill or joint resolution shall
contain the information required by paragraph (2) and, in the
case of a Federal intergovernmental mandate, paragraph (3).
``(2) Reports on federal mandates.--Each report referred to
in paragraph (1) shall contain--
``(A) an identification and description of each Federal
mandate in the bill or joint resolution, including the
statement,
if available, from the Director pursuant to section 424(a):
``(B) a qualitative assessment, and if practicable, a
quantitative assessment of costs and benefits anticipated
from the Federal mandate (including the effects on health and
safety and protection of the natural environment); and
``(C) a statement of the degree to which the Federal
mandate affects each of the public and private sectors and
the extent to which Federal payment of public sector costs
would affect the competitive balance between States, local
governments, or tribal governments and the private sector.
``(3) Intergovernmental mandates.--If any of the Federal
mandates in the bill or joint resolution are Federal
intergovernmental mandates, the report referred to in
paragraph (1) shall also contain--
``(A)(i) a statement of the amount, if any, of increase or
decrease in authorization of appropriations under existing
Federal financial assistance programs or for new Federal
financial assistance, provided by the bill or joint
resolution and unable for activities of States, local
governments, or tribal governments subject to Federal
intergovernmental mandates; and
``(ii) a statement of whether the committee intends that
the Federal intergovernmental mandates be partly or entirely
unfunded, and, if so, the reasons for that intention; and
``(B) a statement of any existing sources of Federal
financial assistance in addition to those identified in
subparagraph (A) that may assist States, local governments,
and tribal governments in paying the direct costs of the
Federal intergovernmental mandates.
``(4) Information regarding preemption.--When a committee
of authorization of the House of Representatives or the
Senate reports a bill or joint resolution of a public
character, the committee report accompanying the bill or
joint resolution shall contain, if relevant to the bill or
joint resolution, an explicit statement on whether the bill
or joint resolution, in whole or in part, is intended to
preempt any State, local, or tribal law, and if so, an
explanation of the reasons for such intention.
``(c) Publication of Statement From the Director.--
``(1) In general.--Upon receiving a statement (including
any supplemental statement) from the Director pursuant to
section 424(a), a committee of the House of Representatives
or the Senate shall publish the statement in the committee
report accompanying the bill or joint resolution to which the
statement relates if the statement is available to be
included in the printed report.
``(2) Other publication or statement of director.--If the
statement is not published in the report, or if the bill or
joint resolution to which the statement relates is expected
to be considered by the House of Representatives or the
Senate before the report is published, the committee shall
cause the statement, or a summary thereof, to be published in
the Congressional
Record in advance of floor consideration of the bill or
joint resolution.

``SEC. 424. DUTIES OF THE DIRECTOR.

``(a) Statements on Bills and Joint Resolutions Other Than
Appropriations Bills and Joint Resolutions.--
(1) Federal intergovernmental mandates in reported bills
and resolutions.--For each bill or joint resolution of a
public character reported by any committee of authorization
of the House of Representatives or the Senate, the Director
shall prepare and submit to the committee a statement as
follows:
(A) If the Director estimates that the direct cost of all
Federal intergovernmental mandates in the bill or joint
resolution will equal or exceed $50,000,000 (adjusted
annually for inflation) in the fiscal year in which such a
Federal intergovernmental mandate (or in any necessary
implementing regulation) would first be effective or in any
of the 4 fiscal years following such year, the Director shall
so state, specify the estimate, and briefly explain the basis
of the estimate.
(B) The estimate required by subparagraph (A) shall include
estimates (and brief explanations of the basis of the
estimates) of--
``(i) the total amount of direct cost of complying with the
Federal intergovernmental mandates in the bill or joint
resolution; and
``(ii) the amount, if any, of increase in authorization of
appropriations or budget authority or entitlement authority
under existing Federal financial assistance programs, or of
authorization of appropriations for new Federal financial
assistance, provided by the bill or joint resolution and
usable by States, local governments, or tribal governments
for activities subject to the Federal intergovernmental
mandates.
``(2) Federal private sector mandates in reported bills and
joint resolutions.--For each bill or joint resolution of a
public character reported by any committee of authorization
of the House of Representatives or the Senate, the Director
shall prepare and submit to the committee a statement as
follows:
``(A) If the Director estimates that the direct cost of all
Federal private sector mandates in the bill or joint
resolution will equal or exceed $100,000,000 (adjusted
annually for inflation) in the fiscal year in which any
Federal private sector mandate in the bill or joint
resolution (or in any necessary implementing regulation)
would first be effective or in any of the 4 fiscal years
following such fiscal year, the Director shall so state,
specify the estimate, and briefly explain the basis of the
estimate.
``(B) The estimate required by subparagraph (A) shall
include estimates (and brief explanations of the basis of the
estimates) of--
``(i) the total amount of direct costs of complying with
the Federal private sector mandates in the bill or joint
resolution; and
``(ii) the amount, if any, of increase in authorization of
appropriations under existing Federal financial assistance
programs, or of
[[Page H929]] authorization of appropriations for new Federal
financial assistance, provided by the bill or joint
resolution usable by the private sector for the activities
subject to the Federal private sector mandates.
``(C) If the Director determines that it is not feasible to
make a reasonable estimate that would be required under
subparagraphs (A) and (B), the Director shall not make the
estimate, but shall report in the statement that the
reasonable estimate cannot be made and shall include the
reasons for that determination in the statement.
``(3) Legislation falling below the direct costs
thresholds.--If the Director estimates that the direct costs
of a Federal mandate will not equal or exceed the threshold
specified in paragraph (1)(A) or (2)(A), the Director shall
so state and shall briefly explain the basis of the estimate.
``(4) Amended bills and joint resolutions; conference
reports.--If the Director has prepared the statement pursuant
to subsection (a) for a bill or joint resolution, and if that
bill or joint resolution is reported or passed in an amended
form (including if passed by one House as an amendment in the
nature of a substitute for the text of a bill or joint
resolution from the other House) or is reported by a
committee of conference in an amended form, the committee of
conference shall ensure, to the greatest extent practicable,
that the Director shall prepare a supplemental statement for
the bill or joint resolution in that amended form.
``(b) Assistance to Committees and Studies.--
``(1) In general.--At the request of any committee of the
House of Representatives or of the Senate, the Director
shall, to the extent practicable, consult with and assist
such committee in analyzing the budgetary or financial impact
of any proposed legislation that may have--
``(A) a significant budgetary impact on State, local, or
tribal governments; or
``(B) a significant financial impact on the private sector.
``(2) Continuing studies.--The Director shall conduct
continuing studies to enhance comparisons of budget outlays,
credit authority, and tax expenditures.
``(3) Federal mandate studies.--
``(A) At the request of any committee of the House of
Representatives or the Senate, the Director shall, to the
extent practicable, conduct a study of a legislative proposal
containing a Federal mandate.
``(B) In conducting a study under subparagraph (A), the
Director shall--
``(i) solict and consider information or comments from
elected officials (including their designated
representatives) of States, local governments, tribal
governments, designated representatives of the private
sector, and such other persons as may provide helpful
information or comments;
``(ii) consider establishing advisory panels of elected
officials (including their designated representatives) of
States, local governments, tribal governments, designated
representatives of the private sector, and other persons if
the Director determines, in the Director's discretion, that
such advisory panels would be helpful in performing the
Director's responsibilities under this section; and
``(iii) include estimates, if and to the extent that the
Director determines that accurate estimates are reasonably
feasible, of--
``(I) the future direct cost of the Federal mandates
concerned to the extent that they significantly differ from
or extend beyond the 5-year period after the mandate is first
effective; and
``(II) any disproportionate budgetary effects of the
Federal mandates concerned upon particular industries or
sectors of the economy, States, regions, and urban, or rural
or other types of communities, as appropriate.
``(C) In conducting a study on private sector mandates
under subparagraph (A), the Director shall provide estimates,
if and to the extent that the Director determines that such
estimates are reasonably feasible, of--
``(i) future costs of Federal private sector mandates to
the extent that such mandates differ significantly from or
extend beyond the 5-year period referred to in subparagraph
(B)(iii)(I);
``(ii) any disproportionate financial effects of Federal
private sector mandates and of any Federal financial
assistance in the bill or joint resolution upon any
particular industries or sectors of the economy, States,
regions, and urban or rural or other types of communities;
and
``(iii) the effect of Federal private sector mandates in
the bill or joint resolution on the national economy,
including the effect on productivity, economic growth, full
employment, creation of productive jobs, and international
competitiveness of United States goods and services.
``(c) Views of Committees.--Any committee of the House of
Representatives or the Senate which anticipates that the
committee will consider any proposed legislation
establishing, amending, or reauthorizing any Federal program
likely to have a significant budgetary impact on the States,
local governments, or tribal governments, or likely to have a
significant financial impact on the private sector, including
any legislative proposal submitted by the executive branch
likely to have such a budgetary or financial impact, shall
provide its views and estimates on such proposal to the
Committee on the Budget of its House.
``(d) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated to the Congressional Budget Office to
carry out this part $4,500,000 for each of fiscal years 1996
through 2002.
``SEC. 425. POINT OF ORDER.

``(a) In General.--It shall not be in order in the House of
Representatives or the Senate to consider--
``(1) any bill or joint resolution that is reported by a
committee unless the committee has published the statement of
the Director pursuant to section 424(a) prior to such
consideration, except that this paragraph shall not apply to
any supplemental statement prepared by the Director under
section 424(a)(4); or
``(2) any bill, joint resolution, amendment, motion, or
conference report that contains a Federal intergovernmental
mandate having direct costs that exceed the threshold
specified in section 424(a)(1)(A), or that would cause the
direct costs of any other Federal intergovernmental mandate
to exceed the threshold specified in section 424(a)(1)(A),
unless--
``(A) the bill, joint resolution, amendment, motion, or
conference report provides new budget authority or new
entitlement authority in the House of Representatives or
direct spending authority in the Senate for each fiscal year
for the Federal intergovernmental mandates included in the
bill, joint resolution, amendment, motion, or conference
report in an amount that equals or exceeds the estimated
direct costs of such mandate; or
``(B) the bill, joint resolution, amendment, motion, or
conference report provides an increase in receipts or a
decrease in new budget authority or new entitlement authority
in the House of Representatives or direct spending authority
in the Senate and an increase in new budget authority or new
entitlement authority in the House of Representatives or an
increase direct spending authority for each fiscal year for
the Federal intergovernmental mandates included in the bill,
joint resolution, amendment, motion, or conference report in
an amount that equals or exceeds the estimated direct costs
of such mandate; or
``(C) the bill, joint resolution, amendment, motion, or
conference report--
``(i) provides that--
``(I) such mandate shall be effective for any fiscal year
only if all direct costs of such mandate in the fiscal year
are provided in appropriations Acts, and
``(II) in the case of such a mandate contained in the bill,
joint resolution, amendment, motion, or conference report,
the mandate is repealed effective on the first day of any
fiscal year for which all direct costs of such mandate are
not provided in appropriations Acts; or
``(ii) requires a Federal agency to reduce programmatic and
financial responsibilities of State, local, and tribal
governments for meeting the objectives of the mandate such
that the estimated direct costs of the mandate to such
governments do not exceed the amount of Federal funding
provided to those governments to carry out the mandate in the
form of appropriations or new budget authority or new
entitlement
authority in the House of Representatives or direct spending
authority in the Senate, and establishes criteria and
procedures for that reduction.
``(b) Limitation on Application to Appropriations Bills.--
Subsection (a) shall not apply to a bill that is reported by
the Committee on Appropriations or an amendment thereto.
``(c) Determination of Direct Costs Based on Estimates by
Budget Committees.--For the purposes of this section, the
amount of direct costs of a Federal mandate for a fiscal year
shall be determined based on estimates made by the Committee
on the Budget, in consultation with the Director, of the
House of Representatives or the Senate, as the case may be.
``(d) Determination of Existence of Federal Mandate by
Government Reform and Oversight and Governmental Affairs
Committees.--For the purposes of this section, the question
of whether a bill, joint resolution, amendment, motion, or
conference report contains a Federal intergovernmental
mandate shall be determined after consideration of the
recommendation, if available, of the Chairman of the
Committee on Government Reform and Oversight of the House of
Representatives or the Chairman of the Committee on
Governmental Affairs of the Senate, as applicable.
``(e) Limitation on application of Subsection (a)(2).--
Subsection (a)(2) shall not apply to any bill, joint
resolution, amendment, or conference report that reauthorizes
appropriations for carrying out, or that amends, any statute
if enactment of the bill, joint resolution, amendment, or
conference report--
``(1) would not result in a net increase in the aggregate
amount of direct costs of federal intergovernmental mandates;
and
``(2)(A) would not result in a net reduction or elimination
of authorizations of appropriations for Federal financial
assistance that would be provided to States, local
governments, or tribal governments for use to comply with any
Federal intergovernmental mandate; or
``(B) in the case of any net reduction or elimination of
authorizations of appropriations for such Federal financial
assistance that would result for such enactment, would reduce
the duties imposed by the Federal intergovernmental mandate
by a corresponding amount.
[[Page H930]] ``SEC. 426. ENFORCEMENT IN THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES.

``It shall not be in order in the House of Representatives
to consider a rule or order that waives the application of
section 425(a): Provided, however, That pending a point of
order under section 425(a) or under this section a Member may
move to waive the point of order. Such a motion shall be
debatable for 10 minutes equally divided and controlled by
the proponent and an opponent but, if offered in the House,
shall otherwise be decided without intervening motion except
a motion that the House adjourn. The adoption of a motion to
waive such a point of order against consideration of a bill
or joint resolution shall be considered also to waive a like
point of order against an amendment made in order as original
text.''.
SEC. 302. ENFORCEMENT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

(a) Motions To Strike in the Committee of the Whole.--Cause
5 of rule XXIII of the Rules of the House of Representatives
is amended by adding at the end of the following:
``(c) In the consideration of any measure for amendment in
the Committee of the Whole containing any Federal mandate the
direct costs of which exceed the threshold in section
424(a)(1)(A) of the Unfunded Mandate Reform Act of 1995, it
shall always be in order, unless specifically waived by terms
of a rule governing consideration of that measure, to move to
strike such Federal mandate from the portion of the bill then
open to amendment.''.
(b) Committee on Rules Reports on Waived Points of Order.--
The Committee on Rules shall include in the report required
by clause 1(d) of Rule XI (relating to its activities during
the Congress) of the Rules of the House of Representatives a
separate item identifying all waivers of points of order
relating to Federal mandates, listed by bill or joint
resolution number and the subject matter of that measure.

SEC. 303. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

The provisions of this title (except section 305) are
enacted by Congress--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking powers of the House of
Representatives and the Senate, and as such they shall be
considered as part of the rules of the House of
Representatives and the Senate, respectively, and such rules
shall supersede other rules only to the extent that they are
inconsistent therewith; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
the House of Representatives and the Senate to change such
rules at anytime, in the same manner, and to the same extent
as in the case of any other rule of the House of
Representatives or the Senate, respectively.

SEC. 304. CONFORMING AMENDMENT TO TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Section 1(b) of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment
Control Act of 1974 is amended by inserting ``Part A--General
Provisions'' before the items relating to section 401 and by
inserting after the items relating to section 407 the
following:
``Part B--Federal Mandates

``Sec. 421. Definitions.
``Sec. 422. Limitation on application.
``Sec. 423. Duties of congressional committees.
``Sec. 424. Duties of the Director.
``Sec. 425. Point of order.
``Sec. 426. Enforcement in the House of Representatives.''.
SEC. 305. TECHNICAL AMENDMENT.

(a) Technical Amendment.--The State and Local Government
Cost Estimate Act of 1981 (Public Law 97-108) is repealed.
(b) Technical Amendment.--Section 403 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 is amended to read as follows:

``analysis by congressional budget office

Sec. 403. The Director of the Congressional Budget Office
shall, to the extent practicable, prepare for each bill or
resolution of a public character reported by any committee of
the House of Representatives or the Senate (except the
Committee on Appropriations of each House), and submit to
such committee--
(1) an estimate of the costs which would be incurred in
carrying out such bill or resolution in the fiscal year in
which it is to become effective and in each of the fiscal
years following such fiscal year, together with the basis for
each estimate; and
``(2) a comparison of the estimate of costs described in
paragraph (1) with any available estimate of costs made by
such committee or by any Federal agency.

The estimate and comparison so submitted shall be included in
the report accompanying such bill or resolution if timely
submitted to such committee before such report is filed.''.

SEC. 306. EFFECTIVE DATE.

This title shall take effect on October 1, 1995.

amendment offered by mrs. collins of illinois
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I offer my amendment numbered
51.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mrs. Collins of Illinois: In section
306, strike ``October 1, 1995'' and insert ``at the end of
the 10-day period beginning on the date of the enactment of
this Act''.

Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, many Democrats will vote for
this bill because they believe the open and full debate on the costs to
the public and private sector is the essence of good public policy.
That is why it is imperative that if this bill is passed, the
requirements of the bill be applied to legislation as soon as possible.
We need to ensure a full and open debate on the true costs of the
legislation that the Republican leadership will be bringing to this
floor.
Unfortunately, H.R. 5 in its present form will not allow us to do
that. The effective date in section 306 is not when we pass this bill,
or even a week or a month after passage. No, for some unexplained
reasons, this bill does not go into effect until October 1, 1995. That
is more than 8 months away. My amendment would simply move up the
effective date to 10 days after enactment.
We have heard how important this legislation is, how essential it is
to pass it as soon as possible. How urgent is this bill?
So urgent that the primary committee of jurisdiction, the Committee
on Government Reform and Oversight, was told that it did not have time
for a hearing on the bill.
So urgent that it was marked up just 2 days after the bill was
printed.
So urgent that the markup took place at the same time that the
committee held its first organizational meeting.
So urgent that the majority requested permission to file the
committee report early to get us to the floor today.
Why, if it is so urgent, does it not take effect for another 9
months? The chairman of the committee has stated that he wanted to give
the Congressional Budget Office time to gear up for its new
responsibilities. I would answer that CBO has had plenty of opportunity
to gear up. It has known for 2 years that unfunded mandate legislation
was coming.
In fact, in staff discussions with CBO, its staff does not believe it
will take much additional resources to carry out its duties under this
legislation.
Let me suggest a different reason for delaying enactment until
October 1: By then, most of the Republican contract, including
rescission bills, welfare reform, and other cost-cutting measures, will
have come to the floor and been acted on.
Some of these bills, in cutting the Federal responsibility for
certain programs, may very well have the effect of shifting those
burdens to State and local governments.
For example, the welfare reform bills that we have heard about would
provide less money to States while perhaps still requiring them to
provide certain levels of assistance. That is an unfunded mandate under
this bill. And we have no idea what impact the rescission bills may
have on State and local governments.
We have heard that none of the legislation to be taken up between now
and October will impose any costs on State and local governments.
Therefore, there should be no opposition to this amendment. If there is
hesitation to applying this bill over the coming months, then either
this bill has great problems, or there are in fact unfunded mandates in
the Republican agenda.
Let us not delay the effect of this bill. Regardless of your views on
this bill, there is no reason to exempt our actions over the coming
months on the Republican contract.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I know that the amendment is very well intentioned, but
it seems to me that there is a sense that this October 1 effective date
was somehow just drawn out of thin air, when in fact that clearly is
not the case. The enactment date of October 1 was not determined by the
Contract With America. In fact, it was determined based on
consultations with the Congressional Budget Office to arrive at a
reasonable time frame that would allow the Congressional Budget Office
to obtain the staffing and expertise to conduct accurate cost
estimates, which clearly is the major thrust of what we are trying to
do with this legislation.
It seems to me that is a very responsible route for us to take.
Nothing is trying to be put off at all.
[[Page H931]] {time} 1440

I think that the attempt to proceed with this is less than
responsible.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. DREIER. I yield to the gentleman from Cincinnati, OH.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
A couple of points in response to the gentlewoman's comments
regarding the effective date. It should be made clear, Mr. Chairman,
that in last year's legislation, which passed the Government Operations
Committee by a vote of 35 to 4, the effective date was October 1, 1995.
This was, of course, prior to the Contract With America, prior to the
new Congress. And this was a piece of legislation which was very
similar to the H.R. 5 now before us. Again, it was a strong bipartisan
vote of 35 to 4. The reason October 1 was chosen is precisely what my
friend from California has said, which is, it would take that long for
the Congressional Budget Office to be prepared to do the extensive
analysis which is required under this legislation.
I would say, in addition, that I have had direct personal
conversations with CBO as recently as in the last 2 weeks with regard
to this very issue. And they, in fact, would probably prefer the Senate
version of the bill, which provides for an effective date of January 1,
1996. The House version, again, is October 1, 1995.
I would say finally that this is also very important so that our
committees, authorizing committees here in the House and so that the
Federal agencies can be prepared to actually respond to the new
requirements in this legislation, which are so important to the
accountability that is central to this act.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. DREIER. I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr.
Portman] mentioned that the bill that we had last year had an enactment
date of October 1995. I just want to point out, this is not the bill we
had last year. This is a totally different bill than the bill we had
last year. This is a new bill, as the gentleman very well knows. It
just seems to me we cannot compare those two at this point in time.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield,
just one small comment, it is a different piece of legislation with
regard to the CBO requirements. If anything, this bill has even more
requirements for CBO, although the bill last year also had a CBO cost
requirement, as the gentlewoman knows, and if anything, one would think
the logic would be that we would push back the effective date beyond
October 1, given the change in the legislation.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, they also had a year's head
up since we are in another year, and another Congress.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I think a very important point that needs
to be made here is that the dollars that would be necessary for the
Congressional Budget Office to successfully implement this will not be
appropriated until the next fiscal year. We can authorize it, but those
funds would not be available until following October 1, and that is the
reason for this date. That is why I think that it is important for us
to maintain that.
A great deal of thought went into it. It is for that reason that I am
going to have to oppose the gentlewoman's amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, would the gentleman have any
idea when he would expect CBO to be doing these estimates and getting
information back to the Congress?
Mr. DREIER. This is obviously going to be taking place over the next
several weeks and months following implementation of this legislation.
And they are well aware of the fact that this October 1 date is
obviously key for them and that sets an actual deadline.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Does the gentleman expect an unfunded
mandate to come down the pike before then, before October 1?
Mr. DREIER. Surely. Before the first of October, surely, we are going
to be looking at those. It is obvious that as we begin addressing this
issue, it is going to be on the horizon, but this October 1 date was
very important and, as I said, was not grasped out of thin air. It was
something that clearly we did with careful negotiations with the
Congressional Budget Office.
It is for that reason, Mr. Chairman, that I am going to have to
oppose the gentlewoman's amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Could the gentleman tell me when is the
effective date of title II?
Mr. DREIER. The effective date on title II.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield, I
would say in response to the gentlewoman's question with regard to
title II, which is the regulatory requirements, that it is my
understanding that they become effective upon enactment.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier]
has expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mr. Dreier was allowed to proceed for 30
additional seconds.)
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, was the answer adequate?
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will
continue to yield, the gentleman said title II was effective upon
enactment. So will we have to wait for that title until October 1,
1995, even though it is effective upon enactment?
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield,
it is my understanding that the regulatory section, which is title II,
becomes effective upon enactment. In other words, the Federal agencies
will be required to continue to do as they do now.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier]
has again expired.
(On request of Mr. Portman, and by unanimous consent, Mr. Dreier was
allowed to proceed for 1 additional minute.)
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield,
the Federal agencies will be required to do as they are required now
under the Executive order to carry out the cost-benefit analysis
contained in title II.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, does the gentleman suppose
they might be willing to delay any additional enactment until October
1, 1995, under title II, the Federal agencies?
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, the Federal agencies are currently
required, under the Executive order, to go even beyond the cost-benefit
analysis provided in title II. We now have it in statute, not just in
the Executive order. But it is my understanding the agencies would
continue to provide the cost-benefit analysis that was subject to the
debate earlier today.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, the problem is, it is a new
requirement because it is a new bill. I just wondered how it was going
to all play out between now and October 1, 1995.
Mr. PORTMAN. It is my understanding that the Congressional Budget
Office, because, they have no requirements within title II, will begin
their analysis on October 1. By that time they will have adequate
funding and adequate personnel to do the very major tasks which we are
asking them to do in this legislation. Again, this is all consistent
with the legislation we passed last year, H.R. 5128. The Senate bill
has January 1, 1996, as a deadline.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Illinois [Mrs. Collins].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

recorded vote

Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 181,
noes 250, not voting 3, as follows:
[Roll No. 73]

AYES--181

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Andrews
Baesler
Baldacci
Barcia
Barrett (WI)
Becerra
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Browder
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Clay
Clayton
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Condit
Conyers
Costello
Coyne
[[Page H932]] Cramer
Danner
de la Garza
Deal
DeFazio
DeLauro
Dellums
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Dooley
Doyle
Duncan
Durbin
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Ford
Frank (MA)
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Geren
Gibbons
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hamilton
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hilliard
Hinchey
Holden
Hoyer
Jackson-Lee
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Laughlin
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lincoln
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Martinez
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McDermott
McHale
McKinney
Meehan
Meek
Menendez
Miller (CA)
Mineta
Minge
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Montgomery
Moran
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Orton
Owens
Pallone
Parker
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Payne (VA)
Pelosi
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Poshard
Rahall
Rangel
Reed
Reynolds
Rivers
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Schumer
Scott
Serrano
Skaggs
Slaughter
Spratt
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Tanner
Tauzin
Tejeda
Thompson
Thornton
Thurman
Torres
Towns
Traficant
Tucker
Velazquez
Vento
Volkmer
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Williams
Wise
Woolsey
Wyden
Wynn
Yates

NOES--250

Allard
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bevill
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brewster
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Canady
Cardin
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chapman
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clement
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Cooley
Cox
Crane
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Davis
DeLay
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Doolittle
Dornan
Dreier
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hancock
Hansen
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hefner
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Kleczka
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Linder
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martini
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
McNulty
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Molinari
Moorhead
Morella
Murtha
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Oxley
Packard
Paxon
Petri
Pickett
Pombo
Porter
Portman
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Richardson
Riggs
Roberts
Roemer
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Rose
Roth
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skeen
Skelton
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tate
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Thomas
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Torricelli
Upton
Visclosky
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--3

Bilbray
Gekas
Mfume

{time} 1505

Mr. RICHARDSON changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Messrs. BARRETT of Wisconsin, DOLLEY, DEAL of Georgia, BAESLER,
TAUZIN, PARKER, and LAUGHLIN changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
amendment offered by mr. portman

Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Portman: In section 301, in the
proposed section 423(b)(2) of the Congressional Budget Act of
1974, amend subparagraph (C) to read as follows:
``(C) a statement of--
``(i) the degree to which the Federal mandate affects each
of the public and private sectors, including a description of
the actions, if any, taken by the committee to avoid any
adverse impact on the private sector or on the competitive
balance between the public sector and the private sector; and
``(ii) in the case of a Federal mandate that is a Federal
intergovernmental mandate, the extent to which limiting or
eliminating the Federal intergovernmental mandate or Federal
payment of direct costs of the Federal intergovernmental
mandate (if applicable) would affect the competitive balance
between States, local governments, or tribal governments and
the private sector.

Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, my colleague and friend the gentleman from
California [Mr. Condit] and I are offering this amendment in response
to concerns we have heard from Members about the potential adverse
impacts this legislation, H.R. 5, could have on the private sector and
the competitive balance between the public and private sectors.
I should say at the outset it is not my view that H.R. 5 would have
such a negative impact. In fact, it strikes me as rather odd that while
certain Members of the other party are expressing concerns about the
devastation that might befall the private sector, it is representatives
of this very sector, the private sector, that have strongly supported
H.R. 5 and have worked with us in drafting this bill and are strongly
supportive of this clarifying amendment.
The list of business groups endorsing H.R. 5 is too lengthy to go
through in its entirety, Mr. Chairman, but I will say for the record
that we have support from the chamber of commerce, the NFIB, the Small
Business Legislative Council and, yes, one of the largest private
sector entities involved in this situation which would be BFI,
Browning-Ferris. That is quite persuasive to me that the concerns being
expressed by the opponents to H.R. 5 are being overdone.
These are groups that the opponents of H.R. 5 claim would be
negatively affected by its enactment. Yet these groups want this
legislation. They want it passed now.
As someone who is very proud of my record of support of the private
sector, particularly small business, I can assure my colleagues that I
would not be standing here today arguing for the passage of H.R. 5 if I
believed it would harm this critically important sector of our economy.
In fact, I believe just the opposite. Passage of H.R. 5 does not mean
that Congress is denied the right to impose mandates on the public
sector that are imposed on the private sector. Nor does it mean that we
will fund mandates for the public sector that are not funded on the
private sector, thereby setting up a competitive disadvantage. Instead
it simply means we are going to have the cost information we need to
make an informed decision.
Specifically on this point, H.R. 5 gives us for the first time, Mr.
Chairman, a requirement that Congress must address the impact on the
private sector. It must address this very issue of the competitive
balance between the public and private sectors. The Portman-Condit
amendment strengthens this requirement so that before legislation is
brought to the House floor, we will be apprised of the degree to which
Federal mandates in this bill could affect the competitive balance
between the public and private sectors.
This amendment, Mr. Chairman, would require that the committee report
accompanying the Federal mandate legislation spell out precisely what
the effect on the public-private competitive balance would be if there
were mandates on both the public and private sector that were scaled
back, eliminated, or funded for the public sector.
[[Page H933]] By doing so, Mr. Chairman, we achieve the goal of
accountability that is central to H.R. 5. These are the very ends that
H.R. 5 seeks, accountability and informed debate. We owe nothing less
to the American people than to have that. I believe this amendment
clarifies and strengthens the accountability in this act. I urge my
colleagues to support the amendment.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PORTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I would simply like to associate myself with his
remarks and say that I believe that this amendment strikes the very
important balance which we are seeking between the private and public
sectors, so that in fact an analysis can be done that would determine
if there were any negative effects that this measure were imposing on
those on the private side.
I think it is a very good amendment, it clarifies the situation which
was in question, and I hope my colleagues will support it.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PORTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. WAXMAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I want to join in support of this amendment. I think it
is a very constructive one. This analysis about the competitive
situation between the public and the private side will be a very useful
one. I think this is a helpful amendment and I urge support for it.
Mr. PORTMAN. I thank the gentleman for his support and appreciate it
very much.
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PORTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment and
thank the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman] for his involvement and
effort in this amendment and the bill.

{time} 1510

I think that this amendment is a good amendment in dealing with the
private sector problem that we have, and we acknowledge that we have a
private sector problem. We are doing everything that we can to try to
deal with it in a fair fashion. We think this does it. We think this
reporting requirement would allow us the opportunity to collect the
information, and to then do something about it at a later time.
Let me also just remind my colleagues that in a few weeks we will
also be discussing other issues that I believe deal with the private
sector, that will help them in dealing with unfunded mandates, and that
is risk assessment and cost analysis.
For those who get overly exercised about this not being totally what
they want it to be or totally fair, I think we are going to have
another bite at the apple down the road with risk assessment and cost
benefit, which I think will be a great benefit to the private sector
and to putting some balance in regulatory law in this place.
So, this is a good amendment. It may not be what everybody wants, but
I think it is a good amendment, it makes the bill work, and I would
encourage Members to support the amendment.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I agree with the gentleman from California [Mr. Condit]
that this does not do everything we want and it is not totally fair.
And I am glad he made that point.
I support this amendment. I think it is appropriate that each
authorizing committee consider the impact of their legislation on both
the public sector and the private sector and where it creates a
disparity, a lack of competitiveness, that committee ought to address
it.
But where this amendment does clarify the problem, it does not
rectify the problem. I will have an amendment that I will offer shortly
that would rectify the problem. But I appreciate my friends, the
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman] and the gentleman from California
[Mr. Condit], bringing up this issue, exposing it to public
consideration and particularly within this body, because it is a very
basic issue, and I think a significant flaw within this legislation.
But it is a flaw that we can easily, as I say, rectify with a
subsequent amendment that I will offer to treat the public sector
equally with the private sector.
The basic problem with this bill is that it enables State and local
governments to avoid Federal mandates if they are not completely
funded. But it does not give that same option to the private sector.
So all of these privatization efforts that we have made and that I
think the other side is particularly supportive of, but they are
getting a lot of support on the Democratic side as well, to let the
public sector carry out in the most efficient way all of the
privatization efforts, which are going to be compromised or in fact
eliminated if we do not rectify this basic flaw in the legislation
which says that it becomes optional for State and local governments to
carry out Federal legislation, but it is not optional for the private
sector. Even though we will know what the cost to the private sector
is, we do not give them the option to avoid the impact of this
legislation, and as a result, in most areas where the private sector
attempts to compete with the public sector it will become uncompetitive
because it will not have to comply with environmental or labor laws or
any other piece of legislation that we will subsequently enact. It is
basically unfair and I think it is totally inconsistent with the
concept of this legislation.
So, while I support this amendment and I certainly support what the
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman] and the gentleman from California
[Mr. Condit] would like to accomplish with this amendment, it does not
do the job.
I appreciate the fact that they have pointed out the problem, but I
would hope that they would support my effort to rectify the problem.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MORAN. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I am looking forward to the debate on the
upcoming amendment to which the gentleman referred.
I would say this amendment does in fact address the problem, it does
in fact force Congress to deal with the issue of public-private
competition. If Congress, under its point of order requirement, which
would be the discretion of Congress by majority vote, chooses not to
impose a mandate because of the private-public concern, then Congress
has the ability to do that under H.R. 5. And by this amendment we are
insuring that Congress has the information to carry out that very
informed debate and to make this very important decision.
So I would say that this amendment in fact does solve the gentleman's
concern, and I look forward to the debate on his amendment.
Mr. MORAN. I thank the gentleman. If I could reclaim my time just
shortly to respond, yes, it will give us that information, and that
information should be used for our decisionmaking.
The problem is the gentleman wants us to make a decision now which
will preclude our ability to rectify the unfairness that committees are
going to discover as a result of the gentleman's amendment. That is the
basic problem. He wants to make the decision now before we have the
information that is available.
But, we will continue this discussion when we entertain my amendment.
I do support this particular amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman].
The amendment was agreed to.

amendment offered by mr. hall of ohio

Mr. HALL of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I offer amendment number 15.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment number 15 offered by Mr. Hall of Ohio:
In section 301(2), in the matter proposed to be added as a
new section 421(4)(B)(ii) to the Congressional Budget Act of
1974, insert ``except with respect to any low-income program
referred to in section 255(h) of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985,''.

[[Page H934]]

{time} 1520

Mr. HALL of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, my amendment is very simple and
straightforward. It protects very low-income programs, those that we
exempted from sequestration under the Gramm-Rudman Act of 1985 as
unfunded mandates. This is important, because there could be major
changes coming down the road on low-income programs including food and
poverty programs.
My amendment clarifies the definition of Federal intergovernmental
mandates in section 421. What I am trying to do is clarify the
intergovernmental mandates in section 421 to ensure that the poor will
get an up-or-down vote on their programs just like everyone else.
Programs that would be protected under this amendment are child
nutrition, which would be school lunch, school breakfast, summer food
service, child- and adult-care food programs, food stamps, Aid to
Families with Dependent Children, Medicaid, and SSI.
Mr. Chairman, H.R. 5 is essentially a piece of legislation that
changes the procedures for bills coming down the road, and we have not
yet seen the bills and amendments it is intended to affect.
While I am sympathetic to the idea the Federal Government should
provide adequate funds for mandates, I want to be sure that the poor
are not left out. Whenever tough issues come up, it seems like we
always look to the weakest constituency first, the poor, and these
people really have no one fighting for them.
What I am saying is our Government does have a responsibility to
provide basic things like food and shelter and health care for our own
poverty-stricken. I am afraid if this amendment is not included, the
poor will be left holding the bag.
There are many proposals in Congress to change poverty programs. The
Contract With America proposes to eliminate Federal nutrition programs
and substitute a single block-grant payment to the States. We will be
confronted with a proposal very soon that would eliminate the
entitlement status of food programs including food stamps, and it will
reduce appropriations in the first year alone, I am told, to about $5
billion below the levels required to maintain current services.
Under the best-case scenario, the Contract With America will result
in a reduction of funding in food assistance for the poor and hungry by
over $30 billion by fiscal year 2000. While I oppose these kinds of
changes, particularly when the Conference of Mayors tells us that the
requests for emergency food and shelter are on the rise, we all know
who will be the victims of these changes, millions of low-income
families, children, and the elderly. My own State of Ohio is slated to
lose about 20 percent of funding for food assistance in fiscal year
1996.
If the Federal Government places responsibility on the States to take
care of low-income people with fewer resources, then that is an
unfunded mandate, and while section 421 does have language to this
effect, it also has language which would allow States the flexibility
to lower services.
To many, the third paragraph of that section is very unclear, and
that is the section that I am trying to get at. The amendment makes it
clear, my amendment, that these entitlement programs would be unfunded
mandates and subject to the point of order if they are reduced.
Many of my friends on both sides of the aisle have already voted to
protect these very important programs. We have done this already, and
we have done it time and time again. We did it under the Gramm-Rudman
Act. Congress has spoken on this. We should do it again.
My amendment will make sure that the poor programs will get the same
vote as other unfunded programs. Do not leave poverty and nutrition
programs in doubt. Please, join me in supporting this amendment.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I reluctantly rise in opposition to the
amendment.
I would say to my very good friend, colleague on the Committee on
Rules, I am very sympathetic with the need to address the concerns of
those who are less fortunate, those who are hungry, those who are
desperately in need. In fact, we on this side of the aisle clearly feel
that one of the pressing needs out there is for us to expand individual
initiative and responsibility and self-reliance.
But having said that, we are well aware of the fact that there are
people who do have to have some kind of assistance provided by
government, but the concern that we have with this amendment here is
that we are not providing the States with the kind of flexibility which
is needed.
I happen to be one who believes strongly that States do feel a
responsibility to address these issues, and there is a sense, I have
inferred from this amendment, that if we choose to accept this
amendment that we are somehow saying that the States do not have any
kind of responsibility to effectively address the issues of hunger and
homelessness and a wide range of other social needs that are out there.
I happen to believe that they are positioned to, and feel a
responsibility to, address those needs, and it is for that reason that
I am compelled to oppose the very well-intentioned amendment by my
friend.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. DREIER. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger],
chairman of the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight.
Mr. CLINGER. If the gentleman will yield, I would just also have to
rise in reluctant opposition to the gentleman's amendment. I think he
is right to be concerned about what some of the impacts could be. But I
think he is also wrong in the assumption that giving flexibility to the
States to implement these programs, carry out these programs, that they
are not going to be concerned about the health, safety, and well-being
of their children. So I think that we at the Federal Government, I
think, too often take the assumption or have the assumption that the
States and local governments cannot be trusted to do these things.
Hopefully they will be challenged to do them and to provide the kind
of necessary measure of care. But they need the flexibility in order to
do that.
Mr. DREIER. I thank the gentleman for his contribution.
We are in the position where some would like to say we are somehow
abrogating our responsibility if we do not in fact micromanage these
particular programs, and we happen to have a great deal of confidence
in individuals and State and local governments to address these needs,
and it is for that reason that we are opposing the amendment.
Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, what this amendment seeks to do is to have the Congress
understand that if we are going to cut back on these programs for low-
income people, the most vulnerable people in our society, that we are
creating an unfunded mandate on local governments either to have to
make up the difference in dollars or to cut some of these people adrift
from food stamps or from supplemental security income or WIC. These are
programs for very, very low-income people.
When we had the Gramm-Rudman bill before us, we specifically said
that those programs would not be required to undergo the sequestrations
that would be required to be placed on other Government programs,
because we wanted to treat these with a special concern.
I think the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio is a good
one. If we are going to cut these programs that affect the low income
in our society, let us know about it, let us have a point of order, and
let a specific vote be cast in order to accomplish that goal with the
full information before us that we are hurting those who are most
vulnerable in our society.
I urge support for the Hall amendment.
Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the amendment which
our colleague from Ohio [Mr. Hall] has offered to H.R. 5, the Unfunded
Mandate Reform Act.
Mr. Hall's amendment is designed to make certain that Congress
specifically studies and deliberates any reductions in programs which
make up our Nation's weakening social safety net.
[[Page H935]] Without attachment of this provision to H.R. 5, there
is a distinct possibility that reductions in the basic Federal poverty
programs--AFDC, child nutrition, food stamps, medicaid, and SSI--could
be reduced without a specific vote on that reduction.
At a time when the majority has called for increased accountability
and responsibility on the part of Congress, this should be an absolute
no-brainer for this body.
Even during the Reagan budget-cutting frenzy of the mid-1980's, there
was a specific exception to the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings budget deficit
act for all of these programs.
They are the lifeblood of our Nation's poorest citizens, and
therefore deserve the deliberate and conscious protection which this
amendment would ensure.
This amendment would by no means assure that reductions will not
occur in the funding allocations for these budget items.
However, it would guarantee that a separate floor vote and committee
analysis be accomplished before such reductions could be enacted.
In a commonsense manner, this amendment would provide that reductions
of this type be treated as unfunded mandates.
This is particularly appropriate, since States and local governments
would undoubtedly have to make up for such reductions with their own
funds.
Mr. Chairman, I implore my fellow Members on both sides of the aisle
to support this extremely worthwhile amendment.
{time} 1530

Mr. GOSS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise very reluctantly, as the distinguished gentleman
from Ohio [Mr. Hall] knows, in opposition to his amendment. I want to
go through a scenario that gives me some serious concern. It is
difficult to precisely read Mr. Hall's amendment because there is no
specific line number in the amendment.
It appears the amendment would foreclose the Federal Government's
ability to ever cut or impose a cap on a number of low-income programs
which are listed in section 255(h) of the Budget Act. In essence, any
cut or cap would be by definition a Federal intergovernmental mandate
even if the States have the authority to change their financial or
programmatic responsibilities. This would trigger the point of order.
Now, to get specific and go to one of the programs listed in 255(h),
Medicaid, the Hall amendment would define any cut or cap in the
Medicaid Program as an unfunded mandate regardless of the fact that the
States have the flexibility to change their programs.
To demonstrate that this is not good policy in the Medicaid Program,
I would like to remind my colleagues about a sad chapter in the
Medicaid Program involving provider-specific taxes and disproportionate
share payments to hospitals. Because of a change in Medicaid law in
1990, provider-specific taxes help cause an annual growth in Federal
Medicaid payments to the tune of $10 billion per year, that is
annually, $10 billion per year, every year.
Now, to help close this loophole, legislation was passed in 1991; the
provider-specific tax amendments of 1991 and in OBRA 1993 to place a
cap on disproportionate share payments.
Now, my friend, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Hall] voted for both of
these caps on the Medicaid Program. In both instances these caps were
placing limits on an element of the Medicaid Program that was being
abused; I think we agree.
In both instances the States had the flexibility to change their
programs. If Mr. Hall's amendment was in effect, his votes would be
defined as an unfunded intergovernmental mandate subject to points of
order.
So it is for that very technical reason, even though I understand
what the gentleman is trying to accomplish, that I have to again
underscore that while this is well meaning it is not going to have a
benign effect on what we are trying to do, in my view, and is going to
remove flexibility.
The States have asked for that flexibility. To take that away from
them, especially after what we just heard from the Governors, just does
not make a lot of sense to me at this time.
Mr. FARR. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Hall amendment.
There isn't a more vulnerable population out there than children,
especially poor children. The food programs the country has instituted
over the years have been put in place to protect this most at-risk
group. It is unconscionable for this body to consider legislation that
would deny food to the very mouths of babes.
Upward of 2.2 million children could be affected in the Food Stamp
Program alone by this bill.
Another 1 million children could be affected by cuts to the WIC
Program.
Even more would feel the impact of cuts to child nutrition, school
lunch and breakfast and other hot meal programs that provide essential
services to our youngest and most tenuous of constituents.
I urge my colleagues to support the Hall amendment and give American
kids a fighting chance.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Hall].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

recorded vote

Mr. HALL of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 144,
noes 289, not voting 1, as follows:

[Roll No. 74]

AYES--144

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Barcia
Becerra
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Conyers
Coyne
Danner
de la Garza
DeLauro
Dellums
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Durbin
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Ford
Frank (MA)
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Gibbons
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hastings (FL)
Hefner
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hoyer
Jackson-Lee
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lofgren
Lowey
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Martinez
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McDermott
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek
Menendez
Miller (CA)
Mineta
Mink
Moakley
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Pelosi
Rangel
Reed
Reynolds
Richardson
Rivers
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Scott
Serrano
Skaggs
Slaughter
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Thompson
Thurman
Torres
Torricelli
Towns
Traficant
Tucker
Velazquez
Vento
Volkmer
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Whitfield
Williams
Wolf
Woolsey
Wyden
Wynn
Yates

NOES--289

Allard
Andrews
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baesler
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Baldacci
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Barrett (WI)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bevill
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brewster
Browder
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chapman
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Condit
Cooley
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Davis
Deal
DeFazio
DeLay
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Doggett
Dooley
Doolittle
Dornan
Doyle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Geren
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hamilton
Hancock
Hansen
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Holden
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
[[Page H936]] Kanjorski
Kasich
Kelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Kleczka
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Lincoln
Linder
Lipinski
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Luther
Manzullo
Martini
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHale
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Minge
Molinari
Mollohan
Montgomery
Moorhead
Moran
Morella
Murtha
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Obey
Ortiz
Orton
Oxley
Packard
Parker
Paxon
Payne (VA)
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pickett
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Portman
Poshard
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Regula
Riggs
Roberts
Roemer
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Rose
Roth
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Schumer
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skeen
Skelton
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Spratt
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Stupak
Talent
Tanner
Tate
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Tejeda
Thomas
Thornberry
Thornton
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Upton
Visclosky
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Wicker
Wilson
Wise
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--1

Mfume

{time} 1553

Mr. STUPAK and Mr. SCHUMER changed their vote from ``aye'' to ``no''.
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

amendment offered by mr. peterson of minnesota

Mr. PETERSON of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, the
amendment numbered 165.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Peterson of Minnesota: In section
301, in the proposed section 424(a)(2)(A) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike ``$100,000,000'' and
insert ``$50,000,000''.

Mr. PETERSON of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman, this is a straightforward
amendment offered by myself, the gentleman from Kansas [Mr. Roberts],
the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Burton], the gentleman from Texas [Mr.
Pete Geren], the gentleman from Oregon [Mr. Cooley], and others who
worked on this and who had similar ideas.
It is a straightforward amendment that lowers the threshold on
private sector mandates in which CBO is required to file a report from
$100 million to $50 million.
Mr. Chairman, this will equalize the threshold at $50 million for
both the public and the private sector. There were a number of
amendments offered in this area. Some of them went lower, but we
thought this made sense, to equalize the two.
One of the issues was whether the lowering of this threshold would
possibly cost CBO additional money. But we have checked, and CBO said
the money authorized in this bill is sufficient to comply with these
provisions.
Mr. Chairman, in the 103d Congress, 226 of us, including myself,
cosponsored the bill of the gentleman from California [Mr. Condit],
which would impose a tougher standard, basically a ``no money, no
mandate'' standard, which a lot of us would still like to see. But this
is a good first start.
What we are doing here by lowering this threshold is making sure that
we have the same standards in both the public and private sector, and
also that we will include more mandates in this process.
Mr. McINTOSH. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PETERSON of Minnesota. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana, the
chairman of the Subcommittee on Government Operations, on which I
serve.
Mr. McINTOSH. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I want to commend the gentleman for his efforts in
fashioning a bipartisan approach to this and for his efforts in my
Subcommittee on Regulatory Relief to do the same.
I think this is an important amendment because it would lower the
threshold at which we would study the problem of regulations in the
private sector. As I have said many times before, regulations are a
hidden tax on the middle class in this country, and we have to do
something to attack that problem. It is important that we do that well
informed and with the studies that would be resulting from this
legislation.
I strongly support this amendment, and want to thank my colleague
from Minnesota for introducing it here today.
Mr. PETERSON of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of
my time.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr.
Peterson], in coauthoring this amendment with myself, the gentleman
from Texas [Mr. Pete Geren], the gentleman from Oregon [Mr. Cooley],
and many other members of the unfunded mandates caucus. This has the
support of the unfunded mandates caucus.
It is bipartisan in nature. The gentleman has simply explained the
amendment very well. What it does is to equalize the threshold and
brings it down to $50 million in regards to the private sector.
It is my considered opinion that all mandates should fall under the
careful scrutiny of the Congressional Budget Office. A mandate is a
mandate. In fact, I think there are some of us that would support
lowering the threshold to zero. This is really an effort by the
gentleman from Minnesota, myself, and others, to make the threshold
apply to rural and small-town America.
Obviously, if you exclude the smaller mandates, that is going to
impose a greater burden on small communities. So the gentleman's
amendment is certainly appropriate to that effort.
{time} 1600

There has been some concern about the fact whether or not the CBO can
do this job. They can. We have been in contact with the CBO, and I
think I should point out to Members that the CBO cost estimates have
not always been in agreement with the cost estimates that are prepared
by State and by local governments. So if you had a $100 million
threshold, as opposed to $50, look what happened in regards to the
Motor Voter Act. The cost of implementation as estimated by CBO was $28
million. It costs $26 million alone in regards to California.
It is a good amendment. I rise in support of it. I thank the
gentleman from Minnesota.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ROBERTS. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, just briefly let me just say
that this has bipartisan support. I obviously want to congratulate the
gentleman from Minnesota for his hard work as well as my distinguished
colleague who was gracious enough to yield to me.
We are moving in the right direction as far as these mandates are
concerned. I think the people of this country, both public and private,
are going to congratulate us for this effort.
I would just like to say, once again, to my colleague,
congratulations on the amendment.
As has been stated, our amendment equalizes the threshold for
requiring a CBO cost estimate of mandates on the public and private
sector.
Under H.R. 5, if a mandate will have an annual impact of $50 million
or more on State and local governments, then CBO must do a cost
analysis of the mandate and find out how much it will actually cost. A
point of order can be raised if the bill does not contain this
information.
The threshold for the same cost estimate for the private sector is
$100 million, and a point of order can also be raised here as well if
this information is not included.
My amendment lowers the threshold for the CBO cost estimate for the
private sector to $50 million. This helps to level the playing field.
In many cases, the mandate should then be reduced or killed, and if
it is really necessary it should be paid for.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his
contribution. Let the record show the gentleman from Indiana [Mr.
Burton] was
[[Page H937]] a coauthor of this amendment and worked very hard with us
to bring it to the attention of the House at this moment.
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
I just want to be very brief and compliment the authors of this
amendment and say on behalf of the committee that we support this
amendment.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, this will expand the scope of this legislation. It will
bring in many more Federal activities. But since the private sector
will only require that a cost estimate be done, it will not trigger the
optional aspect of this legislation, as would be triggered for States
and localities. I do not see that it is a problem. The reality is that
for CBO to determine whether or not a piece of legislation is going to
impose a mandate of $100 million or more, they have to do the analysis
anyway. So in the process of doing the analysis, that will suffice for
the $50 million threshold.
I do not think it is going to cause much more work on the part of the
Congressional Budget Office. It is consistent with the intent of the
legislation, and it would be welcomed by the private sector. So I
support the amendment as well.
Mr. FATTAH. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I thought that the intent of the majority was that we
would have no strengthening or weakening amendments to this bill. The
other Chamber has acted on this matter, and this amendment would
seemingly fly in the face of reaching some appropriate compromise on
this matter, because it actually moves in the opposite direction.
So I would hope that even though it has been indicated that there is
support, that there would be some consistency as we move through this
process.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Peterson].
The amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there other amendments to title III?

amendment offered by mr. roemer

Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, the amendment
designated number 173.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Roemer: In section 301, in the
proposed section 422 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974,
strike ``or'' after the semicolon at the end of paragraph
(6), strike the period at the end of paragraph (7) and insert
``; or'', and after paragraph (7) add the following new
paragraph:
``(8) pertains to the immunization of children against
vaccine-preventable diseases.

Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Chairman, first of all, I would just like to say that
the intention of this amendment, which would exempt children's
immunizations from the legislation that we are considering here, given
the special circumstances that we have a Federal program running right
now for children's immunizations which we need to improve but we might
need to eventually have go back to the States and localities, I am not
sure that I will offer this. I may withdraw it, but I do want to talk
about the importance of immunizations for children.
Let me say, I want to congratulate the Members that have been working
so hard on this bill, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger],
the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Portman], the gentleman from California
[Mr. Condit], the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], and many others.
My amendment is in no way to be dilatory or to take away from the
serious debate and the bipartisan nature by which we are working
together to prohibit unfunded mandates where many of my constituents
and Democratic and Republican mayors want us to act in this body in a
bipartisan way.
I intend to vote for passage of this legislation. But I also want to
make sure that there are not unintended consequences of this
legislation. And with immunization rates in this country trailing badly
other developed and industrialized countries, we need to make sure that
we continue to put the very highest priority on immunizing our
children. We are 20 and 25 percent behind the immunization rates of
countries such as Japan and Germany.
We invest $1 in immunizing a child and we save $10 later on in our
health care costs. There is absolutely no question that to put the very
highest priority on these programs is in the very best interest of our
children, our taxpayers, and our health care system. So I want to offer
this amendment with the intention of working with the Republican
majority and other interested parties here in Congress on seeing that
we improve our immunization rate, seeing that we improve the Federal
program that was started by President Clinton, seeing that we improve
the State rate of participation, and seeing that at some point in the
future we may need to critically analyze and critique this program that
is currently running and possibly move it back to the States and the
localities, which might run it in a better and more efficient fashion.
We have seen some of the regulations with this program throw some
hurdles into the delivery of immunizations and inoculations for
children, in that a regulation requires a doctor to keep a free
vaccination in a separate quarter from a paid-for vaccination or
inoculation. So I think that there are many improvements that we can
do, and I want to just guarantee and have guarantees from the majority
that we can improve this program, there will be priorities put on this
program to immunize our children and that there are no hurdles put up
under this bill.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ROEMER. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio, who has worked so
hard on this legislation.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
I would just say, as the gentleman is aware, there is nothing in H.R.
5 which would preclude the Congress from continuing to have an active
role to play in immunization programs and to perfect, in fact, the
local-State-Federal partnership on immunization. I think on the
majority side we share the concern about the programs. We share the
gentleman's view that these are salutary preventive programs that make
a lot of sense, that they are very cost effective.
I would say, again, as we said many times over the last several days
in response to the exemption argument, that this legislation will in no
way preclude Congress carefully considering future mandates in this
area.
However, reluctantly, we would have to oppose such an amendment
simply because it again creates an exemption which is not necessary for
this legislation.
I would ask the gentleman if he would be willing, given that
understanding, that in fact these immunization programs would be coming
to the floor, would be receiving debate on a more informed basis, I
might add, that he might consider withdrawing his amendment.
Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Chairman, I will ask unanimous consent in the next
minute, to withdraw the amendment and just make two further points,
ancillary points to what the gentleman has just brought up.
I thank the gentleman for his willingness to work together on this.
The reason that I brought the amendment to the floor was, again, not
to be dilatory but that immunizations have two distinct differences
from some of the more generic amendments that have been offered by my
colleagues on children's health.
One is that we have a Federal program in place.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Roemer] has
expired.
(On request of Mr. Portman, and by unanimous consent, Mr. Roemer was
allowed to proceed for 2 additional minutes.)
Mr. ROEMER. We have a program in place that we do not want to see
hurt by this legislation. I think we may want to see improvements in
it. And if we cannot implement those improvements, we may want to work
more with the State and local governments to see this implemented.
Second, with the outbreak of a virus or something that could affect
our children, the emergency provisions in this
[[Page H938]] bill would allow us to act pretty expeditiously if we
want to guarantee that quick action, not only for the impact on
children but for our senior citizens, who might be more susceptible to
infection.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield,
in section 4, there is a specific exemption for emergency situations
such as the one which the gentleman stated. I would think that that
would be covered by that exemption.
Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
Indiana?
There was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. The amendment is withdrawn.

{time} 1610

amendment Offered by Mr. Skaggs
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Chairman, I offer amendment No. 158.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Skaggs: In paragraph (4) of
section 202(a), insert before ``the effect'' the following:
``estimates by the agency, if and to the extent that the
agency determines that accurate estimates are reasonably
feasible, of''.
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment deals with what I suspect
was really a drafting error, back in title II of the bill, having to do
with the estimates that are required to be prepared by agencies
pursuant to the new authorities in this legislation.
Interestingly, Mr. Chairman, in subsection A(2) of section 202,
estimates made by agencies concerning future costs or disproportional
budgetary effects are to be made ``if and to the extent that the agency
determines that accurate estimates are reasonably feasible.''
However, over in paragraph 4 of that subsection, estimates concerning
the effect on the national economy, including productivity, economic
growth, full employment, creation of jobs, and international
competitiveness have no such qualifying language about reasonable
feasibility.
It seems to me those estimates are equally problematic for the agency
to be able to conduct, Mr. Chairman. In discussing this with the floor
manager of the bill, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger], I
think it is clear that we all recognize that in this proposed statute,
as in any others, there is an implied qualification of reasonableness.
I just wanted to inquire of the floor manager currently on the floor,
the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Davis], if indeed that is his
interpretation, that we are looking for reasonable estimates to be made
by the agency under paragraph 4, just as under paragraph 2.
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. SKAGGS. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Colorado for
yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, I would concur with the gentleman's statement. There is
a standard of reasonableness built into this bill in terms of the
agencies being able to gather and make the reports.
Mr. SKAGGS. Therefore, we are not asking them to do anything that is
impossible or impracticable, is that correct?
Mr. DAVIS. If the gentleman will yield further, that is correct.
Mr. SKAGGS. With that understanding, Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent to withdraw the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the amendment of the gentleman from
Colorado [Mr. Skaggs] is withdrawn.
There was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there other amendments to title III?

amendment offered by mr. cooley

Mr. COOLEY. Mr. Chairman, I offer amendment No. 9.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Cooley:
Strike out subsection (e) of the proposed section 425 of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974.

Mr. COOLEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to offer an amendment that
would strike the mandate grandfather provision of the Unfunded Mandate
Reform Act.
Added during the Committee on Rules' consideration of this bill, this
provision, found in section 425(E), protects all past mandates as long
as they do not increase the mandate or decrease the resources allocated
to fund it.
In other words, the Clean Water Act, Clean Air Act, Immigration Act,
Safe Drinking Water Act, Endangered Species Act, Resource Conservation
Recovery Act, and Superfund amendments are all protected from the bill
as written.
As I have listened to this debate, Mr. Chairman, these past few days
it has occurred to me that it has been a degradation of the debate on
the value of this particular law. Someone wants to keep the bill from
applying to seniors, another to children and yet women, yet another to
laws affecting public health and safety.
Mr. Chairman, these are debates for another time. The question at
hand today is ``Will we make States pick up the tab for Congress'
ideas?''
Mr. Chairman, I submit that there is not a single Member of this body
who wants to jeopardize the health and safety of Americans, nor do we
believe that there is a single Member who would want to lessen the
standard of living for the children, mothers, or senior citizens.
Disabled persons are not on anyone's hit list, either. We are here in
Congress because we are concerned about these very problems.
In light of that, I cannot fathom why the opponents of this bill are
so certain that the bill will be the undoing of all laws governing
public health, safety, and the environment. Would striking the
exemption for existing unfunded mandates mean that we instantly
disregard the progress we have made? Absolutely not.
My amendment would simple ensure that unfunded mandates be on equal
footing. There should be nothing sacred about these massive costs
inflicted upon the States, nor should future mandates, if deemed
critically important, be considered less necessary to public health and
safety by virtue of their following this act. All mandates, whether
funded or unfunded, should be considered on their merit.
We can signal our resolve to carefully consider all unfunded mandates
that come up for reauthorization by cancelling the provision that
protects them from a point of order.
Mr. Chairman, if we subject future unfunded mandates to a point of
order, then we should do the same for those being reauthorized.
Before I close, I must unequivocally state that my amendment does not
end all present unfunded mandates immediately. That is, my amendment
does not make this legislation retroactive. The only thing that will
change is a law requiring reauthorization for related appropriations to
be subject to the point of order.
Clearly, if Congress supports the underlying legislation that faces
reauthorization, it will dispose of the point of order. Everyone here
knows that if the sentiment is here for the substance of the
legislation, the point of order, which requires a simple majority, will
be waived by a similar count.
My amendment simply makes us stop and consider the wisdom or folly of
our predecessors. If we waive the point of order, then we will have
deemed the content of the reauthorization necessary.
We have considered this bill for the purpose of casting light upon
the burden that unfunded mandates have created for the States. If my
amendment is adopted, these past mandates will be evaluated on the
basis of the burden they impose and the benefits they bring to our
States and communities. If past mandates do not pass the muster, then
why have them and why protect them, as they are unfairly shielded in
this bill as presently written?
My amendment merely signals our intention to consider all unfunded
mandates equally. I would ask my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition
to this amendment. It will unabashedly seek to undo all Federal laws
that protect the health, safety, and welfare of Americans by subjecting
the laws to a
[[Page H939]] point of order when they are reauthorized. We have
repeatedly sought to exempt laws already on the books from the
provisions of this bill, as long as reauthorizations did not impose
additional unfunded mandates.
The chairman of the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, as
far as I know, has agreed. The chairman of the Committee on Rules has
agreed, as far as I know, and in fact, inserted language specifically
to clarify this point.
Now the gentleman throws out all statutes as they come up for
reauthorization. The result would be a wholesale dismantling of dozens
of laws. All of our environmental statutes would be repealed, because
there is no way we could fully fund the costs. So would worker safety
laws. Consumer protection standards would be gutted.
Are the American people really willing to risk their drinking water?
I do not think so. Are they willing to trust States upstream to not
dump their sewage in their rivers and our beaches? I do not think so.
Do they want airport safety to be decided by some local accountant? I
do not think so. Will they forego the safety of their children? I know
they will not.
Mr. Chairman, we all know the answer to these questions. Vote ``no''
on this amendment. This is a crippling amendment, one we do not need. I
would urge all my colleagues to strike it down and not vote for it.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in reluctant opposition to the amendment of the
gentleman from Oregon [Mr. Cooley]. I know what many on this side of
the aisle and Members on the other side of the aisle feel is that this
bill does not go far enough, that we really should be looking back and
taking a look at all of the myriad mandates that we have imposed on
State and local governments over the years.
Title I of this bill is a first effort to do that, to say yes, we
need to review where we stand. We need to look at what is on the books.
We need to assess what has been the impact, what is the cumulative
impact.
I think there is no question that we can say 1 mandate is not too
much, 2 is not too much, but 176 unfunded mandates clearly is too much,
so I think the gentleman is certainly on the right track. He is looking
at this thing and saying we have gone overboard and we should really be
reviewing and eliminating those at this point.
However, Mr. Chairman, I would say that this language that is in the
bill does represent a compromise that was effected, and which was
actually fashioned in the Committee on Rules to address this very
issue. Mr. Chairman, I think it is fair to say that this would be a
killer amendment. It is a strengthening amendment, there is no question
about that, but I think it strengthens the bill too much to survive.
For that reason, I would have to oppose the amendment.

{time} 1620

Mr. GOSS. Mr. Chairman, I would like to further state that the
Committee on Rules did respond in a very cooperative way to what we
think was a very legitimate concern by the Committee on Government
Reform and Oversight on how to work out a compromise that would work on
this, and we did come up with an amendment which we called the Goss
amendment which we thought resolved the issue pretty well.
I would like to point out that this is a subject that went through a
briefing, a hearing, a markup, and not a little bit of debate, to say
nothing at all of the fact that we had a rule discussion on it. So we
have really given this a lot of analysis.
My concern about a killer amendment is very real. We have tried to
weigh and balance, and we have got a protection built in. I say this
sincerely, because I speak as a local government official who has come
out of being a mayor and a county chairman. I have very strong, deep
personal feelings about dealing with unfunded mandates whether they
come from the Federal Government or the State capital, and that is,
that we have got our Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental
Relations, and we have been given, I think, very strong promises of
commitment from the leadership that we are going to pay attention to
what they say.
We are going to have a report, a study, monitoring, and I think we
have hit middle ground here. Until we know a little better whether
there is a problem or there is not, I think we ought to go as the
committee has presented it.
I thank the distinguished gentleman for yielding. I regrettably say
that I will be in opposition to the Cooley amendment.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I would just say to
the gentleman that I am sympathetic to the concerns that he has raised
here. I think that what we have in this bill, however, is a first cut.
As the gentleman has indicated, there are many on this side that would
like to see us go much further. There are many on the other side who
think we have gone way too far as it is, and this seems to strike a
fairly reasonable balance. Again, I would have to oppose the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Oregon [Mr. Cooley].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

Recorded Vote

Mr. COOLEY. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 146,
noes 287, not voting 1, as follows:
[Roll No 75]

AYES--146

Allard
Bachus
Baker (CA)
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Bartlett
Bereuter
Bevill
Bilbray
Blute
Bonilla
Bono
Browder
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Burr
Camp
Chambliss
Chenoweth
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Condit
Cooley
Cox
Cramer
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Deal
DeLay
Doolittle
Duncan
Dunn
Edwards
Emerson
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Flanagan
Forbes
Frank (MA)
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Geren
Gibbons
Gillmor
Goodlatte
Gordon
Graham
Green
Gunderson
Gutierrez
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hancock
Hansen
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayworth
Hefley
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hoke
Hostettler
Hunter
Istook
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kim
LaHood
Largent
Latham
Laughlin
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Lincoln
Linder
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martinez
McCollum
McHugh
McInnis
McKeon
Metcalf
Minge
Montgomery
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Orton
Owens
Oxley
Packard
Parker
Paxon
Payne (VA)
Peterson (MN)
Pombo
Pryce
Riggs
Roberts
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Roth
Royce
Salmon
Scarborough
Schaefer
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Skeen
Smith (MI)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tanner
Tauzin
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Whitfield
Wicker

NOES--287

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Andrews
Archer
Armey
Baesler
Baker (LA)
Baldacci
Ballenger
Barcia
Barrett (WI)
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Becerra
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bilirakis
Bishop
Bliley
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brewster
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Bunning
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Canady
Cardin
Castle
Chabot
Chapman
Christensen
Chrysler
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clinger
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Conyers
Costello
Coyne
Crane
Danner
Davis
de la Garza
DeFazio
DeLauro
Dellums
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Dooley
Dornan
Doyle
Dreier
Durbin
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Engel
English
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fawell
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Fields (TX)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Foley
Ford
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gekas
Gephardt
Gilchrest
Gilman
Gonzalez
Goodling
Goss
Greenwood
Hall (OH)
Hamilton
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hayes
Hefner
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Horn
Houghton
Hoyer
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Jackson-Lee
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson (CT)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kelly
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
[[Page H940]] Kennelly
Kildee
King
Kingston
Kleczka
Klink
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaFalce
Lantos
LaTourette
Lazio
Leach
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Livingston
LoBiondo
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Martini
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McCrery
McDade
McDermott
McHale
McIntosh
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek
Menendez
Meyers
Mica
Miller (CA)
Miller (FL)
Mineta
Mink
Moakley
Molinari
Mollohan
Moorhead
Moran
Morella
Murtha
Myers
Myrick
Nadler
Neal
Nussle
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Pelosi
Peterson (FL)
Petri
Pickett
Pomeroy
Porter
Portman
Poshard
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Reed
Regula
Reynolds
Richardson
Rivers
Roemer
Ros-Lehtinen
Rose
Roukema
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sanford
Sawyer
Saxton
Schiff
Schroeder
Schumer
Scott
Serrano
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skaggs
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Spence
Spratt
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Tate
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Tejeda
Thomas
Thompson
Thornton
Thurman
Torres
Torricelli
Towns
Traficant
Tucker
Upton
Velazquez
Vento
Visclosky
Volkmer
Walker
Walsh
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Weldon (PA)
White
Williams
Wilson
Wise
Wolf
Woolsey
Wyden
Wynn
Yates
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--1

Mfume

{time} 1648

Messrs. RUSH, OLVER, BONIOR, COYNE, ACKERMAN, RICHARDSON, DINGELL,
and MARKEY, and Ms. BROWN of Florida changed their vote from ``aye'' to
``no.''
Messrs. HERGER, HASTINGS of Washington, HILLEARY, HANCOCK, JOHNSON of
South Dakota, GALLEGLY, KIM, SMITH of Texas, ALLARD, EWING, and WAMP,
Mrs. VUCANOVICH, Messrs. PACKARD, PAXON, and CAMP, Ms. PRYCE, Mr.
BEVILL, Mr. McCOLLUM, Mrs. SEASTRAND, and Messrs. LaHOOD, LIGHTFOOT,
NORWOOD, BARRETT of Nebraska, SAM JOHNSON of Texas, ISTOOK, TORKILDSEN,
BLUTE, and BEREUTER changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
amendment offered by mr. waxman

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Waxman: In the proposed section
424 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, redesignate
subsection (d) as subsection (e) and insert after subsection
(c) the following:
``(d) Estimates.--If the Director determines that it is not
feasible to make a reasonable estimate that would be required
for a statement under subsection (a)(1) for a bill or joint
resolution, the Director shall not make such a statement and
shall inform the committees involved that such an estimate
cannot be made and the reasons for that determination. The
bill or joint resolution for which such statement was to be
made shall be subject to a point of order under section
425(a)(1).

{time} 1650

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, this amendment has been worked out with the
majority. It is noncontroversial, a perfecting amendment to clarify
what CBO is supposed to do if it is not able to estimate the impact on
State or local governments. It provides in this situation that CBO may
give the committee a statement that it is not feasible to estimate the
cost. We have worked this out. I would urge support for the
legislation.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. WAXMAN. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLINGER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I support the amendment offered by the gentleman from
California. I think it is a good addition to the bill. What it is
really saying is we do not want CBO to have to invent figures, make
them up, to be forced into coming up with squishy numbers in this area,
though yet the point of order would still lie. We have preserved the
point of order.
We also say ``Be straight up with us, tell us if you cannot do it. If
you cannot to it, just tell us that.''
Mr. Chairman, I support the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman].
The amendment was agreed to.
amendment offered by mr. waxman

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, No. 144.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Waxman:
In the proposed section 421(4) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974, add the following new sentence at the end of the
section: ``Clause (i)(I) of subparagraph (B) shall not apply
to provisions that are designed to prevent fraud or abuse or
to increase fiscal accountability of the program administered
by the States, local governments, or tribal governments
receiving assistance.''

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, the bill before us provides that it would
be considered an unfunded mandate if we increase the stringency in an
entitlement program as a condition of assistance. Now, the way this is
defined, I think it applies perhaps exclusively, but certainly to the
Medicaid program.
What my amendment would provide is that if there is an increase in
the stringency of conditions of assistance in Medicaid, this would not
apply if the change in the requirements is to assure the fiscal
integrity of the program to assure that expenditures are for the
purposes that are legitimate under the program or to prevent fraud and
abuse by people or providers receiving payment under the program.
This is a good Government amendment. If we are, let's say under the
Medicaid Program, going to pay for health care services for poor people
and we ask the States to be sure to police the program to be sure that
there is no fraud or abuse being committed, if in that increased
stringency requirement in order to protect the integrity of the program
the States are required to do more than would otherwise be the case, we
should consider that an unfunded mandate that would be prevented.
We have, as most of you know, a reverse suggestion of what we
ordinarily think about in this unfunded mandate. We have a provision
for extra payments by the Federal Government when the States provide
assistance to disproportionate share institutions. These are usually
hospitals that serve a disproportionate share of low-income people and
we want to provide extra reimbursement to them.
But some of the States took advantage of this provision and they
concocted schemes to rip off Federal dollars to which they were not
entitled. They came in and requested that the Federal Government match
money that they put up and then used the Federal dollars under Medicaid
for things that had nothing to do with Medicaid. Medicaid was being
used as a revenue-sharing program.
Let me just illustrate this by the fact that under this loophole
States collected billions of dollars of Federal Medicaid spending. We
went in the space of Federal Medicaid spending. We went in the space of
about 3 years from spending $300 million on disproportionate share
payments to $11 billion. When we came back in 1993 in a bipartisan way
and we said this is a loophole that cannot be tolerated, we
plugged up that loophole. But if this mandates bill were in effect,
that would be considered increased stringency of the program and the
States could come back and say you cannot increase the stringency of
the program as it relates to them, even though it plugged up a loophole
by which they got Federal dollars from the Federal Government to which
they were not entitled.

Those of us who want to protect the integrity of a program like
Medicaid to make sure States police for fraud and abuse, make sure the
States are protecting the integrity of the dollars being spent by the
Federal Government, those things should not be considered unfunded
mandates. We should not subject such a requirement and
[[Page H941]] Federal changes in Federal law to a point of order. This
amendment would accomplish that result. So I would urge an aye vote for
this amendment.
It is not dissimilar, by the way, to the exceptions in this
legislation that say that when we require compliance with accounting
and auditing procedures with respect to grants or other money or
property provided by the Federal Government, that should not be
considered an unfunded mandate under section 4 limitations on the
limits of the legislation.
But I do not believe that that limitation on the application of what
is considered unfunded mandate means where we say if it is to comply
with accounting and auditing procedures, it would apply to something
more to protect the fiscal integrity of the Medicaid Program.
Mr. Chairman, I ask support for this amendment.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment very briefly.
Mr. Chairman, I think this amendment is too broad for what the
gentleman is seeking to accomplish. As he has already indicated, we do
exempt auditing and accounting from the provisions of this bill to
prevent waste, fraud, and abuse. The concern I have with it is that it
really does broaden the scope of what we are trying to do. I think the
purpose we should be focusing on, at least, is to try to enforce what
exists. We do have controls existing that are not being enforced. I
think we do a better job of getting the inspector generals to enforce
what exists now without adding new restrictions and broadening language
to the bill.
So I must oppose the gentleman's amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Waxman].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

recorded vote

Mr. WAXMAN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 153,
noes 275, not voting 6, as follows:
[Roll No. 76]

AYES--153

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Baldacci
Barcia
Barrett (WI)
Becerra
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Conyers
Costello
Coyne
DeLauro
Dellums
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Durbin
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Ford
Frank (MA)
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Gibbons
Gonzalez
Green
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hastings (FL)
Hayes
Hilliard
Hinchey
Holden
Hoyer
Jackson-Lee
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Kleczka
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Martinez
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McDermott
McHale
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek
Miller (CA)
Mineta
Minge
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Moran
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Payne (VA)
Pelosi
Pomeroy
Rahall
Rangel
Reed
Reynolds
Richardson
Rivers
Roemer
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Schumer
Scott
Serrano
Skaggs
Slaughter
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Thompson
Torricelli
Towns
Tucker
Velazquez
Vento
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Williams
Wise
Woolsey
Wyden
Wynn
Yates

NOES--275

Allard
Andrews
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baesler
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bevill
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brewster
Browder
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Condit
Cooley
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Danner
Davis
de la Garza
Deal
DeFazio
DeLay
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Dooley
Doolittle
Dornan
Doyle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Geren
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hamilton
Hancock
Hansen
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayworth
Hefley
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Lincoln
Linder
Lipinski
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martini
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
Menendez
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Molinari
Montgomery
Moorhead
Morella
Murtha
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Ortiz
Orton
Oxley
Packard
Parker
Paxon
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Pickett
Pombo
Porter
Portman
Poshard
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Riggs
Roberts
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Rose
Roth
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skeen
Skelton
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Spratt
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tanner
Tate
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Tejeda
Thomas
Thornberry
Thornton
Thurman
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Traficant
Upton
Visclosky
Volkmer
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--6

Chapman
Everett
Hefner
Mfume
Petri
Torres

{time} 1715

Messrs. HOLDEN, McHALE, and HILLIARD changed their vote from ``no''
to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

amendments offered by mr. hayes

Mr. HAYES. Mr. Chairman, I offer two amendments and ask unanimous
consent that they be considered en bloc and printed in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
Louisiana?
There was no objection.
The text of the amendments is as follows:

Amendments offered by Mr. Hayes:
In Section 301, in the proposed section 421 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, on page 29, line 11, after
the period, insert the following: ``(12) Significant
employment impact.--The term `significant employment impact'
means an estimated net aggregate loss of 10,000 or more
jobs.''
In section 301, in the proposed section 424(b)(1)(B) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974: on page 38, line 11, strike
``or''; and on page 38, line 13, after ``private sector'',
insert: ``; or (C) significant employment impact on the
private sector''.

{time} 1720

Mr. HAYES. Mr. Chairman, realizing the length to which this bill has
proceeded, I will be as brief as I can.
The impact of these two amendments considered en bloc as they appear
have impact on sections 421 and 421(b)(1)(b) of the Budget Act of 1974
as follows:
We talk so much about unfunded mandates in terms of money. The word
``funding'' itself would make us believe that we have got to look at
each and every dollar sign.
The fact of the matter is that there are many instances in which the
cost to human beings cannot be easily predilected in terms of money
accounts.
In my home State of Louisiana, we lost more oilfield workers in the
crash
[[Page H942]] of the early 1980's than the entire automobile industry
of America lost. So what the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Baker], my
colleague, and I have done, in a bill filed in the last Congress, the
impact of which is to effect the amendments to this bill in this
Congress, is simply add language saying that the significant employment
impact on the private sector, under a definitional statement, a net
aggregate loss of 10,000 or more jobs is as significant as any amount
of money could possibly be.
For that reason, we are simply extending the application to the
consideration of the impact of loss of jobs to the American worker.
Mr. BAKER of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. HAYES. I yield to the gentleman from Louisiana.
Mr. BAKER of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I would like first to commend
the gentleman from Louisiana for his efforts in this matter and point
out that there is one other aspect of this amendment I think most
important.
The debate to date has been centered about the effect of unfunded
mandates on local and State governments. The effect of this amendment
with regard to employment stretches the effect of analysis to go now to
the private sector, which I think is very important in all this rush to
make sure we are not doing things that are unreasonable.
If we are going to cost American jobs, we should be mindful of the
effect, and balance that against the supposed benefit of some new
federally mandated rule or regulation.
So the scope and effect of this amendment, I think, is very important
in that it assigns a dollar value to the regulations for local
governments. But it also assigns a job employment effect for those in
private enterprise.
I commend the gentleman for his hard work and cooperation on this
matter and hope the House will look favorably on its adoption.
Mr. HAYES. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Baker],
and I, for the last 8 years, have been able to work under what is now
called bipartisanship and what we considered a natural kinship for the
betterment of the State of Louisiana. I am glad the rest of the
Congress is on occasion catching up to the gentleman from Louisiana and
I.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. HAYES. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
I am pleased to rise in support of the amendment. I think it makes a
valuable addition to what we are trying to do here and merely
authorizes the committees of Congress to seek information as to what it
is going to mean to employment, what kind of impact it is going to have
on employment.
It does not affect the point of order, but it does provide valuable
information to the committees. I am pleased to support the gentleman's
amendment.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. HAYES. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
I would simply like to join in and praise the bipartisan spirit of
this amendment and say that I believe that it is right on target and to
say to my friend from Louisiana that those of us in the 52-Member
delegation from California are in fact learning from the marvelous
example that the two gentlemen are setting.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendments offered by the
gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Hayes].
The amendments were agreed to.

amendment offered by mr. dreier

Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Dreier: In section 301, in the
proposed section 425 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974,
strike subsection (d) and redesignate subsection (e) as
subsection (d).
In section 301, in the proposed section 426 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike: ``: Provided,
however,'' and all that follows through the close quotation
marks.
In section 301, after such proposed section 426, add the
following:

``SEC. 427. DISPOSITION OF POINTS OF ORDER.

``(a) In General.--As disposition of points of order under
section 425(a) or 426, the Chair shall put the question of
consideration with respect to the proposition that is the
subject of the points of order.
``(b) Debate and Intervening Motions.--A question of
consideration under this section shall be debatable for 10
minutes by each Member initiating a point of order and for 10
minutes by an opponent on each point of order, but shall
otherwise be decided without intervening motion except one
that the House adjourn or that the Committee of the Whole
rise, as the case may be.
``(c) Effect on Amendment in Order as Original Text.--The
disposition of the question of consideration under this
section with respect to a bill or joint resolution shall be
considered also to determine the question of consideration
under this section with respect to an amendment made in order
as original text.''.

Mr. DREIER (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
California?
There was no objection.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, during consideration of H.R. 5 in the
Committee on Rules, an amendment to section 426 was adopted that
creates a mechanism to allow any Member to make a motion to waive
points of order against a mandate in any bill, joint resolution,
amendment or conference report that does not include a CBO cost
estimate or a means for paying for the mandate.
The language currently in section 426 is preferable to the language
in H.R. 5 as introduced for several reasons.
First, it more directly achieves the goal of the authors of H.R. 5 to
guarantee votes in the House specifically on unfunded mandates. Second,
it does not place undue constraints on the legislative schedule by
requiring our Committee on Rules to report two rules every time a
decision is made to waive the application of section 425.
Third, it relieves some of the burden on the presiding officer when
making a determination with respect to a point of order.
Since H.R. 5 was reported to the House, I have been working with the
parliamentarian and a lot of other Members have been working with the
parliamentarian on language to address two additional concerns raised
by section 426. The language is contained in the amendment that I am
now offering, Mr. Chairman.
First, the amendment further reduces the burden on the presiding
officer to rule on points of order with respect to not only the
existence of a mandate but whether the cost of the mandate exceeds the
threshold of $50 million. This will be particularly troublesome in
situations where a motion to waive such a point of order is not made.
Second, the amendment addresses a concern raised by a number of my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle with respect to the role of
the chairman of the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight in
advising the Chair about the question of unfunded mandates. Under my
amendment, that advice would no longer be necessary.
Essentially, Mr. Chairman, the amendment provides that whenever
points of order are raised pursuant to section 425(a) or 426, the
points of order shall be disposed of by a vote of the Committee of the
Whole.
The question would be debatable for 20 minutes, 10 minutes by the
Member initiating the point of order and 10 minutes by an opponent of
the point of order.
This also addresses the concern that was raised by our distinguished
ranking minority member, my friend, the gentleman from South Boston, MA
[Mr. Moakley], who argued that the 10 minutes of debate time contained
in the existing section 426 was insufficient.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment is an honest attempt to address a number
of the concerns raised by my colleagues on the other side of the aisle.
It further clarifies the procedure under which points of order against
unfunded mandates are to be enforced in the House.
The amendment should not be controversial, and I urge my colleagues
to support it.

amendment offered by mr. moakley to the amendment offered by mr. dreier

Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment to the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Moakley to the amendment offered
by Mr. Dreier:
[[Page H943]] In the proposed new section 427, insert the
following new subsection (a) (and redesignate the existing
subsections accordingly):
``(a) In order to be cognizable by the Chair, a point of
order under section 425(a) or 426 must specify the precise
language on which it is premised.''

Mr. DREIER (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment to the amendment be considered as read and
printed in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
California?
There was no objection.
Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Chairman, the Dreier amendment is a major
improvement over the text of the bill. I would, however, make one
suggestion.
As the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier] explained to us, his
amendment will change the point of order into a question of
consideration. But I am worried that there will be no way to ensure
that this process is not abused.
So as the amendment now stands, if a Member wanted to avoid a vote,
the Member just could raise the unfunded mandates point of order. Once
that point of order has been raised, the Chair will have no choice but
to put the question of consideration.
There is no way to prevent a Member from making an unfunded mandates
point of order, even when there is none.
My amendment makes the Member who is raising the point of order show
exactly where the unfunded mandate exists and explain how that language
constitutes a violation.
I believe that this amendment to the Dreier amendment will make a
very big difference in preventing abuse of the unfunded mandate point
of order.
If my amendment is accepted, a Member will not be able to raise a
point of order against a measure unless he or she can show that one may
exist.
Mr. Chairman, I have had a lot of constructive conversations with the
gentleman from California. [Mr. Dreier]. I appreciate his willingness
to work with us on this matter.

{time} 1730

Mr. Chairman, I hope the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier] will
accept this amendment. Later if we find we have to make further
modifications, perhaps we can take those up in conference.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOAKLEY. I am glad to yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I have to say, Mr. Chairman, well wonders never cease. The Louisiana
delegation has come together. The Committee on rules is coming
together. We are working in a bipartisan way in the 104th Congress to
deal with many of the challenges that lie ahead of us.
It seems to me that on this issue the burden of proof should in fact
lie with the Member raising the point of order. This is a very
effective way to address that concern. I strongly support the amendment
offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts. [Mr. Moakley] to the
amendment I have offered. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger]
will be let off the hook with this amendment.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Moakley. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, that is precisely what I wanted to say. In
the legislation presently drafted, the task of determining what was or
was not an unfunded mandate would have fallen on the shoulders of the
chairman of the Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, and/or
perhaps the ranking member of that committee, so I certainly appreciate
the fact that this is now going to ensure that this matter will be
decided by the House itself. That is the appropriate place for this
decision to be made. I am pleased to support the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Moakley] to the amendment offered by
the gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier].
The amendment to the amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Dreier] as amended.
The amendment, as amended, was agreed to.
amendment offered by Mrs. Mink of Hawaii

Mrs. MINK of Hawaii. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mrs. Mink of Hawaii: In section 301,
in the matter proposed as section 421(4)(A)(i)(II) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike ``except as provided
in subparagraph (B)''.
In section 301, in the matter proposed as section 421(4) of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike subparagraph
(B).
In Section 301, in the matter proposed as section 422 of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike ``or'' after the
semicolon at the end of paragraph (6), strike the period at
the end of paragraph (7) and insert ``; or'', and insert at
the end the following:
``(8) requires compliance with certain conditions necessary
to receive grants or other money provided by the Federal
Government in programs for which the States, local
governments, or tribal governments voluntarily apply.

Mrs. MINK of Hawaii. Mr. Chairman, I rise to offer this amendment to
express my opposition to this legislation because of the many questions
caused by the ambiguous, overly broad language contained in this
legislation which have not been resolved to my satisfaction.
Mr. Chairman, the debate on this bill has raised many areas of
national concern which will be seriously jeopardized by the mandate
that all standards and requirements be fully funded or risk the hazard
of not being implemented or even repealed.
This debate is a lesson on the critical issues that we have tried to
face as a Nation where the Congress has set forth the goals, and sought
to make the case for national compliance in a shared responsibility
with States and local communities.
This bill provides that unless the Federal Government pays for the
cost of implementing these standards and goals on a local level, that
these goals are of no force and effect.
The obvious effect of this bill is to reduce the reach of the Federal
Government to help fight disease, curb pollution, prevent contamination
of our environment, improve educational opportunities, raise the
minimum wage, maintain safe places of work, prohibit child abuse, child
exploitation, and provide for the poor, the elderly, and the infirm.
We in the minority believe very strongly that the Federal Government
has the constitutional responsibility to provide for the general
welfare of all citizens of these country and that, accordingly, it has
the duty to establish by Federal law, Federal rules of conduct and
safety, Federal standards, and Federal regulation that cut across State
boundaries because they are safeguards and protections we are sworn to
provide to all citizens of this country.
But the sweep of this legislation we are debating is to cut off the
establishment of any new Federal responsibility or to expand an
existing responsibility unless we are prepared to pay for it totally.
the majority explicitly state that their goal is to transform the
Federal Government and to reduce its function and authority in all
programs, regardless of merit.
When the public realizes what this bill will do in reducing their
protections in the areas of health, safety, and educational benefits, I
feel confident that they will seek the abrogation of this contract
which the majority seeks to impose on an unwilling Nation.

Mr. Chairman, I agree that certain mandates are unreasonable and
ought to be revisited, but because you have a problem with your toe is
no reason to cut off your foot and cripple yourself for the rest of
your life.
My amendment makes clear that this bill does not affect any program
which is voluntary. If the Federal Government sets out its goals, and
invites the States and local entities to participate with the lure of
funding, it is clearly voluntary and should not be covered by any bill
which deals with mandates.
Yet this bill is unclear exactly where it draws the line as to what
is voluntary and what is not.
My amendment seeks to make explicitly clear that no voluntary program
entered into by the States and local communities can be converted into
a mandate because it costs more than
[[Page H944]] $500 million. If a program was voluntarily entered into
by the States and local communities, the fact that it now costs the
Federal Government to implement it does not convert it into a mandate.
Section 301 of H.R. 5 includes voluntary entitlements. Why? Strictly
because it costs the Federal Government more than $500 million. Why
should costs convert what is voluntary into a mandate? An entitlement
is a mandate on the Federal Government.
It does not mandate participation on the part of the States. No State
is required to participate in a voluntary entitlement program. It
chooses to do so on its own, voluntarily, and when it chooses to
participate, it agrees to the basic guidelines set forth in the law.
Mr. Chairman, AFDC is a classic example. The range of voluntary
participation can be easily demonstrated by just looking at the range
of benefit payments: $120 a month to a family of three in Mississippi,
$624 a month to a family of three in California. There is no uniform
benefit payment. AFDC is clearly and unequivocally a voluntary program,
yet it is covered by this legislation as an unfunded mandate because it
costs the Federal Government more than $500 million.
Mr. Chairman, this same argument applies to all the other voluntary
entitlement programs. I urge this House to support my amendment and
make clear that this bill does not cover voluntary programs whatsoever.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment
offered by the gentlewoman from Hawaii [Mrs. Mink].
Mr. Chairman, we have, as we know, eliminated or exempted voluntary
programs and those that would have conditions as part of a grant, but
when we are talking about exempting out an entire Medicaid Program,
which is one of the largest programs we have, I think it would be very
remiss of us not to at least consider what the cost of that would be,
and to at least have some accounting of what the cost would be. This,
again, would be a massive exemption from the provisions of this bill.
Again, it would not affect the bill, but it would clearly call into
account what we are doing here and make it very difficult for us to go
forward.
Mr. Chairman, I would oppose the gentlewoman's amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Hawaii [Mrs. Mink].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

recorded vote

Mrs. MINK of Hawaii. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This is a 15-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 121,
noes 310, not voting 3, as follows:
[Roll No. 77]

AYES--121

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Barcia
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bishop
Bonior
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Conyers
Coyne
Dellums
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Doyle
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Ford
Furse
Gephardt
Gibbons
Green
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hastings (FL)
Hilliard
Hinchey
Holden
Hoyer
Jackson-Lee
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lofgren
Maloney
Manton
Martinez
Mascara
McCarthy
McDermott
McKinney
McNulty
Meek
Menendez
Mfume
Miller (CA)
Mineta
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Nadler
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Pelosi
Rangel
Reynolds
Rose
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Scott
Serrano
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Thompson
Torres
Torricelli
Towns
Traficant
Tucker
Velazquez
Vento
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Williams
Wise
Woolsey
Wynn
Yates

NOES--310

Allard
Andrews
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baesler
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Baldacci
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Barrett (WI)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bevill
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Borski
Boucher
Brewster
Browder
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chapman
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clinger
Coble
Collins (GA)
Combest
Condit
Cooley
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Danner
Davis
de la Garza
Deal
DeFazio
DeLauro
DeLay
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Dooley
Doolittle
Dornan
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Durbin
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Frank (MA)
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Frost
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gejdenson
Gekas
Geren
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Gonzalez
Goodlatte
Goodling
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hamilton
Hancock
Hansen
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hefner
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kennelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Kleczka
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Lincoln
Linder
Lipinski
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lowey
Lucas
Luther
Manzullo
Markey
Martini
Matsui
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHale
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
Meehan
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Minge
Molinari
Montgomery
Moorhead
Moran
Morella
Murtha
Myers
Myrick
Neal
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Ortiz
Orton
Oxley
Packard
Pallone
Parker
Paxon
Payne (VA)
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pickett
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Portman
Poshard
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Reed
Regula
Richardson
Riggs
Rivers
Roberts
Roemer
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roth
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Schroeder
Schumer
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skaggs
Skeen
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Spratt
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tanner
Tate
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Tejeda
Thomas
Thornberry
Thornton
Thurman
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Upton
Visclosky
Volkmer
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson
Wolf
Wyden
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--3

Becerra
Coburn
Crane
{time} 1756

Mr. GEJDENSON, Ms. SLAUGHTER, and Mrs. LOWEY changed their vote from
``aye'' to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
amendment offered by mr. beilenson

Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Beilenson: In the proposed section
421(a)(4)(ii) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 insert
``or the amount of appropriations'' after ``appropriations''.
In the heading for the proposed section 424(a) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike ``Other Than
Appropriations Bills and Joint Resolutions''.
In paragraphs (1) and (2) of the proposed section 424(a) of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, strike ``of
authorization''.
In the proposed section 425(b) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974, insert ``(2)'' after ``(a)''.

Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Chairman, the amendment I am offering would impose
the same information requirements with respect to unfunded mandates on
appropriations bills as H.R. 5 requires for authorizing legislation.
[[Page H945]] Even if we are not going to prohibit consideration of
appropriations bills which contain unfunded mandates we should at
least, Mr. Chairman, require that they be submitted to CBO for an
estimate of the cost of any unfunded mandates they may contain.
Otherwise we will be making appropriation bills a magnet for
authorizers attempting to circumvent the requirements imposed on their
own bills.
I personally have some reservations about the practicality of CBO-
produced estimates of Federal mandates in legislation. It is a good
idea in concept, but we are likely to see problems in its
implementation, at least for a while. But if we are going to require
such cost estimates for authorizing bills we ought to require them for
appropriations bills as well.
It is easy to imagine a situation where members of authorizing
committees, frustrated that they are unable to get a cost estimate from
CBO on a timely basis, or are unwilling to do so because they know how
the figures will turn out, go to the Committee on Appropriations and
persuade a majority of members there to add the legislation to the
appropriations bill.
{time} 1800

It is also easy to imagine members of the Committee on Appropriations
inserting legislation into their bills that the authorizing committees
will not act on. It is easy to imagine these scenarios, because they
have happened frequently in the past for other reasons. When an
authorizing committee is unable to move a piece of legislation under
its jurisdiction for whatever reason but wants to enact a programmatic
change, the authorizing members often persuade the appropriators to
include the legislative language in one of their bills.
Likewise, appropriations members who cannot get a legislative
provision they want through an authorizing committee have been known to
put it in an appropriations bill.
Subjecting authorizing bills but not appropriations bills to cost
estimates for mandates would give Members an additional reason,
potentially a very powerful one, to try to use the appropriations
process to enact legislation.
The chairman of the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from New York
[Mr. Solomon], has argued that using the appropriations process to
circumvent the unfunded-mandate requirement will be difficult because
the Committee on Rules will not waive clause 2 of rule XXI, the
prohibition on legislation in an appropriations bill. However, there
will be times that the Committee on Rules will be under enormous
pressure to waive that rule, and if the Committee on Appropriations
does not have a determination from the CBO as to whether there are
unfunded mandates in the bill, the Committee on Rules will have no way
of knowing whether waiving rule XXI will also result in sending an
unfunded mandate to the floor.
Subsequently, if the House votes to waive rule XXI, the House could
find itself voting on an unfunded mandate without knowing it is doing
any such thing.
Furthermore, no matter how well we adhere to our prohibition in an
appropriations bill here in the House, we have no control over what the
Senate will do in this regard. We may well find that in conference on
appropriations bills House Members will be under enormous pressure to
accept legislative provisions containing unfunded mandates inserted by
Members of the other body.
In sum, Mr. Chairman, if we fail to ask of appropriations bills what
we are asking of authorizing bills under this proposed legislation in
the way of information requirements, we will be tilting the balance of
power among our committees away from authorizers and toward the
appropriators, and we will have created a significant loophole in this
legislation. We can avoid doing both to a great extent by adopting this
amendment.
I urge support for it. I think it is an eminently reasonable
amendment. I think it makes all the sense in the world, and I urge
Members to support it and vote for it.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment essentially repeals the exemption in the
bill for the appropriations bills, as my friend has said. Contrary to
the argument that has just been provided, there really is no loophole.
There clearly is no loophole.
Any unfunded mandate in an appropriations bill would constitute
legislating in an appropriations bill and would, therefore, alone be
subjected to a point of order. So it is open to a point of order that
conceivably could be raised.
Even if the Committee on Rules reported a rule that waived this point
of order, an amendment to strike the unfunded mandate would always be
in order unless it were a completely closed rule. Those of us on this
side who are in the majority now do not plan to continue this pattern
we have seen in the past of closing down rules.
So it seems to me that this amendment really does not do anything to
effectively address the issue we are trying to get at here. There is
really no need to proceed with this, and I hope very much that we will
be able to reject this duplicative amendment which is already addressed
in the standard operating rules of the House of Representatives.
Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
Mr. Chairman, why is this change so important? Well, the House is
about to embark on some drastic cost-cutting measures including
rescissions and elimination of programs through the regular
appropriations process. Already the Committee on Appropriations is
working on two rescissions bills that will soon be considered on this
floor. We must make sure that we know whether these cuts will shift the
cost burdens to State and local governments, and if they do, we must
apply the procedures of H.R. 5 to those bills.
No proponents of this legislation have given a reason why
appropriations bills are not covered by H.R. 5. Just as important are
conference reports on appropriations bills that come back from the
other body with all sorts of authorizing legislation attached.
If a conference on an appropriations bill contains an unfunded
mandate, why should not H.R. 5 apply?
Now, Mr. Chairman, we all know that provisions can be attached to
continuing resolutions and reconciliation bills. They should all be
included in
the scope of this legislation. But in order to accomplish this, we
must first amend the definition of Federal intergovernmental mandate in
section 421(4). That definition currently includes only bills that
decrease authorization of appropriations and not appropriations bills
themselves.

Therefore, CBO is not required to perform any cost analysis on
appropriations bills even though those bills may drastically cut funds
for State and local governments used to pay for Federal mandates.
The goal of full and open debate on the cost of legislation cannot be
met if appropriations bills, including rescissions, are not included.
Now, the Republican leadership has been talking of consolidating many
costly Federal assistance programs and, instead, providing block grants
to States. This, they promise, will save money, because fewer dollars
will be needed. I want to tell you that I am skeptical. I fear that,
instead, these unfunded mandates will be passed on to the States. That
is why we need to closely scrutinize each appropriations and rescission
bill that comes to the floor and to apply the proceeds of H.R. 5 to
stop any unfunded mandates.
I urge the adoption of this amendment.
Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Beilenson amendment.
As we have heard over the past few days, the unfunded-mandate
legislation is a far-reaching effort to alter the way the Federal and
State governments relate to each other on a wide range of regulatory
matters. There is certainly room for improvement in this relationship.
The fact is, we used to do a better job of listening to each other
and sharing responsibility for the standards we set. I think we should
bring back a better balance to the system. But it seems to me that the
legislation which we are considering here today contains a very large
loophole. It does not extend the CBO information requirements to
appropriations bills.
[[Page H946]] I am at a loss to understand why. This is a very
significant part of our legislative process, and this was omitted from
the legislation. When we raised the issue in the Committee on Rules,
the only response from the authors of the bill is that they did not
want to offend the members of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Chairman, I believe that extending the reporting provisions to
appropriations bills so that we have information on any unfunded
mandates they may contain would close a glaring loophole and provide a
very valuable addition to this bill.
Mr. Chairman, to be fair and to be comprehensive in our desire to
address the legitimate financial concerns of the States and localities,
we need to extend the provisions of H.R. 5 to appropriations
legislation, and I urge my colleagues to support the Beilenson
amendment.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOAKLEY. I am happy to yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I would simply like to say that as we look at the
Committee on Rules' relationship to the appropriations process, for the
past several years we have seen restrictions imposed on the
appropriations bills and waivers granted and all, but before that, that
really did not happen, and I believe very sincerely that in this 104th
Congress we are going to be able to get back to the point where we are
not imposing those kinds of constraints on consideration of
appropriations bills.
Also, I have to add that when I had the privilege of serving with the
gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Hamilton], cochairing our Joint Committee
on the Organization of Congress, I was just reminded, throughout that
hearing process I said the greatest reform that we could possibly
implement in this institution would be to simply comply with the
standing rules of the House. That is all we are saying right now.
The amendment offered by the gentleman from California [Mr.
Beilenson] tragically is based on the assumption that we are going to
be waiving the rules of the House again. We would like to think, it is
not ironclad, but we would like to think in most cases we will, in
fact, be able to look at that as a thing of the past.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOAKLEY. I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I have several problems
with the logic there. First of all, arguing that something should not
be included because it is not necessary, if there is any ambiguity, it
seems to me a weak argument. None of those arguing in opposition said
it would do any harm. They said it is not necessary.
In other words, we are getting the argument from literary elegance,
not from logic.
Let us not be redundant. Fortunately the rule against redundancy does
not apply to our speeches, or we would be in better shape.
On the other hand, there is a reason to apply this here. Among other
things, we are not the only institution in this capital that treats
appropriations legislation. Yonder lies the Senate. They have no such
rule.
We have sometimes been confronted, as the gentleman understands, with
situations in which, in conference, we have had to agree to that. So to
argue that we should not put something into a statute which is intended
to last indefinitely, because we have a House rule provision that does
the same thing, is no argument at all.

{time} 1810

If you are serious about the principle, then the fact it is in the
House rule is a good idea, but hardly a sufficient protection. Putting
it in the statute does no harm and arms us against a Senate where there
is no such rule whatsoever.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOAKLEY. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, as my colleague knows, over in the other body they
regularly have opportunities with motions to strike. So clearly this
issue can be addressed there.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOAKLEY. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Now, I am surprised because the gentleman has not said that all the
time we spent on the unfunded mandates was a waste, because he is
saying in effect we do not need an unfunded mandate bill, all we need
is not to vote on unfunded mandates.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr.
Moakley] has expired.
(On request of Mr. Frank of Massachusetts and by unanimous consent,
Mr. Moakley was allowed to proceed for 1 additional minute.)
Mr. MOAKLEY. I yield further to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. I thank the gentleman for yielding
further.
Mr. Chairman, this is astonishing. What the gentleman is saying is we
do not need any of this because if a motion comes up in a bill that has
an unfunded mandate we defeat it. Has this been a charade? No, it has
not been a charade. I mean, is the contract unnecessary? Is this
superfluity? How can you argue that we do not need this whole bill and
argue that we do not need this amendment because, after all, if it
comes up we will vote it down. That stands the whole process on its
head.
I am surprised that the gentleman thinks that the whole thing we are
talking about is illogical. Given the logic of a need for an unfunded
mandates bill, applying it to appropriations bills makes the most
obvious sense. The gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson] is
correct.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOAKLEY. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. DREIER. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, beyond the standing rules of the House, on which we
have had a pattern of waivers over the past several years, and this
measure, what else would be necessary to ensure that we do not proceed
with imposition of an unfunded mandate? I am just saying at what point?
We have concluded that the rules of the House are not enough. I happen
to think they are.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr.
Moakley] has again expired.
(On request of Mr. Frank of Massachusetts and by unanimous consent,
Mr. Moakley was allowed to proceed for an additional 30 seconds.)
Mr. MOAKLEY. I yield further to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, the rules of the House are not enough, I would say to
the gentleman very simply, when we are dealing with a matter which
includes the U.S. Senate. That is not hard. The rules of the House do
not bind the Senate, they do not impress the Senate, and if you are
serious about this you do it by statute.
Mr. DREIER. The rules of the House are not enough, and people who
were formerly in the majority have had a pattern of constantly waiving
them.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Just briefly, Mr. Chairman, in response to the point of the gentleman
from Massachusetts [Mr. Frank], No. 1: In the Senate debate on this the
Senate did agree to a Senate procedure which handles the appropriations
issue. So Mr. Frank will take comfort from that, I am sure.
It is in a sense a line item in the appropriations bill on the Senate
side. So that point is not necessary.
Second, this legislation is in fact not only necessary, but as we
have seen over the last week in debating it, there is a crisis out
there in terms of us sending unfunded mandates to States and
localities.
If we do not get at it at the authorizing committee level, we will be
in a situation where in a balanced budget environment we are
increasingly pushing our costs down to the local level. So the
legislation is absolutely necessary.
Mr. Dreier's concerns are well-stated. Why have another point of
order? We already have a point of order. Why
[[Page H947]] have a duplication of a second point of order on
appropriations bills? If you are legislating on an appropriations bill,
there can be a point of order raised. That is all we are saying. We
just do not need it. The language in the bill makes it very clear that
at the authorizing committee level you have to consider the costs. Then
on the floor of the House there is a point of order raised if the
mandate is not funded. At the appropriations level there is always a
point of order if you go beyond what the authorizing committee has
done.
So in point of fact, by definition there is a point of order for both
situations, and I think this legislation should not be duplicative. We
should not go out of our way to go back and make rules that are not
necessary.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson].
The amendment was rejected.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there further amendments to title III?

amendment offered by mr. beilenson

Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Beilenson: Amend section 425 of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 to read as follows:

SEC. 425. POINT OF ORDER.

(a) In General.--It shall not be in order in the House of
Representatives or the Senate to consider any bill or joint
resolution that is reported by a committee unless the
committee has published the statement of the Director
pursuant to section 424(a) prior to such consideration,
except that this paragraph shall not apply to any
supplemental statement prepared by the Director under section
424(a)(4).
(b) Limitation on Application to Appropriations Bills.--
Subsection (a) shall not apply to a bill that is reported by
the Committee on Appropriations or an amendment thereto.
Strike the proposed section 426 of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 and strike the reference to such section in the
amendment made by section 304.

Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Chairman, the amendment I am offering would
eliminate the bill's prohibition on consideration of legislation
containing an unfunded mandate on State and local governments.
This amendment goes to the heart of what makes this bill so
troublesome and problematic: The prohibition it establishes against
considering legislation that contains an unfunded mandate on State and
local governments of more than $50 million annually. It is clear from
the debate we have had thus far that we do not know enough about the
likely impact of such a rule to institute it at this time.
We do not know how an unfunded mandate will be determined, how
different types of Federal activities will be affected, and whether the
Congressional Budget Office will be capable of assessing the costs of a
proposal to State and local governments accurately and in a timely
fashion. It seems unwise, to say the least, to prohibit consideration
of a certain type of legislation when we really do not know what
legislation we will be prohibiting.
Supporters of H.R. 5 have portrayed the proposed rule as a rather
benign procedure that will not prevent Congress from enacting any
legislation we want to enact. They have said that it is not a ``no
money, no mandates'' rule; they have said that all it will do is help
us make more informed decisions about legislation which would impose an
unfunded mandate, and be more accountable for those decisions.
But that, in fact, is not the case. If this rule were as benign as
some of its proponents claim, the sponsors would not have exempted
legislation dealing with civil rights, or national security, or
emergencies. They would not have exempted appropriations bills. They
would not have agreed to amendments offered by Democratic Members to
exempt Social Security and antidiscrimination measures for older
Americans. Their support for exemptions for certain types of
legislation is a tacit admission that this new prohibition does in fact
have the potential to be a serious obstacle--if not a complete
barrier--to enactment of certain types of legislation.
If you consider what this new rule means, and how it will work, you
cannot help but reach the conclusion that it will make it enormously
difficult, if not impossible, to enact legislation imposing a
requirement that could be determined to be an unfunded mandate. And
that would effectively stop us from enacting legislation promoting
clean air, clean water, public health, child safety, labor standards,
and a whole host of other activities which the vast majority of
Americans support.
Let us look at how the process will work:
If a bill containing an unfunded mandate, as determined by CBO, is
reported from a committee, or if a Member wants to offer a floor
amendment that contains an unfunded mandate, the legislation in
question cannot be protected by a waiver included in the rule providing
for the bill's consideration. This, by the way, is the only case where
the Rules Committee will not be allowed to include a waiver of a point
of order in a rule. No other rule of the House is treated this way.
Instead, any Member will be able to make a point of order against any
legislation which he or she knows, or suspects, may contain an unfunded
mandate. Following that, the Chair would put the question of
consideration.
If this rule does not make it impossible to pass legislation
containing an unfunded mandate, it certainly will make it almost
impossible. Certainly committees will avoid reporting legislation which
has been judged by CBO to contain an unfunded mandate--no matter how
worthy the purpose may be--to avoid subjecting the bill to a vote which
is almost certain to fail.
Thus, contrary to what many of this bill's supporters say, the
practical effect is that it is a ``no money, no mandate,'' bill.
In cases of amendments, we may not know if the legislation contains
an unfunded mandate and, if so, how serious the violation is. Yet we
will be required to vote on the question of consideration. That does
not make any sense, and it puts Members in the very difficult situation
of having to make a decision and cast a vote on the waiver without the
information we would need to make that decision.
Proponents of the legislation say that this procedure will encourage
Members to get cost estimates for their amendments ahead of time. But
the fact is, it is going to be very difficult for CBO, even with the
extra resources they will get under this bill, to assess the costs of
mandates on the more than 87,000 State and local governments for
committee bills. It will be next to impossible to assess those costs
for individual Members' amendments. It will be completely impossible to
assess them in the middle of floor debate. So, by adopting this new
point of order, we will be setting ourselves up for some very difficult
situations on the House floor, to put it mildly.
There are cases where it makes sense for us to prohibit consideration
of certain types of legislation. One good example is our point of order
against tax or entitlement legislation which would increase the
deficit. That makes sense because it is an enforceable rule and because
it is relatively easy for CBO to determine whether legislation will
have that effect. But establishing a rule against consideration of
legislation containing unfunded mandates is far more problematic.
For all of these reasons, it would be wise for us to drop the
prohibition on consideration of legislation containing unfunded
mandates at this time. We ought to give CBO some time to get some
experience in defining unfunded mandates, and determining their costs
before we use those determinations as a basis for banning the
consideration of legislation, and setting up a process that could
create some real procedural problems for the House.
{time} 1820

If what we really want from this legislation, as has been stated
repeatedly during this debate, is information and accountability with
respect to our actions regarding legislation containing unfunded
mandates, we can achieve that by requiring CBO to determine whether
reported bills contain an unfunded mandate and requiring the committees
to include that information in reports accompanying the reported bills.
This amendment would maintain the prohibition on consideration of
committee reported legislation if the committee fails to include a CBO
analysis of the cost of the mandate.
[[Page H948]] So, Mr. Chairman, so long as we have that information
available to us, it will become part of the debate. We will know that
by voting for the measure we are acting to impose an unfunded mandate.
We will be accountable for that vote, but we will not have stacked the
deck against enactment of such legislation to the extent that the bill
currently does. We will not have tied our hands with respect to
responding to as yet unknown problems that may emerge in the future.
This amendment will enable us to achieve the fundamental purpose of
this bill, knowing the cost of mandates we are imposing and thus making
us accountable for our vote, as we shall be, without making it all but
impossible to enact important environmental, health and safety
legislation, and I urge our colleagues to support the amendment.
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, unfortunately this amendment really does not allow us
to address the issue of payment, and, first, it only establishes a
point of order for failure to include a CBO analysis in the committee
report. Under H.R. 5 a point of order also exists if the bill does not
provide for a way to pay for the mandate. Actually getting the cost
information is needed not only to provide information, but to determine
how much is necessary to pay for the mandate.
It seems to me that this is completely unnecessary, and I am going to
urge my colleagues to oppose the amendment.
Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment offered by my good
friend the gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson] I believe that his
amendment establishes a point of order which is far more appropriate
than what is currently contained in this bill. Under this procedure,
CBO would be required to provide detailed information on the potential
cost that any unfunded mandate in proposed legislation would have on
State and local governments as well as on private businesses. The point
of order would not apply, however, to the consideration of legislation
containing an unfunded mandate.
By including a point of order against consideration of mandate
legislation we would effectively create a ``no money, no mandate''
bill. It would be next to impossible to get Members to cast an explicit
vote to impose an unfunded mandate. I believe that it is valuable for
Members to have the ability to make informed decisions on whether the
particular Federal mandate's benefit outweighs the financial burden
that might be incurred due to the legislation. However, it seems to me
that we do not want to jeopardize the opportunity of the House to
decide whether to consider a legislation proposal without an
appropriate amount of deliberation and debate.
Under this procedure proposed by Mr. Beilenson, legislation
containing mandates important to our Nation would still be able to move
forward for consideration by the Congress. The CBO information would
provide members with an upfront assessment of the costs of the
legislation being considered. Members could then decide by comparing
the merits of the bill with the impact of the burden on non-Federal
entities. I urge my colleagues to join me in support of this
constructive amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

recorded vote

Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 138,
noes 291, not voting 5, as follows:
[Roll No. 78]

AYES--138

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Baldacci
Barrett (WI)
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bevill
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Clay
Clayton
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Conyers
Coyne
DeLauro
Dellums
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Durbin
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Ford
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Gibbons
Gonzalez
Green
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hamilton
Hastings (FL)
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hoyer
Jackson-Lee
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Kleczka
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Martinez
Mascara
McKinney
McNulty
Meek
Mfume
Miller (CA)
Mineta
Minge
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Moran
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Pelosi
Pomeroy
Rangel
Reed
Reynolds
Richardson
Rivers
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Schumer
Scott
Serrano
Skaggs
Slaughter
Spratt
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Thompson
Thornton
Torres
Torricelli
Towns
Traficant
Tucker
Velazquez
Vento
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Williams
Woolsey
Wynn
Yates

NOES--291

Allard
Andrews
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baesler
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Ballenger
Barcia
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brewster
Browder
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chapman
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clement
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Condit
Cooley
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Danner
Davis
de la Garza
Deal
DeFazio
DeLay
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Dooley
Doolittle
Dornan
Doyle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Geren
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hancock
Hansen
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hefner
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Holden
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Jacobs
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kennedy (MA)
Kim
King
Kingston
Klink
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Lincoln
Linder
Lipinski
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martini
Matsui
McCarthy
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHale
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
Meehan
Menendez
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Molinari
Montgomery
Moorhead
Morella
Murtha
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Ortiz
Orton
Oxley
Packard
Pallone
Parker
Paxon
Payne (VA)
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pickett
Pombo
Porter
Portman
Poshard
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Regula
Riggs
Roberts
Roemer
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roth
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skeen
Skelton
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tanner
Tate
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Tejeda
Thomas
Thornberry
Thurman
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Upton
Visclosky
Volkmer
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson
Wise
Wolf
Wyden
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--5

Becerra
Crane
Frank (MA)
McDermott
Rose

{time} 1842

Mr. LIVINGSTON changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. BEVILL changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
[[Page H949]] The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The CHAIRMAN. Are there further amendments to title III?

amendment offered by mr. moran

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment, amendment No. 99.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:

Amendment offered by Mr. Moran: In the proposed section
421(4) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, add after and
below subparagraph (B) the following:
A mandate which would apply an enforceable mandate equally
on State, local, or tribal governments and the private sector
shall not, for purposes of section 425(a)(2), be considered a
Federal intergovernmental mandate.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, the purpose of this amendment is to treat
the private sector in the same way that we treat the public sector. It
is as simple as that. It only takes up one paragraph.
The basic problem it gets at is that this piece of legislation has a
fundamental flaw. On the very first day of this session, we passed
legislation that said that every law that applies to private citizens
ought to apply to the Federal Government as well, particularly to the
U.S. Congress. But now this piece of legislation would say that every
law that applies to private citizens and private businesses will not
necessarily apply to State and local governments and that, in fact, it
intends to exempt State and local governments from complying with many
of the safeguards and the standards that will continue to be imposed
upon private citizens and private businesses.
The purpose of this amendment is to say that is not fair. We ought to
treat the private sector in the same way that we treat the public
sector.
Ironically, the point of order provision in this legislation will end
virtually all of our privatization efforts. It has that potential, Mr.
Chairman.
There is nothing wrong with the point of order that says that if we
do not know the cost of legislation that is being imposed on State and
local governments and private businesses, then that legislation ought
to be subject to a point or order, because no longer ought we to pass
the bill and then pass the buck to others to pay for it. But that point
of order that requires a fiscal impact analysis makes sense, because it
relies upon this Congress to exercise its judgment to determine whether
or not the intent of the legislation is worth the imposition that it
will impose on state and local governments and businesses.
That is necessary. The vast majority of the Members of this Congress
last year cosponsored legislation that would do that.
This bill goes one step further. I think one step further that flaws
the intent of the bill and will create unintended consequences that
will haunt us for years to come, because it says that if there is not
100 percent funding for legislation, then there is no mandate.
In effect, if the appropriations committees pass an across-the-board
cut, that will trigger the option for States and localities to
determine whether or not they want to implement legislation.
Now, let me give Members some examples of the specific problem areas
this will create. There are 16 million public employees. If, for
example, we were to increase part B hospital insurance premium under
Medicare, which may well have to be done to make that program solvent,
we would not be able to fund it. We should not have to fund it. But it
will make it optional for all 16 million public employees, all of the
thousands of public entities that employ those employees, whether or
not they want to come up with the premium.
I cannot imagine any of them voluntarily paying that premium, which
means that the 100 million private employees will not only have to pay
their share of that Medicare increase, they will also have to make up
for the fact that 16 million public employees do not have to pay for
it. That is the problem we are trying to get at.
We have 1,800 municipal power plants, almost 1,000 rural electric
cooperatives who will be exempt from meeting new Clean Air Act
requirements.

{time} 1850

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran] has
expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mr. Moran was allowed to proceed for 2
additional minutes.)
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, there are 226 investor-owned power
companies. They will have to abide by every single new air quality
standard, even though they generate 75 percent of the power in this
country, whereas those municipal power plants will not have to. That is
the unfair treatment we are creating.
Mr. Chairman, if we enact this legislation in its present form, we
are going to take a step backward, backward to a situation that is
really analogous with the Articles of Confederation. From about 1781 to
1787 we gave almost complete discretion to all the States. It did not
work. There had to be national standards. This says there no longer
have to be national standards.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the efforts that have been made by my
friends on the other side to study this legislation, but the problem is
that studying it, exposing it, even understanding it, does not rectify
it. This amendment rectifies it.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment says that where we have Federal
activities that are carried out by both the public and the private
sector, we have to treat them equally; that in fact we cannot give an
option to States and localities whether or not they want to comply with
standards. It still requires that we know exactly what the cost of
implementation is, but it leaves it to our judgment whether or not we
want to pass that legislation.
Mr. Chairman, obviously it does not apply to any programs that are
completely Federal programs, like Medicaid. SSI is a public program,
the Women, Infants, and Children Program, any number of these
entitlements. Those are all public programs. We are only talking about
programs that apply to both the public and private sector.
Mr. Chairman, I think this is a terribly important amendment that
this body needs to support and pass.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this might be deemed the mother of all exemptions,
because there is a very real possibility here that many amendments can
be deemed to have application to both public and private entities. This
would in effect say that anyone that had equal application, both
private and public, would be exempt from the provisions of this bill.
That sweeps in many, many of the exemptions that have already been
dealt with here tonight.
Mr. Chairman, this is, as I say, the mother of all exemptions. I
think exempting this class of mandates would preclude Congress from
having the Congressional Budget Office cost estimates for these
requirements. Further, it would deny the ability of Congress to have a
separate vote on whether or not to consider these amendments.
The gentleman talked about some of the things, horrendous things that
could occur with this. We are just saying we need to consider these on
a case-by-case basis; that we should take a look at it, and in fact
there are serious competitive disadvantages built into it. I think that
would determine the response we might well make.
However, to say that we are going to exempt them flat out, across the
board, without that kind of case-by-case analysis, I think would be
wrong.
Mr. Chairman, I would point out that H.R. 5 already requires
committee reports to include a statement analyzing the degree to which
the Federal mandate affects each of the public and private sectors, and
the extent to which Federal payment of public sector cost would affect
the competitive balance between States, local governments, or tribal
governments, and the private sector. This is something that we have
never had before. We have never had the ability or never had the
requirement that this kind of analysis be done, as to how it affects
the competitive balance between the governmental entities and the
private sector.
Mr. Chairman, language was crafted in very careful consultation with
the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Federation of Independent
Business, Browning-Ferris Industries, and other groups who may well be
in a
[[Page H950]] competitive situation with public sector entities. but
they have all endorsed H.R. 5 as presently structured.
The point is that Congress, as a result of this legislation, is going
to have more information as to the costs of private sector mandates,
and I believe this is just the first in what are going to be a series
of efforts in Congress we are going to make over the next few months to
address the very pressing need for regulatory reform.
We cannot solve all of those issues in one fell swoop, but I do
consider this amendment to be a weakening one. In fact, I consider this
to be one that would be so sweeping in its potential application as to
render the bill really useless.
Miss COLLINS of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran].
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend, the gentlewoman from
Michigan, for yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, in response to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Clinger], let me say and emphasize this does not exempt every program
that is carried out by both the public and the private sector
whatsoever. All it says is that the opt-out provision would no longer
be included in the legislation. There are any number of other
provisions that apply.
We still have a bill that addresses unfunded mandates, a bill that
every single State and local organization in the country that I am
aware of supported, a bill that the Chamber of Commerce supported, that
the Federation of Independent Businesses supported, the National
Association of Manufacturers.
Mr. Chairman, we have written support from all of those
organizations. In fact, I have a letter from Browning-Ferris objecting
to this provision.
Mr. Chairman, my point was not that we should exempt any of this
legislation. My point is that we are going too far in including the
opt-out provision. The gentleman is aware of so many privatization
efforts that are working so well.
In fact, we got a letter from the National School Transportation
Association. They pointed out that in Connecticut 90 percent of the
buses are operated by private companies. Any Federal law or regulation
that applies to the operation of those bus companies would continue to
be imposed on that private company, but would not on municipalities,
and there is no question that all of these school districts are going
to take back the operation of those buses, because it will eventually
become uncompetitive.
Mr. Chairman, all we are trying to do is to say the private sector
ought to be able to compete with the public sector in areas that are
appropriate. If we do not pass this amendment, they cannot, because the
public sector can opt out. The private sector does not have that
option. Mr. Chairman, these standards would continue to be imposed upon
them.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Miss COLLINS of Michigan. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, just to clarify, the gentleman keeps
talking about the opt-out provision. What is the opt-out provision in
H.R. 5?
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentlewoman will continue to yield,
the opt-out provision is that if there is not complete funding for a
program, a Federal activity that would be considered on the floor of
the House, then States and localities have the option of not
implementing.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentlewoman will continue to yield,
that is an incorrect representation of the bill. What the bill says is
that there is a point of order to be raised if the mandate is not
funded. Congress can always act by a majority vote to waive that point
of order. It is not an opt-out provision for State and local
government.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentlewoman will yield further, the
point is the gentleman is assuming that we will overturn the point of
order. Every time we raise these issues, if the gentleman's answer is,
we are going to overturn the point of order, what we are saying, let us
not create that situation in the first place. It is a fundamental flaw.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentlewoman will yield further, I
would hope we would not override the point of order in every case. I
would hope Congress would in an informed way be able to look at the
issue of public-private. That was the purpose of an amendment offered
earlier today by the gentleman from California [Mr. Condit] and myself.
The committees have the responsibility, the requirement under this
bill to look at the very issue the gentleman is discussing. As the
gentleman knows, they have three things they can do. They can either
not fund the public mandate, they can either have the mandate apply
equally to both parties, or they can not apply the mandate to the
private sector, so there is an explicit provision in this legislation
to get at the very issue that is addressed.
Miss COLLINS of Michigan. Reclaiming my time, Mr. Chairman, I yield
to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the point the gentleman from
Ohio [Mr. Portman] makes. The problem is that all he does is to require
that we look at the situation after we have passed this legislation.
That is the problem. We do not want to create a situation that we
subsequently have to undo.
In the National League of Cities publication this week, it tells
States and localities, it is obviously very pleased with this
legislation, but it tells States and localities, and I want to make
sure that the ranking Democratic member of the Committee on
Appropriations is listening, it tells States and localities that in the
future, any Federal program that is not an individual entitlement for
full funding will become optional to States and localities. They will
not have the requirement to carry it out.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Miss COLLINS of Michigan. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, does the gentleman believe that is an
accurate representation of the legislation?
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentlewoman from Michigan [Miss
Collins] has expired.
(At the request of Mr. Portman and by unanimous consent, Miss Collins
of Michigan was allowed to proceed for 1 additional minute.)
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Miss COLLINS of Michigan. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.

{time} 1900

Mr. PORTMAN. Does the gentleman believe that is an accurate
representation of the legislation?
Mr. MORAN. I would tell the gentleman from Ohio that the National
League of Cities represents more than 16,000 local jurisdictions. This
is their understanding of legislation that affects them more than any
other group.
Mr. PORTMAN. Is the gentleman's understanding correct?
Mr. MORAN. That is what they are being told and they are citing
conversations that they have had with the proponents of the bill. So
that is their understanding.
Mr. PORTMAN. That representation is not accurate. As you know, the
legislation is very clear, we have now talked about it for a week. It
does provide a point of order if the new mandate is not funded. This
bill is only prospective, as we know. The bill would not apply to any
existing mandate, and it provides a point of order on the floor of the
House absolutely. That is the whole idea. But the representation from
the League of Cities or even your earlier characterization of the bill
just are not what we have here before us today on H.R. 5.
Mr. MORAN. You are correct if you can assume that we will overturn
points of order consistently when they are raised.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentlewoman from Michigan [Miss
Collins] has again expired.
(At the request of Mr. Obey and by unanimous consent, Miss Collins of
Michigan was allowed to proceed for 1 additional minute.)
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Miss COLLINS of Michigan. I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I would like to vote fro this bill if the
Moran substitute is adopted tomorrow, but frankly I am still concerned
about the
[[Page H951]] point the gentleman is trying to make, because I do not
want to create the possibility of creating additional entitlements when
we are supposedly telling the country we are in the business of shaving
them back.
Would the gentleman walk through for the House again how in your view
without your amendment and without the amendment you are going to be
offering tomorrow as well, how this, in fact, does create an
unintentional entitlement, if the Committee on Appropriations, for
instance, were to cut back by passing an across-the-board cut?
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, if the gentlewoman will yield, I will be
happy to do that. I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for raising that
issue.
The legislation says that if there is any reduction from the amount
that is authorized to be appropriated for any Federal activity we pass
on the floor, if there is any reduction, that triggers the option for
States and localities whether or not they want to implement it.
There is another alternative. If in that legislation the authorizing
committee specifies that the Federal agency, the executive branch, has
the option of paring back the program, choosing what activities they
want to conduct and which they do not, it gives that kind of
prerogative to the executive branch to decide what part of an
authorization they choose to implement and how they want to cut it back
if there was such an across-the-board cut in the appropriations bill.
Mr. OBEY. Does the gentleman believe that under this procedure there
would in fact be built into the process an incentive against cutting
spending under those circumstances?
Mr. MORAN. I think it will preclude the Committee on Appropriations
from exercising its discretion on domestic discretionary programs in
the same way that it lacks discretion on entitlement programs today.
Mr. OBEY. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. McINTOSH. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, this issue came up in our committee meeting and at the
time I indicated that I have a great deal of sympathy with the problem
that was created here or the potential problem that the private sector
enterprises would be put at a disadvantage if they were not put on the
same playing field as the public sector. But I do think that this
remedy to that problem is much too extreme and goes too far in gutting
the basic provisions of this bill.
What I would propose and would like to do is work with my colleague,
the gentleman from Virginia, on addressing this issue in H.R. 9 or
other appropriate legislation to grant many of the same protections to
the private sector that would be available to their public sector
competitors, so we can move forward with unfunded mandate legislation
that is real legislation and real reform and yet at the same time make
sure that we do not put the private sector at a disadvantage.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. McINTOSH. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. MORAN. I thank the gentleman, my colleague on the Committee on
Government Reform and Oversight, for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I noticed that the gentleman from Indiana [Mr.
McIntosh] had a amendment that would have required that the private
sector be fully funded just as the public sector would be fully funded.
I notice that that was withdrawn because I suspect the leadership
requested it and, of course, it would have exposed the box that the
opponents of this bill have put themselves into.
There is no way that we can fully fund private sector mandates, but
nevertheless we are treating them unequally from public sector. The
public sector we control. The private sector we do not.
Mr. McINTOSH. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, let me address the
question. I think that there are ways of doing this that does not
require the Federal Government to lay funds forward but simply to
extend the provision that says where there are no funds appropriated,
there is no mandate to extend that provision to the private sector.
I am willing to discuss the other if the gentleman from Virginia
would like to see it, but I think the context is not in this bill. It
should be done in the context of regulatory reform for the private
sector which I understand will be coming forward to this House in the
coming month.
Mr. MORAN. If the gentleman will continue to yield, that is the other
obvious alternative. No money, no mandates for all the private sector.
Forget air traffic control, forget all of the regulations that apply,
but that is an honest provision.
Mr. McINTOSH. Mr. Chairman, I do not think we are going to get into
any of that type of situation. What we will do is create a level of
playing field for the private sector competitors of public sector
providers of services and goods that are regulated. I would favor
addressing that issue in a later bill.
Mr. TAUZIN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, unfortunately, the issue of public and private sector
competition under Government mandates has gotten awfully confused here.
Let us look at the facts as they exist today. Today government at the
local level and the Federal level does compete against private industry
and vice versa in many areas.
When the Federal Government issues a mandate to local government to
do something, the local government today is in competition in many
cases with private sector companies who are under the same mandate to
do the same thing. The local government funds that operation today. It
funds it out of tax dollars raised locally.
The only change this unfunded mandate bill makes in that equation is
it changes as to who raised the money to pay for the public sector
operation. That is the only change. It does not change the equation of
private sector or public sector competition at all. It simply says that
in that equation when it comes time to raise the money to carry out the
mandate, instead of raising the money locally with taxes raised at the
local level, the money has to be raised on the Federal level, or else a
point of order is raised against the mandate to being with.
Now, if you really do not believe in the unfunded mandates concept of
this bill, the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran] has offered you the
perfect amendment to defeat it. This amendment would simply say that
where you have a Federal mandate that does apply to both local
government and to private sector businesses, which most of these
mandates do, that the point of order does not lie against it. But you
cannot in fact enforce the unfunded mandate provision of this bill
against such a mandate.
If you ever wanted an exemption that exempted most Federal mandates
out of this bill, we have just been offered it today.
Let me say again, the equation of competition private to public is
not affected by this bill. If you believe that, you need to think just
a second what is happening in the world today. The private sector
competing against local government, local government having to carry
out Federal mandates, raising the money locally because we force them
to, and the change this bill will make, the only change is that instead
of telling local government you have to do it this way and you have to
raise the money locally to do it, under this bill a point of order
would lie against such a rule.

Unless we exempted ourselves from that point of order or waived it, a
point of order would lie against it so that we would have to come up
with the money here in Washington to fund that public mandate on the
public institution locally at home. That is the only difference.
I understand if you do not believe in that proposition. If you
believe that Government ought to be able to mandate things on local
governments and we ought not to have to come up with the money to fund
them, if you believe that we ought to be able to tell a State and
county and parish and city governments across America that you have got
to do it our way and you have to raise the taxes to pay for it, if you
really believe that, this is the perfect out amendment.

{time} 1910

This amendment says a point of order will not lie against those kind
of
[[Page H952]] mandates in the future, and it also says, in effect, this
unfunded mandate provision will not be enforceable against any mandate
that affects both the local government and a private business in your
district.
So if my colleagues really do not like this bill, if they do not
believe in it, if they want to believe in mandates from Washington
without the necessity of funding them, then vote for this amendment. If
my colleagues believe in a strong unfunded mandates bill, they have got
to defeat this amendment. It is the amendment that exempts most
mandates from the bill. It is the one that destroys the whole idea of
an unfunded mandates bill.
So, I urge Members, defeat this amendment and let us go on to pass a
strong unfunded mandates bill.
When we get through, every time we have a mandate that affects public
and private businesses from now on we will now consider do we in fact
fund it from Washington or do we tell our comrades in arms, the local
city councilmen, the Members who represent a district back home, a
county or a parrish or a State government it is up to you to come up
with the money, you just have got to do it our way? If Members want to
keep doing business that way, vote for this amendment.
If they want to change business and make sure from now on when we
mandate things on local governments back home we either provide the
money or we do not mandate it, vote against this amendment. It is that
simple.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. TAUZIN. I am happy to yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Louisiana for
yielding. I know my friend does not mean to be deliberately misleading,
but I would ask my friend if he is aware that there is a provision in
the bill that says that it is always in order to strike an unfunded
mandate? And this amendment does not affect that.
Mr. TAUZIN. Reclaiming my time, let me assure the gentleman the
League of Cities campaigned that the opt-out provision applied to the
former bill introduced in the last Congress by my good friend, the
gentleman from California [Mr. Condit], who led this effort. It does
not apply to H.R. 5; that provision is not in the bill.
Mr. CLAY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, let me say I rise to cosponsor this amendment because I
firmly believe that what the gentleman is seeking to do is very
important. And I do not believe that the cavalier attitude of casually
disposing of all of these important amendments is in the best interests
of what we are trying to do for this country.
Mr. Chairman, I believe that public employers should be model
employers. As such, I believe they have a duty to provide their workers
with the same protections that we otherwise require of private
employers. They have a responsibility to ensure that the manner in
which they operate shows the same respect for the health and safety of
the general public that we require of private sector businesses.
I note from my colleagues on the other side that the adoption of this
amendment will ensure that H.R. 5 does not confer undue and improper
competitive advantages to public employers over private employers. That
is the point that the gentleman from Virginia has made and very
effectively made.
A public hospital should not be treated any differently with regard
to Federal standards regulating the disposal of hazardous wastes than a
private hospital. The city of St. Louis should be under the same
requirement to pay at least minimum wages to its employees that we
impose on private sector employees.
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Virginia is absolutely right. If we
do not fully fund some of these programs that apply to both public and
private, then a point of order can be raised to knock out the public
sector involvement. And it probably will stand.
Mr. Chairman, an employee has the same responsibilities to provide a
decent living for his or her family, regardless of whether the employee
is employed in the public sector or the private sector. The fact that
hazardous fumes emanate from a public incinerator instead of a private
incinerator in no way diminishes the health hazards to the general
public. There are basic protections that must and should be extended to
all.
Where the Congress determines such a circumstance to exist, public
employers and private employers should be treated equally.
Mr. Chairman, I urge support of the amendment.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words, and I yield to the gentleman from Virginia
[Mr. Moran].
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend from Massachusetts for
yielding.
Mr. Chairman, it is important to respond to what the gentleman from
Louisiana said. When I brought up the fact that it would always be in
order to strike any unfunded Federal mandate, the last thing the
gentleman said was that that provision was in the bill of the gentleman
from California [Mr. Condit]. It is not in this bill.
Mr. TAUZIN. Mr. Chairman, would the gentleman yield for a second?
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. I yield to the gentleman from Louisiana.
Mr. TAUZIN. Mr. Chairman, I want to correct the Record. I did not say
that the provision to have a point of order against the mandate is not
in this bill; it is. What is not in this bill is the opt-out for local
governments, which was contained in the Condit bill last year, which
the League of Cities wrote to the gentleman and all of us about, and
which the gentleman from Virginia quoted on the floor tonight. That
provision is not in H.R. 5. It was in the Condit bill last year.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I yield again to the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran].
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I think the gentleman from Louisiana missed
the point. I was not referring to last year. I was referring to the
point that the gentleman from Louisiana tried to make, that if we pass
this amendment it will essentially gut the intent of this legislation.
That could not be further from the truth. And I would draw the
attention of my colleagues to page 48, that says that

With regard to the Unfunded Mandate Reform Act of 1995, it
shall always be in order, unless specifically waived by terms
of a rule governing consideration of a measure, to move to
strike such unfunded Federal mandate from the portion of the
bill that is open to amendment.

And this is not affected by our amendment.
The point is that with passage of this bill it will be in order for
any Member of this House to strike an unfunded Federal mandate. That is
what we want. All I am trying to get at is the disparity in the
treatment of the public sector versus the private sector. I am not
trying to eliminate any responsibility to address unfunded Federal
mandates. And this bill would continue to do that.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts
for yielding.
Very briefly, there is a big difference between the motion to strike
and the point of order. The point of order is precisely what gives us
information on the public-private competition issue that we want to
have to address this issue responsibly. So I would say in response to
the gentleman's concern about what the gentleman from Louisiana said,
that the motion to strike does not solve the problem. We need the point
of order, we have to have the point of order.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentlemen
from Virginia [Mr. Moran].
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I think we are ready to vote here. The point
is if we do not pass this amendment, we are going to hear from our
private sector businesses who will be treated unfairly, who will lost
their opportunity to compete with the public sector in a constructive
way, and we are going to wind up having to change this bill down the
road when we realize the unintended consequences of this legislation.
So, I would urge my colleagues to treat the public and private sector
alike, to approve this amendment, and
[[Page H953]] then to pass a responsible version of the unfunded
mandates legislation.
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of
my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran].
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.

recorded vote

Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 143,
noes 285, not voting 6, as follows:

[Roll No. 79]

AYES--143

Abercrombie
Ackerman
Barcia
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Clay
Clayton
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Conyers
Coyne
de la Garza
DeFazio
DeLauro
Dellums
Dingell
Dixon
Doyle
Durbin
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Ford
Frank (MA)
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Gonzalez
Green
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hastings (FL)
Hefner
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hoyer
Jackson-Lee
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lincoln
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McDermott
McKinney
Meehan
Meek
Mfume
Miller (CA)
Mineta
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Moran
Murtha
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Payne (VA)
Peterson (FL)
Pomeroy
Rahall
Rangel
Reed
Reynolds
Richardson
Rivers
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Scott
Serrano
Skaggs
Spratt
Stark
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Tanner
Thompson
Thornton
Torres
Towns
Traficant
Tucker
Velazquez
Visclosky
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Whitfield
Williams
Wise
Woolsey
Wyden
Wynn
Yates

NOES--285

Allard
Andrews
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baesler
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Baldacci
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Barrett (WI)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bevill
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brewster
Browder
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chapman
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clement
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Condit
Cooley
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Danner
Davis
Deal
DeLay
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Dicks
Doggett
Dooley
Doolittle
Dornan
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Frost
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Geren
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hamilton
Hancock
Hansen
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Holden
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Jacobs
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Kleczka
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Linder
Lipinski
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martini
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHale
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
McNulty
Menendez
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Minge
Molinari
Montgomery
Moorhead
Morella
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Ortiz
Orton
Oxley
Packard
Pallone
Parker
Paxon
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pickett
Pombo
Porter
Portman
Poshard
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Riggs
Roberts
Roemer
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Rose
Roth
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Schumer
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Sisisky
Skeen
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (MI)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Stearns
Stenholm
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tate
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Tejeda
Thomas
Thornberry
Thurman
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Torricelli
Upton
Vento
Volkmer
Vucanovich
Waldholtz
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Wicker
Wilson
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer

NOT VOTING--6

Becerra
Crane
Gibbons
Martinez
Pelosi
Smith (NJ)

{time} 1934

Ms. JACKSON-LEE changed her vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Mr. FAZIO of California. Mr. Chairman, I have always been sensitive
to the local impact of Federal laws that are underfunded--that are not
supported by adequate resources. They place State and local governments
in an awkward, and often impossible, position--trying to ensure that
the required protections are in place, without sufficient financial
support.
For that reason, during the last Congress, I supported the efforts of
my Democratic colleagues--Mr. Condit of California and Mr. Moran of
Virginia--to provide local governments with some relief from this
financial hardship. And, at this time, I want to acknowledge both Mr.
Condit and Mr. Moran for meeting this challenge head-on during the 103d
Congress, each by introducing legislation that would have provided some
relief in response to the pleas for help that we received from local
communities.
As Governor of Arkansas, President Clinton experienced, first hand,
the difficulty and frustration of dealing with Federal laws that were
insufficiently funded. That is why he has expressed support for
unfunded mandate reform, just as many local officials in my district
have. The cities of Winters, Red Bluff, and West Sacramento, along with
Tehama, Colusa, and Solano Counties, are just some of the local
jurisdictions that advised me of their support for Federal mandate
relief. Some passed resolutions, and others incorporated mandate reform
in their legislative platforms. Regardless of the vehicle, however, the
message was consistent--local government is overly burdened by Federal
programs that are not accompanied by the necessary resources to
implement them. Although giving local communities more flexibility in
managing these programs helps, we also need to weigh and control their
cost.
I therefore support enactment of legislation that will help us make
all-around better decisions--decisions that are solid, sound, informed,
and responsible, and that do not overly burden the local communities
charged with implementing them. But, the Federal Government also has a
responsibility to ensure that both the public and private sectors
follow basic policies and practices if the health, safety, environment,
and human and civil rights of American citizens are to be protected.
Without these standards--whether they are for education, or nursing
homes, or clean air and water, or proper waste disposal within States
and across State lines--American families are placed at great risk.
And, although implementation can be costly, the social costs of not
implementing them--of failing to protect the public--are immeasurable.
That is why I have several serious concerns about the bill
that is now before us and why I support amendments that clarify its
intent and enhance its effectiveness. As it is written, H.R. 5, the
Unfunded Mandates Reform Act, could force us to abandon many of the
most important Federal safety and environmental standards in existence
today--standards that protect the American public and that the American
people really want and support. To rush this legislation through
without hearings and without improving it is a grave mistake.

Unamended, H.R. 5 is much too broad and much too vague. If it is
enacted, will we continue to be able to protect our children? What
about school safety regulations designed to safeguard against asbestos,
radon, and lead paint? What about child support enforcement laws? Will
the Federal Government be able to enact national standards that prevent
child abuse and exploitation?
What about the American worker? Are minimum labor standards, such as
minimum wage, child labor prohibitions, and occupational safety
standards at risk?
What about Medicare and the social service programs that serve as a
safety net for our senior citizens? What about Federal protections that
extend to investors, financial markets, federally insured banks and
credit unions
[[Page H954]] and deposit insurance funds? What about regulating the
generation, transportation, storage and disposal of toxic, hazardous,
and radioactive substances? Without a Federal standard, can each State
set its own guidelines for waste disposal, and be free to unload its
waste on another? Will this bill threaten water safety regulations? Are
those protections that we have worked so long and hard to put in place
at risk of being erased? I support the concept of mandate reform, but I
have serious problems with this process--the way in which we are
forcing this bill through. Its long-term impact is too great and too
far reaching to be sacrificed for a short-lived success.
I am voting in favor of final passage of H.R. 5 in support of the
communities in my district that have consistently expressed their
frustration and concern with underfunded mandates. However, I also want
to go on record noting my concerns with mandates reform that moves too
quickly and does not take into consideration its far-reaching impact.
H.R. 5 must ensure that State and local governments get the help that
they need in meeting the financial costs of complying with Federal
regulations. But it must also reflect the fact that we must have
Federal standards. There are certain protections that cannot be waived
or eroded. We must therefore work together to develop legislation that
balances our support of these critical protections with consideration
for the State and local governments that bear the burden of their
implementation.
Mr. CLINGER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Bereuter) having assumed the chair, Mr. Emerson, Chairman of the
Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 5) to
curb the practice of imposing unfunded Federal mandates on States and
local governments, to ensure that the Federal Government pays the costs
incurred by those governments in complying with certain requirements
under Federal statutes and regulations, and to provide information on
the costs of Federal mandates on the private sector, and for other
purposes, had come to no resolution thereon.

____________________