[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 11 (Thursday, January 19, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H374-H375]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   THE FREEDOM AND SELF-DETERMINATION FOR THE FORMER SOVIET UNION ACT

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from New York [Mr. Solomon] is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, on Friday, I introduced H.R. 519, the 
Freedom and Self-Determination for the Former Soviet Union Act. It is 
so entitled because enactment of the bill into law would greatly help 
to reverse the trend in the former Soviet Union toward renewed Russian 
imperialism. That trend is being fueled by a Russocentric United States 
foreign policy which appeases Russia's every move and ignores the 
legitimate security concerns of Russia's neighbors. A major aspect of 
that Russocentric policy is the massive and unconditional aid that we 
have been pumping into Russia for over 3 years. Continuing to give 
Russia this assistance despite her increasingly aggressive foreign 
policy, arms-control violations, statist economic policies, and now her 
brutal attack on Chechnya sends the message that we approve of these 
reactionary policies. We need to send the message that we don't approve 
and that is why I introduced this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, no one disputes that a democratic, capitalist Russia 
that has shed the imperial mentality would be greatly in our interest. 
The question has always been how, or ever whether, we could help. I 
have long been skeptical as to even whether we could help, given the 
transmogrification of Russia at the hands of the Communists, her 1,000-
year legacy of autocracy, statism and imperialism, her vast size, her 
traditional reclusiveness, and of [[Page H375]] course, the massive and 
irrefutable failure of foreign aid worldwide throughout the postwar 
era. However, given the gravity of the situation, even I was willing to 
support some aid to Russia after Yeltsin and Gaidar embarked on shock 
therapy in January 1992.
  But Mr. Speaker, it is time for us to admit the reality that the 
reform effort in Russia has failed, and along with it, our aid program. 
Russia today is not the Russia of 1992 or even 1993, a country racing 
full speed ahead away from Communism and toward democracy, free 
markets, and a Western-oriented foreign policy. Today' Russia is one 
again reactionary.
  Let's look at it objectively. Shock therapy was abandoned within 
weeks of its inception. A purge of economic liberals in the government 
began in April 1992 and was completed by January 1994. Today, the only 
liberal in the government is Anatoly Chubais, and he can't even get his 
subordinates to return his phone calls.
  But isn't Yeltsin still a reformer? If so, why then after the ruble 
crash last September, did Yeltsin replace old thinkers at the Central 
Bank and Finance Ministry with, well, more old thinkers? The fact is, 
Mr. Speaker, there are no economic reformers and there is no economic 
reform in Russia. The history of pouring foreign aid into countries 
that are not serious about economic reform is a sad one, and it would 
be folly if we were to ignore this lesson now. When speaking of ways to 
balance the budget, this is truly a gimme spending cut.
  But the story does not even end with the fact that Russia is a black 
hole and that we need to balance our budget. We must look at this from 
a foreign policy perspective. Indeed, the whole rationale for our aid 
program was that it would turn Russia into a better neighbor, right? 
Well, let's look at Russia's behavior since we started appropriating 
the billions of dollars.
  Russia has vetoed NATO expansion and made implicit threats against 
Poland and other would-be members. Russia has attempted to subordinate 
NATO to the OSCE while simultaneously impeding OSCE efforts in Moldova 
and Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia illegally demobilized thousands of troops 
in Estonia and Latvia just prior to the troop withdrawal deadline last 
August. Russia illegally has begun the unilateral demarcation of the 
Russian-Estonian border. Russia routinely violates Lithuanian territory 
ferrying troops and arms to the Kaliningrad region. Russia continues to 
occupy Moldova with 10,000 troops and enough weaponry for a 200,000-man 
army. Russia used classic Soviet-style divide-and rule tactics to bring 
Georgia to heel, and is now preparing to occupy the country militarily. 
Russia helped depose the democratically elected President of 
Azerbaijan, Mr. Elchibey. Russia has blatantly interfered in the 
sovereign commercial affairs of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan. Russia 
supports a reactionary Communist regime in Tajikstan which overthrew 
the legitimate government there in 1992. Recent Russian policies and 
statements reflect clearly a trend toward, indeed a near-obsession 
with, the re-integration of the CIS states into some form of Russian-
dominated union.

  And it goes beyond the former Soviet Union, Mr. Speaker. Russia 
continues to supply arms to Syria, Iran, and possibly, Serbia. Russia 
is diligently seeking to emasculate the sanctions against Iraq. Russia 
is providing economic aid and intelligence information to Castro. On to 
arms control, it has been known for a long time now that Russia is 
violating the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention and the 1989 MOU on 
chemical arms. She is also seeking to wiggle out of the CFE accords, 
due to take effect in November. As we pay Russia to destroy old and 
obsolete nuclear weapons, she continues work on a new generation of 
nukes. And what about intelligence activities? Russia has still not 
come clean on the Ames spy case and has even provided money to Rosario 
Ames.
  I am nearly out of breath, but unfortunately, I am not done yet. 
Because I haven't even alluded to the awful events in Chechnya. No 
matter where one comes down on the question of Russia's territorial 
integrity, the methods of Russia in Chechnya can only be described as 
barbaric and despicable. They have razed a city to the ground with 
indiscriminate aerial attacks. They have wantonly killed woman, 
children, and the elderly. And finally, the fact that the overwhelming 
majority of Russian citizens opposed the invasion of Chechnya speaks 
volumes about the extent of democratization in Russia.
  Mr. Speaker, in light of all this, how can we say with a straight 
face that Russia is a democracy? Is reformist? Is a strategic partner 
with the West? How can we say that our aid has done any good? How can 
we paint Russia as a deserving recipient of taxpayer largesse? How can 
we justify this to the people who sent us here on November 8?
  I can't, and that is why I have introduced this legislation. My bill 
would immediately freeze all bilateral aid to Russia, including 
previously appropriated and obligated funds, pending Presidential 
certification to Congress that Russia has met 14 conditions. The 
conditions pertain to Russia foreign policy, arms control policy, 
economic policy, and intelligence activities. In order to receive aid, 
Russia would have to halt the violence in Chechnya, cease interfering 
in her neighbors affairs, comply with all arms control agreements, 
limit her intelligence activities to routine, nonadversarial 
information gathering, end arms sales to terrorist nations, stop aiding 
Castro, and re-initiate capitalist economic reform.
  The bill would also require the executive branch to oppose all 
multilateral loans to Russia. Both the President and the GAO would also 
be required to submit reports to Congress concerning the money we have 
given Russia to date. The taxpayers have a right to know what happened 
to this money. There are exemptions in the bill for humanitarian aid, 
certain exchanges, NED programs, and disarmament funds.
  Mr. Speaker, the Freedom and Self-Determination for the Former Soviet 
Union Act will send a powerful message to Russia that in exchange for 
American assistance, certain standards of behavior must be met. This 
will prop up, not undercut, Russian reformers. To date, they have had 
no good reason to say no to the reactionaries. This policy will help 
shore up the sovereignty and security of Russia's neighbors. This 
policy will increase the security of Americans by limiting Russian 
spying, ensuring Russian arms control compliance, and reducing Russian 
assistance to terrorist nations.
  And if Russia doesn't comply and the aid is cut off forever, it is 
still a winning situation for everyone concerned. Cutting off aid 
permanently will enhance the prospects for Russian reform by removing 
the crutch that has obviated them of the need to make the tough but 
necessary economic decisions. More importantly, it will save American 
workers from wasting their money on a country that we cannot save, is 
doing so little to save itself and is doing so much harm to so many 
people.

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