[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 148 (Wednesday, November 30, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: November 30, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                                 TURKEY

 Mr. DeCONCINI. Mr. President, in October, I visited Turkey as 
chairman of the Helsinki Commission and the Senate Intelligence 
Committee. I wanted to follow up on issues examined during my last 
visit in 1989, including human rights, the Kurdish situation, conflicts 
in the Balkans and the Middle East peace process. Following the visit, 
I joined President Clinton at the signing of the Jordanian-Israeli 
peace agreement--an historic milestone in the quest for regional peace, 
and a priority of both the United States and Turkey.
  I met with parliamentary leaders, a foreign ministry official and 
representatives of human rights organizations. I was disappointed, 
however, that I was not allowed to meet with jailed Kurdish 
parliamentarians and other political prisoners, a departure from the 
openness with which I was received during my 1989 visit.
  I expressed concern for the heavy toll on commerce caused by the 
enforcement of U.N. sanctions against Iraq and believe our Government 
should seek further compensation for Turkey's losses from Gulf States 
who have benefited most from continued allied pressure on Saddam 
Hussein. I also expressed my belief that Turkey can play a critical 
role in promoting a CSCE-like regional framework for the Middle East, 
especially if it finds a non-military solution to the Kurdish issue. 
Turkey's Government has already taken a leading role in supporting a 
CSCME as a means of fostering a lasting and comprehensive regional 
peace.
  Mr. President, terrorism threatens Turkey's stability and remains a 
major factor in the cycle of violence plaguing all its citizens. The 
apparent unwillingness and inability of Turkey's leadership to seek new 
approaches to the Kurdish situation, however, were evident and 
disturbing, as was evidence of continued widespread use of torture and 
restrictions on free expression. Despite these problems, I left Turkey 
with an appreciation of mutual interests and shared democratic values 
and believe both our governments should work towards strengthening 
bilateral relations.
  I discussed ongoing efforts by security forces to evacuate and 
destroy Kurdish villages while fighting the PKK. While I was encouraged 
by official claims that investigations have been launched, at this 
point, no such public examination has occurred. I also discussed 
restrictions on free expression and was told that pending legislation 
could result in the release of many currently detained for speech 
crimes. I expressed hope that concrete measures decriminalizing all 
forms of non-violent expression would take place to bring Turkey into 
compliance with stated CSCE commitments. I reiterated that the rights 
of ordinary citizens and duly elected legislators to freely express 
themselves could not be curtailed in a democratic society.
  I also discussed continued widespread use of torture. During my 1989 
visit, officials indicated that concrete measures would be taken to 
reduce torture and educate police officers about proper and acceptable 
interrogation methods. Today, however, heightened tensions and violence 
seem to have lessened the political will and urgency of eradicating 
torture. Human rights advocates say torture is routinely used in 
political cases and forced confessions are widely used to obtain 
convictions. I urged officials to redouble torture prevention and 
monitoring efforts, especially during pretrial detention periods when 
detainees have no access to lawyers and most torture is alleged to 
occur. A recent incident further underscores my concerns. On November 
3, a Turkish court ordered the confiscation of ``File of Torture'' a 
booklet published by the Human Rights Foundation which documents deaths 
in detention since 1980 and other torture cases. Prosecutors are 
determining whether to charge Yavuz Onen, who met with the delegation, 
and Fevzi Argun for disseminating separatist propaganda, a crime 
carrying a 2-to-5 year prison sentence.

  The very measures Turkey is employing to safeguard the State from 
threats of separatism are polarizing Turkish society even further. 
Rising nationalism and the tendency to view reforms as concessions to 
terrorism intimidate any who speak of compromise. The tactics of the 
PKK do nothing to engender support yet it is the PKK that finds itself 
the beneficiary of increased sympathy by a people who view themselves 
with no choices. Voices of moderation are squelched by threats of 
repression and even assassination.
  The delegation left Turkey very concerned as to whether Turkey can 
accommodate the interests and aspirations of its Kurdish citizens 
within the present political framework. For years Turkey has repressed, 
often brutally, a separate Kurdish cultural identity in favor of a 
secular Turkish identity. Whereas Turkey is not the same as it was only 
5 years ago, the steady progression from denying the mere existence of 
Kurds to granting certain restricted liberties, has been accompanied by 
a growing gulf of mistrust between Kurds and Turks. The armed 
insurgency and the counter measures by the military are approaching the 
dimensions of a civil war. The Kurdish issue is a critical one for 
Turkey and all its citizens with very serious long-term repercussions 
for not only Turkey but the Middle East. Old unresolved questions are 
reemerging in Turkey and how it deals with those questions today will 
largely determine the state of democracy in Turkey tomorrow.
  I believe the Turkish Government must consider non-military 
approaches to meet the concerns of Kurdish citizens who do not support 
the use of violence and who are presently victimized by both sides. 
Moderate political voices, whether Turkish or Kurdish, must be 
legitimized and heard--and they must condemn terrorism. Policies and 
attitudes which fail to differentiate between terrorism and protected 
forms of expression threaten the foundations of Turkey's democracy. A 
ceasefire should be the first step towards peacefully resolving the 
Kurdish issue. Should the PKK declare a unilateral ceasefire, as it did 
in March 1993, the Government of Turkey should reciprocate. Only when 
the guns have been silenced, can the difficult task of reconciling 
Turks and Kurds victimized by war begin. Until the Kurdish question is 
peacefully resolved, Turkey's efforts in many other areas will be 
jeopardized--as will continued close cooperation and relations with 
Western allies.

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