[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 145 (Friday, October 7, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: October 7, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                 A CHANCE FOR PEACE IN NORTHERN IRELAND

  Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, in the years since the fall of the Berlin 
Wall we have witnessed the end of some of the world's longest, 
bloodiest conflicts. In El Salvador and Nicaragua, brutal civil wars 
that polarized those countries for over a decade, were settled 
peacefully. In South Africa, we saw apartheid voted down and Nelson 
Mandela elected President. In the Middle East, Israel and the PLO have 
put aside years of hatred, and they are working together to transfer 
authority and support economic development in Gaza and Jericho.
  In each instance, bitter enemies put aside their hatred and mistrust 
in recognition that years of violence had brought little but suffering, 
and in furtherance of the shared goal of a life of peace for their 
children.
  And in each instance, I asked myself if Northern Ireland could be 
next. Was there a chance that this irrepressible desire for peace that 
had caused antagonists in so many troubled countries to find a way to 
live together would spill over to the Catholics and Protestants of 
Northern Ireland?
  I especially remember thinking of Ireland as I watched Prime Minister 
Rabin and PLO Chairman Arafat shake hands at the White House a year 
ago. If those two bitterest of enemies could find it in themselves to 
put the past behind them, so could the Catholics and Protestants in 
Northern Ireland.
  I was among those who urged President Clinton to grant a visa to Sinn 
Fein leader Gerry Adams earlier this year, and while I had no great 
expectations for his visit then, I felt, as the President did, that it 
was worth taking a chance for peace. I want to commend the President 
for his courage in taking that chance, and for the attention he has 
given to finding a solution to the Irish conflict.
  Mr. President, with the announcement of a cessation of military 
activities by the IRA and Sinn Fein's commitment to seek a peaceful 
solution to the conflict, we are at the beginning of a new era in 
Ireland.
  Today, I speak in support of this beginning, and to warn against a 
return to violence by either side. Violence has failed in Ireland. It 
should be universally condemned.
  As John Hume, that passionate, reflective man of peace who is perhaps 
more responsible than anyone else for this breakthrough, told me in my 
office 2 weeks ago ``since five British governments and 20,000 troops 
failed to stop the violence, I felt that if direct dialog could stop 
the killing, it was my duty to do so.''
  John Hume deserves the thanks of every citizen of Ireland, whether 
Catholic or Protestant, and I am honored to be able to call him a 
friend.

  Last week I met with Ireland's Foreign Minister, Dick Spring, and he 
also stressed the great challenges that lie ahead. Each side, unionist 
and nationalist, has reason to be proud of their heritage. Each side 
has a legitimate stake in the outcome. But each side must also see that 
the time has come to let go of the belief that the only way to protect 
themselves is to concentrate power in their own hands to the exclusion 
of all others.
  That approach will doom themselves as it will doom Ireland. 
Differences are inevitable, but the acceptance of diversity is the key 
to a strong, prosperous Ireland.
  To the British, I say stop questioning whether the IRA meant what it 
said, and pay attention instead to what is happening on the ground. The 
question now should be when to bring Sinn Fein into the peace talks. 
The ceasefire was announced on August 31. If, after 3 months it is 
still holding, then let us see the British Government and Sinn Fein 
sitting together at the negotiating table.
  I want to commend Gerry Adams for taking this chance for peace, and 
the IRA for its restraint in the face of attacks by loyalist extremists 
who would prefer to sabotage this effort. And I commend Prime Minister 
Major for his courage. I urge him to act quickly to suspend the 
implementation of the emergency laws, which have denied basic civil 
liberties to so many in Northern Ireland, and fueled the hatred.
  The solution to the Irish conflict remains for the Irish people to 
decide. The key to a solution is tolerance, compromise and patience, 
which have been sorely lacking in Ireland over the years. As John Hume 
told me, he seeks ``an agreed Ireland.''
  I do not forecast any particular outcome, but I do believe in the 
power of agreement, whether in Ireland or South Africa. And as a 
citizen of the oldest, most diverse democracy, I too believe that the 
future of Northern Ireland should be decided by a majority of its 
citizens.
  As the son of an Irish father, I have long yearned for the day when 
the people of Belfast could walk the streets without fear. When the 
people of Ireland could work together to build their country 
economically, where unemployment in some areas exceeds 50 percent.
  Mr. President, some weeks ago the European Parliament paid tribute to 
the more than 3,000 Irish citizens who have lost their lives since 
1969, when political violence became a daily reality in Northern 
Ireland. Today, I and other Senators who will also speak during the 
coming days about the recent developments there, join with our European 
colleagues in remembrance and in hope for the future.

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