[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 143 (Wednesday, October 5, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: October 5, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
       IMPROVING AMERICA'S SCHOOLS ACT OF 1994--CONFERENCE REPORT

  The Senate continued with the consideration of the conference report.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.
  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, first of all, I commend the distinguished 
chairman of the Labor and Human Resources Committee, Senator Kennedy, 
and the distinguished chairman of the Education Subcommittee, Senator 
Pell, along with Senator Kassebaum, the ranking Republican member of 
the committee, and others, for the tremendous job that was done on 
passing in this body, and the other Chamber, the Improving America's 
Schools Act of 1994.
  Mr. President, I am proud to have been a party to this bill. I am 
confident that this legislation is going to make a great deal of 
difference to school districts all across our country.
  Mr. President, by passing the bill before us, we make good on our 
promise to the next generation of Americans.
  Throughout our history, we have invested in the education of our 
young people. We have put our hearts, our minds, and our pocket books 
into building schools, buying books, and educating our kids. We have 
done so secure in the knowledge that education is a strong and sturdy 
ladder up to a better life for our children and a better future for our 
country.
  That's what this bill is all about. Along with the Goals 2000 
legislation we passed earlier this year, the Improving America's 
Schools Act goes a long way toward fulfilling our promise to offer the 
hope of education to all of our 49 million schoolchildren--regardless 
of where they live or how much their parents earn.


               breadth of programs contained in the bill

  Just a simple glance at the table of contents of this bill 
demonstrates how much more is at stake here than high-octane political 
issues like school prayer:
  The Title I Program, which provides supplemental services to 
disadvantaged children.
  The Eisenhower Professional Development Program, which was expanded 
to include all the core academic subjects.
  The Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities Program to reduce 
violence and drug abuse.
  The Impact Aid Program to compensate communities with a significant 
Federal presence.
  The New Chapter II, renamed the Innovative Education Strategies 
Program, which will assist States across-the-board in their school 
reform activities.
  The Technology for Education Program, which will provide schools with 
new Federal resources to bring technology into their classrooms.
  An Educational Infrastructure Program--with an appropriation of $100 
million--which will help begin the long process of improving the 
crumbling infrastructure of our schools.
  The Bilingual Education Program.
  The Even Start Program.
  And the list could go on and on.
  Each of these programs delivers on the promise we have made to 
support America's children and schools. They will provide teachers, 
parents, and communities with the Federal help they need to carry them 
into the 21st century.


                     importance of federal programs

  Some argue that the 6 percent that the Federal Government contributes 
to education is so limited that it is meaningless. I would agree that 
it is much too small, and I will continue to work with Senator Jeffords 
and others to increase our commitment to education. But these dollars 
are certainly not meaningless.
  In thousands of communities all across the country, Federal education 
money provides that extra bit of support necessary to buy computers or 
hire tutors. It pays for foreign language instruction or more library 
books. It makes possible professional development to ensure that 
teachers meet high standards. It allows schools to experiment with 
innovative programs in parental involvement and coordinated services. 
Federal dollars do matter a great deal, and that's why this bill is so 
important.


                     importance of title I program

  In particular, these dollars mean a great deal to disadvantaged 
children, those who are in the most desperate need for the advancement 
that education can offer. Too many children find themselves in 
communities ill-prepared to care for them, support them and educate 
them. We all know of schools in our states where the buildings are 
crumbling, the books are old, the teachers are not qualified, and the 
chances for students are slim.
  While I don't believe we do enough to help students in those schools, 
this bill at least offers them a ray of hope through the Title I 
Program, which offers needy students in poor communities supplemental 
Federal assistance in the form of additional teachers, computers, 
after-school enrichment and summer programs.


                           title i targeting

  To make sure we get the biggest bang for the buck, this legislation 
targets title I funds more toward the communities with high 
concentrations of poverty. The bill eliminates eligibility for the most 
affluent districts that have poverty rates of less than 2 percent. 
Frankly, I wish we could have targeted funds even further than this 
conference report does. But it certainly moves us in the right 
direction, and it will make a real difference in many of our poorest 
communities.


                   effort and equity factor preserved

  In addition, we retained in a modified form the new effort and equity 
factors, which the Senate adopted as a part of its original formula. 
Beginning in fiscal year 1996, appropriators will be able to channel 
funds into this important additional formula.
  These funds will serve to reward States that are making a substantial 
investment in education and that are addressing the disparities in 
spending among their school districts.
  It is absolutely unfair that two children who live a few miles apart 
receive greatly different educations--all because of variations in 
their respective communities' property tax bases. This new incentive 
money will encourage States to look seriously at these issues and will 
provide a tool the Federal Government can use to help States trying to 
establish more educational equity.


                            cjd initiatives

  I was pleased to work on a number of additional components to this 
bill.


                             school safety

  As chairman of the Subcommittee on Children, I have struggled for the 
last 3 years with the crisis of youth violence, much of which takes 
place in our schools. Earlier this year, the Senate approved my Safe 
Schools bill, which provided stop-gap support for schools working to 
meet the challenge of violence. The Crime bill included the Ounce of 
Prevention Council, which will fund after-school and summer programs to 
provide children with alternatives to street life and violence.
  This legislation takes us one step further by expanding the Drug-Free 
Schools Program so that it will include a new focus on safety. More 
than $500 million of Federal funds will now be available to schools to 
prevent violence.
  And I am pleased that changes I offered will ensure that all schools 
receiving these funds will have the most promising tools at their 
disposal--conflict resolution, peer mediation, and other strategies 
that teach children about nonviolent ways to resolve disputes.


                          character education

  In addition, we also incorporated my initiative to provide new 
Federal support for character education. We can get at the roots of 
violence, drug and alcohol abuse, and other discipline problems by 
teaching kids the importance of traits such as honesty, responsibility, 
respect, trustworthiness, and civic virtues.
  We also include their partnerships in character education pilot 
project program, which Senator Domenici and I offered as a floor 
amendment when we first considered this bill. This program will support 
State and local partnerships in 10 States for developing and 
implementing model programs of character education.


                         transition initiative

  This legislation also establishes support for the transition 
initiative, which I authored in the Senate bill. This program will 
provide children in the early grades with a better chance of 
educational success through increased parental involvement, coordinated 
services, and appropriate curriculum.


                               conclusion

  Every day we hear a great deal about the things that are wrong with 
America--crime, welfare dependency, and the disintegration of the 
American family. The problems are always easy to spot.
  But the solutions are a lot harder to identify. But today we have 
before us a solution. It will reduce crime and welfare dependency, 
strengthen the economy, improve our communities and neighborhoods, and 
enhance the lives of millions of Americans. Education--that is the 
answer.
  And that is what this bill is all about. I urge my colleagues to join 
me in supporting it.


                                 HAITI

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, it is coincidental that I am following the 
distinguished Senator from New Hampshire, Senator Gregg, regarding 
Haiti because I wanted to take a few minutes this afternoon and report 
to our colleagues on a trip that I and five of Senate colleagues made 
last Saturday to Haiti. The delegation included the distinguished 
senior Senator from Rhode Island and the chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee, Senator Pell, Senator Warner of Virginia, Senator 
Levin of Michigan, Senator Coverdell of Georgia and Senator Gregg of 
New Hampshire.
  The six us, Mr. President, spent about 7 hours in Haiti on Saturday. 
We went down in the morning and made it back about 1 o'clock Sunday 
morning. We had a rather full and extensive day. We met with people 
from all across the political spectrum in Haiti, including, of course, 
Lt. Gen. Shelton and the commanders of our military forces who are in 
Haiti.
  I would like to take a minute or two and use the remainder of my time 
and share with my colleagues at least this Senator's impression of our 
visit there and how the situation looks as we saw it.
  The purpose, Mr. President, of our visit was to discuss with our 
military commanders the wisdom of including a date certain for the 
departure of United States troops from Haiti in any resolution that the 
Senate might consider. Second, to see firsthand the progress being made 
to implement the Carter agreement and provisions of other relevant U.N. 
resolutions. And third, to assess the security situation.
  We saw a number of people, as I mentioned, General Shelton, 
Ambassador Swing, parliamentarians from all the major political parties 
acting Prime Minister Robert Malval, the Haitian minister of defense, 
Jean Beliotte, the head of President Aristide's transition team and 
other members of the transition team, members of the Haitian business 
community, General Cedras, and the military commanders. Some members of 
the delegation also visited some U.S. military units operating in and a 
round Port-au-Prince.
  Mr. President, with respect to the primary purpose of our visit to 
determine whether it makes sense to legislate a date certain for 
withdrawal of United States forces from Haiti, the delegation came 
away--and I think I can speak here unanimously for the delegation--we 
came away with the view that such action would be contrary to United 
States interests.
  While other Senators may speak for themselves as to how they came to 
this view, speaking for myself, Mr. President, it was the briefing by 
General Shelton that crystallized my thoughts on this important matter. 
General Shelton made it quite clear to all of us during his briefing 
that setting any date for withdrawal of our forces would seriously 
jeopardize the security of United States military personnel, as well as 
make the successful completion of his and our mission in Haiti that 
much more difficult.
  General Shelton pointed out that he was not a Member of Congress, he 
was not speaking politically, but, in strictly military terms. He felt 
that any fixed date might cause him to have to accelerate their 
activities, might cause mistakes to happen, thus placing U.S. forces in 
some potential harm. I think all of us, regardless of our differences 
of opinion about whether or not our forces should have gone into Haiti 
in the first place, or how that should have occurred, came away with 
the unanimous point of view that General Shelton was correct.
  There may be, as early as tomorrow, a resolution before this body 
regarding our presence in Haiti. My strong hope is that no date certain 
will be included for the reasons that I have already mentioned.
  We had very little time in Haiti--as I mentioned, 7 hours--but we did 
meet with a broad cross section of Haitian society, parliamentarians, 
business leaders, or simply talking with people in the streets.
  I was struck by how hopeful Haitians seemed that their 3 years of 
trial and travail were nearly over and by how much they have all come 
to believe that, whatever their personal feelings about President 
Aristide, his return to Haiti is their only hope for ending the current 
crisis. Maybe the group that best crystallized that was the business 
community. To a person, they all said they had voted against President 
Aristide in the elections. But to a person they all said they hoped he 
came back as quickly as possible, that they saw his return as an 
opportunity to achieve stability and offer some hope for the people of 
Haiti.
  So even for people who are not supportive of him politically, the 
general consensus there was that he ought to get back, and they are 
prepared to be supportive for the remainder of his term.
  This hopefulness contrasts, I might add, sharply with the mood I 
encountered when I first visited Haiti earlier in the year, in March. 
At that time, there had been months of inaction by the international 
community, despite blatant acts of provocation and violence by General 
Cedras and his followers. The Haitian people were in despair. They 
truly believed that the entire world had forsaken them.
  Operation Uphold Democracy--the name of the operation that has 
brought as many as 20,000 of our forces to Haiti--appears, in my view, 
Mr. President, up to now, to be making significant progress. And I 
cannot underestimate the joy, the true joy, with which our troops have 
been welcomed by the people of Haiti. I presume many have actually seen 
this on their television screens over the last 2 weeks.
  There has been some last-ditch efforts by enemies of democracy in 
Haiti to derail the return of President Aristide, but most Haitians, 
the overwhelming majority, truly believe that President Aristide is 
going to return shortly, and they applaud that decision.
  Mr. President, there are now some 20,000 American men and women in 
and around Haiti. And I can tell you from seeing them first hand that 
the American people can be rightly and justly proud of these fine young 
men and women. Their skill, their courage and their commitment is to be 
applauded by all. And whatever we may do with our resolutions, whatever 
other views people may have about the wisdom of going into Haiti in the 
first place, I hope everyone will strongly express their support for 
these people who, having been given orders to go to Haiti, are doing 
their job, I think, admirably.
  And I particularly want to point out the tremendous leadership of 
General Shelton and his staff. I was truly impressed with the briefing 
that he gave us and the respect with which he is held by everyone that 
we saw him come in contact with.
  No one should give one moment of comfort, in my view, to those 
elements in Haiti who, through their unspeakable abuse of their own 
people and through their blatant acts of provocation and defiance, have 
brought us to where we are today.
  Matters have gone remarkably well, Mr. President, in Haiti to date. I 
have not seen any news reports in the last 15 or 20 minutes, but it is 
truly miraculous that, after almost 2\1/2\ weeks, going on 3 weeks, in 
what is a very hostile environment or an environment where violence 
could break out, we have lost no U.S. personnel. In a city of that 
size, with 20,000 Americans on the ground, it would not be uncommon for 
us to hear of difficulties. And despite the fact that we had one 
soldier injured and one who apparently took his own life, it really is 
truly miraculous that things have gone as well as they have.
  I would caution all of us that Murphy's law, anything that can go 
wrong will go wrong, is alive and well in Haiti. And while things have 
gone well to date, that does not mean we will not face some problems in 
the coming days and weeks. But, up to now, I think it has been a truly 
remarkable mission.
  One major obstacle to President Aristide's return should be resolved 
shortly, and that is the departure of the military junta. Based upon 
our meeting, the delegation's meeting with General Cedras and his 
colleagues, it is our judgment--again, I think, unanimous judgment--
that General Cedras has come to terms with the fact that he is going to 
step down. He told us very clearly--Senator Warner asked the question 
very directly of him, whether or not he would be living up to the 
Carter agreement to step down by October 15. He unequivocally said that 
he intended to do just that.
  And as to the question of whether General Cedras and the others will 
leave the country, I, for one, have no doubt about it.
  The justifiable hatred, I must tell you, Mr. President, felt towards 
these three individuals--that is, the leadership of the Haitian 
military--you could feel it, it was palpable. Life would be impossible, 
I think, for them should they choose to remain in Haiti.
  Colonel Francois, who heads up the police, appears to share my 
judgment about his prospects for a pleasant life in Port-au-Prince. 
Colonel Francois has already packed his bags, I am told, and gone into 
exile in the Dominican Republic.
  Despite these positive comments, Mr. President, and the success of 
the mission to date, I would not wish to leave any doubt in the minds 
of our colleagues that difficulties remain in Haiti. The security 
situation is serious and worrisome. Thanks to General Cedras and others 
in the high command, paramilitary groups exist throughout the country, 
and they are very well armed.
  The good news is that General Shelton is seized with the importance 
of dealing with this problem quickly. He assured our delegation that it 
is a major priority for him and his forces to see that these groups are 
disarmed--with or without the cooperation of Haitian Armed Forces; 
preferably with their cooperation.
  We have seen over the last several days U.S. forces moving quite 
aggressively to dismantle the FRAPH headquarters and collect weapons 
caches. The judgment of those who know something about paramilitary 
organizations is that if we are able to disarm and dismantle the 
leadership of these groups, this should be sufficient to render 
harmless the vast majority of the participants in these organizations.
  General Shelton explained in some detail what appears to be the 
overlapping membership between the Haitian Armed Forces and the various 
paramilitary organizations. He related to us the details of the arrest 
of a heavily armed Haitian who was found to be carrying membership 
identifications of three organizations--the Haitian Armed Forces, the 
Attaches, and the FRAPH, the political wing, if you will, of the armed 
groups--suggesting that the total numbers of the armed military and 
paramilitary groups may be smaller than appearances would suggest.
  In addition to these armed thugs--and the word ``thugs'' was used by 
General Shelton, and I think appropriately so, to describe them--large 
public demonstrations also pose a potential security problem.
  Our colleague, Senator Levin, I think, very properly, Mr. President, 
urged the supporters of President Aristide not to take to the streets 
even in peaceful demonstrations because they can create, 
unintentionally, the possibility of violence. It gives the opponents of 
President Aristide the opportunity to create situations that could be 
explosive.
  I think Senator Levin's suggestion was taken to heart. President 
Aristide has also urged his supporters to remain calm, and in his 
speech yesterday at the United Nations be emphatically made the point 
that revenge and retaliation are not to be a part of his government. I 
hope the people of Haiti will listen to his words and follow his advice 
as strongly as they have in other matters.
  I would join President Aristide in urging all Haitians who want to 
see their President return quickly, to cooperate with United States 
Forces as they attempt to create a secure environment for the 
restoration of the legitimate Government of Haiti.
  As my colleagues know, the Carter agreement, like the Governors 
Island accord and United Nations Security Council resolutions before 
it, calls upon the Haitian Parliament to enact a general amnesty law--
this to facilitate the early departure of General Cedras and the 
others.
  Last Wednesday the Parliament was reconvened by President Aristide. 
While they have not yet adopted an amnesty law per se, they are getting 
closer to it. I think we left Port-au-Prince with a sense of confidence 
that these different political groups present in Parliament will be 
able to reach a satisfactory resolution of the amnesty problem. Members 
of the delegation urged the parliamentarians to reach consensus on that 
point.
  Prime Minister Malval is willing and desirous of taking over the 
civilian control of government. He cannot do so as long as Mr. 
Jonassaint is there. If Mr. Jonassaint will step down, then the acting 
Prime Minister can assume the levers of civilian control in that 
government. That would be a very positive thing. I hope that would 
occur in the next few days.
  Should Mr. Jonassaint be persuaded to step down, then Prime Minister 
Malval indicated he was prepared to act as the caretaker Prime Minister 
pending President Aristide's return, and the naming of a new Prime 
Minister.
  So I want to conclude by saying that up to now our forces have done a 
good job. I think we should at this juncture be tremendously confident 
that we are on the right course; things are going well. To hear some of 
my colleagues talk here, I am left with the impression that there is 
almost a sense of disappointment that things have gone as well as they 
have over the last several weeks. I am somewhat stunned by the 
allegations, the new ones now, about President Aristide's involvement 
with drug trafficking that appeared yesterday in the Washington Times. 
Anyone who reads the documentation from our Department of State 
reporting on Aristide's tenure as President would read very clearly the 
significant cooperation that the Aristide government gave to our drug 
enforcement agencies and authorities. This is a new allegation. It is 
groundless. It is another attempt at character assassination, first, he 
was considered psychopathic by some. That charge has now been debunked 
entirely. Now we get a new charge--some will do anything possible to 
try and discredit this individual. Anyone who has met him and spent 
time with him, as I have, would tell you there is an entirely different 
conclusion that ought to be reached about him.
  Our troops are doing a good job. Democracy is on the march. It has a 
chance in Haiti. I do not know if it can be secured. But there is a 
chance here. I think we ought to be proud of the fact we have been able 
to participate in giving this small poor country some 200 miles off our 
shore a chance to have a future. I think every citizen and every Member 
of this body, despite any differences that may have existed over the 
decision to go to Haiti, ought to be proud of what we have achieved up 
to now and to try to work cooperatively to secure a better future for 
the people of Haiti.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record 
a copy of President Aristide's speech he gave at the United Nations 
yesterday.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

      Speech by Haitian President in Exile Jean-Bertrand Aristide

       Mr. President, Mister Secretary General, distinguished 
     delegates, ladies and gentlemen.
       How happy I am to hail you on behalf of the Haitian people, 
     and with a sense of joy to address the most heartfelt 
     congratulations to Monsieur Amara Essy, minister of foreign 
     affairs of Cote d'Ivorie, on his election to the presidency 
     of the 49th general assembly session.
       Mr. President, as I wish you every measure of success, I 
     would make it a point to assure you of the fullest 
     cooperation of the delegation of Haiti. To Ambassador 
     Insanally, may I address my compliments for having so so 
     masterfully guided the work of the 48th general assembly 
     session.
       Our congratulations and appreciation go out as well to the 
     secretary general of the United Nations, Mr. Boutros-Boutros 
     Ghali, thanking and appreciating him for the ties of 
     solidarity he was woven with the Haitian people. We say thank 
     you, Mr. Secretary General, from the bottom of our hearts.
       To all of you, dear friends, throughout the international 
     community, thank you a thousand times over for the support 
     you have given to the Haitian people throughout these last 
     three years. Allow me to address words of special 
     appreciation to President Bill Clinton, and to our special 
     friends the United States, Canada, France, Venezuela, 
     Argentina, and to all states, notably those of CARICOM, that 
     offered their contribution to making the reality of 
     resolution 940 and to the implementation of the Governors 
     Island agreement. Ladies and gentleman, how happy I am indeed 
     to hail you and to thank you in a very special way. Finally, 
     11 days from now I will be back in Haiti. (Applause.)
       Thanks to the heroic courage of the Haitian people and 
     thanks to your solidarity we soon will be back. Your eyes and 
     our own will contemplate the opening of the flowers of 
     democracy. Eleven days hence I shall invite you to celebrate 
     this festival of reconciliation of democracy and of peace 
     back home in Haiti.
       Even now, with the getting under way of the peace operation 
     known as Uphold Democracy on the 19th of September just 
     passed, a tropical smile has shed light upon the faces of 
     those that espouse and love peace. Together, President 
     Clinton and we have managed to open up a channel of hope 
     after so much suffering.
       My hat is off to the Haitian people. Honor and respect go 
     its 5,000 victims. Father Jean-Marie Vincent has died do that 
     Haiti might live. The resistance of the Haitian people finds 
     its deepest roots in a historical past, where day and night a 
     beacon of liberty has shone quite rightly to--(inaudible)--
     who declared at the moment that he embarked for France: 
     ``In turning around, I see that you have only cut down the 
     trunk of the tree of liberty. Its roots will grow yet 
     again because its roots are many and deep indeed.''
       At the threshold of the bicentennial of our independence, 
     these roots nourish us with the sap of democracy. Never shall 
     the Haitian people cease to fight to guarantee its 
     inalienable rights, its rights that no one can deny it: 
     rights to life, to liberty and to happiness. Never shall we 
     cease to fight for setting up a socially just, economically 
     free and politically independent Haitian nation.
       Thus, the first black republic on earth, today torn asunder 
     by the coup d'etat of September 30th, 1991, resolutely and 
     definitely is marching towards the establishment of a 
     democratic society. Via diplomacy, we attain democracy. 
     (Applause.)
       Faced with this lugubrious drama and tragedy that has 
     involved three years of suffering, the pangs of pain have 
     pierced our hearts. And yet our people excel in portraying 
     reality before it, with help. The brave live ahope and fools 
     live afear. Better late than never. In following the river, 
     you finally reach the sea, Plato said, even during the second 
     century before our time.
       To this end, notwithstanding democratic structures set up 
     by Solon and Pittacus in the 6th century before Christ, it 
     was necessary to wait until (Ephielt ?), (Cleistine ?) and 
     Pericles came along to see democratization of political life 
     in Athens made a reality.
       It is hope that makes you live, I say. And above and beyond 
     the dreadful spectacle that is embodied in the last three 
     years, we march towards he year 2004 with optimism. The path 
     that goes there necessarily involves a historic crossroads 
     where the elections of 16th of December, 1990 and our return 
     to Haiti cross.
       Eleven days from now I shall be there, this thanks to the 
     determination of the Haitian people and to our solidarity--a 
     history worthy of being paid attention to, because there is 
     no history worthy of attention other than that of free 
     peoples. The history of peoples subjected to despotism is 
     only something that is worthy of a gathering of anecdotes.
       Eleven days hence we shall be there. A bright light will 
     all but blind our eyes, the light of reconciliation. Between 
     violence and vengeance, reconciliation steps in, between 
     impunity and iniquity, justice steps in. In other words, we, 
     the president of the Republic of Haiti, clearly and firmly 
     say yes to reconciliation, no to violence, no to vengeance, 
     no to impunity, yes to justice. (Applause.)
       We shall prepare the coffee of reconciliation through the 
     filter of justice so that one shall find there no longer any 
     trace of violence nor any vengeance. (Applause.) Via 
     reconciliation you have to see to it that enthusiasm embrace 
     all--the hearts of one and all, rich and poor, civilian and 
     military alike. Via reconciliation must you see to it that 
     torrents of tears shall no longer flood our eyes filled with 
     pride.
       You, parents and friends of our 5,000 victims, you have 
     endured this crushing yoke, you all--rich and poor, military 
     and civilian alike--soon a light will flood the very recesses 
     of your hearts. We are indeed here talking about the light of 
     reconciliation, otherwise how indeed to dispel the gloom of 
     sub-human want and misery, how indeed do you move from want 
     to poverty with indignity?
       Exploring countries the world over shows us that one-fifth 
     of the people in development every day suffers from hunger, a 
     quarter of them is deprived of the ways and means for 
     ensuring their very survival, a third of them is vegetating 
     in extreme want.
       In this connection, the social development summit scheduled 
     for 1995 in Copenhagen must afford fresh possibilities for 
     reducing the terrible conditions in which are languishing 
     over a billion people that are the victims of hunger, disease 
     and being stripped of everything. In Haiti in 1994, the 
     number of children going to school amounts to 750,000. Over 
     1.25 million children remain at home or work on agricultural 
     lots, and yet our constitution stipulates that education is a 
     right that all our citizens have. It is a duty incumbent upon 
     the state which it cannot sidestep. Thus, 10 years hence we 
     will have to take care of 3 million children in school. This 
     presupposes an increase in number of teachers from 35,000 to 
     100,000, and the number of schools from 8,000 to 20,000. Once 
     back in our country, we shall undertake a literacy drive that 
     should allow us to attain a significant reduction in 
     illiteracy, down to 5 to 10 percent.
       Reconciliation amongst one and all, of course, is 
     absolutely imperative. Reconciliation and peace are 
     intertwined everywhere and always. The dissolution of the 
     Soviet bloc has favored the opening of a new era after 
     decades of bipolarization, and yet we have the responsibility 
     of protecting peace with our own countries. Between 1989 and 
     1992, 82 armed conflicts were recorded. Three of them only 
     pitted one state against another.
       Back home, institutionalized violence did not unleash a 
     civil war but rather genocide instead. Even today, 
     notwithstanding the presence of the multinational force, acts 
     of violence against our people are continuing. The disarming 
     of the paramilitary group, notably FRAPH and their attaches, 
     is indispensable to see to it that peace reigns throughout 
     our country. Obviously, the restoration of democracy will 
     bring reconciliation for all, peace to all of us, respect and 
     justice to every single citizen.
       Lavalas brings a message of peace. The arms must fall 
     silent for us to have peace. (Applause.)
       The professionalization of an army 1,500 strong and the 
     establishment of a police force separate from the armed 
     forces are part and parcel of the process of peace which must 
     be protected, a peace which must be guaranteed, and this for 
     the happiness of all Haitian men and women. The armed forces 
     of Haiti, as Article 265 of our constitution stipulates, are 
     apolitical. They are, as it says in Article 264, set up to 
     guarantee the security and integrity of the territory of our 
     republics. Article 269/1 specifies that the police must 
     ensure the maintenance of public order, must protect life, 
     and must protect the property of citizens.
       It is time to create a stable environment, making possible 
     national reconciliation on our land, where we shall have no 
     longer more than an army of 7,000 absorbing some--where we no 
     longer shall have an army of 7,000 absorbing 40,000--40 
     percent, rather, of the national budget. Globally speaking, 
     military expenditures are considerably in decline for the 
     last six years at the rate of roughly 3.6 percent per annum.
       Why then, back home, do we have a situation where there is 
     one soldier for every thousand Haitians, at one point eight 
     physicians for every 10,000 inhabitants; while in the 
     industrialized countries you have on average one physician 
     for 400 inhabitants?
       Once back home, we shall set en train our health program to 
     correct the current situation, namely, 1,000 physicians for 7 
     million inhabitants, one nurse for every 2,200 inhabitants, 
     one hospital bed for every 1,300 of our people. Our goal by 
     the year 2004 will be that of taking care of 8 million 
     Haitians with 2,000 physicians and 8,000 nurses, and to 
     increase the number of hospital beds to a rate of one for 
     every 400 inhabitants. We will have to open a health center 
     in every district, and we shall have, then, some 52 of these. 
     Each municipal area will have its own dispensary.
       The measures to be adopted in terms of health will allow us 
     to reduce the rate of infant mortality from 135 to 40 per 
     1,000. Our population will see its average life expectancy 
     raised from 54 to 65. Reconciliation and reconstruction are 
     intimately intertwined, and we shall prepare the coffee of 
     reconciliation, I say again, through the filter of justice so 
     that we shall no longer find there any trace of violence, nor 
     of vengeance.
       Above and beyond our national boundaries, the tragedies of 
     Rwanda, Burundi and Bosnia-Hercegovina have confronted us day 
     after day. The suffering of one man or woman is the suffering 
     of any other, and every individual is a human being. Ever 
     since the end of the Second World War, over 23 million people 
     have been killed in armed conflict. How can one remain 
     indifferent in the face of the tempest of violence that have 
     scourged so many of the countries with which we enjoy 
     fraternal ties, including Liberia, Somalia, Georgia, Sudan 
     and Armenia--to cite just a few? Happily, certain conflicts 
     have evolved towards a situation of peace over the last 
     couple of years. We hail with hope the horizons of peace that 
     have begun to emerge in the Middle East between Israel and 
     Palestine, the same applying to South Africa, where the first 
     nonracial and free elections have been held.
       Neither racial barriers nor barriers of class must exist at 
     the threshold of the year 2004, the Haitian diaspora, where 
     our 10th Department, as it were, is the special place for us 
     to celebrate reconciliation between Haitians and Haiti. I say 
     bravo for our 10th Department. Haiti is the Haitian's 
     greatest wealth. (Applause.) Haiti always will be our chez 
     nous, our back home. Let us go back home. We can embellish 
     our homeland and turn it, as it were, into a rainbow.
       Returning peace to Haiti will allow us to devote ourselves 
     to rebuilding Haiti along with its infrastructure and its 
     economy, reconciling Haiti with the Haitians as it were. Now 
     there are 17.4 percent meaning 740 kilometers of paved roads. 
     The remainder of roads--that is, 2,960 kilometers--have a 
     hardened earth surface only. Ten years hence, all major and 
     secondary towns and--cities and towns will be linked by a 
     network of some 2,500 kilometers of paved roads. The new 
     municipal roads that will be laid down will account for some 
     3,000 kilometers, In 1994, we only have a 1.3 percent forest 
     cover left. At that rate there will be no longer any forest 
     in Haiti
       In 1998, with the major drive to reforest that we're going 
     to set up, over six million trees will be planted per annum. 
     In the year 2004, one third of our territory, thus, will be 
     reforested. It goes without saying there will be a climate of 
     political stability that will allow us to promote economic 
     growth. In 1991 economic policy and fiscal discipline as 
     adopted by the government--Lavalas government brought in 
     $5,200,000 in customs receipts, as well as in domestic 
     revenues from public enterprises, an historic performance for 
     our country.
       By the year 2000 at a growth rate of 10 percent per annum 
     the same receipts will bring in $1.26 billion.
       In monetary terms the results were just as satisfactory. An 
     increase in the reserves of foreign exchange of some $20 
     million, an increase in comparative value of our gourd--the 
     national currency--by some 11 percent and inflation rate 
     brought down from 20 to 12 percent.
       But what remains of these achievements after three years of 
     plunder? The debt ceiling has been raised at--twice over. 
     Inflation is estimated at some 60 percent, the comparative 
     value of our national currency the gourd has drastically 
     declined by some 300 percent in terms of relative value to 
     the U.S. dollar. The public finances are in bankruptcy and 
     the public treasury has recorded a loss of $100 million for 
     the budgetary years 1992 to 1994. This means there's an 
     absolute need for this reconciliation between Haitians and 
     Haiti, a sine qua non for creating a modern state by 
     rebuilding the economy. We have to open the economy to 
     attract foreign investment and to provide goods at better 
     prices to Haitian consumers. Synergistic relationships are 
     indispensable between the private sector and the state.
       At the level of developing countries, external indebetness 
     has grown and multiplied 15 times over in just two decades. 
     From $100 billion in 1970, it rose to $650 billion in 1980 to 
     go to the level of $1.5 trillion in 1992, which is an 
     enormous--this debt burden--an enormous brake on the 
     development of third world countries. In 1992 these countries 
     had to shoulder debt servicing to the tune of $160 billion, 
     that is twice the amount of official development aid. And 
     yet, what you note are certain signs of a turnaround. Back 
     home, payments arrears rose to $42 million in September 1993, 
     and will surpass $81 million in December of this year. As 
     soon as I get back home $13 million will be freed up as the 
     government's contribution to reducing these same arrears.
       Setting up a state based upon the rule of law also implies 
     reconciliation between Haitians and Haitians. Citizens of a 
     country where every man and every woman is a human being. 
     Equal before the law. Administration of real justice will 
     spare us the vicious cycle of violence and vengeance. Today 
     the people of Haiti have no access to a system of justice. 
     For our 565 municipal areas, there are only 174 courts and 
     300 attorneys. Now then, the rule of law remains an 
     indispensable tool is responding to building the kind of 
     world we aspire to by the year 2004.
       Between now and then, each and every one of our communal 
     areas will have to get its own court. The number of attorneys 
     will be doubled to attain the level of some 600. A reformed 
     judicial system backed by an independent national--nationwide 
     civilian police force some 10,000 strong will restore 
     confidence to our citizens, thus the restoration of democracy 
     will bring about respect and justice for one and all.
       In 2004, after some 10 years of sound, democratic 
     management, we shall be in a position of having achieved a 
     structured civil and civilian society where the bread of 
     tolerance will be shared amongst political parties, the 
     parliament, elected local officials, trade unions, socio-
     professional organizations, women on the farms, grass roots 
     organizations, religious and ecclesiastical groups and 
     communities, Protestants, Catholics and practioners of voodoo 
     alike, cooperatives and non-governmental organizations and so 
     forth.
       At the threshold of the third millennium, the principle 
     ``one man, one vote'' can only accelerate the march forward 
     of democracy globally. From half to three-quarters of the 
     world's population lives under relatively pluralistic and 
     democratic systems of government. In 1993, elections were 
     organized in 45 different countries, sometimes for the very 
     first time. Back home in our country in 2004, we shall 
     already have held four municipal elections, six legislative 
     elections and three presidential ones. Public administration 
     will already have strengthened by the modernization of 
     ministries and public institutions. Political life will be 
     more active at the local level because most of major 
     decisions will be taken at the level of the 565 municipal 
     areas and the 135 municipalities.
       Mr. President, distinguished diplomats, dear friends of 
     ours throughout the international community, thanks to your 
     support and thanks to the determination of the Haitian 
     people, we shall soon see this brighter 'morrow created to 
     spare the world from the scourge of a new global war. The 
     United Nations over the course of the years has seen its 
     role expand, and its responsibilities become more and more 
     significant in an international setting that is totally 
     different from back then. Gathered as we are in the 
     context of this, the 49th session which marks the prelude 
     to the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of our 
     organization, I voice the hope, the organization, may 
     always prove able efficaciously and efficient to respond 
     to the new challenges that will arise the world over.
       Haitian people, I say--you, the young people of Haiti, 
     source of our pride and our dignity, all of you, to save our 
     beloved Haiti, I say to you, let us all be united under the 
     cover of the palm trees spread wide, of this cover of 
     liberty--(applause)--and these palm trees that have written 
     in them in unity their lives' strength.
       I say to you, let us all be united under the cover of the 
     palm trees spread wide, of this cover of liberty--
     (applause)--and these palm trees that have written in them in 
     unity their lives' strength.
       Our universe is expanding. The 100 billion galaxies making 
     it up are moving farther and farther away at the very time 
     that we Haitian men and women are moving closer and closer 
     together to one another. Reconciliation amongst one and all 
     and justice for all. As the earth proceeds through a solar 
     eclipse, it moves along at the clip of 30 kilometers a 
     second. Let the land of Haiti turn around the sun of justice 
     at a similar speed, I say.--(Applause.)
       All of you at this rendezvous of reconciliation, all of us 
     marching toward the year 2004, towards the bicentenary of our 
     independence. Spread the word, spread the news in calm and in 
     peace. Let democracy's sweet sound win today.--(Applause.)--
     I'm counting on you and you are counting on me. Adieu. Our 
     next meeting is not far away.
       Alone we are weak; together we are strong.--(Applause.)--
     All of us together, we are Lavalas. That is the way it is.--
     (Applause.) That indeed is the way it is. I stress again, 
     alone we are weak; together we are strong.--(Applause.)--All 
     of us together, we are Lavalas.

  Mr. THURMOND addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Dorgan). The Senator from South Carolina 
is recognized.
  Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise today to oppose the conference 
report accompanying H.R. 6, the ``Improving America's Schools Act of 
1993.''
  It appears that we are getting into a guessing game with the amounts 
allocated under the compromise formula. I received one ``Dear 
Colleague'' which states that shifts in funding amount to less than 2 
percent. It also shows gains in every State. What is fails to show is 
the allocations for the years 1997, 1998, and 1999. It fails to compare 
how each State will do under the current formula versus the formula 
proposed under this legislation. It also fails to show how devastating 
a 2-percent shift in funding would be to South Carolina.
  Fortunately, I have received another ``Dear Colleague'' which does 
compare the current formula and the proposed formula for the years 1996 
through 1999. Instead of showing everyone gaining, it shows that at 
least 30 States and Puerto Rico will lose substantial amounts of money 
under the proposed formula.
  Mr. President, I want to repeat that statement: that at least 30 
States and Puerto Rico will lose substantial amounts of money under the 
proposed formula.
  My home State of South Carolina stands to lose approximately $6.3 
million under the conference formula. South Carolina gained in 
allocations under both formulas passed by the House and the Senate. 
However, the so-called compromise forged in the last moments of the 
conference is now worse for South Carolina and 6 of the 10 poorest 
States in the Nation. Amazingly enough, a number of States that lost 
under the Senate and House formulas, who had members on the conference 
committee, came out with gains under this formula.
  Those States that gained had members on the conference committee. 
With the way the House and Senate passed it, that would not have been 
the case.
  During the conference, we constantly heard arguments that this is not 
a ``poor'' program. We also heard that poverty is not the only way a 
child can be educationally disadvantaged, and I agree. However, the 
formula is based on wealth of the counties. In other words, it is tied 
directly to the poverty rates in a State. How does a formula based on 
rates of poverty overlook six of the 10 poorest States in the Nation? 
And that is what this does.
  This is not to say that money solves all the problems associated with 
poor school performance. There are other factors, such as the stability 
of the family, crime rates, and basic learning skills. However, there 
is a correlation between the wealth of a school district and the 
success of the children in that district.
  Much has been said about ``targeting'' the money to the poorest 
children. Indeed, that is one of the reasons I supported this 
legislation the first time here in the Senate. I felt at that time that 
it targeted the neediest areas. I also supported it because it pushed 
more money to the local level. As the evidence shows, the legislation 
produced by the conference does not do this. It appears that if one is 
a small State and meets the ``small State minimum'' it does it very 
well. Also, if as one has a large metropolitan area in the State, the 
State does very well. I am not saying these areas are not in need of 
help. I am saying that the rural poor continue to be overlooked by this 
legislation.
  Mr. President, let there be no mistake. I am an ardent supporter of 
public education. There are a number of programs in this legislation 
that I support. There are a few that I do not support. I voted for this 
legislation here in the Senate on August 2, 1994 because I believed 
that on balance the Senate version was a good bill. However, at that 
time, I informed my colleagues that I could not accept a bill that was 
substantially changed. The legislation produced by the House/Senate 
conference has done just that.
  First, as I have already discussed, the funding of title I has been 
substantially altered.
  Second, the conferees have once again taken the ``low road'' when it 
comes to the issue of school prayer.
  The conferees discussed the vote taken by the House to instruct the 
conferees to insist on the Johnson/Helms language. At that time, the 
Chairman of the conference, Congressman William Ford, stated that he 
would not do as his colleagues had instructed him to do by a vote of 
369 to 55. Chairman Ford stated that he voted for the motion to 
instruct the conferees to insist on the Johnson/Helms language, and 
that he did not yield 1 minute to his colleagues to criticize the 
instruction. He then stated that because he voted for it and suppressed 
opposition to the instruction he did not feel obligated to support the 
amendment in conference. We must ask where the logic is in this 
argument.
  I compliment my friend and colleague from Kansas, Mrs. Kassebaum, on 
her amendment. It addresses the issue of school prayer, and for that 
reason I voted in support of her amendment on the Senate floor. 
However, I believe the Johnson/Helms language best addresses the issue 
of school prayer. The Johnson/Helms language simply prohibits a school 
from having a policy of denying constitutionally protected prayer. The 
Kassebaum amendment requires the student to go to Federal court and 
prove there was a willful intent to deny student-initiated prayer and 
violates a court order. Unfortunately, under the Kassebaum amendment, 
the student will likely have already graduated before there is a 
judicial resolution.
  As is becoming all too common in education, our conferees chose to 
select the lowest common denominator.
  Finally, many of the programs contained in the Senate version were 
maintained, and many programs were even improved in conference. 
Unfortunately, other programs that were adopted here in the Senate were 
not included or were modified in detrimental ways, At this time, I do 
not believe many of the important aspects of that bill have been 
retained in conference.
  Now, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a chart concerning 
this matter showing the amount of money from 1996 through 1999 
pertaining to South Carolina appear in the Record, showing the current 
law amount and the conference report and the difference.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                 SOUTH CAROLINA--H.R. 6/S. 1513 FORMULA                 
------------------------------------------------------------------------
      Fiscal year         Current law      Conference      Difference   
------------------------------------------------------------------------
1996...................     $94,422,000     $93,638,000       ($784,000)
1997...................      99,852,000      98,445,000      (1,407,000)
1998...................     105,287,000     103,218,000      (2,069,000)
1999...................     112,362,000     110,328,000      (2,034,000) 
                        ------------------------------------------------
      Total............     411,923,000     405,629,000      (6,294,000) 
------------------------------------------------------------------------

  Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I intend to vote against this 
legislation, and I urge my colleagues to vote against this measure as 
well.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  Mr. WELLSTONE. Mr. President, first of all, I thank Senator Kennedy 
for his very skillful leadership with this piece of legislation, the 
Elementary and Secondary Education Act, which has really had a much 
more difficult journey than it should have had, on the basis of its 
merit, through the Senate. I think only with his skillful leadership 
will we be able to, in a very short period of time, pass this piece of 
legislation. I should also like to thank Senator Pell, who is chairman 
of the Education Subcommittee, and certainly Secretary Riley, for all 
their leadership as well.
  For my part, I wish to talk about some provisions that are very 
specific and concrete that I worked on, that other Senators worked on. 
But these were initiatives based in part on a Minnesota model that I 
think are important. Then I want to express a little bit of 
disappointment. And then I wish to conclude.
  The funding for effort and equity, Mr. President, I actually think is 
very important. We had to fight very hard for this. It is really the 
first time that we have incorporated this into national legislation. My 
colleague from Iowa, Senator Harkin, spoke to this very well. I do not 
think I really need to repeat the case that he made, just to say, Mr. 
President, that there is something fundamentally wrong with such an 
emphasis on a property tax, which is all too often highly correlated to 
the wealth of a community, which therefore means that the sort of right 
to equality of education which has everything to do with whether or not 
we are going to have equality of opportunity, is all too often based 
upon the wealth of a community.
  So I think the extent to which we have a carrot in here that 
encourages States to move toward more equity in their funding for their 
school systems is all for the better. That is what we are about as a 
Nation, to make sure that each child, every boy and girl, every young 
man and woman, can be all they can be.
  Second of all, the mathline program is one that I am excited about 
because this is sort of an effort that came out of Minnesota, KCTA, and 
it is essentially teacher mathematics. This mathline program is one we 
are very pleased with. It is kind of a demonstration model. But I think 
that is the way it works. We start out with sort of concrete things 
that work, that provoke the hopes and aspirations of others.
  I think that is what people are looking for, specific, concrete, 
common-sense models that work, and that is one we were really proud to 
incorporate into this bill.
  The cultural arts partnership, again with the strong support of 
Senator Kennedy and Senator Pell, especially, makes all the sense in 
the world. I am telling you the sort of connection between the arts in 
the community and children in our schools is critical. It is wonderful. 
It brings out the creativity in young people. It could not be a better 
idea.
  Finally, the summer institute, which was based on all the positive 
experience with the writers workshop, is one, as a former teacher, that 
I really pushed hard on with the support of Sherry Ettleson, who works 
with me. This is one that makes a great deal of sense.
  There are a number of critical ingredients to make education work, 
and one of them--I did not say the only one but one of them --is you 
have to have teachers with a high sense of morale. Too much of this 
past decade, plus part of the 1990's--that is to say, the 1980's and 
part of the 1990's--has been a devaluing of the children and devaluing 
of the work of the adults that work with children. I think, to the 
extent that teachers can come together in some summer programs, share 
experiences, kind of renew one another, get fired up, believe in their 
work, believe in the children that they teach, that is all for the 
better. That is part of what we need to do to make education work. And 
where education works is not in Washington, but it is back in our 
communities, in North Dakota or in Minnesota.
  My final point, which is disappointment, but not enough 
disappointment to think that this is not a very important piece of 
legislation--it, indeed, is--is I just think that some of the comments 
made by my colleagues about what should the Federal role be, and about 
the allocation of resources from the Federal Government back to our 
States and local communities, to my mind is just simply propounded 
wrong.
  I remember when we had this debate about the crime bill, and I will 
just simply tell you one more time, Mr. President, what I heard from 
the law enforcement community, I think without any exception. I think 
without any exception, I have heard from men and women in the law 
enforcement community that we will never, never, never break the cycle 
of violence, no matter how many prisons we build, no matter how long 
the sentences are, unless we make sure that young people have the 
opportunities.
  So, Mr. President, I think that this bill is an important first step. 
I do not think there are anywhere near enough resources going back from 
the Federal Government to our States and local communities. No one 
would argue that money is the answer, but I will tell you money is key 
to adequate physical facilities; it is key to the labs and textbooks; 
it is key to the ability of school districts to hire and retain good 
teachers; it is key to the support for students with special needs, 
which is a good part of what we have been talking about within this 
piece of legislation; and I think it is absolutely key to national 
security.
  I am convinced that there will come a time in our country--and 
unfortunately it is not now, not yet--where we will, as a Nation, 
decide that critical to our national security is an investment in the 
health, skills, intellect, and character of young people. We just have 
to come to understand that.
  Mr. President, until we do understand that and until we commit all 
the resources we should commit--and we are not there yet and this bill 
is not there--we will continue to pay--I hate to say this on the floor 
of the Senate--the interest. And the interest will be high rates of 
dropout, high rates of illiteracy, high rates of drug abuse, high rates 
of alcohol abuse, and, yes, high rates of crime.
  So I just hope that come the vote at 5:30, we will have a good, 
strong, vote. I am sure that we will. And I think that the country will 
be better off for our having passed this piece of legislation.
  Mr. President, I also would like to just ask unanimous consent to 
take about 10 minutes to speak on another issue, if I might.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and 
it is so ordered.

                          ____________________