[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 139 (Thursday, September 29, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: September 29, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                      REMARKS OF SENATOR MITCHELL

  Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, last Thursday night, the Senate gathered 
in a rather unusual format by having dinner with our spouses and 
enjoying the fellowship in a social setting that so oftentimes we miss 
by our respective schedules, which often carry us in different 
directions, toward such things as committee work, not a relaxed 
environment where we can really come to know each other. At that 
occasion, the majority leader, Senator Mitchell, gave some remarks on 
behalf of the departing Senators who are retiring for various and 
sundry reasons.
  Mr. President, as we all know, we have a rather common practice in 
the Senate--and a good one--of offering for the Congressional Record 
the remarks of colleagues or of people outside of the body politic, 
when those remarks have been very helpful or very impressive. And so it 
was that following the remarks by Senator Mitchell, Senator Glenn of 
Ohio had them included in the Congressional Record. But I would not 
like to have such uncommon remarks be lost in a common practice because 
these were more than just good or excellent remarks. These remarks were 
some of the greatest commentary I have heard or seen relating to public 
life in general and to the body of the Senate and the Congress 
specifically.
  I would like to just quote a few of these remarks and sort of exposit 
because I feel that such remarks do not happen very often.
  If we go back in history, we find that truth is expressed in many 
different ways. We have had the early fathers of the church who had 
truth expressed through what they called revelation, revelation from 
the divine. We have had truth expressed through the use of satire. We 
have had truth expressed through pithy statements, Yogi Berra being 
such an example. But then we have found on occasion where truth emerges 
out of a very careful analysis based upon thinking, reflection, 
experience, all of these making it very, very unique truth. And that is 
the category in which I would place the majority leader's remarks.
  I recall back in the classroom, when I was teaching political 
science, on occasion I would assign what would be called required 
reading. That was never greeted with enthusiasm by the students but 
oftentimes with appreciation after their reading. Many times it was not 
an entire book. It might be an essay. It might have been one of the 
Federalist papers. Or it might have been many other ways in which I 
felt important information was compiled.
  I would say that this would be a required reading for all of my 
students were I back in the political science classroom. I think also 
it might be very excellent for the next session of the Congress to 
present these statements by Senator Mitchell in an attractive format to 
the new, incoming Senators as a part of the so-called training and 
initiation sessions that we give to the new Senators in order to give 
them a perspective to begin their Senate career, to give them an 
outline of a kind of expectation of what is going to be experienced in 
their own personal lives as they serve in the Senate.
  One of the comments Senator Mitchell made was, ``It is fashionable to 
criticize Congress.'' I am quoting now from his statement. ``The 
criticism so resonates with the American people that some Members of 
Congress are themselves among the leading voices in disparaging this 
institution.''
  He goes on to say that Congress has never been necessarily a popular 
body within our political system. So he gives us a perspective of time, 
a perspective of history, an understanding of what this institution is 
really all about. He used as an example that people usually unite in 
times of great fear or challenge or war, and they let their differences 
become secondary. But he cited World War II and the attitudes that the 
American public expressed then, at a time of great danger for this 
country, as a time when things were in the balance as to the future of 
this country.
  And yet he recalls for our benefit that such a time was even then 
filled with skepticism. It was filled with what you might call harsh 
criticism of this body. And he quotes Sam Rayburn, who was getting 
damned tired of hearing the Congress blamed for everything.
  Now, Mr. President, I would like to just digress a moment to express 
my own observation that we have to understand and be forthright in 
admitting that this is an egocentric profession we are in, politics. 
The Senate is the epitome of egocentricity in the sense that, outside 
the Metropolitan Opera Company, I am not sure of any agency in life 
that massages the prima donna complex in people as does the body 
politic or the political profession, particularly the Senate. We are 
the upper body. We are a unique parliamentary upper body, one of the 
only bodies in the world of an upper chamber holding significant power 
and exercising significant power. I could go on with the distinctions 
of the Senate over any other upper body of a parliamentary system.
  And so, being this kind of a body and this kind of people, we are 
supersensitive to criticism. I found myself in such an experience. At 
such moments in time, unfair and untruthful statements are often made 
toward us. Because of that, then we sometimes get so centered on the 
moment we think life is totally different than any other time in 
history, and we have to then have someone like Senator Mitchell yank us 
up and say, ``Now wait a minute.'' Sure, there is a lot of unfair 
criticism. We cannot deny that. We have proven its unfairness many 
times by the facts of the case and refuting such criticism, 
individually and corporately.
  But on the other hand, criticism is part of the price of a free 
society. Senator Mitchell says it is in the legislative chamber that 
human rights and political rights are guaranteed. Under any kind of 
system that only has the power vested in an executive--be he or she a 
king, a queen, a fuhrer, a duchy, a czar, whatever it may be--without a 
powerful legislative body, the people's rights are in jeopardy. If this 
is the price of freedom, then perhaps we should be a little more 
gracious in accepting that criticism.
  Senator Mitchell also points out in his remarks that society, 
particularly a free society, is always anxious for change--and fast 
change and rapid change. They see a problem, and they say, ``Why don't 
you fix it?'' Then we have political personages in our day who have a 
simplistic message: ``Just give me power and I will fix it. I will fix 
it.'' How many times we have heard that over the last few years, and 
again in this election cycle. We heard that when the German people were 
desperate and in economic distress following World War I. We heard it 
when the Italian people were in economic distress following World War 
I. We hear it today amongst those who say, ``Just give me the 
authority, the power, the vote, and I will fix it.'' That plays, of 
course, to the anxieties, the fears, the desires of people for quick 
change and progress. And again that is, I suppose, part of the price, 
one of the exercises of freedom, in a society such as ours.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to again reprint this in full 
following my remarks.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  (See exhibit I.)
  Mr. HATFIELD. You see in Senator Mitchell's remarks a very profound 
description of our role today in the context of history, in the 
comparison of our system against other systems less free.
  Then he comes down to a conclusion when he says:

       I've been in the private sector, then in public office, and 
     I'm returning to the private sector. I take nothing away from 
     private life when I say that I don't think anything can ever 
     give the deep and meaningful satisfaction that comes from 
     public service.

  So when you add up the ledger--the deficits and the assets--Senator 
Mitchell says with all of the problems, the hurts, the unfair 
criticisms, and so forth on the deficit side, that if you add them up, 
it comes out with a net gain. It is not a gain in popularity or 
prestige and certainly not in economic terms. But the gains of public 
service are that kind of value that comes from within, which is the 
kind that is totally empirical, that a person understands when praise--
and one of the phrases that has been used so often is ``Well done, good 
and faithful servant''--has been given to you for your service. This 
phrase would certainly be, with his resume of service, given to Senator 
Mitchell. So he says public service must be and is its own reward.
  These, I think, are not only words for further essays, words for 
sermons, but also words of encouragement for all of us who remain as 
Senator Mitchell and some of our colleagues now go into retirement.
  I cannot help but identify with some words that Senator Mitchell also 
shared with us the other night. He said:

       It's because of the promise of America that I, the son of 
     an uneducated, immigrant factory worker from a small town in 
     Maine, was able to become the majority leader of the United 
     States Senate.

  And I suppose many could stand here today as I can stand here and say 
that, as a son of a railroad blacksmith with only 1 year of college and 
the son of a school teacher, only in America is it the privilege of 
people of any status--economic, heritage, religious, ethnic--to have 
the opportunity to rise into positions of leadership such as in the 
U.S. Senate.
  He cites his colleague Senator Byrd as another example and the 
Republican leader, Senator Dole, as another example. And there are many 
other examples across this Senate.
  I think, therefore, that I would like to very humbly express my 
gratitude for not only the leadership and the public service of Senator 
Mitchell, but for the inspiration that he gives all of us in his 
profound reflection, the truth that emanates from that reflection, and 
the encouragement and the challenge. And I for one am very grateful to 
have known Senator Mitchell and, hopefully, I will continue to have a 
relationship with Senator Mitchell. I am pleased this morning to 
express my deep gratitude for his presence here in the Senate.

                               Exhibit 1

Statement of Senate Majority Leader George J. Mitchell, Senate Spouses' 
            and Retiring Members' Dinner, September 22, 1994

       I am one of the Senators who will not be returning in 
     January. I will miss the retiring Senators and all of our 
     colleagues. Each is leaving for different reasons.
       I will leave because of my personal concept of public 
     service. Unfortunately, some have speculated that I'm leaving 
     because of the difficulties of serving in Congress.
       That speculation is not accurate. Of course there are 
     difficulties and frustrations. We all know that. But I'm 
     proud to be a Member of the United States Senate. It's a 
     great honor, the greatest of my life.
       Criticism of the Congress is frequent today. But that's not 
     new.
       Most Americans cherish the view that during World War II--a 
     time when the Nation was unified in the fight against 
     fascism--all of us pulled together, and cheerfully shared 
     sacrifice and hardship.
       But history tells us otherwise. In reality, throughout the 
     war, the Congress was under intense attack for the wartime 
     hardships.
       Members of Congress were touchy and defensive. Speaker 
     Rayburn said he was ``damned tired of having Congress made 
     the goat for everything.'' Senator Walter George said he was 
     tired of ``indiscriminate sniping and yowling.''
       It's still fashionable to criticize Congress. The criticism 
     so resonates with the American people that some Members of 
     Congress are themselves among the leading voices in 
     disparaging this institution.
       But it's important to keep it in perspective. There never 
     was a time when the Congress was a loved institution. 
     Americans, members of the first truly egalitarian society, 
     have always been skeptical of those who are set apart, 
     whether by wealth, by election, or for any other reason.
       That's a good thing; a healthy thing. It keeps our feet on 
     the ground.
       But when skepticism turns to cynicism, as it lately has, we 
     risk undermining democracy.
       Every system of government, by definition, has an 
     executive. Throughout most of human history, that's all most 
     governments have had: A dominant executive, usually in the 
     form of an elected monarch.
       Individual freedom, the liberty that we Americans have come 
     to take for granted, largely came about when independent 
     legislatures came into existence.
       Across the sweep of human history, the institution most 
     responsible for the preservation of individual liberty has 
     been the independent legislature.
       The men who wrote the Constitution had as their central 
     objective the prevention of tyranny in America.
       They had lived under a British king. They did not want 
     there ever to be an American king.
       They were brilliantly successful. In two centuries, we've 
     had 42 Presidents and no kings.
       Because power is so widely dispersed in our system, the 
     Congress, like Parliaments in other democracies, often looks 
     chaotic, and disorganized. We often earn the criticism we 
     get.
       Every society includes impatient people who want to see 
     rapid change, swift progress, sometimes even revolution. 
     Every society also includes people secure with things as they 
     are, who resist change.
       The tensions created by such competing pressures are what 
     drive us. How much change does a society need to stay 
     vibrant? How much must a society conserve to remain orderly?
       The critics think we get the answers wrong. And they 
     question our motives and our values.
       But what the critics miss is the public service gives work 
     a value and meaning greater than mere personal ambition and 
     private goals.
       I've been in the private sector, then in public office, and 
     I'm returning to the private sector. I take nothing away from 
     private life when I say that I don't think anything can ever 
     give the deep and meaningful satisfaction that comes from 
     public service.
       Public service must be and is its own reward, for it 
     guarantees neither wealth nor popularity. And, to paraphrase 
     Rodney Dangerfield, you don't get no respect, either.
       It's often frustrating. But when you do something that will 
     change the lives of people for the better, then it's worth 
     all the frustrations.
       It's often frustrating. But when you do something that will 
     change the lives of people for the better, then it's worth 
     all the frustrations.
       Ours is virtually the only Government in history dedicated 
     to opening doors, not closing them.
       In America today, I believe anyone can go as far and reach 
     as high as work, talent, and education allow. We can't 
     equalize effort or talent. But we can equalize opportunity--
     the promise of a fair chance to succeed.
       It's because of the promise of America that I, the son of 
     an uneducated, immigrant factory worker from a small town in 
     Maine, was able to become the Majority Leader of the United 
     States Senate.
       It's why Robert Byrd, our friend and mentor, could rise 
     from the hard coal fields of West Virginia to serve as Leader 
     in his time.
       It's why my friend and colleague, Bob Dole, could come out 
     of Russell, Kansas, and be Leader in his time.
       Whatever new problems arise, whatever unforeseeable 
     challenges come, if we can keep that promise alive for our 
     children and theirs, America will never lose her way. For me, 
     that's the purpose of public service, its inspiration, and 
     finally, its reward. We are among a very fortunate few to 
     have been able to reap that reward.
       Thank you for the privilege of serving with you.

       

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