[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 138 (Wednesday, September 28, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: September 28, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                         SUPPORT MACEDONIA NOW

 Mr. DeCONCINI. Mr. President, a major meeting of the 
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe--commonly known as the 
CSCE or Helsinki process--will convene in Budapest on October 10, only 
a few weeks away. This meeting will assess the situation in places like 
the Balkans, Central Asia, the Caucasus, and the emerging democracies 
of East-Central Europe generally, with a heavy focus on human rights 
and building democratic instititions.
  Unique among European institutions, the CSCE seeks to include all 
countries of the region, and the smallest participant has the same 
rights and privileges as the largest and most powerful. Unfortunately, 
of the entire CSCE region, one, and only one, country is actually being 
denied full membership. That country is Macedonia. Macedonia, a former 
Yugoslav Republic, wants to be a member, and deserves to be a member, 
but has so far been restricted to observer status. Greece has 
continually denied the consensus needed for full membership. Greece 
claims its northern neighbor to be a threat, by its flag, its 
constitution, and its very name.
  I have been to Macedonia twice, and communicated with its leaders, 
representatives of its Albanian community and, of course, with Greek 
officials here and in Greece regarding this important issue. I would 
like to suggest a few important points.
  There is a complex historical debate over what Macedonia is, and who 
Macedonians are. It is clear, however, that Macedonia did not seek the 
breakup of Yugoslavia. It only has sought to cope with the fact that it 
did breakup, leaving a choice between independence or being an 
appendage to the repressive and chauvinist Greater Serbia that 
remained. It certainly did not advocate the use of force to resolve 
differences or to achieve its objectives. As it embarks on its course 
of independent statehood, Macedonia has had to cope with the collapse 
of the Yugoslav economy of which it was an integrated and dependent 
part. It has had to enforce the international sanctions on Serbia to 
the north, and it had to contend with its own ethnic diversity, which 
includes a sizable ethnic Albanian community. From the beginning, it 
met the European criteria for recognition used for the other former 
Yugoslav Republics.
  Yet, recognition by most of Europe was delayed by over 1 year. It 
took the United States almost another year to recognize it. We still do 
not have full and formal diplomatic relations, even though we have over 
500 Americans there as part of the U.N. peacekeeping contingent. And 
Macedonia still is being blocked from full participation in the CSCE. 
Greek objections have been supplemented this year by an economic 
blockade on its northern neighbor designed to pressure Macedonia into 
agreeing to Greek demands. Macedonia, while defending its positions, 
has demonstrated its willingness to, but cannot submit to economic 
coercion which violates the spirit of the CSCE.
  And, regardless of our own individual readings of Balkan history, the 
Macedonia people genuinely believe themselves to be ethnic Macedonians, 
and their country to be Macedonia. This will remain the case, no matter 
what Greece or anybody else tries to tell them, and to try to convince 
them otherwise only generates resentment. Holding to their Macedonian 
national identity in no way means the people of Macedonia have any 
claims on Greece or any other neighbor. Do not people have the right to 
their own self-identification?
  Not only is blocking Macedonian membership wrong, it is dangerous. 
Macedonia has avoided major violence so far, but history shows the 
potential it has to explode with violence. Macedonia has been the focus 
and victim of wars several times this century. Today, with war neaby in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina, severe repression next door in Kosovo, and 
tensions throughout the Balkan region, we cannot afford to risk the 
further destabilization of Macedonia. The presence of U.N. peacekeeping 
forces demonstrates international concern over the threat of 
destabilization.
  Blocking Macedonian membership is also counterproductive. There are 
some nationalists in Macedonia, but no more--and probably less--so than 
in virtually any other country in the region. The flag, and perhaps 
some parts of the constitution, indicate their presence. Macedonia, 
again like others who nevertheless are CSCE memebers, has difficulties 
in the transition to democracy. However, by isolating the country, do 
we do more to encourage extreme Macedonian nationalism than to 
discourage it? Can we not accomplish more to build democracy in 
Macedonia by including it in European affairs politically and 
economically?
  Mr. President, I think it not only appropriate but necessary for 
Macedonia to become a full member of the CSCE in Budapest, and I am 
urging the State Department to push hard for this. The U.S. Delegation 
and a majority of the present CSCE States not only support Macedonian 
membership, but lament its continued denial. Budapest is not only a 
major conference, however, it begins the week before Macedonia holds 
elections, the first multiparty elections since achieving independent 
statehood. Movement in the CSCE would go far in demonstrating support 
for democracy in Macedonia at this critical time. And, while we are at 
it, the United States needs to move beyond merely recognizing 
Macedonia. The United States should immediately establish full 
bilateral relations with Macedonia, and Greece needs to be pursuaded 
that the blockade it has unilaterally imposed on Macedonia must be 
lifted.

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