[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 134 (Thursday, September 22, 1994)]
[House]
[Page H]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[Congressional Record: September 22, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
{time} 1710
KOREA
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bishop). Under a previous order of the
House, the gentleman from California [Mr. Royce] is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring attention to the
creeping crisis on the Korean Peninsula.
I think the overwhelming majority of my colleagues agree that there
has been an inordinate amount of attention and effort expended on
Haiti. In contrast, what happens on the peninsula deeply affects our
national security. Over 50,000 Americans, and 1 million Koreans, gave
their lives there for freedom and a fragile peace. We have a treaty
there. We have 37,000 troops there. The American people and the United
States Congress have a solemn commitment to uphold freedom for South
Korea.
There are nuclear, chemical and conventional arms there in awesome
concentration; Our troops and their families, and millions of Koreans,
are in constant danger.
The Korean regime is an unstable and unpredictable enemy. It is a
terrorist state, and it is a nuclear state, and it has a million-strong
army. The continued strengthening of the North Korean arsenal, and its
proliferation to rogue states such as Iran, mock our efforts at arms
control and regional security.
This is the stuff of vital national interests. This is what American
military, diplomatic and economic power must be reserved for.
That is the point of concern. The kind of haphazardous brinkmanship
and dangerous errors of judgment that have characterized this
administration's handling of Haiti, and of foreign policy in general,
must not be repeated in Korea. This President cannot continue to rely
on serendipity and on the kindly intervention of his elders. This
Nation deserves and demands more.
The administration's approach thus far has been one of vacillation,
preemptive concession, and ambiguity of purpose--the same approach that
has been on display in Haiti, Somalia, Bosnia, and China.
The North Korean bombs remain, the plants and sites remain. Pyongyang
refuses full site inspection; in short, they have the capacity, and
apparently, the active intention to continue their nuclear buildup.
We have offered to facilitate the provision of less dangerous
alternative nuclear technology, and to supplement their power grid, to
the tune of $4 billion, But they insist on choosing the design and
suppliers of these plants. Assistant Secretary Gallucci says this is
ludicrous. I agree. But that's not all: They also are demanding bribes
of additional billions to compensate them for lost research and
presumably lost anticipated weapons sales to Iran and other partners.
What do they take us for? Or better yet: Why?
In time-proven fashion North Korea is running the clock on an all-too
hopeful State Department. The problem is that time does not neccesarily
favor us. In fact, as time goes on North Korea's secret arsenal grows.
Our leverage diminishes, our resolve is tarnished, and dictators the
world over are encouraged.
I urge my colleagues to pay attention to the dealings in Geneva in
the coming days and to keep a sharp eye on the bottom line: Are our
troops safer, is the physical and nuclear threat diminished, is the
nuclear inventory and its trigger removed from North Korean control?
If the answer to these questions remains no. Then you will know that
it's business as usual at the Clinton White House, and we're heading
for trouble again.
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