[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 131 (Monday, September 19, 1994)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: September 19, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                                 HAITI

                                 ______


                         HON. RONALD D. COLEMAN

                                of texas

                    in the house of representatives

                       Monday, September 19, 1994

  Mr. COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to elaborate my feelings on 
the Haiti question. In the coming days and weeks, all of us will have 
an intimate knowledge about this country and will again deal with 
matter of the legitimacy of a democratically elected government.
  While I have not decided whether to support an invasion, I look 
forward to hearing President Clinton's arguments on why we should 
invade. I also look forward to hearing from the citizens of the 16th 
District of Texas on their feelings on this matter. Let me outline some 
factors as we go on to frame a debate on the Haitian question.
  First of all, I share the view of the majority of my colleagues that 
the President must seek the Congress' authorization to invade Haiti. 
Article I of the Constitution states very clearly that Congress has the 
preeminent power to declare war. I have written to the President with 
my feelings in this regard and have signed on to a resolution to 
achieve this end.
  Members of Congress must be accountable for this type of action. The 
American people have a right to know how their elected representatives 
voted on such an invasion measure. This is extremely necessary if the 
invasion results in a prolonged stay of our troops on the island.
  The President, by stating that he has ``consulted'' with the 
Congress, cannot use this as grounds for an invasion. Constitutional 
scholars have long doubted the validity of these arguments. The 
President, like Ronald Reagan and George Bush before him, must bring 
the legislature in on this decision. It is to his best interest and to 
the country's best interest.
  Second, I want to be clear on one of the primary guiding principles 
in the framing of this debate. That is, the respect of a democratically 
elected government. The post-cold-war era is teaching us how 
democratically elected governments tend to be secure, well-balanced, 
and stable. We can see this in the nations of the former Soviet Union, 
painful as their transition seems.
  I, for example, have an intimate knowledge of the government and 
politics of Mexico. As you know, this country recently had a national 
election in which a great many observers, including myself, judged to 
be the fairest in its history. The results of this election bode well 
for Mexico and the United States. International investment is now 
flooding into Mexico. We benefit by the jobs created and the increased 
commercial traffic flowing across our borders. But the Mexican people 
benefit the most with economic stability and the assurance that 
democracy works.
  The same can be true for Haiti.
  We no longer have to support rulers such as Ferdinand Marcos for fear 
of losing a country to communism. The cold war curtain has come down. 
Our overarching principles should be democracy, respect for the law, 
and economic self-sufficiency. These should be the principles that the 
United States has a national interest in promoting.
  Third, we must deal with the fact that Haiti is a close neighbor. 
This closeness implores us to resolve this situation in our backyard 
first. Taken, for example, Bosnia. One of the reasons why I feel the 
United States should not take the first military steps in this is 
because it is on the European continent. Bosnia is the primary 
responsibility of countries like England, France, and Germany. Haiti is 
in our hemisphere. Let us take care of our own backyard first.
  As you know, Mr. Speaker, the United States belongs to the 
Organization of American States [OAS]. Some time ago the OAS adopted a 
resolution in which all of the democracies of the Western Hemisphere 
had jointly committed themselves to the protection of the concept of 
democracy among the member states. The questions are: Do we honor this 
commitment? Do we risk other dictators-in-waiting making advances on 
countries in our hemisphere?
  Fourth, there is a tremendous rise in human rights abuses in Haiti. A 
recent report by the State Department states: over 3,000 Haitian 
civilians, many supporters of President Aristide, have been killed 
during the despots region of terror; over 300,000 persons have been 
driven into hiding; military and paramilitary forces have used 
politically motivated rape, aimed at terrorizing opponents of the 
regime as well as of the general population.
  This infliction of pain upon the people of Haiti causes a mass 
exodus. As we know too well, most choose this country to come to, 
again, because of our stability and our respect for democracy and the 
law.
  Is it any wonder that in the Western Hemisphere the two countries 
that are having the greatest number of human flight are countries ruled 
by dictatorial regimes. Do we put a stop to this or let it continue?
  Finally, we have to deal with the matter of Haiti becoming a major 
transshipment point for drugs. Like Panama, there appears to be some 
evidence that the military dictators running the country are allowing 
their country to be used as a refueling point and storage center for 
drug runners from South America. I consider this question a very 
serious one. Representing a border district with a substantial amount 
of drug trafficking, I know this problem very well.
  I am very concerned on the lack of debate on this matter and I know 
full the outcry of citizens, not only from my district, but throughout 
the country on why we should not invade. I will take all of these 
matters into consideration when I make my decision on the Haitian 
question.
  Mr. Speaker, our credibility is once again at stake. If an invasion 
takes place, we must ensure that democratic institutions remain and the 
lawful processes which we hold so dear are adopted. If an invasion 
results, we cannot be a permanent solution to the Haitian people, 
however. Our stay must be temporary, but our influence long-standing.

                          ____________________