[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 112 (Friday, August 12, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: August 12, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                           HEALTH CARE REFORM

  Mr. EXON. I thank the Chair very much. I thank my colleague from the 
State of Kentucky.
  Madam President, I am about to make some remarks with regard to 
health care. I apologize to the Senate and the television cameras that 
I do not have any charts. It seems to me that we are going down the 
course where without a chart you cannot hardly discuss anything in the 
Senate anymore. But I hope that my words will be descriptive enough, 
possibly different enough from some of the other debate that we have 
had on the health care issue.
  Madam President, I come here with rancor to none, with accusations 
against none, with an understanding of the passion that grips Americans 
and Nebraskans on the health care issue, and with an understanding of 
the strongly held views of my colleagues of all persuasions.
  I suggest that a little peacemaking might be in order. I am one of 
those Senators who rejected early on the President's health care plan, 
but I am genuinely undecided on all of the proposals now before the 
Senate. All of them have some pluses and some minuses, and would need 
substantive amendment before I could support any-one.
  In my 24 years of public service, I have never seen my constituents 
so divided and concerned. They, like those of us here representing 
them, have been so bombarded by conflicting and competing claims, 
charges, and countercharges that they are understandably leery of the 
outcome. So am I. Thus far most of the debate has created lots of 
political heat, but not a lot of health care light.
  But out of all of this chaos and confusion might come the courage to 
lay partisanship aside, quell our rhetoric, harness our individual 
determinations that we know best, and come forth with a health care 
plan that will have some sense of broad-based support.
  True, we have generally good health care for most Americans, based 
primarily on employer based insurance plans. Why then some ask, are we 
trying to destroy it? We are not! We are trying to make it more 
affordable for all and provide a means toward a reasonable degree of 
coverage for all.
  We are trying to recognize that neither the Government, nor business, 
nor individuals can possibly afford the spiraling costs of health care 
we have experienced in the last 20 years. We must control costs and the 
costs of any plan we approve.
  It is clear that we can never begin to get our Government fiscal 
house in order and stop deficit spending unless we harness health care 
spending. If we cannot understand that, we cannot understand anything. 
We cannot turn the clock back to the days of yesteryear. We do not want 
to. We would not be satisfied with the lesser quality health care of 
those days. We must salute and thank the health care delivery system 
and its dedicated professionals for the greatest half-century in 
advancement of health care in the history of mankind.
  But that does not mean we can or should give them the green light or 
a blank check from individuals, business or the Government to continue 
the dizzying pace of the cost spiral. What quality of life is it that 
finds us scrambling to find the money to pay for care that still leaves 
us always behind the curve?
  From the very beginning of the serious considerations for addressing 
this truly national issue, I pleaded and argued against the various 
socializing schemes and a government run system. I insisted on keeping 
the insurance policy concept as the centerpiece. I am pleased to note 
that essentially those two principles are the key ingredients in all of 
the plans.
  But key insurance reform is essential as is a better understanding of 
who is taking advantage of whom under the present system that cries out 
for correction. There are many Americans who seem to believe that we 
should let well enough alone. That this is not a legitimate national 
issue. That is nonsense in my view. Social security, almost universally 
endorsed as a sound and fair concept, paid for half by the individual 
and half by the employer, is a national program that would not be in 
place were it not for the actions of the Federal Government. If social 
security is good, what is so bad about health security?
  Many do not seem to realize that they are paying dearly now for the 
uninsured, for whatever reason, by clandestine ``cost shifting,'' and 
higher taxes. Unless corrected, it is going to get much worse in the 
future.
  Let me be clear. There is a tremendous cost to doing nothing and 
allowing the status quo to prevail. And that cost goes beyond the 
individual family hardships that exist today for those who need health 
care coverage and cannot get it.
  There is a collective cost to all taxpaying Americans as well. In 
1970, the combined cost of Medicare and Medicaid together was $9 
billion. By 1990, that cost rose to $137 billion. By the year 2000, if 
we continue on our current course, that cost will rise to $458 billion. 
This is staggering. And this, more than any other part of the Federal 
budget, will drive us deeper into the despair of red ink and add to the 
already crushing burden of debt we are piling on to our children and 
grandchildren. This ``cost shifting'' must stop, too.
  I am not sure who has the right bill or solution. I wish that I could 
be as self-confident and certain as some of my colleagues are of their 
solutions.
  I call and plead for all sides to cease and desist from tearing apart 
and questioning the motives of others. Throughout all of the plans 
there appears to be many underlying and fundamental agreements. Why do 
we not start talking together and in a less accusatory fashion? In my 
view there are some good concepts in the Dole plan, the Chafee plan, 
the Moyhihan plan, and the Mitchell plan. There may be others.
  In the end I am fearful that on the present course we will preach 
gridlock. That will be the likely outcome after all of the shouting, 
the litmus test votes and all the political posturing.
  My suggestion is to proceed as quickly as possible to a workable 
solution through a process that I suggested personally to the President 
some time ago.
  It embodies a process we have employed successfully previously.
  The record shows that when we were faced with a serious issue like 
the solvency of the Social System we went to the summit. I cite that, 
and I also cite the summit that we went to at Andrews Air Force Base to 
try to solve the budget crisis. I cite only these two summits of recent 
vintage that rescued the solvency of Social Security, and the Andrews 
summit on the budget problems that were partially solved there.
  The process is not complicated. The President summons the elected 
leadership of the House and Senate, on a bi-partisan basis, to come 
together with him out of the spotlight in an attempt to reach a 
compromise. If it can be worked out, fine. If not, the gridlock is so 
declared and we dismiss the issue for this session. Any agreement, of 
course, would have to be brought back, explained and debated in the 
Congress and voted on.
  It should be clear to all that unless something of this nature can be 
tried we are not likely to succeed, but rather be further bogged down 
in endless and relentless debate and recriminations.
  Let us reject needless discontent. Let us try to agree on a measure 
that would have a chance to succeed and bring the country together. Let 
us quit dividing. Let us seek to be positive and meet in serious, 
attempted compromise on this important issue.
  In closing, I suggest, Mr. President, that we silence the cannons, 
sheath the political knives, and count the blessings for Americans of 
today and tomorrow. I think all of us would be proud to some day look 
back and say: I was a part of the beginning of the process that brought 
the elimination of the fear of all Americans, young and old alike, to 
be without adequate health care. Mr. President, I think God would also 
be proud of us.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. MITCHELL addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair recognizes the majority leader.

                          ____________________