[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 106 (Thursday, August 4, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: August 4, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                    THE GENEVA MINISTERIAL ON BOSNIA

  Mr. DeCONCINI. Mr. President, more than 19 years have passed since 
the signing of the Helsinki Final Act and it is with much regret that I 
reflect on our current policy toward Europe. I see little, if any, 
commitment to the principles which that document set forth. It is of 
little comfort that we are not alone--Europe, too, has abandoned these 
principles. As Chairman of the Helsinki Commission, which monitors and 
encourages compliance with CSCE documents like the Final Act, I am very 
much saddened by this fact, and, as a human being, I am enraged by it.
  Last weekend, the Contact Group countries, met at the level of 
foreign ministers to decide on a united response to the Serb rejection 
of the peace plan offered them. The Contact Group decided to tighten 
the sanctions on Serbia once again, and put off to later any 
consideration of more punitive measures.
  Let me say a few things about this. First, this plan was offered on a 
take-it-or-leave-it basis. A deadline was issued. Failure to meet that 
deadline with an unconditional yes carried specific consequences. The 
Bosnians agreed, and I must say I am surprised they did, after giving 
up 50 percent of their country, and the Serbs did not. As usual, the 
contact group weakened once again when the Serbs called their bluff. Is 
this the consequence those responsible for genocide should face?
  Second, we decided to impose sanctions on Serbia more than 2 years 
ago. Implied with that decision is a decision to enforce them. Improved 
enforcement of sanctions cannot be used, time and time again, as a 
policy option. The fact that we resort to this option over and over 
demonstrates the emptiness of our Bosnia policy.
  Third, this whole charade encourages Serb aggression and genocide to 
continue. The international community has so little credibility that 
the Serb militants assume little risk in calling our bluff. In fact, 
they probably calculate that the response of the Geneva ministerial 
would have been tougher on them had they not escalated the threat of 
reprisals by blocking and attacking aid convoys, shooting at relief 
flights, and renewing attacks on Gorazde. They were obviously right.
  In the meantime, in areas of northern Bosnia which the peace plan 
gives to the Serbs, the militants feel they can continue to consolidate 
their holdings with renewed ethnic cleansing campaigns. Just recently, 
we have heard of horrible atrocities being committed against those few 
non-Serbs living around Bijeljina. A few weeks ago, it was Banja Luka. 
This should come as no surprise to us. We have seen, every time, we 
have relented, that the Serbs come back with more hostility and more 
aggression. This should not and does not come as a surprise. If we are 
unwilling to protect the areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina the Serbs are 
supposed to give back, they know we will do little to stop atrocities 
from occuring in areas we will allow them to keep.
  Early on, we tried to attribute inaction to a desire to be patient 
and to offer in good faith a way out for the Serbs by playing a third-
party mediator. The events of the past few weeks, however, have 
shattered any explanation of that sort. There are only two explanations 
for the results of the Geneva ministerial--we just do not care if 
genocide is happening in Europe, or, worse than that, we want the Serbs 
who have executed that policy of genocide to emerge the victors. There 
is no other explanation that this Senator can tell.

  Mr. President, Congress does not have to be part of this cynical 
game. We can act. We can agree that the arms embargo on Bosnia and 
Herzegovina will be lifted, even if only unilaterally. Selected yet 
substantial NATO airstrikes against Serb positions, I feel, would be 
more effective, but we can only urge that action. Lifting the arms 
embargo, we can actually do. But not even the U.S. Congress seems 
willing to take that decisive action. Today the DOD conferees are 
meeting to hammer out yet another convoluted formula which once again, 
will probably allow the United States and its allies to do nothing but 
look even more ludicrous.
  Our credibility is on the line if we fail to lift the embargo and 
lift it now. The Serbs rejected the peace plan because they know our 
ultimatums mean nothing. They know they can get away with all the 
ethnic cleansing they want. We have run out of excuses. We should begin 
right now, this week, to take meaningful steps to allow the Bosnians 
their right to defend themselves adequately with no more delays.
  Let them have the dignity to at least die defending their own 
country.

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