[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 99 (Tuesday, July 26, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: July 26, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                                 BOSNIA

  Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, here we go again: Another international 
peace proposal is signed by the Bosnian Government, a new wave of 
violence is initiated by the Bosnian Serb militants, and the 
international community begins to retreat from its promises of decisive 
action.
  Last week, as Radovan Karadzic was discussing the contents of his 
pink envelope with the so-called contact group in Geneva, his forces 
were shooting at planes participating in the U.N. humanitarian airlift 
into Sarajevo. Last weekend, Serb forces fired heavy weapons into 
Gorazde--a so-called safe area--in direct violation of the NATO 
ultimatum.
  This afternoon, we hear that Karadzic has informed the United Nations 
that his forces would be closing the rouges in and out of Sarajevo to 
civilian traffic as of tomorrow. This is very significant because it is 
the civilian traffic which is responsible for bringing a large quantity 
of food and other goods into Sarajevo--goods that are needed by the 
population, but are not part of the U.N. airlift. These routes have 
been a lifeline into Sarajevo over the past few months, especially 
since the United Nations has reduced the number of airlifts into 
Sarajevo.
  And so, Mr. President, what has the international community's 
response been to these provocations and acts of defiance? What has the 
U.S. response been?
  Upon hearing of the Serb rejection of the contact group proposals, 
U.S. officials and other contact group officials said they were 
disappointed, and would meet on July 30 to discuss next steps. In 
response to the firing upon American and U.N. aircraft, the Sarajevo 
airport was closed and Secretary Perry was forced to cancel his trip to 
the Bosinian capital. In response to the violation of the NATO 
exclusion zone around Gorazde, the United Nations sent a letter to 
Karaszic. And, in response to the threat to cut the routes into 
Sarajevo--according to a U.N. spokesperson--the United Nations has 
pledged to, ``try to convince the Serbs that this is not the best 
course of action.''
  Mr. President, doesn't anybody see the absurdity of this situation? 
Isn't anyone outraged? The Serb militants reject the latest proposal; 
they threaten, bully, and attack. Yet the international community still 
responds the same way--with worthless words and limp letters. This has 
been the pattern for around 2\1/2\ years now.
  When we debated the Dole/Lieberman amendment to lift the arms embargo 
on Bosnia a few weeks ago, we were told that this time would be 
different. This time, the international community was untied. This 
time, if the Serbs rejected the contact group's proposed settlement 
there would be serious consequences.
  So far, this time is no different. There is no resolve for strong 
action. In fact, there is not even enough resolve to implement the 
resolutions and the ultimatums already agreed to. Maybe there are those 
who still believe that this time is different. I am very skeptical. 
But, we will know soon enough. If after the contact group's meeting on 
the 30th, there is still no action to rigorously enforce the exclusion 
zones and to multilaterally lift the arms embargo on Bosnia, we will 
know that nothing has changed--that the international community is 
unwilling to prevent the creation of a greater Serbia and unwilling to 
allow the Bosnians to prevent the creation of a greater Serbia.
  I hope that all of the Senate and House conferees on the Defense 
authorization bill are watching this situation closely. Should this 
time prove to be no different, the Congress has the opportunity to 
assume the leadership that is lacking, and to do what is right, what is 
just, and what is long overdue--to lift the arms embargo on the 
Bosnians.
  Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Akaka). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.

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