[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 98 (Monday, July 25, 1994)]
[House]
[Page H]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: July 25, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]


                              {time}  1250
 
       URGING THE GOVERNMENT OF BURMA TO RELEASE AUNG SAN SUU KYI

  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the resolution (H. Res. 471) to urge the Government of Burma 
(Myanmar) to release Aung San Suu Kyi, and for other purposes, as 
amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                              H. Res. 471

       Whereas in 1988, the Burmese regime brutally suppressed 
     nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations, resulting in the 
     deaths of several thousand people and the imprisonment of 
     several thousand others;
       Whereas in 1989, the Burmese regime placed under house 
     arrest Anng San Suu Kyi, the daughter of Burma's founding 
     father and the most prominent figure in the pro-democracy 
     movement;
       Whereas in May 1990, the Burmese people in free and fair 
     elections awarded over 80 percent of the National Assembly 
     seats to the National League for Democracy;
       Whereas the military regime responded to this expression of 
     the will of the Burmese people not only by refusing to 
     relinquish power, but by further cracking down on opposition 
     politicians and those who supported democracy and human 
     rights in Burma;
       Whereas the inhumane practices of the regime prompted a 
     quarter million Rohingya refugees to flee into Bangladesh, 
     where most remain today in refugee camps;
       Whereas in 1991, Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel 
     Peace Prize for her efforts on behalf of a peaceful 
     transition to democracy in Burma;
       Whereas in 1993, several past winners of the Nobel Peace 
     Prize, having been denied permission to visit Burma, traveled 
     to Thailand to call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi;
       Whereas martial law remains in effect in Burma today, with 
     hundreds of political prisoners in custody, human rights 
     frequently violated, and national minorities driven into 
     exile;
       Whereas the Government of Burma has denied international 
     humanitarian agencies free and confidential access to 
     prisoners;
       Whereas credible reports continue to link Burmese 
     Government officials to the illegal trafficking into 
     Thailand, for purposes of forced prostitution, of 
     approximately 10,000 Burmese women and girls each year, many 
     of whom are deported back to Burma infected with the virus 
     that cause the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (commonly 
     referred to as the ``HIV virus'');
       Whereas the national convention convened by the Burmese 
     Government in January 1993 to begin work on a new 
     constitution does not have the mandate of the Burmese people, 
     nor appear to be progressing toward putting political power 
     in the hands of a freely elected civilian government;
       Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and 
     United Nations General Assembly have adopted consensus 
     resolutions deploring the human rights situation in Burma and 
     expressing grave concerns about the lack of progress toward 
     democracy as well as abuses such as summary and arbitrary 
     executions, torture, forced labor, and oppressive measures 
     against women and ethnic and religious minorities;
       Whereas Burma has for many years been the world's largest 
     producer of opium and heroin;
       Whereas the United States Government in each of the past 5 
     years has denied the Government of Burma certification under 
     chapter 8 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 due 
     to a lack of cooperation on narcotics control efforts;
       Whereas the problem of drug production and trafficking in 
     Burma cannot be adequately addressed until there is a 
     restoration of democracy in that country;
       Whereas credible reports continue to link Burmese 
     Government officials and military officers to drug 
     trafficking;
       Whereas since 1988 the United States has been in the 
     forefront of international efforts to promote democracy and 
     human rights in Burma;
       Whereas in 1992, the House of Representatives adopted House 
     Resolution 473, which condemned human rights abuses in Burma 
     and called upon the President to seek a mandatory 
     international arms embargo against Burma;
       Whereas in fiscal year 1993 the Congress earmarked 
     $1,000,000 to support assistance for Burmese refugees and 
     students on both sides of the Thai/Burma border;
       Whereas United States corporations are under increasing 
     pressure from stockholders to divest their holdings in Burma 
     and otherwise to refuse to do business in Burma so long as 
     the current military regime continues to abuse the political 
     and human rights of its people;
       Whereas the Government of Thailand has invited the Burmese 
     regime to participate in some of the meetings of the 
     Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in July 1994;
       Whereas the Government of Thailand has prohibited senior 
     officials of the National Coalition Government of the Union 
     of Burma from entering Thailand;
       Whereas July 19, 1994, will mark the 5th anniversary of 
     Aung San Suu Kyi's imprisonment;
       Whereas in March 1994 the United Nations Commission on 
     Human Rights noted measures taken by the Government of Burma 
     (including the reopening of universities, the release of over 
     2,000 political prisoners, the signing of a Memorandum of 
     Understanding providing for a United Nations Commission on 
     Human Rights presence in Arakan province to monitor the 
     voluntary repatriation and reintegration of Rohingya refugees 
     from Bangladesh, and the achievement of cease-fire agreements 
     with several ethnic and religious minority groups in Burma), 
     but at the same time deplored the continued seriousness of 
     the human rights situation in Burma; and
       Whereas the Government of Burma has for the first time 
     permitted meetings between foreign visitors and political 
     prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi), but continues to deny 
     the United Nations special rapporteur access to Aung San Suu 
     Kyi: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved,

     SECTION 1. ACTIONS THAT SHOULD BE TAKEN BY THE GOVERNMENT OF 
                   BURMA.

       It is the sense of the House of Representatives that the 
     Government of Burma should--
       (1) immediately and unconditionally release Burma's 
     political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi;
       (2) permit the transfer of political power to an elected 
     civilian government based upon the results of the 1990 
     election;
       (3) fully respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms 
     that are the birthright of all peoples;
       (4) end the practice of forced labor, including portering 
     for the military;
       (5) allow free and confidential access to all prisoners, 
     including prisoners of conscience, by international 
     humanitarian agencies;
       (6) permit international human rights organizations regular 
     access to villages and detention centers to monitor the 
     repatriation of Burmese victims of illegal trafficking into 
     Thailand for purposes of forced prostitution;
       (7) implement fully the Memorandum of Understanding with 
     United Nations Commission on Human Rights and create the 
     necessary conditions to ensure an end to the flows of 
     refugees to neighboring countries and to facilitate the 
     speedy repatriation and full reintegration, under conditions 
     of safety and dignity, of those who have already fled Burma;
       (8) respect fully the obligations set forth in the 1949 
     Geneva Conventions, in particular the obligations in common 
     article III, and make use of such relief services as may be 
     offered by impartial humanitarian bodies; and
       (9) take effective law enforcement actions against those 
     individuals within the Burmese Government (including the 
     Burmese military), as well as those outside the government, 
     who are engaged in the production and trafficking of illicit 
     narcotics.

     SEC. 2. ACTIONS THAT SHOULD BE TAKEN BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE 
                   UNITED STATES.

       It is further the sense of the House of Representatives 
     that the President, the Secretary of State, and other United 
     States Government officials and representatives should--
       (1) urge the Government of Burma to release, immediately 
     and unconditionally, Aung San Suu Kyi and other political 
     prisoners;
       (2) maintain the current United States ban on all forms of 
     nonhumanitarian assistance to Burma;
       (3) disperse the funds previously appropriated to support 
     assistance for Burmese refugees and students along the Thai/
     Burma border;
       (4) maintain current limitations on the provision of 
     bilateral narcotics control assistance to the Government of 
     Burma until that government demonstrates a genuine commitment 
     to combating the scourge of illicit narcotics production and 
     trafficking while continuing, and if appropriate, 
     strengthening international efforts through the United 
     Nations Drug Control Program to reduce and eliminate the 
     massive heroin production and trade from Burma that now 
     threatens the world;
       (5) continue to oppose loans to Burma in accordance with 
     chapter 8 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961;
       (6) consider imposing further economic sanctions against 
     Burma, and encourage other members of the international 
     community to take similar steps;
       (7) elevate the issues of democracy and human rights in 
     Burma in the conduct of United States relations with other 
     members of the international community, particularly in 
     coordination with Japan, China, and the members of the 
     Association of Southeast Asian Nations;
       (8) maintain United States support for the appointment by 
     the United Nations Secretary General of a special envoy to 
     focus on conflict resolution as the basis of national 
     reconciliation and the restoration of democracy in Burma;
       (9) urge the Government of Thailand to work with the 
     Government of Burma to investigate the involvement of border 
     police in both countries in the illegal trafficking of women 
     and girls into Thailand for purposes of forced prostitution;
       (10) ensure that, during the July 1994 Post-Ministerial 
     Conference of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the 
     Secretary of State calls on the members of the Association of 
     Southeast Asian Nations to support the international 
     consensus on Burma by urging the Government of Burma to 
     unconditionally release Aung San Suu Kyi and to indicate its 
     willingness to cooperate with a special envoy appointed by 
     the United Nations Secretary General;
       (11) maintain the unilateral United States arms embargo 
     against Burma, and encourage the other members of the 
     international community, most particularly People's Republic 
     of China, Thailand, and the other members of the Association 
     of Southeast Asian Nations, to prohibit arms sales and 
     transfers to Burma;
       (12) encourage other members of the international community 
     to halt all nonhumanitarian assistance to Burma or, at a 
     minimum, to condition any new official assistance on 
     significant progress by the Government of Burma toward 
     respecting the human rights and fundamental freedoms of its 
     people;
       (13) encourage the legislatures of other nations to call 
     for the restoration of a democratic government in Burma, 
     including the release from prison of Aung San Suu Kyi and the 
     other parliamentarians elected in 1990; and
       (14) continue to encourage the United Nations and its 
     specialized agencies operating in Burma--
       (A) to use particular care to ensure that their activities 
     meet basic human needs, do not benefit the present military 
     regime in Rangoon, and promote the enjoyment of 
     internationally recognized human rights, and
       (B) to work through nongovernmental organizations to the 
     greatest possible extent.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Fields of Louisiana). Pursuant to the 
rule, the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Payne] will be recognized for 
20 minutes, and the gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Bereuter] will be 
recognized for 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Payne].
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  (Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and 
extend his remarks.)
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 471, 
originally offered by Representatives Ackerman and Leach, seeks to 
support democracy and human rights in Burma.
  This resolution expresses the sense of the House that the military 
authorities in Burma should hand over the reins of government to those 
who in 1990 were elected to govern.
  It restates our admiration and support for the imprisoned pro-
democracy activist and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi;
  It calls on the U.S. Government to elevate democracy and human rights 
in Burma in our diplomatic dialog;
  It urges greater international pressure on the military regime in 
Rangoon;
  And, it sends a forceful message that we are not prepared to deal 
with the regime in Burma on the basis of ``business as usual.''
  As many of my colleagues know, Burma has been governed since 1988 by 
one of the world's truly odious regimes, known as the SLORC.
  In 1990, in a monumental miscalculation, the SLORC permitted the 
holding of free elections.
  To the regime's surprise and consternation, the Burmese people gave 
their overwhelming support not to the junta, but to the National League 
for Democracy, whose leader Aung San Suu Kyi languished under house 
arrest.
  The regime responded not by relinquishing power, but by simply 
ignoring the election results and stepping up its repression.
  Last week marked the fifth anniversary of Aung San Suu Kyi's 
imprisonment.
  I can think of no more fitting way to express our support for this 
courageous woman than by adopting this resolution.
  House Resolution 471 is supported by the administration and has 
widespread backing, on both sides of the aisle, in this body.
  So it is with great pleasure that I urge my colleagues to support 
adoption of this resolution.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  (Mr. BEREUTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, as a cosponsor of House Resolution 471, 
this Member rises in the strongest possible support for this clear and 
unequivocal denunciation of tyranny in Burma.
  This Member would like to commend the chairman of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs, the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Hamilton], and the 
ranking Republican on the committee, the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Gilman] for their support and assistance in moving this resolution in a 
timely manner. In addition, this Member would recognize the continuing 
efforts of the chairman and ranking minority member of the Asia and 
Pacific Subcommittee, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Ackerman] and 
the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Leach] for their unswerving efforts to 
restore democracy to Burma.
  Five days ago marked the fifth anniversary of Aung San Suu Kyi's 
imprisonment. It is shocking that a Nobel Peace Prize winner can be 
jailed for 5 years in a Burmese jail while most of the world continues 
business as usual with those that imprison her.
  According to the State Department's annual report on human rights, 
the junta known as the SLORC that rules Burma ``routinely'' uses forced 
labor ``for its myriad building projects,'' especially large road and 
railroad construction.
  On July 17, the New York Times documented another massive forced 
labor program where tens of thousands are being paid nothing to 
reconstruct tourist attractions so that the government can gain access 
to hard currency. The junta in Burma has decided that the solution to 
its economic crisis is to become a tourist mecca, exploiting its 
natural beaches. And to that end, many of the very students who 
protested on behalf of democracy have been thrown into the labor gangs 
that are building roads to these new ``resorts.''
  Far worse than the building projects, human rights groups inform us, 
is the army's policy of abducting young men and women to serve as 
porters for the military. According to the State Department's annual 
human rights report, hundreds of porters are thought to have died just 
last year ``from disease and overwork, though reports of mistreatment 
and rape were also common.'' Many of the porters are left unattended to 
die when they can go no further.
  In addition to the massive human rights violations perpetrated upon 
the Burmese people our own citizens suffer tremendously from SLORC's 
rule.
  The vast majority of heroin being sold in our Nation's school yards 
is refined from Burmese opium. Ever since the SLORC stole the election 
from the freely elected winners of the 1990 election, our law 
enforcement officials have never before seen such enormous amounts of 
the drug being sold in such purity so cheaply.
  This Member sincerely hopes that next year there will be a democratic 
government in Burma--a democratic government that cuts the flow of the 
chip cheap and terrible poison that is pouring into our Nation. And one 
that respects the human rights of its own citizens.
  Accordingly, this Member urges his colleagues to support the 
resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman 
from Wisconsin [Mr. Roth], a member of the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs.
  Mr. ROTH. Mr. Speaker, let me join with the gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Ackerman] and the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Leach] in supporting 
this resolution. Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest by the 
Burmese military regime, after 5 long years.
  She is a prisoner of conscience.
  Her crime is that she speaks out against repression and in favor of 
freedom. She is a symbol of the desire of Burmese people to be free.
  Recent reports that Burma is using forced labor merely underscores 
the importance of this resolution. The American people have always made 
common cause with people who are fighting for their freedom.
  In that spirit, this brave young woman deserves the support of the 
American people. The Government of Burma must be told in clear terms 
that their pattern of repression is unacceptable to the Congress, to 
the American people and to the world community.
  Mr. LEACH. Mr. Speaker, let me thank Chairman Ackerman, our full 
committee ranking member, Mr. Gilman, as well as Representative 
Rohrabacher for their leadership in supporting this very timely and 
important resolution on Burma.
  All Members are of course familiar with the tragic circumstance 
afflicting Burma today. The Burmese people continue to be ruled by a 
military dictatorship--appropriately known by the sinister acronym 
SLORC--that is one of the worst human rights abusers in the whole of 
East Asia, if not the world.
  Particularly distressing is the continuing house arrest of Nobel 
Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the negation of the results of the 
May, 1990, elections, and the ruling junta's efforts to manipulate a 
constitutional convention in order to ensconce and legitimize 
continuing military rule.
  Meanwhile, very credible allegations of grave human rights abuses 
continue: including torture, forced labor, abuse of women, lack of 
fundamental freedoms, and oppressive measures against ethnic and 
religious minorities.
  While limited measures have been taken by the SLORC since April, 
1992, to address the grave human rights concerns of the Burmese people 
and the international community, they have been clearly insufficient to 
date to demonstrate that change is real and not merely cosmetic. At a 
minimum, the SLORC needs to immediately begin a genuine dialog with 
Aung San Suu Kyi.
  From a congressional perspective, the challenge facing the United 
States in advancing our democratic, humanitarian, and counter-narcotics 
objectives in Burma is to maximize our limited leverage to promote 
progressive change. Herein lies a vexing policy dilemma.
  The instinct of many at home and abroad is for Washington to take the 
lead in heightening the economic and political isolation of the Burmese 
regime, multilaterally if possible but unilaterally if necessary.
  But the strong instinct of the parties with the greatest influence on 
Buma--ASEAN, China, and Japan--has been to downplay public criticism of 
the regime while to some degree urging Rangoon to moderate its behavior 
and open up to the outside world.
  And the stark political reality with which we must contend is that 
there is virtually no international support for imposing additional 
economic sanctions against Burma--certainly none in East Asia. Even our 
ally Australia, which itself has a strong record of promoting human 
rights, is rethinking the wisdom of a purely punitive policy for 
dealing with Rangoon.
  In this regard, it would appear that the administration has had some 
difficulty in reconciling a unilateral policy of isolation with other 
and possibly more nuanced alternatives.
  With great fanfare, President Clinton announced last May a 
comprehensive review of United States policy toward Burma. Some 10 
months later, in March, 1994, the review was only nominally complete. 
Overarching and common-sensical U.S. policy goals, such as establishing 
priority to promoting democratic and humanitarian objectives, were 
boldly embraced. But most hard issues--such as designing a roadmap for 
future relations with the Burmese regime--were quietly deferred. Most 
unfortunately, we are now some 14 long months into the policy review 
with no date certain for its completion.
  Meanwhile, the United States is bereft of ambassadorial leadership in 
Rangoon, experienced working level hands within the State Department--
such as Deirdre Chetham and John Finney--will be moving on to other 
posts, and more senior policymakers within the East Asia Bureau appear 
preoccupied with more vital foreign policy issues. In fact, it has been 
difficult to consistently identify any senior official with the 
formulation of United States policy toward Burma.
  Frankly, this awkward circumstance has become an increasing source of 
bipartisan exasperation in the Congress. While Burma is clearly not a 
pressing geopolitical concern, United States interests are far from 
trivial. Indeed, the administration recognized such when it purported 
to elevate Burma on the United States foreign policy agenda. Worse yet, 
a vacuum in U.S. policy could not materialize at a less propitious 
time.
  Internally, the situation is still largely grim. Despite widespread 
antipathy to the SLORC's iron-fisted rule, there appears to be little 
prospect that their military regime will either collapse or cede power 
any time soon. As already mentioned, the National Convention to rewrite 
the Constitution is of course a stage-managed sham.
  On the other hand, the SLORC has recently negotiated cease-fire 
agreements with Burma's ethnic insurgents, suggesting an end to--or at 
least hiatus in--the country's long-running civil war. Whether such 
agreements will prove politically durable, facilitate external 
humanitarian assistance and sustainable development, as well as end 
refugee flows remains to be seen.
  Burma has also signed an MOU with the U.N. High Commissioner for 
Refugees to facilitate the safe return of hundreds of thousands of 
Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh. Whether or not Rangoon will fully 
implement the agreement, however, remains uncertain.
  Over the past year the regime has also provided unprecedented access 
by official U.S. visitors to political prisoners, including Congressman 
Bill Richardson's remarkable February visit with Aung San Suu Kyi. But 
similar access by U.N. officials continues to be denied. The SLORC has 
also given tantalizing hints that it may at last begin a genuine dialog 
with Aung San Suu Kyi. And in Bangkok at the annual ASEAN meeting the 
Burmese Foreign Minister reportedly suggested that Rangoon was amenable 
to beginning discussions with the U.N. Secretary General on human 
rights.
  Needless to say, the executive branch as well as the Congress will be 
watching all these developments closely and expecting positive results.
  Externally, Burma is casting aside its traditional policy of 
isolation and rapidly deepening diplomatic relations with Southeast 
Asia. For example, this week Burma is making its maiden appearance 
before the ASEAN post-Ministerial Conference in Bangkok, attending as a 
guest of Thailand. Significantly, its commercial relations with China 
and the ASEAN States, and potentially others outside Southeast Asia, 
also show signs of dramatic expansion.
  In short, while United States policy may be frozen in place the 
situation in Burma is not. In this context, it is fair to ask whether 
U.S. policy--or at any rate the interminable policy review--is being 
outstripped by events.
  Here I would only reiterate my long-held view that the United States 
should provide humanitarian assistance to displaced Burmese as well as 
refugees and students, work to expand the presence in Burma of various 
U.N. agencies and particularly nongovernmental organizations, while 
making much more concerted efforts to coordinate with our friends in 
ASEAN and Japan--and when possible with China--on a broad approach to 
promoting more humane governance in Rangoon.
  In addition, the United States should continue to seek the 
appointment of a U.N. Special Envoy to Burma, as well as use other U.N. 
fora to call attention to and seek redress of the ongoing serious human 
rights situation in Burma, such as the unconditional release of 
nonviolent political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi. While I am 
very sympathetic to any possible arms embargo, prospects for 
negotiating such appear quite dim.
  While the resolution before us does not speak to the issue of U.S. 
representation in Rangoon, I continue to believe that U.S. interests 
would be better served if we sent an ambassador with a strong human 
rights record and extensive background in working with opposition 
democratic groups. The dispatch of an ambassador to Rangoon would in no 
way signal approval of the current regime, or lend it any legitimacy. 
After all, the United States routinely sends ambassadors to countries 
whose policies we find abhorrent.
  Mr. Speaker, few Americans would believe today that Burma was once 
one of the most energetic and fastest growing countries in Southeast 
Asia. Today it is being left behind by its dynamic neighbors.
  Why has it failed to live up to its rich potential? Some blame it on 
history and culture; that Burma is destined to be the world's ``odd man 
out,'' that free markets and free ideas can't take root in this unique 
and isolated land.
  My own view is that is the SLORC's egregious misrule--rather than any 
complex historical legacy--which is chiefly responsible for Burma's 
recent isolation and underdevelopment. Indeed, that was the verdict of 
the people of Burma in the May, 1990, elections, when they delivered 
such a devastating rebuke and vote of no-confidence in the military 
regime.
  To quote the symbol and inspiration of Burma's prodemocracy movement, 
the indomitable Aung San Suu Kyi, ``The quest for democracy in Burma is 
the struggle of a people to live whole, meaningful lives as free and 
equal members of the world community.''
  All Members can thoroughly identify with those universal, democratic 
ideals. And while there may be some tactical differences of approach to 
dealing with Burma, the Congress is certainly unanimous in its support 
for restoring democratic governance, in demanding respect for human 
rights and fundamental freedoms, and in ending the production and 
trafficking of illicit narcotics.
  There could be no more appropriate time for this Congress to urge the 
military leaders in Rangoon to unconditionally release Aung San Suu Kyi 
and all other political prisoners, as well as to fully respect the 
human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Burma. I urge 
the adoption of the resolution.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in enthusiastic support of House 
Resolution 471, regarding democracy and human rights in Burma.
  I wish it could be otherwise. I wish we did not have to take up this 
resolution, but the military despots in Burma leave us no alternative. 
Eighteen months ago, some Burma watchers thought they detected 
tantalizing hints of change in that country. A national convention had 
been called, ostensibly to draft a new constitution. The Rangoon 
Government had released some of its political prisoners, and had given 
family members and foreign visitors access to others still in 
detention. American businesses were being courted by a regime hungry 
for outside financing.
  Alas, our hopes that these developments represented something more 
than mere cosmetic changes seem to have been illusory. Repression 
remains the lot of the Burmese people. The victors in 1990's election 
are still denied the opportunity to form a government based upon the 
freely expressed will of the Burmese people. Aung San Suu Kyi, the 
embodiment of Burma's desire for democracy--whose brave defiance of 
tyranny won her not only the Nobel Peace Prize, but also the admiration 
of literally millions of people around the world--continues to languish 
under house arrest, while the Rangoon regime's hold on power appears 
firmer than ever.
  So it is with great pride that I voice my support for this 
resolution, which Representative Jim Leach and I have drafted.
  Mr. Speaker, few of our constituents will know of our actions today 
in adopting this resolution. but I can guarantee you one thing: The 
people of Burma will hear of it. And be cheered by it. Cheered in the 
knowledge that they are not alone--that the world has not forgotten 
them in their time of trial--that freedom-loving peoples around the 
globe salute their courage, laud their steadfastness, and admire their 
devotion to the ideas of liberty and self-determination.
  And so, I urge my colleagues not simply to support this resolution, 
but to redouble their efforts on behalf of Aung San Suu Kyi and the 
ideals for which she and her people continue to struggle. The forces of 
evil cannot and will not prevail. The day of triumph for those who 
cherish freedom will soon be at hand.
  Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, I support passage of House Resolution 471, 
which supports human rights and democracy in Burma and urges the 
Government of Burma to release Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the 
democratic opposition party in Burma. Because Aung San Suu Kyi's 
dedication to freedom and commitment to human rights made her a threat 
to the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the military regime 
that rules in Burma, they placed her under house arrest in 1989. 
Despite her incarceration in May, 1990, the Burmese people elected her 
party, in a free and fair election, to represent them. In 1991, Suu Kyi 
was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her nonviolent efforts to bring 
democracy to Burma. This year, the SLORC extended Suu Kyi's sentence 
for 1 more year. Today, martial law remains in effect in Burma. Human 
Rights Watch/Asia states that hundreds of political prisoners remain in 
behind bars. Torture, ill-treatment, forced labor, denial of freedom of 
speech and association, and other human rights violations continue 
unabated. As Members of the U.S. Congress we must condemn these 
violations. Last week 28 Members of the House and 26 Members of the 
Senate joined me in sending a clear and unambiguous message to the 
SLORC leadership that stated increased political and economic relations 
with Burma should only occur if there is concrete progress in terms of 
their human rights conditions.
  House Resolution 471 calls for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and 
other political prisoners in Burma, it considers imposing further 
economic sanctions against Burma, and it asks for the appointment of a 
U.N. Special Envoy to focus on the conflict in Burma. I urge my 
colleagues to support these recommendations by adopting House 
Resolution 471. I commend Mr. Ackerman and Mr. Leach for their work in 
exerting pressure on the Burmese military to improve its dismal human 
rights performance and I call on my colleagues to join us in this 
effort.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend Chairman Hamilton and the 
chairman and ranking Republican member of the Asia and Pacific 
Subcommittee, Mr. Ackerman and Mr. Leach, for bringing this resolution 
before us today, just days after the fifth anniversary of Aung San Suu 
Kyi's imprisonment. I especially want to commend Mr. Rohrabacher for 
his leadership and personal interest in this issue.
  It is a said anniversary for all of us. Five years ago there was so 
much hope for Burma. Along with the promise of democracy and human 
rights for the Burmese, the international community won honest 
assurances from freely elected Burmese Government officials that they 
would actively pursue strong drug interdiction efforts.
  Unfortunately, the military government refused to step down. And 
recently it made deals with drug growing minorities such as the Wa and 
Kokang that they can continue to grow opium as long as they set aside 
their armed rebellions.
  The SLORC profits from a Burmese drug trade that supplies three-
quarters of the heroin reaching America's streets. Burma is the world's 
largest source of illicit opium and heroin today. In New York, the 
drug's quantity and purity are higher than ever, and free samples are 
often provided our young children on the streets to hook them on this 
powerful narcotic.
  Last week, in Bangkok, the SLORC for the first time, was seated as 
observers at the annual meeting of ASEAN. I hope that our Secretary of 
State who will be present at the ASEAN meeting registers his strong 
disapproval.
  A recent alarming 44-percent increase in United States hospital 
related heroin admissions over a similar 6-month period not long ago, 
is stark and alarming evidence that the Burmese heroin problem cannot 
be ignored here at home. This is a tragic war that we cannot afford to 
lose and we need to focus our resources and attention on those that 
benefit from the destruction of our Nation's very fabric. Admittedly, 
the Burmese Government's involvement in the drug trade has made it 
difficult for us to find a way to apply our resources to adequately 
tackle the problem.
  Fortunately, the U.N. International Drug Control Program [UNDPC] is 
on the ground doing good work.
  The resolution before us calls on the U.S. Government to work with 
the UNDCP and continue those counternarcotics efforts, and where 
appropriate, we must seek to expand the efforts of the UNDCP. The 
entire world has a stake in the struggle and UNDCP is our best hope 
today for any progress in this critical area.
  Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to support the resolution and I 
hope that next July Suu will be released and the world will have a 
government in Burma that will work with us against drug traffickers.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for 
time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Payne] that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 471, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the resolution, as amended, was 
agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

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