[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 92 (Friday, July 15, 1994)]
[House]
[Page H]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: July 15, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                         ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

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        CONDEMNING THE CONTINUED ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA

 Mr. D'AMATO. Mr. President, I rise today to bring to your 
attention and to the attention of my colleagues, the July 11, 1994 
Washington Post editorial entitled ``Throttling Democracy in Nigeria.''
  It appears the editor of the Post has a thorough grasp of the 
situation in Nigeria, from the annulment of a democratic election, the 
arrest and treason charge against President-elect Abiola, to the debt 
and gross mismanagement of Nigeria by the current military dictator.
  The ongoing effort of the Nigerian people to achieve democracy in 
their country is rapidly leading to a serious and perhaps massive 
confrontation with the Nigerian military regime currently in power. The 
country is becoming economically crippled because of 10-day-old strike 
in the oil production and transportation sectors.
  Imagine the outrage of the American people if, after an election, the 
winning candidate was then disenfranchised, arrested, charged with 
treason, and had his or her life put in jeopardy. As outrageous as this 
might sound, this is the situation as it exists in Nigeria today for 
Moshood Abiola.
  Mr. President, Americans can tell the difference between a democracy 
and a dictatorship, and what exists today in Nigeria is a dictatorship. 
I do realize positive steps were made in beginning the process of 
establishing an African foreign policy during the recent White House 
Conference on Africa, but more must be done.
  I suggest that we try to begin to solve the situation by adhering to 
the recommendations made at the conference and immediately address the 
issue of democracy in Nigeria. Let us put an end to this situation in 
Nigeria now.
  President Abiola should immediately be released along with the press, 
human rights activists, and all other political prisoners presently 
being held by the military regime.
  Also, the assets of the current Nigerian Government and the private 
bank accounts of members of this outlaw regime must be frozen.
  President Abiola must be allowed to assume power without any further 
delay by the military dictators in Nigeria.
  Finally, I suggest that it is within the power of the United States 
to impact the situation in Nigeria now, before the bloodshed, civil 
war, and further economic collapse make the situation there even more 
egregious than it is today. The time for democracy in Nigeria is now. 
Let us do all that we can to make this happen.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the 
Washington Post editorial mentioned above, be included following my 
remarks.
  The editorial follows:

               [From the Washington Post, July 11, 1994]

                    Throttling Democracy in Nigeria

       One year after Moshood Abiola apparently won Nigeria's 
     democratic presidential election, only to watch as the 
     military annulled the results, he's now facing charges that 
     could send him to jail for life. His offense? Mr. Abiola has 
     decided to assume the office that was freely and fairly 
     conveyed to him by the people. Nigerian military leaders, 
     having never seen an election or popular civilian leader in 
     33 years of independence that they could stomach for very 
     long, call Mr. Abiola's decision an act of treason. It is 
     they, however, who have betrayed their country.
       Each time a Nigerian military regime cuts down civilian 
     rule, it's done with the promise of giving the people a new, 
     improved, and less fractious transition to democracy. True to 
     form, the current crop of generals has been following that 
     tired old script to the letter since snuffing out their 
     country's latest experiment with democracy. Two military 
     regimes and one civilian puppet government have governed the 
     country since June 1993, each promising another journey to 
     the ballot box one day soon. Instead, what the soldiers have 
     done is to take the people's rights and civil liberties from 
     them. Their chosen leader is being held incommunicado, a 
     judge's order to produce him in court is being ignored, human 
     rights leaders, journalists and former legislators have been 
     arrested and hassled for political reasons and the elected 
     National Assembly has been outlawed. Having the power, the 
     military has made a colossal mess of things.
       For all its wealth in oil, Nigeria is awash in red ink. Its 
     creditors hold $33 billion in IOUs. Through gross 
     mismanagement and corruption, the once agriculturally rich 
     country suffers from 50 percent unemployment and can no 
     longer feed itself. All the while, a man with no political 
     base, Gen. Sani Abacha, who has stood on the edges of power 
     in recent years and who now openly parades as head of state, 
     is taking a turn at enjoying the perquisites of power.
       He rides high now. But Gen. Abacha will soon learn the same 
     lesson other military strong men have had to absorb--some the 
     hard way: Dissent cannot be crushed permanently. Nigeria's 
     state of autocracy cannot survive. But pro-democracy 
     Nigerians shouldn't have to march alone.
       During the recent White House Conference on Africa, 
     administration officials went out of their way to commit 
     themselves to stronger ties with Africa. National security 
     adviser Anthony Lake spoke of leaving no doubt in the minds 
     of Africa's authoritarians that the United States insists on 
     a rapid transition to democracy, a return to civilian rule 
     and respect for human rights. That message must be forcefully 
     registered in Nigeria.

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