[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 81 (Thursday, June 23, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: June 23, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                         ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

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           TURKISH DEMOCRACY: ONE MORE STEP TOWARD THE ABYSS

 Mr. DeCONCINI. Mr. President, I am compelled once again to 
voice my grave concerns over the state of affairs in Turkey. Were I not 
convinced that Turkey is one our Nation's most important allies, I 
would not express such frustration when the government contravenes its 
own constitution and international human rights commitments. Last 
Thursday, June 16, when Turkey's highest court banned the pro-Kurdish 
Democracy Party [DEP], and kicked 13 DEP members out of Parliament 
because of statements they made, my concern and frustration reached new 
heights.
  The 13 duly elected members of Turkey's legislature have been removed 
from Parliament because of a party communique issued last year 
appealing for a peaceful solution to the Kurdish problem. Five 
deputies, who have been jailed since early March without being 
indicted, face the death penalty for speaking out for the rights of 
Turkey's Kurdish citizens. Six others have fled Turkey and, I am 
informed, will seek political asylum in Belgium. Two others face 
imminent arrest in Turkey. Mr. President, I have met with some of these 
individuals and others now in Turkish jails for simply expressing their 
views, and I am appalled. Mr. President, what kind of democracy finds 
its own legislators either in prison or fleeing arrest to seek 
political asylum?
  A perhaps unintended consequence of the court decision relates to 
constitutional requirements that by-elections be held when 24 vacancies 
occur in the 450-seat Parliament. If the four Kurdish deputies who 
resigned from DEP before legal action was taken should leave 
Parliament, it would appear that elections would have to be held within 
3 months. Mr. President, I want to make it clear from the outset, that 
should such elections take place, and it seems likely, our Government 
and the many non-governmental election monitors, should be prepared to 
send observers to ensure that international standards are met. 
Furthermore, in light of recent developments, the Helsinki Commission, 
of which I am chairman, will, in upcoming meetings of the Conference on 
Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE], press for official CSCE 
missions to be sent to Turkey to monitor the deteriorating rights 
situation.
  Mr. President, what is most alarming about the deteriorating rights 
situation in Turkey is this increasingly frequent trend to criminalize 
free speech. Words and ideas, regardless of their content, are 
tolerated in democratic systems. As signatory to the Conference on 
Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE], the United Nations Universal 
Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Political 
and Civil Liberties, Turkey has obligated itself to protect all forms 
of nonviolent expression. The decision to remove 13 duly elected 
parliamentarians because of speeches they made or documents they sign 
is an affront to all democratic legislatures.

  Mr. President, obviously no country, including our own, is immune 
from situations where human rights are jeopardized. Turkey's Kurdish 
issue has a long and complex history, which has unfortunately become 
increasingly clouded by violence. In the midst of a severe economic 
crisis, Turkey's government and military are spending over $7 billion a 
year to fight the PKK--yet the PKK continues to operate and draw 
followers. Regrettably the heavy-handed tactics of security forces, who 
have destroyed over 1,000 Kurdish villages in the past 18 months, 
alienate local Kurds and fuel sympathy and support for the radicals. 
Additionally, by criminalizing even moderate expressions of Kurdish 
discontent, the government stifles legitimate discourse within a 
democratic framework and denies its citizenry an outlet through which 
to legally articulate their frustration. And while no one denies 
Turkey's sovereign right to protect its citizenry from terrorism, this 
must not be pursued at the expense of other fundamental human rights.
  Mr. President, in the interests of peace and regional stability, I 
appeal to Turkey's civilian and military leaders to reconsider 
increasingly intolerant and unproductive policies toward Turkey's 
Kurdish citizenry. There can be no hope of peace if voices on all sides 
are silenced and forced into more radical positions. Such policies 
raise serious questions about the ability of Turkish democracy to meet 
the pressing needs of a modern multiethnic society. Furthermore, Mr. 
President, despite a confluence of foreign policy interests with our 
Government on numerous issues, Turkey's deteriorating human rights 
situation makes it increasingly difficult to support a leading role for 
Turkey in regional political undertakings.
  In conclusion, Mr. President, I would urge Turkey's government to 
pursue political solutions to the Kurdish situation. So as not to be 
criticized for simply pointing out the problem without offering my own 
thoughts on a solution, I will share some thoughts on defusing the 
mounting crisis. I believe a key element of any political approach must 
be official willingness to distinguish between PKK terrorism and 
nonviolent expression promoting rights for Turkey's Kurdish citizens. 
Similarly, the PKK must abandon the use of violence for political 
objectives and renounce aspirations for outright independence. A 
bilateral ceasefire could be a first step toward establishing a 
political dialog, not with the PKK, but with moderate Kurdish elements. 
In such a climate, I would urge the Turkish Government to take the 
following steps:
  First, allow all nonviolent political parties to participate in 
political life.
  Second, abolish restrictions on free expression including those 
within the Antiterror law.
  Third, repeal the state of emergency.
  Fourth, dismantle the village guard system.
  Fifth, remove all restrictions on Kurdish linguistic and cultural 
expression.
  Sixth, lift constraints on dissemination of Kurdish language 
television and radio broadcasts, print, music, and other mediums.
  Seventh, develop a government-sponsored Institute of Kurdish Studies 
and allow schools to offer instruction in Kurdish, and
  Eighth, convene an official, high-profile, conference examining all 
aspects of Turkish-Kurdish relations.
  Mr. President, I believe such actions would bolster Turkey's civilian 
democracy, stem violence, marginalize the PKK by providing moderate 
alternatives, lift an oppressive climate which has stifled political 
and economic life throughout Turkey, and begin to reverse the 
destructive polarization of Turks and Kurds. I sincerely hope Turkey's 
government will seek to protect free speech and pursue nonmilitary 
approaches to the Kurdish dilemma to avoid plunging the nation into 
further turmoil.

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