[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 70 (Wednesday, June 8, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: June 8, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                   ISRAEL: A MODEL FOR FOREIGN POLICY

  Mr. PRESSLER. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about the United 
States relationship with Israel. When I think about the incoherent 
tangle that is our Nation's current foreign policy, I often wonder why 
the administration's foreign policy team does not turn to our 
relationship with Israel as a model.
  Here is a tiny democracy, recognized and supported by the United 
States since its inception. Israel reflects our democratic ideals and 
values. For that reason, we have stood by her for the last quarter of a 
century. Steadfastly, we have provided Israel with moral and political 
support. We have provided direct economic and security assistance. We 
have assisted Israel in its self defense. Now the Middle East is 
bearing the fruits of our policies--Arabs and Israelis seem to be on 
the path to peace.
  Over the years, some have demanded that we extort political and 
territorial concessions from the Israelis in return for the $3 billion 
in assistance we provide each year. I always have opposed that idea. 
The aid we provide Israel is in our own national interest. If it were 
not, it would be indefensible. Israel now is pursuing the peace process 
because its democratically elected leadership believes it is the right 
thing to do for the nation. We support Israel in the decisions it makes 
regarding its essential security interests.
  There is much to be said for a global approach to many of the 
problems faced in today's world. When a large number of nations 
commit--both politically and economically--to a particular set of 
policy objectives, the chance for success is enhanced greatly. This is 
not to say we are backing away from our responsibilities. The United 
States will continue to support Israel and Egypt to the best of our 
ability. With the rest of the international community, we will 
facilitate the Declaration of Principles, signed by the Palestinians 
and the Israelis last year. Forty-six nations pledged $2 billion to 
that end at the World Bank donors' conference. Peace benefits the 
world. The world must help implement that peace. Ideally, peace in the 
Middle East would mean an end to the arms race between the Arabs and 
the Israelis, an end to the region's terrorism, a chance for democracy 
in some of the Arab world, enhanced regional stability and increased 
economic growth.
  To be sure, there are nations wholly uninterested in peace with 
Israel, Iran, Iraq, Libya, and other rogue states continue to threaten 
our friends, allies and, indeed, the world. Terrorists who oppose the 
peace process will continue to murder innocents.
  The negotiations and public ceremonies surrounding this peace process 
are not a panacea. The process is not finished simply because names 
have been signed to paper. A successful conclusion to this process will 
require countries like Syria to stop trafficking in drugs and 
supporting terrorists. Tyranny must be replaced by democracy. 
Unfortunately, there is no certainty that we are moving in that 
direction. Much remains to be done.
  Finally, I reiterate that the future is in the hands of Israel and 
its Arab partners. The United States cannot buy the compliance of Syria 
with offers to remove it from the terrorist and drug lists, for 
instance. This plainly would be wrong--and clearly counter to American 
and world interests.
  We should not pretend that the Palestinians are ideal peace partners. 
Yasser Arafat has the leanings of a dictator. That cannot stand. Events 
appear to be off to a good start in Jericho and Gaza, but we must 
remain vigilant.
  The United States must ensure its own security and its own national 
interests. We must abide by our traditional standards: support the 
democracies of the region, ensure their ability to defend themselves, 
and allow the democratically elected leadership of the State of Israel 
to determine what constitutes its essential security interests.

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