[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 70 (Wednesday, June 8, 1994)]
[House]
[Page H]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[Congressional Record: June 8, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
FURTHER DOWN THE WRONG ROAD
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Florida [Mr. Goss] is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. GOSS. Madam Speaker, 2 weeks have passed since the House last
visited the Haiti issue. If one looks at the media spin in the
headlines, it appears that the United States is making great strides
there. However, behind the headlines, the substance indicates that we
are still striding down the wrong road. Despite the clear signs that
the President's new refugee policy is encouraging Haitians--more than
1,600 since the policy was announced--to take to their leaky boats, the
administration has not abandoned it. Instead, we have tried to fine-
tune a bad policy by pursuing agreements with our Caribbean neighbors.
The United States can now anchor its $34,000-a-day Ukrainian ships in
Jamaican water for refugee processing. In turks and caicos we can use
the beach--for the small price of a $12 million investment in the local
infrastructure and a pledge that we will help repatriate 3,000 of the
Haitians already on shore there. In both cases, it will be U.S.
personnel, U.S. funds, and U.S. refuge for those seeking political
asylum. Bottomline: Same policy, different location, higher price tag.
This week, the administration announced with much fanfare its plan to
ratchet up the misery-producing embargo again, this time with a ban on
commercial flights and financial transactions. Yet despite this
pressure, the military leadership in Haiti remains defiant, attacking
Haitians attempting to leave, reinstating the Macoutes and freezing
United States aid funds in Haitian banks. The thugs and their
supporters have hunkered down, stockpiled, and are prepared to wait
this latest crisis out. Opportunists on both sides of the Haitian-
Dominican Republic border are proving nightly that the leaks in the
Embargo cannot be plugged when the sun goes down. Meanwhile, missionary
networks in Haiti report growing signs of malnutrition and desperate
Haitians are slaughtering their goats and chopping down what's left of
their mango trees just to survive today. For tomorrow, they will have
nothing--and appear ready to risk the dangers of the seas. Much-needed
Humanitarian relief flights remain mired in bureaucracy and grounded in
the United States while the United Nations sanctions board decides
whether or not to allow them to journey to Hispaniola. It is only a
matter of time before the embargo is deemed a failure and the President
moves on to plan B. Everyone knows it--even the President's own Haiti
advisors. In fact, in the 2 weeks since the House voted to send the
White House a clear no on military intervention in Haiti, the
administration has purposely moved closer to just that plan of action.
From the President's outline of his top six reasons to invade Haiti, to
the buildup of military personnel and machinery in the Caribbean, to
the Public call to arms from de facto White House Haiti advisor Randall
Robinson, to pressure in this House to reverse itself on its strong no
to United States military intervention--the signs are all there. Even
some in the international community are preparing for the United States
to take that step. The French Embassy is evacuating Embassy dependents
and the United Nations has plans to do the same. While they are getting
potential hostages out of the unwelcome line of fire, our important
allies in Haiti--France, Venezuela, Canada, the OAS, the United
Nations--have refused to support military intervention. And, they
remain divided on whether or not to join peacekeeping forces if
democracy is restored. Acting alone, the United States military easily
could put down the resistance of the rag-tag Haitian military.
However, as one unnamed official at the Pentagon noted: ``The problem
isn't getting in, it's getting out.'' The administration doesn't have
any good answers about the rules of engagement or an exit strategy, but
we are hearing disturbing talk of nation building--the disastrous and
ill-defined approach that led to tragedy in Somalia. When the Committee
of the Whole rises on consideration of the national defense
authorization later this week, rumor has it that we can expect another
vote on the Goss amendment. Clearly the White House is unhappy that
this House has gone on record against military intervention in Haiti.
In this administration, it seems, the tactic if you don't like an
outcome is to twist some arms, make some deals, and try again. I urge
my colleagues to resist this pressure: Support once again a clear
``no'' on military intervention and a ``yes'' to embracing constructive
solutions like the safe haven plan.
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