[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 68 (Thursday, May 26, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: May 26, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                   CLARIFICATION OF NORTHERN IRELAND

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from Washington [Mr. Foley] is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. FOLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to welcome the statement issued 
last week by the British Government responding to questions posed by 
Sinn Fein. Those questions related to the Downing Street Declaration 
jointly issued by the Irish and British Governments. The declaration 
set out the principles for a political process aimed at achieving a 
lasting political solution that could be embraced by both traditions in 
Northern Ireland.
  Since the declaration was issued on December 15, 1993, the I.R.A. and 
its political arm, Sinn Fein, have clamored for clarification. Only 
recently did Sinn Fein set out its actual questions. Those questions 
and the responses of the British Government have now been made public. 
The Irish Government has made clear that it supports and agrees with 
the British responses.
  I believe that it could not be plainer that the British Government, 
indeed both Governments, seek genuine peace and reconciliation in the 
North. They believe--and who in this House would gainsay this 
principle--that such ends can only be achieved through the expressed 
will of an uncoerced majority of the people of the North, freely 
expressed at the ballot box.
  Both Governments have pledged unequivocally to honor that expression 
through any necessary legislative or constitutional changes. Such a 
process would allow for a range of possible relationships with the rest 
of Ireland, including unification, which would likewise require the 
democratic consent of a majority of the people in the Republic of 
Ireland.
  What the declaration, and now its clarification, state and restate is 
that the process they envisage will embrace the totality of 
relationships in the island of Ireland and between the British and 
Irish Governments, that there are no subjects which cannot be brought 
to the table, but that only democratic parties devoted to exclusively 
peaceful change can sit at that table.
  Thus, the I.R.A. need not surrender. Sinn Fein need not accept the 
declaration. Conversely, however, no party can expect to participate in 
political dialog unless it can demonstrate it has laid aside the gun 
and the bomb.
  Just as important, the declaration is indeed a way forward. It cannot 
be vetoed by parties which will not participate in the process it 
invites. Just as it would be wrong to predetermine what that process 
can achieve, it would be equally wrong to allow it to be stymied by 
those who refuse to renounce terror.
  Mr. Speaker, the way forward is now clear. There can be no legitimate 
claim that the two Governments have not laid all their cards on the 
table. Only one question remains unanswered today, but it must be 
directed to the men of violence, to both the republican and loyalist 
paramilitaries. It is simple but profound, and it is asked by the vast 
majority of people in Ireland, both North and South.
  ``Will you now end the killing and transform your armed struggle to 
peaceful debate and democratic decision?'' The answer to that question 
will provide the real clarification for the future of peace in Northern 
Ireland.

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