[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 68 (Thursday, May 26, 1994)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: May 26, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                THE HAITIAN EMBARGO: NOT A GOOD SOLUTION

                                 ______


                           HON. DOUG BEREUTER

                              of nebraska

                    in the house of representatives

                        Wednesday, May 25, 1994

  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, the Clinton administration's continuing 
effort to return Jean Bertrand Aristide to the Presidency in Haiti has 
proven to be frustratingly ineffective. Unable to force the military 
junta to accept Mr. Aristide's return, the Clinton administration has 
resorted to tightening the embargo and easing the restrictions on 
asylum seekers. This Member is gravely concerned that our current Haiti 
policy will continue to bring nothing but additional suffering.
  A recent editorial in the May 24, 1994, edition of the Lincoln Star 
entitled ``No good solutions, including an embargo,'' outlined the 
difficulties with our current Haiti policy. As the editorial correctly 
notes, General Cedras and the other junta leaders ``have been 
emboldened by the Clinton administration penchant for tough, but 
ultimately empty, talk. American credibility has been damaged.''
  This Member would ask to place this editorial in the Record, and 
commend it to his colleagues.

                 [From the Lincoln Star, May 24, 1994]

                No Good Solutions, Including an Embargo

       Just as Haiti may have no good guys in political residence, 
     President Clinton faces no good solutions for that country's 
     problems and our country's unfortunate tangle in it.
       Our tortured past with Haiti, recent policy missteps and a 
     heinously cruel economic embargo morally bind the United 
     States to resolve the Haitian crisis.
       Clinton's announcement to grant political asylum hearings 
     to fleeing Haitians is a humane if problematic decision, but 
     no solution.
       To continue to treat Haitians differently than other 
     refugees gives credence to charges of racism.
       Cubans, for one, have been welcomed by the boatload into 
     Miami. The difference may reflect the United States' 
     longstanding sympathy to anti-communist Cubans more than 
     racism. But for whatever reason, it is clear that Haitians 
     are treated one way, refugees from other nations another.
       However, this runs the risk of encouraging more Haitians to 
     flee and creating a nightmare of a refugee crisis as we 
     scramble to care for an onslaught of poor, illiterate people.
       The larger problem, of course, is what to do about Haitians 
     in Haiti.
       The exiled, democratically elected president, Jean Bertrand 
     Aristide, is ensconced in the United States, nixing U.S.-
     proposed compromises to return him to Haiti. He makes a 
     troubling democrat who will never be mistaken for George 
     Washington. But he was elected by a majority of Haitians and 
     illegally removed from office.
       Its people are being slaughtered by military thugs and 
     starved by an embargo intended to pry the military from 
     power, but with the actual effect on inflicting incredible 
     suffering on an already destitute population. The border is 
     porous, but the goods that make it into Haiti go to the 
     military and the black market, not to the poor--the Aristide 
     supporters.
       Its military leaders have been emboldened by the Clinton 
     administration penchant for tough, but ultimately empty, 
     talk. American credibility has been damaged.
       Haiti sits on our doorsteps, clearly in our sphere of 
     interest. Yet history taints the perception of our motives. 
     U.S. Marines stormed onto Haiti's shore because of virtual 
     anarchy in the country in 1915. We stayed until 1934.
       Our shameful relationship with Haiti's dictators since then 
     make us a suspect savior. As in Somalia, U.S. forces are 
     likely to be first welcomed, but in any extended stay our 
     welcome would quickly wear out.
       We cannot sit idly while the embargo does its dirty work. 
     We have a moral obligation to Haiti, to revisit diplomatic 
     solutions with our allies in the region or through United 
     Nations mediation.
       The rebuilding of Haiti must be up to Haitians. But first 
     we must remove the boot from its jugular.
       Many innocents would die if the United States and allies 
     launch an invasionary force to oust the military. But many 
     will die also as a result of this embargo. The search for a 
     resolution to this mess must continue.
                                  ____


                 [From the Lincoln Star, May 24, 1994]

                          America Changes Face

       ``The offer was sweeter than a bushel of Iowa roasting 
     ears: $25 million in incentives to a Maryland biotechnology 
     company if it would leave the nerve-rattling East Coast and 
     settle here in America's heartland--fresh air, quiet streets, 
     smiling faces,'' read the news story about a company 
     considering relocating to Des Moines.
       ``But after a closer look at Iowa, the company noticed that 
     almost all of those faces, smiling or not were white.'' The 
     offer was ultimately rejected--because Des Moines was not 
     racially diverse enough.
       Just as America's face is changing, the needs of companies 
     are also changing.
       Companies today have offices all over the country, all over 
     the world. It's a good chance that some of their best people 
     will be other than white. How is that company going to feel 
     about sending someone to work in Iowa if they're going to 
     lose them in a year, asks Max Phillips, an executive with 
     U.S. West.
                                  ____


                 [From the Lincoln Star, May 24, 1994]

                Czech, Slovak Republics Face Challenges

                             (By Ann Toner)

       The Czech and Slovak republics, formerly Czechoslovakia, 
     are adapting at different rates to free enterprise, according 
     to two Farmers National Co. officers who have been assisting 
     the effort.
       Speaking Monday to the Omaha Agri-Business Club, Max Evans 
     of Des Moines, chief real estate appraiser, and Craig Harris 
     of Shenandoah, Iowa, real estate associate, said in the more 
     populous and industrialized Czech republic, unemployment is 3 
     percent and business is improving.
       In the less populous Slovak republic, more rural and less 
     industrialized, unemployment is 20 percent and likely to 
     climb.
       The two men have been helping through a grant to Iowa State 
     University from the U.S. International Development Agency.
       ``A lot of people have changed on paper but not at heart,'' 
     said Evans. One collective farm was divided into 90 smaller 
     enterprises, turning the tractor driver under the former 
     system into a custom tractor driver who still has to go to a 
     central committee to get his tractor fixed when it breaks 
     down.
       Slovak farmers can't believe that a U.S. farmer could farm 
     1,200 acres with just his immediate family or possibly one 
     hired hand. A Slovak farm that size might have 150 employees 
     with a hands-off manager who directs them.
       The collectives have reduced employment by about 30 percent 
     and need to pare their worker force by another 65 percent in 
     order to become efficient, Evans said.
       Crop farms in the republics are a mix of modern and ancient 
     with tractors, horse teams and hand labor all engaged in 
     production, the two men said. Tillage is extensive, with no 
     effort to terrace or save soil.
       Many livestock farms are antiquated and in need of better 
     genetics and animal nutrition, Harris said. Dairies milk 
     dual-purpose animals that don't do a good job of either milk 
     or meat production.
       Feeds are hay, grass and silage with little effort to 
     balance rations or protein content for optimum production.
       Collectivization and confiscation of properties under 
     communism have complicated land reform, Harris said. A lack 
     of records makes it difficult it difficult to establish past 
     ownership.

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