[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 63 (Thursday, May 19, 1994)]
[House]
[Page H]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: May 19, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
    A CELEBRATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND A NEW STRUGGLE FOR A FREE AND 
                            INDEPENDENT CUBA

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
February 11, 1994, the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the majority leader's designee.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, today I join with freedom loving people 
throughout the entire world, and particularly with those here in the 
United States, on the eve of May 20, to commemorate Cuban Independence 
Day. I want to dedicate this speech to the many heroes and political 
prisoners who have paid with their lives or years of improvement so 
that Cuba might be free.
  The spirit of Cuban independence is alive and well, both among those 
Cubans who live outside their native country and those who live on the 
island. The great Cuban independence heroes, Jose Marti, Antonio Maceo, 
Maximo Gomez, Felix Varela, Ignacio Agramonte, and many more, 
struggled, sacrificed, and even died so that their dream of freedom 
could become a reality.
  Thanks to them, the Cuban Republic was born 92 years ago. On May 20, 
1902, United States forces withdrew from Cuba and an American military 
Governor turned over the Government of Cuba to the first elected 
President of Cuba.
  Cuban independence was certainly long in coming. Cuba was the last 
country in Latin America to win its independence from the Spanish 
Empire. The first Cuban war of independence began in 1868, but it would 
take 34 more years for Cubans to secure their independence from 
colonial Spain. When that magic moment arrived a war-weary but 
victorious people paused to celebrate their independence.
  Despite some problems, that Republic endured 58 years. But in 1959 a 
dictator named Fidel Castro betrayed the trust and dashed the dreams of 
the Cuban people and imposed a Communist dictatorship which has since 
ravaged that beautiful island nation. It has now been 35 years since 
Cuba has been held hostage by the ruthless dictator, Fidel Castro.

                              {time}  1930

  Once again, Cuban independence has been long in coming, but surely as 
the spirit of Cuban independence lives on, as we celebrate it today, it 
will once again prevail.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to my distinguished colleague, the gentleman 
from Florida [Mr. Diaz-Balart], someone who has fought valiantly on 
behalf of the cause of Cuban independence and a member of the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] 
for yielding to me on this important subject that unites us and so many 
others in this Chamber in solidarity with a people who have been 
suffering for too long.
  I saw an article in the newspaper today, May 19, also an important 
date in Cuban history, because the great day that is celebrated, May 
20, as the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] has stated, the 
birth of tne republic after almost 100 years of struggle by the Cuban 
people in 1902.
  May 19 is also remembered as another kind of day. It is not a day 
that is celebrated. It is the day on which the person who did more than 
anyone else to see May 20 become a reality, the day that he was killed, 
that Marti was killed at 44 years of age. After having left his native 
land at age 16, he finally returned, and within a few weeks of setting 
foot on his beloved island, he was killed on May 19. and so he never 
saw May 20, 1902, and yet the Republic that was founded on May 20, 
1902, owes more to him than anyone else.
  In that Republic and during that Republic so much solidarity was 
manifested, was constantly shown by the Cuban people for peoples 
throughout the world, and especially in our hemisphere, who had lost 
their freedom. What civic or labor or professional association during 
the republic did not have, for example, a committee for the liberation 
of the Dominican Republic during the dictatorship of Trujillo, had a 
committee for the liberation or the reinstatement of the republic in 
Spain during the 39-year-old dictatorship of General Franco, and many 
other committees in solidarity with dictatorships, especially, 
especially in this hemisphere? and yet today, after 35 years of 
suffering the most brutal dictatorship in the history of this 
hemisphere, where, where are the committees for the liberation of Cuba? 
In what Latin-American universities, in what Latin-American labor 
associations, in what Latin-American professional associations do we 
find committees for the liberation of Cuba? Where is the act of 
reciprocity, the elemental act of reciprocity with the Cuban people 
after the solidarity that was demonstrated in an unparalleled way 
during the years of the republic with exiles from throughout the 
hemisphere? Unfortunately, I do not recognize, I do not see that 
solidarity, and yet just as after almost 100 years of struggle, one 
nation, one nation stood with the Cuban people and helped the Cuban 
people achieve its independence from colonialism, European colonialism, 
and that one nation that stood with the Cuban people was the United 
States of America.
  History repeats itself, and now after more than 30 years of brutal 
dictatorship, one nation in this Earth, one nation on this planet tells 
its business community, ``We will not allow you to profit from the 
oppression of the Cuban people. We will not allow you to profit from 
the lack of the ability to unionize and to collectively bargain. In 
other words, we will not allow you to profit from the slave labor that 
Castro maintains and forces upon the Cuban people,'' and that one 
nation, that one nation that stands in solidarity with the Cuban people 
again, as a hundred years ago, is the United States.
  So not only do we see the acts of repression more than ever, not only 
do we see the total economic devastation of a previously prosperous 
land at the hands of the dictatorship, but also on a daily basis and 
especially us in southern Florida who are able to meet with people who, 
risking their lives and the lives of their loved ones, reach our shores 
with their stories every day; we are able to witness the acts also of 
humiliation that the dictatorship commits upon its people today.

  Today I read in the newspaper, May 19, 1994, of the 90-year-old widow 
of one of Cuba's most famous writers, Enrique Labrador Ruiz. She is 90 
years old. A few weeks ago, reading the newspaper, she comes across a 
painting that was achieved, that was produced in 1942 of her late 
husband as the new exhibit at Christie's, the new sale of Cuban art. 
Christie's had announced a sale of Cuban art works and had given it 
much publicity. This lady seized the photograph of the painting of her 
husband. She is a 90-year-old widow without means, and Christie's 
states, ``No, that is a painting that was obtained from Cuba, that was 
sold by Cuba.'' In other words, think of what this means: the impotence 
that the Cuban people have to live on a day-to-day basis, the 
humiliation that they have to live on a day-to-day basis, the lack of 
power, of empowerment of that people, all of these sad realities, all 
of these sad realities, not only this example which touches the heart 
of the 90-year-old widow who could not believe that her precious 
painting that had been left in a relative's home, even that was being 
sold by the dictator to achieve currency, even that was being sold by 
the dictator, and that she was impotent to stop it.
  She settled apparently. ``I settled,'' says the 90-year-old widow, 
``it was very poor compensation but at least it will pay for my burial. 
Enrique always said nobody buries me. I pay my own burial.'' That is 
the widow of Enrique Labrador Ruiz, one of the greatest writers 
produced by the Cuban nation in this century.
  So this is another example of what the Cuban people have to live in a 
day, the humiliation and the impotence that the Cuban people have to 
live on a day-to-day basis, and we see the lack of solidarity in the 
hemisphere.
  And yet we see the solidarity in this Nation. The Congress of the 
United States just a few weeks ago, as you know, I say to the gentleman 
from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] because you helped so much in that 
language that was inserted in the State Department authorization bill, 
requested formally of the President international sanctions, that 
international sanctions be sought at the U.N. Security Council against 
the brutal dictatorship of Castro.
  The AFL-CIO, the most important labor union in the entire world, has 
a committee for the liberation of Cuba. Throughout professional and 
civic institutions, throughout this land, there is solidarity with the 
Cuban people, just as 100 years ago the American people stood side by 
side with the Cuban people, the American people and its representative 
institutions including its supremely representative institution, this 
Congress, stands with the Cuban people in the certainty that just as 
May 19, the Sun set, on May 19, and the Sun rose on May 20, that just 
as that occurred at the end of the last century, it will also occur 
very soon, and the Cuban people will experience a rebirth and will 
create once again a republic that is, as it was, the envy of Latin 
America, will be again the envy of Latin America, with truly democratic 
institutions and respect for all divergent, dissident, and all points 
of view, for all human beings.
  In other words, a republic based on and ruled by the rule of law, 
that we will see. I know as I stand here today, I know that we will see 
that reality and that we will see it soon and that we will then be 
witness to and be able to assist in the reconstruction of that 
republic.
  I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for the honor of having 
participated this evening in his special order.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. I thank the gentleman from Florida for his 
participation and continuous strong voice on behalf of human rights in 
Cuba and other places in the world.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to a distinguished colleague, also from Florida, 
who has spoken very strongly on the question of human rights not only 
in Cuba but in different parts of the world and who joins us tonight 
and joins her strong voice in support of this cause of Cuban 
independence. I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida [Mrs. Meek].
  Mrs. MEEK of Florida. I thank the gentleman for yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to join with my colleagues this evening in 
commemorating the 92d anniversary of the independence of Cuba.
  Tomorrow, May 20, is a day of celebration that freedom-loving people 
inside Cuba--and outside Cuba--hold dear.
  Banners will fly everywhere and hearts will stir. For it was on this 
day in 1902 that the controls of government were turned over to the 
free and independent Republic of Cuba by the Government of the United 
States, which had helped liberate Cuba after 400 years of Spanish 
control.
  But Mr. Speaker, there is a bittersweet aspect to this celebration. 
For on this day of celebration of the founding of a free and 
independent Cuba, Cuba is neither free nor independent.
  Since 1959, Cuba has been under the domination of the last of his 
generation of Communist dictators, Fidel Castro, who has no regard for 
the welfare or the rights of his own people.
  It is hard to celebrate the idea of Cuban independence when that 
national is under the domination of one who has no appreciation for the 
history of his own country.
  For the history of Cuba demonstrates--no less than our own--an 
indomitable spirit, a yearning for freedom, and a repugnance of 
oppression.
  We celebrate our Fourth of July and the great founders of our 
country--Jefferson, Washington, Madison, Adams, and the others.
  But who among us could not be inspired by the life and words of Cuban 
patriot Jose Marti, a man of enormous talents, devoted to principle, 
and a patriot, who organized and unified the movement for Cuban 
independence and who died on the battlefield fighting for it.
  Jose Marti was born in 1853 and educated in Havana.
  But even as a young man, he saw his path clearly and knew his heart.
  When he sided with freedom fighters during an uprising against the 
yoke of Spanish control, he was sentenced to 6 months of hard labor and 
deported to Spain.
  Allowed to return to Cuba a few years later, he was again deported 
because of is continued political activities.
  He eventually ended up in New York City, where he wrote newspaper 
articles, poetry, and essays that are considered a model of Spanish 
prose and that made him famous throughout Latin America.
  But the central theme of Jose Marti's life was his passion for 
freedom. The eloquence of his words stirred a generation to action.
  He died on the field of battle, fighting for the freedom is his 
country, in 1895, only 7 years before his lifelong goal of Cuban 
independence was achieved.
  Mr. Speaker, I'm from Miami, FL--home to thousands of Cubans who fled 
Castro's oppression and the home of thousands of Cuban-Americans who 
have contributed so much to the strength and vitality of our community, 
and our Nation.
  And so, on this Cuban Indpendence Day, let us reflect on the 
sacrifices of all of those who have worked so hard and given so much to 
achieve the elusive goal that I know will one day be ours--a free 
democratic, and independenct Cuba.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. I thank the gentlewoman from Florida for her 
participation. Also let me take this opportunity to thank her here for 
her strong support as a member of the Committee on Appropriations on 
behalf of the Radio and Television Marti, which gives us an opportunity 
to transmit into Cuba a free and unfettered flow of information about 
what is happening in the world. We appreciate her support in that 
regard.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to turn to a distinguished colleague, again 
from Florida, on the Republican side, probably the first voice in these 
Chambers on behalf of the people of Cuba in terms of Cuban 
independence, in terms of human rights, the first American elected to 
this House of Cuban descent, the distinguished gentlewoman from 
Florida, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for that 
wonderful introduction.
  Thank goodness I am not the first to have risen in this Chamber to 
speak on the behalf of the enslaved Cuban people.
  Thank goodness that we have had many fine Congressmen and 
Congresswomen on both sides of the aisle who have done their job very 
eloquently for more than 35 years. I am just one more humble addition 
to that, as all of us are. I thank the gentleman for this great 
opportunity.
  Once again, unfortunately, we find ourselves making the same plea 
that we made last year when it was a sad anniversary and we were here 
in the Chamber with the guidance of the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. 
Menendez], on behalf of those enslaved Cuban brothers and sisters.
  We hope that next year we will not be making the same urgent plea for 
freedom and democracy in our own land and that soon Cuba will be free.
  Mr. Speaker, I join the voices of eloquence here, Congressman Lincoln 
Diaz-Balart, with whom I have had the honor of serving many years in 
the State legislature, we have a good team working here, always 
speaking out on behalf of the Cuban people in favor of democracy and 
against oppression wherever that oppression may be.
  I also thank the gentlewoman from Miami, Carrie Meek, who has been so 
eloquent for so many years through her years in her service in the 
Florida house and now in the United States Congress, always speaking 
out on the right side of the issues, especially as they relate to 
freedom and democracy in Cuba.
  Later on we will be hearing from Congressman Peter Deutsch, also from 
south Florida, a person with whom I also served in the Florida 
legislature and who also has been a leader for us in the right causes. 
I thank all of you for the opportunity to speak.
  Mr. Speaker, for more than a century, the Cuban people fought for 
their independence.
  Tomorrow, the 20th of May, marks the latest commemoration of the 
foundation of the Cuban Republic. We pay tribute to those unselfish 
patriots who, with firm conviction and valor, made its creation 
possible.
  That same fighting spirit is still present today in the new 
generation of Cubans, who refuse to live under a tyrannical regime.
  The Cuban people today face a cruel and despotic regime which 
progressively violates their basic human rights. As the latest 
Department of State human rights report indicates, the Cuban Government 
drastically denies the Cuban people's basic political and civil rights. 
The regime does not allow freedom of expression. Does not allow for 
assembly. Does not allow free movement. It denies the people the right 
to privacy, the right to work, and the right of the Cuban people to 
freely elect their leaders. The Castro regime denies all labor rights 
to the Cuban people.
  Over the past 35 years, hundreds of thousands of Cubans have been 
sent to prisons or concentration camps for expressing dissent against 
the regime and for voicing their support for democratic changes on the 
island. To this day, men and women are still imprisoned, battered and 
tortured, for raising their voices against the ruthless practices of 
Castro's regime.
  Just last week, Mr. Speaker, Cuban dissident Francisco Chaviano, 
president of the National Council for Civil Rights in Cuba, an illegal 
dissident group, was arbitrarily arrested at his house for what the 
Cuban Government called revealing state secrets. This is but the latest 
example of Castro's iron fist at work.

                              {time}  1950

  In Cuba today, the Cuban people are not only deprived of their 
rights, but also of all basic needs, thanks to the perverse economic 
policies of the regime. Instead of creating equality, the regime has 
distributed misery and hunger--this is a shared trait of all the Cuban 
people. This is a country which once enjoyed one of the highest 
standards of living in Latin America. But as everything else in Cuba, 
the economy has been yet another one of Castro's victims.
  The regime now pretends to be willing to reform the economic system 
in hopes of gaining international support. However, the willingness to 
spew this rhetoric has, of course, not been equaled by the regime's 
actions. These so-called reforms implemented are directed at 
maintaining the Communist elite in power, not to help the Cuban people.
  The latest crackdown by the government has come through the 
implementation of decree-law 149 which calls on the Cuban authorities 
to adopt ``effective and exemplary measures'' against those who enrich 
themselves with ``goods and assets obtained through illegal 
enrichment.'' Of course, what the Cuban regime terms ``illegal 
enrichment'' is what the Cuban people must engage in for their 
survival.
  Reportedly, already more than 10 individuals have been victims of 
this latest repressive measure implemented by the regime.
  This blatant disregard for the Cuban people's rights has now been 
going on for 35 years and it is time for them to end. It is time to 
step up pressure against Castro by calling for an international embargo 
against the repressive forces subjugating the Cuban people. I 
congratulate the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Diaz-Balart] and the 
gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] for their leadership on this 
issue of making the embargo an international one.
  Mr. Speaker, the international community has united against the 
undemocratic governments of Haiti, South Africa, and Iraq, yet only 90 
miles from our shores one of the last bastions of totalitarian 
communism remains and the international community turns its back.
  It is time for the international community to join together against 
Cuba's despotic dictator and implement an international embargo against 
Castro and his cronies.
  Mr. Speaker, we condemn today and will continue condemning the brutal 
repression to which the Cuban people are subjected.
  Cuba will again be free and it will become free thanks to the efforts 
of all its people, both inside and outside the island, who have not 
halted in their struggle and thanks to the firmness of the policy we 
defend.
  We hope that soon a law-abiding, democratic regime is once again 
established in the fatherland of Jose Marti.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Florida [Ms. 
Ros-Lehtinen] for her participation and for her constant strong voice 
on behalf of a free, independent Cuba.
  Mr. Speaker, I call upon a Democratic colleague at this time and 
yield to him. We both entered the House together as freshmen this past 
year, but in fact he has had a strong voice on behalf of seeking 
freedom, and democracy and respect for human rights in Cuba, the 
gentleman from Florida [Mr. Deutsch].
  Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow the world will remember the 92d 
anniversary of Cuba's struggle for independence from Spain. What might 
otherwise be remembered as a joyous moment in history, however, now 
serves as a dismal reminder of the horrific conditions which exist in 
Cuba today. The 35 years of repression under the Castro regime have 
brought misery to the people of Cuba. The regime has stifled a once 
vibrant island economy and laid waste to a once flourishing nation. In 
addition, the Castro government has moved vigorously to stifle dissent 
and free thought in an attempt to beat an entire society into 
submission.
  This year, as in years past, the United Nations has condemned the 
human rights situation in Cuba under Castro. The Castro government 
continues to bar the entry of U.N. human rights investigators and 
refuses to ratify the main U.N. human rights accord. In most cases, 
those brave enough to speak out are jailed, tortured, or killed. The 
silencing of dissidents through incarceration and physical violence is 
a common practice of which the world is well aware.
  Yet, it appears that years of Castro's attempts to stifle free 
thought have not been able to squelch the Cuban people's commitment to 
democracy and freedom. The tactics of consistent humanitarian abuse has 
not been sufficient to break the will and the spirit of the Cuban 
people. And it is in honor of Cuban Independence Day that I take this 
opportunity to celebrate the indomitable spirit of the Cuban people.
  The Castro regime, however, has chosen to make a mockery of the deep 
desire of the Cuban people for freedom. On February 14, 1994, Cuban 
Foreign Minister Robert Robaina announced that a conference between the 
Castro government and 200 Cuban exiles would be called in Cuba. The 
conference, held on April 22-24, 1994, focused on normalizing 
relations. While Mr. Robaina marketed the event as a significant 
attempt to reach out to the exile community, he later admitted that 
only those whose sympathies were with the revolution would be welcome.
  While the Castro regime attempted to borrow from the principles of 
democracy by hosting this dialog, it must realize that it can not 
borrow selectively. For 35 years, the regime has worked to stifle free 
expression. It has harassed, jailed, harmed, and forced out those who 
have tried to express a different opinion. It has leveled fierce 
criticism against the United States, democracy, and capitalism. Now, 
the Castro regime seeks to feign openness in order to work toward 
normalized relations.
  A free exchange of ideas is the hallmark of a democratic system, a 
system which allows all opinions to be heard, a system which clearly 
does not exist in Cuba. And when the regime ostensibly initiates a 
discussion with only one side represented, it is a sham. There is an 
old Cuban saying that when you have three Cubans in a room, you have at 
least four opinions. Cubans are no strangers to open discussion and 
free expression. And, many, including many Members of the United States 
Congress, would like to see a Cuba where this type of freedom is 
institutionalized. Instead, Mr. Castro's remedy was a reunion for 
Cuba's so-called revolutionaries.
  The Castro regime has completely failed and abused the people of 
Cuba. Castro's unwillingness to institute comprehensive reforms 
demonstrates that only a complete transfer of power can restore Cuba to 
its people and to its place in the family of nations. By bargaining 
with Castro we prolong his time in power and the suffering he has 
inflicted on the people of Cuba. It is our moral obligation to reject 
any accommodation of this brutal dictatorship.
  Today, I stand with my colleagues in solidarity with the people of 
Cuba. As we celebrate their will and strength, we recall the legacy of 
Jose Marti and his commitment to the principle of personal liberty. 
And, as Americans we remember our own struggle for sovereignty and the 
belief that this was and is our fundamental right.
  The year 1868 marked the beginning of the first war for Cuban 
independence. However, only after 34 years of struggle were the Cuban 
people finally free. Cuba has been under the thumb of the Castro regime 
for an unconscionable 35 years. Ironically, we are now beginning to see 
the seeds of the regime's collapse. I sincerely hope that soon the 
Cuban people will share my feelings of freedom and have the ability to 
live without fear. Castro's abuse of the Cuban people must come to an 
end. I look forward to celebrating Cuban Independence Day next year in 
a free Havana.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida [Mr. 
Deutsch] for his strong statement and his continuous support, and we 
share his goals. We certainly hope we can celebrate Cuba's independence 
day next year in a free and independent Cuba.
  Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I would like to add one point. The 
gentleman knows, and many of my colleagues know, that my district is 
physically the closest district to Cuba. I represent south Florida, 
including all of the Florida Keys, and, when I am in Key West, I am 
actually closer to Havana than I am to Miami, and we see on a daily 
basis the struggle that is going on in Cuba. Almost every day people 
who have risked their lives come to our shores. We do not know whether 
it is 1 out of 2 or 1 out of 10 that make it to our shores in vessels 
that are not adequately described as boats, but are vessels of whatever 
floats, and I have personally talked with hundreds of people who have 
risked their lives to come to our shores, and each person is a hero. 
Each person tells a story of conditions that are existing in Cuba 
today.
  A process is going on in world history today that we see in south 
Florida on a daily basis that truly is an inspiration for the entire 
world. It is a story that unfortunately is not being told enough, and 
most people around the country and most people around the world do not 
know it, but it is a story of absolute commitment.

                             {time}   2000

  I will mention it is not just the people who risk their lives in 
water almost every day. I had the opportunity to visit the American 
Naval Base in Guantanamo Bay and I had the opportunity to speak with 
several young people in their teens and early 20's who had either 
walked across mine fields or swan in shark-infested waters to get to 
Guantanamo Bay and to get to freedom. Each of those people again and 
some of their fellow victims--we know this when explosions occur in the 
mine field--had been killed, had a story, and truly was a hero. With 
those types of heroes, I think that the legacy and the independence 
that we believe will happen in Cuba is inevitable, will happen, and it 
will happen very soon.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for those laughs of 
what he experiences daily in his district.
  It is amazing what people will do in search of freedom and justice.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to give another face to what is happening 
in Cuba and it is Cuba's economic situation.
  Cuba's economic situation is so dire that one critic compares it to 
Bosnia's, with the potential for deterioration to widespread hunger and 
a genuine food crisis more comparable to sub-Saharan Africa or Somalia.
  Cuba is in the midst of her worst economic crisis in history. Absent 
the vanished free ride of 30 years of Soviet subsidies, the Castro 
regime is broke, heavily in debt, and uncreditworthy by any standard. 
Cuba is nearly incapable of trading anything at all at the moment.
  According to the Cuban Government's own estimates--not statistics, as 
the Government has not released statistics since 1989--Cuban exports 
have shrunk from $5.4 billion in 1989 to $1.7 billion in 1993. Of this 
figure, the Government requires a minimum of $1 billion to purchase 
imports of food and oil for subsistence. The balance is required for 
purchase of inputs for the production of the few exports that Cuba can 
manage to generate, such as chemicals and fertilizers. The harvest of 
Cuba's major cash crop and main source of foreign exchange--sugar--has 
shrunk to half of 1950's levels: The 1993 harvest yielded just 4.2 
billion tons--a 50 percent decline from 1990 levels. National income 
has shrunk by the same amount since the fall of the Soviet Union and 
the former East bloc.
  Remember during the last Presidential election the slogan, ``It's the 
economy, stupid''? It came about at the time the U.S. economy had 
shrunk less than 1 percent. That was enough to knock an American 
President out of office. Compare that to Cuba's 50 percent shrinkage, 
which has thrown it into a depression. Somehow, there are no 
consequences for the Cuban dictator, but plenty for the Cuban people.
  Imports have shrunk over 75 percent in the last 4 years, from $8.1 
billion to under $2 billion in 1993. Can anyone imagine the same 
occurring here at home?
  Industrial production has shrunk an incredible 80 percent, and will 
not improve, as spare parts from the former East bloc are being 
cannibalized for other purposes. If you believe the Russians, Cuba's 
international hard currency debt stands at $40 billion, $8 billion of 
which is owed to the Paris club of mainly Western European creditor 
nations.
  Let me put it more plainly. The Castro regime can barely conduct 
normal trade. It cannot feed the Cuban people. It neither grows enough 
food, nor generates enough money to purchase the food its citizens 
require. Cubans struggle everyday just to survive and get a bite to 
eat. This may involve eating cat and dog meat. Since the Cuban economy 
is in ruins, the black market is now the major source of food on the 
island.


                          human rights abuses

  The indignity of scrounging for food everyday is not the worst of it 
by any means for the Cuban people. Castro's human rights record is 
abysmal and one of the worst in the world. Severe violations began 
right away in 1959, when Castro's henchmen executed thousands of 
Cubans.
  Castro's human rights record--that is, based on what we are able to 
obtain--documents a horror story of systematic abuse and violations of 
the fundamental human rights of the Cuban people.
  The only monitors in Cuba are Castro's security thugs. But they do 
not monitor human rights. They monitor and beat, imprison, and torture 
the brave defenders of human rights. Those courageous enough to express 
their opposition to the regime risk violent acts of repudiation by the 
infamous Rapid Response Brigades, and the ire of the regime's Big 
Brother Watchdogs, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution.
  Freedom House's 1994 annual review lists Cuba as among the 10 worst 
offenders of human rights in the world. The United Nations and the 
Organization of American States, Amnesty International, Human Rights 
Watch, the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, and other reputable 
human rights groups continue to equally denounce Castro. Yet, since 
none have been to Cuba, none of them really knows how many thousands of 
political prisoners today languish in Castro's brutal jails.
  Freedom House and the Freedom Forum recently determined that Cuba is 
one of the five worst offenders of press freedom in the world. Even the 
foreign press is not free when they are inside Cuba. The government 
continues to restrict the ability of the foreign media to operate. 
Journalist visas are required and reporters whom the government 
considers hostile are not allowed entry. As you might imagine, friendly 
     reporters get the royal treatment. Foreign journalists 
     interviewing dissidents risk being detained and expelled, 
     and in a few cases reporters have been beaten up.
  Let me tell you about a bizarre incident that occurred recently to a 
foreign reporter. Just days ago a reporter from the Dominican Republic 
was mistaken for a Cuban citizen. He was apprehended, taken to Cuban 
state security headquarters, beaten, and tortured. Later, when Castro's 
men realized they had the wrong person they released him--but not 
before they threatened him with further violence if he didn't keep his 
mouth shut.
  Every year, the U.N. Commission on Human Rights censures Cuba for its 
gross violations of human rights--and every year the Cuban Government 
responds by refusing to grant a visa to the U.N.-appointed special 
rapporteur on human rights in Cuba.
  As a result no one seems to know how many political prisoners there 
are in Cuba. Is it 1,000? Is it 10,000? Is it 100,000 prisoners who 
languish in Castro's political jails? We may never know.
  But we do know about Mario Chanes de Armas, the longest serving 
political prisoner in the Western Hemisphere. Mr. Chanes used to be 
Castro's comrade-in-arms. But like so many others, he was betrayed by 
his former friend. Chanes was sentenced to 30 years in prison.
  I asked Chanes what was the most painful part of his experience in 
Castro's jails. His answer was revealing and profoundly sad. He told me 
that while he was in prison, his son was born. Many years later, while 
he was still in prison, his son died. Mario Chanes never had human 
contact with his son.
  I was glad to join Chanes at the White House in a meeting with 
President Clinton. In an emotional meeting, Chanes thanked the 
President for his principled opposition to the Castro dictatorship. The 
President was visibly moved by the meeting with Chanes. In my presence, 
he told Chanes, ``I will never forget you or this meeting.''
  We know about Rodolfo Gonzalez Gonzalez, the spokesman of the Cuban 
Committee for Human Rights [CCHR]. Mr. Gonzalez was first arrested on 
International Human Rights Day on December 10, 1992. He was held for 16 
months before trial. He was sentenced to 7 years for enemy propaganda. 
It turns out his crime was talking to foreign radio stations on the 
phone.

  We also know about Francisco Chaviano Gonzalez, President of the 
National Council for Civil Rights [CNDCC] in Havana, Cuba. Mr. Chaviano 
was arrested less than 2 weeks ago at his home. He is being held at 
Villa Marista, the headquarters of Castro's state security. What was 
his crime? He dared to stand up for human rights. The regime says that 
makes him highly dangerous.
  Unsatisfied with its cruelty toward Chaviano, Castro's thugs arrested 
the entire leadership of the National Council. Their names are: Jorge 
A. Lorenzo Pimienta, vice-president of the CNDCC; Mario Rodriguez 
Castellon, Abilio Ramos Moya, and, Terina Fernandez Gonzalez 
(Chaviano's sister). All members of the organization.
  On and on it goes. Castro's state security apparatus, under the Cuban 
ministry of the interior is capable of monitoring every aspect of a 
person's life, in all realms of activity: Economic, political, social, 
and cultural. Since 1959 this has been the state of human rights in 
Cuba.


                       national security concerns

  On the National security front, the United States needs to be 
concerned about Cuba's effort to finish building the Juragua nuclear 
power plant, near Cienfuegos. We certainly don't need another Chernobyl 
90 miles from the United States. Nor would we like the former soviet 
spy station in Lourdes, Cuba to continue to intercept United States 
commubitcations--especially in the wake of the Ames espionage case.
  If that were not enough cause for concern, it is probable that the 
Cuban Government is pursuing the means to develop biological and 
chemical weapons in Cuba, through their biotechnology industry.


                      u.s. policy and the embargo

  People often ask me what should be our policy toward the Castro 
Dictatorship. Some suggest that the U.S. policy of economic sanctions 
or the embargo on Cuba should change.
  Let me address this point, because I think it is important. I want to 
begin by citing a few basic facts about the embargo. Despite 
revisionist claims to the contrary, the United States embargo on Cuba 
is not an arbitrary punitive measure in response to Castro's radical 
political orientation. Nor is it an instance of American 
interventionism in Latin-American affairs, as unfortunately other 
policies indeed have been.
  The U.S. embargo was first put into effect in 1962 by Executive order 
of the late President John F. Kennedy. President Kennedy did so in 
response to the Castro dictationship's expropriation of U.S. citizens' 
property with a value of $1.8 billion--without compensation and in 
violation of international law. That illegally confiscated property now 
is valued at close to $6 billion.
  President Clinton, another Democrat, right now can lift President 
Kennedy's embargo with the stroke of a pen, but like his seven 
predecessors he sees no reason to do that, given the lack of any 
movement by Castro toward substantive political or economic reform or 
settlement of U.S. claims. I applaud the President, support his 
principled stance, and am confident that he will maintain his first 
position.
  In respect to Cuba, our foreign policy objective is to promote 
democracy, human rights, and eventually prosperity in a country just 90 
miles from our shores. We look forward to the day that relations 
between our two countries are constructive and based on mutual respect.
  The fact is, lifting the embargo won't create hard currency to buy 
the goods Cuba needs.
  The fact is, the food and medicine and other products Cuba might need 
are available from other countries throughout the world, but they won't 
sell to Cuba because it can't pay.
  The fact is, Castro will not allow a free-market system to develop in 
Cuba and insists on what he said for so many years. He now claims that 
the embargo is the reason for the misery in Cuba. Not surprisingly, 
there are people in this country who suddenly agree with Castro. They 
suggest that we should lift the embargo unilaterally, no questions 
asked.

  They would have us forget about human rights, although the President 
has just asked the U.N. Secretary-General to appoint a high 
commissioner for human rights to give human rights a higher profile in 
U.S. foreign policy.
  They would have us forget the hundreds of innocent Cuban political 
prisoners languishing in jail.
  They would have us forget the atrocities of the Cuban KGB.
  During the time that Cuba was subsidized to the tune of $6 billion 
annually by the Soviet Union, Castro loudly insisted that the United 
States embargo on Cuba was irrelevant. He stated ad nauseam that Cuba's 
economic prosperity would enable her to sidestep the United States 
embargo. In the meantime, United States critics of the embargo 
denounced it as ineffectual and merely an irritant in relations with 
Cuba.
  Yet now, we see what a little sunshine can do. The Soviet subsidies 
are gone. Trade with Russia and the countries of the former eastern 
bloc are conducted strictly on commercial terms. Castro's Cuba stands 
isolated and exposed.
  With the cushion of Soviet subsidies gone, Castro is now saying 
precisely the opposite of keeping his centrally planned economy--which 
has failed.
  The fact is, at the height of Soviet aid to Cuba, which amounted to 
nearly $6 billion a year, Castro still rationed the Cuban people--
instead of using that money to provide for their needs.
  The fact is, Castro took the money provided by the Soviets and used 
it to export revolution around the world instead of feeding the Cuban 
people.
  At the moment there is one obstacle which stands in the way: That is 
the dictator, Fidel Castro--and not U.S. policy.


                    lending the cuban people a hand

  As a Nation, we need to look beyond the Castro regime and to a time 
when Cuba will once again join the Democratic Nations of the world. To 
that end, I introduced H.R. 2758, the Free and Independent Cuba 
Assistance Act, which details a plan of assistance and cooperation to a 
post-Castro government in Cuba. Under the plan, emergency economic and 
humanitarian assistance and military adjustment assistance would be 
granted to a transitional government pledged to democracy and moving to 
a democratically-elected government.
  Assistance to a Democratic government would include developmental aid 
and insertion of Cuba into the international financial community to 
ease the transition to democracy. The bill provides for negotiations to 
include Cuba in the Caribbean basin initiative and in a potential free-
trade agreement, and offers the return of Guantanamo Bay Naval Station.
  The Free and Independent Cuba Assistance Act will send a beacon of 
light to the Cuban people. It says that we are in solidarity with you, 
but not with those who enslave you. We are ready to help, but first you 
must help yourselves. Remove the impediments to democracy and we will 
offer a strong helping hand.
  To the Cuban military we say: ``We are not your enemy and have no 
interest other than to recognize that we understand the pain of 
adjustment and are willing to help--so long as you do not turn your 
back on your brother and sister as they move to seek freedom and 
democracy.
  Finally, to the world community we erase the view that U.S. policy is 
strictly punitive toward the Cuban people--and show that we are eager 
to welcome Cuba into the family of Nations.
  In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, given the dubious record of the Castro 
regime, I believe we should not take any steps to prolong the life of 
this odious dictatorship--especially at a time when the clock is 
ticking on its final hour.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my friend, the gentleman 
from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] for this special order.
  Mr. Speaker, I also want to take this opportunity to commend our 
Cuban-American colleagues for their leadership on the question of U.S. 
policy toward Cuba. We are fortunate to have their insights on the 
Foreign Affairs Committee. They bring a depth of experience and 
commitment that is invaluable.
  They also bring to their analysis the best interests of both the 
United States and the Cuban people. For that, we are grateful.
  May 20 will mark 92 years of Cuban independence. Tragically for the 
Cuban people, it will not mark 92 years of freedom.
  Fidel Castro is in his 35th year of totalitarian rule. When combined 
with the Batista regime, the Cuban people will have spent more than 40 
years of their independence as a Nation under the heel of an 
authoritarian leaders.
  Violations of fundamental human and political rights occur on a daily 
basis. The Castro government continues its refusal to cooperate with 
the U.N. Secretary-General's special rapporteur. It is questionable 
whether the so-called reforms are genuine efforts to liberalize the 
country's political system and economy. More likely, they are merely a 
recognition of the economic dislocation caused by Castro's communism.
  Despite this adversity, the Cuban people have never lost their 
spirit, their warmth and generosity, nor have they given up their 
struggle for democracy and respect for human rights.
  This special order provides another opportunity to demonstrate to the 
Cuban people that both the American people and the U.S. Government 
stand together in our support for their desire for freedom and that 
most important right of being able to freely and democratically choose 
the system of government under which they wish to live, and their 
leaders.
  These fundamental rights have been denied far too long.
  I recently had the privilege of attending the inauguration of Nelson 
Mandela as President of South Africa. Frankly, that historic day in 
Pretoria was one that I did not expect to witness during my tenure in 
Congress. What happened in South Africa is relevant to Cuba: In South 
Africa, a closed, unrepresentative elite based on race, ran a country 
without regard to the fundamental rights of the majority of its own 
people.
  In Cuba, a closed, unrepresentative elite based on an ideology runs 
Cuba without regard to the fundamental rights of the majority of the 
Cuban people.
  In the case of South Africa, the United States together with the 
international community acted on our indignation of the injustices of 
apartheid.
  In Haiti, we have joined an international effort to express our 
outrage at the situation there by the implementation of comprehensive 
economic sanctions.
  But when it comes to Cuba, the same logic that applied to South 
Africa and that applies to Haiti is thrown out the window. In the case 
of Cuba, the United States stands alone in attempting to show its moral 
outrage at the abuse of an entire country.
  Today, we should have one standard for authoritarian regimes 
regardless of whether they are based on an ideology, race, or result 
from the removal of a democratically-elected government: that standard 
should be to declare them illegitimate and to deny them the respect of, 
and normal interaction with, the rest of the international community.
  It is my hope that when we next commemorate Cuban Independence Day, 
we will do so in a free and democratic Cuba. The Cuban people deserve 
nothing less. They are a heroic people with a proud history. We must 
not falter in our commitment to their democratic future.

                          ____________________