[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 34 (Wednesday, March 23, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: March 23, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                   PRESIDENT NIXON'S SPEECH IN RUSSIA

  Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I would like to recognize the efforts of one 
of our country's leading observers of international affairs, former 
President Richard Nixon. Having recently concluded a trip to the former 
Soviet Union that was highlighted by a speech before the State Duma's 
Committee on Foreign Relations, President Nixon has once again shown 
that he is a voice that should be heard on United States relations with 
the world. Not only did President Nixon speak without notes, he fielded 
tough questions for more than 1 hour. President Nixon's energy and 
ability continue to make an impact on the world.
  As President, Richard Nixon constructed the policy of detente with 
the Soviet Union. This trip marked his 10th visit to Russia in 35 
years. At a time when relations with the former Soviet Union are at a 
crossroads, President Nixon provides sound advice. In his speech, 
President Nixon emphasizes the importance of Russia to the United 
States interests and the need to ensure the success of freedom in 
Russia. On this approach, I think we can all agree. Although President 
Nixon's trip may have made headlines due to an unfortunate 
miscommunication with President Yeltsin, it should be remembered for 
more. President Nixon's astute observations on foreign policy deserve 
wide attention and therefore I ask that the text of his comments before 
the State Duma's Committee on Foreign Relations be printed in the 
Record at this point.
  There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

  Address by President Richard Nixon--Committee on Foreign Relations, 
                     State Duma, Russian Federation


                     Monday, March 14, 1994, Moscow

       Mr. Chairman, I want to express my appreciation for your 
     very gracious introduction. I am particularly pleased that 
     for the first time in my many visits to Russia--this is the 
     tenth--I am appearing before a committee of the Duma and 
     other Russian friends. I noted that Chairman Lukin pointed 
     out that I was a former President of the United States. I 
     also have been one of you, because it was 47 years ago that 
     John F. Kennedy and I came to Washington for the first time 
     as freshman Congressmen. In 1960, he was elected President of 
     the United States. In 1968, I was elected President of the 
     United States. And I am sure that some of the younger members 
     of the Duma hope that happens to them here in Russia. So I 
     wish you well as far as your political careers are concerned.
       I want to address Russian-American relations in a very 
     realistic way today. Let me put the matter in historical 
     perspective. Thirty-five years ago on my first visit to 
     Russia, Premier Khrushchev and I had a lively exchange of 
     views during a period of confrontation between the Soviet 
     Union and the United States. In 1972 and 1974 in the Kremlin, 
     I met with President Brezhnev at a time of detente. We were 
     able to negotiate a very significant arms control agreement 
     and other positive agreements between our two countries. Now 
     I stand here before the first freely elected Parliament in 
     Russian history at a time when Russia also has its first 
     freely elected President in one thousand years. So I have 
     seen our relationship move from confrontations in 1959 to 
     detente in 1972 and 1974, and now to cooperation.
       In order to understand what the new relationship should be, 
     it is necessary to disabuse ourselves of some misconceptions. 
     We sometimes hear it said that the Cold War is over and the 
     Russians have lost it. That is not true. The Russians did not 
     lose the Cold War. Democratic Russia was responsible for 
     delivering the knock-out blow to Soviet communism in December 
     1991. It was the Soviet communists rather than Democratic 
     Russians who lost the Cold War. The United States, therefore, 
     should not treat Russia as a defeated enemy but as an ally 
     and friend in the defeat of aggressive Soviet communism.
       The second misconception, one that was repeated in a major 
     American newspaper last week, is that because Russia no 
     longer rules an empire, it is no longer a great power and 
     should not be treated as a great power by the United States. 
     That is also incorrect. Russia was and is a great power and 
     the Russian-American relationship is the most important 
     relationship that the United States has with any nation in 
     the world. There are several reasons why that is the case.
       First, Russia is the only nation in the world that has the 
     capability to destroy the United States of America. Second, 
     Russia's cooperation is indispensable in dealing with a 
     number of problems like the current situation in the Mideast. 
     Third, and to me most important, is that the success or 
     failure of political and economic freedom in Russia will have 
     a profound effect in the world among those who are dictators 
     or hope to be dictators. If freedom succeeds in Russia, it 
     means that freedom will be the wave of the future. Therefore 
     we should work together to make it succeed.
       Having stated that we are no longer potential enemies, we 
     must recognize that as friends, we will have differences. But 
     I emphasize that they will be differences between friends, 
     rather than differences between enemies--just as the United 
     States has differences with a number of other of its friends 
     and allies in Europe and Japan. As far as those differences 
     are concerned, it is important to put them on the table, to 
     know where we agree and disagree, rather than to drown them 
     in toasts of vodka and champagne. There is no question but 
     that the good personal relationship between President Yeltsin 
     and President Clinton is one of the most positive 
     developments of this period. But we must recognize that this 
     personal relationship does not indicate that we do not have 
     some profound differences. I say this because there is a 
     tendency, particularly between friends, to paper over 
     differences with emotionalism. This does not serve the cause 
     of peace. It does not serve the cause of friendship.
       Mr. Chairman, I want to be very frank with our friends here 
     in the Duma, as you have often urged me to be, and which you 
     have been in the United States when you have addressed 
     members of our Congress. After the euphoria of 1991 and 1992, 
     and after several summit meetings, there has been too much of 
     a tendency to assume that everything is going smoothly 
     between our two countries. That is not true. If you look at 
     the situation in Russia and in America, there are some 
     profoundly disturbing developments. For example, in America, 
     if you follow our media you will find that as a result of the 
     exaggerated reaction to the Ames spy scandal, there has been 
     a resurrection of some anti-Russian attitudes carrying over 
     from the Cold War. And speaking candidly, a number of our 
     most distinguished commentators and observers have reacted 
     very strongly to the recent election in Russia. They are 
     concerned that Russia will revert to an aggressive foreign 
     policy. Many Americans are concerned by what they see as a 
     new assertiveness on the part of some of Russia's foreign 
     policy officials.
       Now let us look at the situation in Russia. Mr. Chairman, I 
     have found some profound change in the attitude among my 
     Russian friends since even last year. It is not anti-
     American. It is more pro-Russian. I understand this. 
     Russia is a great power and Russia as a great power must 
     chart its own course in foreign policy. Sometimes that 
     course will be the same as that of the United States--in 
     fact, most of the time. Sometimes it will be different. 
     And when it is different, we must not allow that 
     difference to poison the most important strategic 
     relationship between two powers in the world today.
       I have found, for example, that some of my Russian friends 
     say they are disappointed in the failure of the United States 
     to provide in performance what it promised insofar as aid to 
     reforms in Russia is concerned. Others have expressed concern 
     with regard to the failure of the United States to recognize 
     the plight of 25 million Russians living in the near abroad. 
     And as you know, we have had some differences in Bosnia which 
     currently we hope are being resolved.
       I give these only as examples. It is important for leaders 
     in this country and in the United States to work together 
     when we can. But when we have differences, we should not 
     assume that they will be overcome by a good personal 
     relationship even at the highest level or by friendly 
     meetings between members of legislatures. They can only be 
     overcome if we recognize them and then negotiate in a 
     progmatic way. As great nations, we must always stand for our 
     ideals but we must base our policies on our interests. I used 
     to say to your Chairman that if I were a Russian politician I 
     would realize that it would not be helpful to go in lockstep 
     with America on all issues. I speak to you candidly as a 
     politician and as an American, just as you are patriotic 
     Russians.
       It is in that spirit that I look forward to hearing your 
     questions on foreign or domestic policy, and if you desire 
     your speeches on either. Let me add finally a personal word. 
     I noted that President Yeltsin has returned to his native 
     Sverdlovsk for the funeral services of his mother-in-law. We 
     express our sympathy to him on this occasion.
       I vividly remember thirty-five years ago my visit to 
     Sverdlovsk and then to a small school in the Ural mountains 
     nearby. The school children were there waving American and 
     Russian flags. I asked my translator, ``What can I say in 
     Russian that they would want to hear? What do I say to school 
     children?'' He said I should say, ``Mir i Drushba.'' For the 
     balance of that trip, in every speech I made, I said, ``Mir i 
     Drushba--peace and friendship.''
       My friends, when I said that 35 years ago, it was only a 
     hope. Today, you can help to make it a reality.
       President Nixon spoke without notes.

                          ____________________