[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 34 (Wednesday, March 23, 1994)]
[House]
[Page H]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: March 23, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                IN CELEBRATION OF GREEK INDEPENDENCE DAY

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
February 11, 1994, the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis] is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.


                             general leave

  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I ask that all Members may have 5 
legislative days to file their remarks in connective with this special 
order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today, here in the Hall of 
American democracy, to honor the spirit of freedom that lies at the 
heart of our political system. It is the idea of democratic government, 
brought forth by the ancient Greeks and which has swept the modern 
world.
  It is fitting that we celebrate this magnificent concept of 
democratic government this week because this Friday--March 25--marks 
the date that the people of Greek heritage and the Greek Orthodox 
faith, as well as freedom-loving individuals everywhere, celebrate the 
symbolic rebirth of democracy: Greek Independence Day.
  March 25, 1994, is the 173d anniversary of the beginning of Greece's 
struggle for independence from more than 400 years of foreign 
domination. It was on this historic day that the Greek people began a 
series of uprisings against their Turkish oppressors, uprisings that 
soon turned into a revolution attracting wide international support.
  The Greeks' long and arduous struggle against the Ottoman Empire is a 
perfect example of the ability of mankind to overcome all obstacles if 
the will to persevere is strong enough and the goal--in this case the 
dream of freedom--is bright enough.
  America, the United States of America, is surely the truest 
expression of this dream today. It remains an imperfect dream, yes, but 
still the shining example that oppressed people throughout the world 
have looked to for generations; have gained strength from in their 
struggle to overcome their oppressors.
  This dream of democracy--born so long ago in Greece--and its greatest 
tangible expression in our great democratic Republic, Mr. Speaker, 
forms the common bond between our two nations. Furthermore, it is a 
bond that has stretched throughout history, from ancient times to the 
present day.
  In ancient mythology, fire was brought down from Mount Olympus and 
offered to the Greeks as a gift--a gift that transformed their lives. 
Similarly, the gift of democracy was offered to the world by the 
ancient Greeks and it, too, was a transforming gift: In fact, it 
continues to transform the world with stories of heroes and remarkable 
events.
  The history of the Greek war for independence also is filled with 
heroes and heroism, remarkable events by many peoples in a common 
cause. It is partly the story of the Klephts, who descended upon the 
invaders from their mountain strongholds. It is also the story of the 
Hydriots, seafarers who broke the Ottoman naval blockade; and it is the 
story of the Philhellenes, who took these tales of courage to Europe 
where their significance was not overlooked.
  These stories woven together formed the fabric of a free and 
independent Greece, of Democracy returned to the cradle where it was 
born, and defended by the defiant cries of the Greek patriots: 
``Eleftheria I Thanatos''--Liberty or Death.
  However, democracy--which places the hands of the common man on the 
wheel of destiny--brings with it dangers, as well. Freedom often brings 
with it old antagonisms, nationalist disputes that must be reconciled--
and the old truism that warfare is only an extension of diplomacy is no 
better demonstrated than in the Balkans.
  Yugoslavia--cobbled together out of many competing ethnic factions 
and for years held together by the force of communism--has fragmented 
explosively. Fighting continues throughout the Balkan region--and one 
old dispute in particular threatens the cradle of democracy, Greece 
itself.
  The Greek Government protested when, in 1945, Yugoslavia's Communist 
dictator, Tito, usurped the name ``Macedonia'' for a province carved 
out of southern Yugoslavia to diminish the power of Serbia. This served 
only to inflame competing interests in a region stretching well beyond 
the borders of Yugoslavia and unstable since the days of Alexander the 
Great.
  While this Province now understandably seeks its freedom, the concept 
of Macedonia must in no way be restricted within the borders of this 
tiny land. To recognize this Province as an independent nation under 
the name ``Macedonia'' would, I fear, unleash antagonisms already 
bubbling at the boiling point.
  Regrettably, however, the Clinton administration has granted full 
diplomatic recognition to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 
[fyrom]. This action is cause for great concern, because the name 
``Macedonia'' is historically tied to the northern Greek Province of 
Salonika, home to Alexander the Great. As a result, an extremely 
volatile atmosphere has been created along the northern border of 
Greece.
  As recounted in the New York Times, constitutional language regarding 
a future union of the wider lands of ancient Macedonia--which reach 
into Bulgaria, Albania, and Greece--spark 
resentments and suspicion. Promises to protect 
the cultural, economic, and social rights of Macedonians in surrounding 
countries are equally ominous.
  More blatant still are maps circulating in the region and bearing the 
seal of the Macedonian National Liberation Army; maps that depict the 
envisioned nation of Macedonia with borders reaching into eastern 
Albania, southwestern Bulgaria, and a full quarter of mainland Greece.
  Frequent radio broadcasts from Yugoslavia's Macedonian Province call 
for the unification of Macedonia and for the freeing of millions of 
oppressed Macedonians in Greece.
  The establishment of diplomatic relations with Fyrom would be a 
serious deterrent to the negotiation process and would impede efforts 
to promote a solid and cooperative relationship between those two 
countries. This action would also threaten the historic military and 
cultural relationship between the United States and Greece.
  The establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States 
and Fyrom would send precisely the wrong message at precisely the wrong 
time. The prospects for peace in the region will not be enhanced by 
this action; indeed, they might very well be compromised.
  This is not a matter of semantics. This is a matter of national 
identity, international respect for traditional concepts of national 
sovereignty, and a recognition of the long and turbulent history of the 
Balkan region. Mere names are often used to support territorial claims 
and ethnic divisions which transcend the centuries.
  Mr. Speaker, we must stand by our longtime ally and never forget that 
the ancient Greeks forged the very notion of democracy, placing the 
ultimate power to govern in the hands of the people themselves. The 
dream of self-rule was made reality as our Founding Fathers drew 
heavily on the political and philosophical experience of ancient Greece 
in forming our Government. For that contribution alone, we owe a great 
debt to the Greeks.
  In the American colonial period, during the formative years of what 
would be our great Republic, no feature was more prominent than the 
extent to which Greek and Roman sources were cited by the Framers of 
the Constitution. The very basis of our Constitution derives from 
Aristotle and was put into practice in ancient Rome, in 18th-century 
England and in the early State constitutions, before it was given its 
national embodiment by the Convention of 1787.
  The overriding appreciation was for Aristotle's sense of balance, 
since the delegates viewed the tyrant and the mob as equally dangerous. 
Indeed, both James Madison and John Adams emphasized what Aristotle had 
written in The Politics, that ``the more perfect the admixture of the 
political elements, the more lasting will be the state.''
  Through the recognition of the idea of a separation of powers, a 
system of checks and balances was instituted in American Government. 
Thus, as another of the ancient Greeks, Polybius, foresaw and wrote:

       When one part, having grown out of proportion to the 
     others, aims at supremacy and tends to become too dominant * 
     * * none of the three is absolute. * * *

  Our Founding Fathers were eager to relate the American experiment to 
the efforts of the ancient Greeks to establish a balance of powers. 
Such a relationship, it was hoped by the Framers, would allow America 
to escape the disintegration of Government that had proven inevitably 
fatal to other political systems throughout history.
  It is the example of the ancient Greeks that we celebrate each March 
25th, that and the return of democracy to Greece on this day of glory 
for the Greek people. The spirit of democracy and of this day lives on 
in the defense of the principles for which so many of the free world's 
citizens have given their lives.
  Mr. Speaker, today we celebrate together with Greece in order to 
reaffirm the democratic heritage that our two nations share so closely. 
These principles are not uniquely Greek or American, but they are our 
promise to the world--and they form a legacy that we cherish and have a 
responsibility to protect and defend.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Gekas].
  Mr. GEKAS. Mr. Speaker, I think the gentleman from Florida [Mr. 
Bilirakis] has outlined in his opening remarks what this special order 
which he regularly conducts is all about. When in March 1812 the 
Greeks, who had been subjugated by the Ottoman Empire for almost 500 
years, began an uprising which led to full independence 9 years later 
with the help of luminaries like Lord Byron of England and worldwide 
sentiment expressed even in the halls of democracy to which the 
gentleman alluded, the same Chamber where James Monroe, and the 
President, and Henry Clay and others said spirited words in support of 
the Greek uprising, that celebration, March 25, is repeated as a 
celebration of freedom every year, and particularly to the Americans of 
Greek descent it becomes even triply significant.
  First of all, Mr. Speaker, it is a national holiday in Greece. We 
know because that is the day of independence. But for all Americans of 
Greek descent who also happen to be of Greek Orthodox faith it is a 
rousing day on the religious calendar as well, and in another wondrous 
way the Americans of Greek descent look upon it as a recelebration of 
their own freedom as Americans. They really celebrate.
  I remember in our younger days when we gathered at home after the 
church services and after poems and songs about the day of freedom, as 
it were, that we were able to correlate that expression of heartfelt 
thanks and gratitude that our parents, who were immigrant parents, from 
Greece felt that the idea that they were able to celebrate in a free 
land what they had learned in their background was so important to them 
as Greek citizens at one time was now doubly important because it was 
celebrated in the land that replicated the freedom begun by Greek 
democracy, the United States, and so we, as the gentleman and I, for 
instance, as I say to the gentleman from Florida, as Americans of Greek 
descent who also serve in the Congress of the United States, we who 
have served in the armed services of the United States and we who 
continue to blare out freedom every chance we get, really came by it 
honestly because we learned from our parents, and our teachers and our 
church leaders the significance of freedom in all its beauteous 
definitions.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I wish to congratulate the people of 
Greece and the Greek-American community of south Florida on the 173d 
anniversary of Greek independence.
  Greece was the birthplace of Western civilization. It is from Greece, 
and Greece's inspiration of the Renaissance, that the culture we know 
as the West is derived. Our ideas of democracy, art, and philosophy 
were first formulated in the city-states of ancient Greece.
  In modern times, Greece has been a frequent ally of the United 
States. In the Second World War, 9 percent of the population of Greece 
died fighting the Axis. The Truman doctrine, which declared the 
intention of the United States to resist Communist aggression, was 
prompted by a Soviet inspired war against Greek freedom. It was that 
decision which ultimately led to the collapse of the Soviet empire and 
the rebirth of liberty in much of Eastern Europe.
  Again, allow me to congratulate the Greek-Americans of south Florida, 
and the rest of the country, on this happy day.
  Ms. SNOWE. Mr. Speaker, as an original cosponsor of this year's House 
resolution commemorating Greek Independence Day, I am very pleased to 
join my colleagues in honoring this day. I particularly want to thank 
the distinguished gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis] for his 
efforts in sponsoring the resolution.
  This Friday marks the 173d anniversary of the start of the revolution 
which freed the Greek people from the Ottoman Empire. Greece remained 
under control of that Empire for almost 400 years--from the fall of 
Constantinople in 1453 until the declaration of Greek independence in 
1821. For nearly four centuries the Greek people were deprived of all 
civil rights. Schools and churches were closed down, and Christian and 
Jewish boys were kidnaped and raised as Moslems to serve the sultan.
  Contemporary American leaders, such as James Monroe and Daniel 
Webster, recognized that the ideals of the American Revolution, those 
of individual liberty, representative democracy, and personal dignity, 
were also the foundation for Greece's declaration of independence. 
Americans quickly identified with the struggle of those Greek patriots 
because they knew in their hearts that it was their struggle as well.
  The United States and Greece are now old friends and trusted allies. 
Our two Nations and people are bound by interests, values, and a common 
political heritage. The democracy that both of our Nations cherish 
began in Greece 1,000 years ago. Today Greece is the only true 
democracy in the Balkans.
  But, Mr. Speaker, for the first time since the 1940's, that Greek 
democracy, and indeed perhaps the very Greek independence that we are 
commemorating today, is being threatened by a force that is threatening 
to undermine nations around the world. That force is ultranationalism, 
and it's source is Skopje.
  Last month, the administration took the misguided step of extending 
diplomatic recognition to the regime that insists on calling itself the 
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Shortly after that 
administration decision, I introduced a resolution expressing the sense 
of Congress that the President should not have granted such diplomatic 
recognition and should reconsider that decision. Most of my colleagues 
here today have become strong supporters of my resolution.
  The decision to recognize FYROM was an insult to our ally Greece, and 
it played into the hands of the ultranationalists in the parliament of 
Skopje. These ultranationalists openly advocate a greater Macedonia 
with its capital in Skopje. Since 1945 they have mounted a propaganda 
campaign against Greece claiming all of Macedonia for the so-called 
Macedonia people. But there is no such separate ethnic group.
  Moreover, Skopje continues to reject Greece's justified request to 
remove from its constitution a reference to a 1944 proclamation calling 
for the unification of neighboring territories in Greece and Bulgaria 
with this false Macedonian Republic. The ultranationalists of Skopje 
have the same objectives as their forefathers--territorial access to 
the Aegean Sea through the Greek port of Salonika.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States has not yet formally established full 
diplomatic relations with Skopje. We still have the opportunity to 
utilize the leverage afforded to us by the possible establishment of 
such relations to dissuade Skopje from pursuing policies and 
maintaining symbols which our close and vital ally, Greece, rightly 
perceives as threatening. I call on all of my colleagues to urge the 
President to withhold the establishment of full diplomatic relations 
with Skopje until all of Greece's legitimate concerns are 
satisfactorily addressed.
  Mrs. MALONEY. Mr. Speaker, I proudly rise as an original cosponsor of 
the resolution which designates March 25, 1994 as ``Greek Independence 
Day: a National Day of Celebration of Greek and American Democracy.''
  I am glad to join my colleagues in this special order and wish to 
thank my friend, Mr. Bilirakis, for his efforts in support of the 
resolution.
  I am privileged to represent Astoria, NY--one of the largest and most 
vibrant communities of Greek-Americans in the country. It is one of my 
greatest pleasures as a public official to be able to participate in 
the life of that community and to have many wonderful and vital Greek-
American friends.
  This year marks the 173d anniversary of the day when the Greek people 
won back their independence, after nearly 400 years of cruel domination 
by the Ottoman Empire. At that time, the Greek people were able to 
resume their rightful place as an exemplar of democratic ideals to the 
rest of the Western world.
  Half a century earlier, America had won its own independence, 
inspired by the ancient Greek paradigm of democracy and individual 
liberties.
  In that sense, as the American philosopher Will Durant observed, 
``Greece is the bright morning star of that Western civilization which 
is our nourishment and life.''
  It was my special privilege last summer to be able to visit this 
sacred birthplace of democracy. During my visit to Greece and Cyprus I 
was also able to tour the Greek Province of Macedonia.
  Especially because of my visit to Macedonia--where I was able to 
observe firsthand how very much Macedonia in Greek--I have been 
disturbed by the recent recognition by the United States Government of 
the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia [FYROM].
  The designation of the Skopje region as Macedonia was a tactic used 
by Marshall Tito in 1944 in his effort to seize territory from Greece 
and ultimately gain control of the port of Salonika.
  At that time, America condemned Tito's use of the name as unjustified 
demagoguery and as a possible cloak for aggressive intentions against 
Greece.
  Those same principles should hold true today, and before the United 
States establishes diplomatic relations with FYROM I would urge the 
President to ensure that the government in Skopje removes the Star of 
Vergina--an ancient Greek symbol--from its flag and changes irredentist 
sections of its constitution.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to join in celebrating Greek independence and 
the indomitable, life-giving spirit of its people.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis] for 
having yielded to me.

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