[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 30 (Thursday, March 17, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[Congressional Record: March 17, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT BANKING AND FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS ACT OF 1993
The Senate continued with the consideration of the bill.
Ms. MOSELEY-BRAUN. Mr. President, I would like to speak to the
pending legislation in general and give just a few comments.
As you may know, I serve on the Banking Committee and have worked
with the Senator from Michigan on the development of this legislation.
So I wanted to just talk a little bit about what S. 1275, the Community
Development, Credit Enhancement and Regulatory Improvement Act is
about.
The bill before the Senate today is, at its heart, about a
fundamental people issue, access to capital--about taking some
important steps to ensure that our capital markets are better able to
meet all of our capital needs.
When we talk about access to capital, we are really talking about one
of the most fundamental issues facing any society: How money gets
distributed and, therefore, about the quality of life for people in
that society. Whether framed in terms of macro- or microeconomics,
access to capital is inevitably an issue that gets people's attention.
The phrase ``access to capital,'' however, is a technical and arcane
one. What is this issue all about; how can we talk about it in a way
that communicates--make sense--to all of the people who are affected?
I am reminded of the challenge that the men and women of the cloth
face--and meet--as a regular part of their mission to communicate the
lessons of the gospel across this land. A really good preacher can, on
the one hand, spend a lifetime studying the intricacies and
complications of a religious concept, and then reduce that concept to a
simple message that even the most untutored can understand and employ
in their daily lives. If you think about it, there are bumper stickers
that effectively relay the essential message of some of the most
esoteric concepts of theology. It seems to me that part of our
mission--those of us participating in the public policy process and in
Government--is to translate the complications of our issues in the way
that gives the greatest number of people a single choir book out of
which to sing--and puts them all on the same page.
And so, thinking about access to capital issues can start with a
universal aphorism that everyone understands: It takes money to make
money.
If we start with a notion that basic, it becomes easy to see the
link, the causal connection, between these issues, and questions
relating to job creation, housing development, environmental
improvement, crime prevention, and even societal stability.
As you all know, the United States is blessed with the largest, most
diverse, most innovative, and most dynamic capital markets in the
world. However, it is unfortunately equally true that there are still
many capital needs that are not being met.
The result of the lack of access to capital--the evidence of our
failure to adequately address the capital needs of some communities, is
all too apparent. In my home State of Illinois, as elsewhere, there are
ample examples of what happens to people and neighborhoods when they
cannot get credit. All you need to do is to walk through the
neighborhoods. What you see are abandoned factories, closed stores, and
boarded up housing. If you go early in the morning, you will see people
waiting for buses and trains to commute to jobs outside of their
neighborhoods. If you go later in the day, you will see as many people,
and sometimes even more, standing on street corners with no jobs to go
to. The crime and fear that grow out of this milieu are palpable. The
despair and hopelessness that sets in is less so, but nonetheless real.
These people are all no different than you and I. Those that are
working want what we all want--to be able to own their own home, to be
able to buy a car, or clothes, or furniture, to be able to help their
children pay for a college education. Those that are not working want a
job--they did not choose to be unemployed. They want to work, they want
to help themselves, to help their families, and to help their
communities.
But the problem in large part is that their neighborhoods can't
attract capital. When people from those communities try to get a loan,
they are still all told that they do not qualify, that they do not have
a good credit history, or any credit history at all--even though they
have always worked hard to pay their bills. They are still all too
often discouraged from applying for a loan at all.
Potential small business people find the situation even worse,
particularly if they are members of minorities. I have a friend who
owns a beauty salon on North Michigan Avenue in Chicago--one of the
best areas in the city--and even though his credit record was
impeccable, he could not get his bank to refinance his balloon loan. If
a business person with his kind of proven success has trouble, think
how much more trouble someone with less of a credit history has in
trying to start a business in Lawndale or Austin in Chicago, or in any
number of similar situations not just in urban communities, but in
small towns and rural areas around this Nation.
The simple truth is that access to capital can make or break people,
and can make or break neighborhoods and communities. The simple truth
is that access to capital can help make the difference between a
thriving, growing community with jobs for its residents, and a
decaying, boarded up neighborhood that offers nothing but hopelessness
and despair.
Of course, the problem is not just anecdotal. As a member of the
Senate Banking Committee, I have seen plenty of statistical evidence,
evidence that demonstrates conclusively that many communities, and
particularly minority communities, are not able to obtain the loans and
equity investments they so greatly need. According to the Federal
Reserve Board's study of Home Mortgage Disclosure Act data, African-
Americans are more than twice as likely as whites of the same income to
be rejected for a mortgage loan, and Hispanic applicants are 1.4 times
as likely to be rejected. The Federal Reserve Board of Boston found
that, after controlling for all legitimate credit concerns, minority
applicants were 60 percent more likely than white applicants to be
rejected for a mortgage loan. And the General Accounting Office study
found that the number of mortgage loans purchased by Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac per homeowner declines as the percentage of minorities in
the neighborhood increases.
On the other hand, successful efforts to make capital available for
community development do exist; they do work; and they can and have
shown results. I am from Chicago, and I have seen what can happen when
people and neighborhoods are able to obtain the credit they need. One
of the banks from my own neighborhood, South Shore Bank, stands as a
national example of what can be achieved. You can actually see the
difference that this community-oriented bank has made in its
neighborhood. All you have to do is to walk up and down the streets,
and look at the homes and apartments, to know that this neighborhood--
this inner city, largely minority neighborhood--is getting at least
some part of its capital needs met.
We are therefore no longer at the stage of trying to decide whether
there is a problem, or what that problem is. We know the answers to
those questions. The question now is: what can be done to expand access
to capital, and more specifically, what changes in federal policies are
needed. S. 1275 begins the process of answering that question.
Fundamentally, what S. 1275 makes possible is an expanded public-
private partnership. Only when government, foundations, people from the
communities involved, and private financial institutions come together,
talk together, and work together in a successful partnership, will it
be possible to make capital available to every person who needs it.
Importantly, S. 1275 is not about giving people money. Rather, its
goal is a simple one, but one that makes a great deal of sense--to make
affordable loans and other investments available to people who all too
often aren't being reached now, loans and investments that are
profitable, loans and investments to people who can and repay those
loans and who will provide a return on investments.
In short, Mr. President, this legislation suggests that the financial
institutions can do well and do good simultaneously.
Some financial institutions, including many non-profit institutions,
and a growing number of banks, savings and loans, and community-
oriented credit unions, are finding ways to reach out to people. They
believe, and are proving, that it is possible to make what are
seemingly unconventional loans profitable. They know that it is
possible to do good and to do well simultaneously. They know that
financial institutions can make money by expanding credit opportunities
to underserved communities. And that is what S. 1275 helps them to do.
Mr. President, S. 1275 includes a number of initiatives designed to
further open our capital markets. One major subtitle of the bill, known
as the Community Development Banking and Financial Institutions Act,
authorizes $382 million to improve access to capital for neighborhoods
across this country. The subtitle creates a public corporation--the
Fund--to provide assistance to community development banks, minority-
owned banks, community development credit unions, community development
loan funds, microenterprise funds, and community development
corporations operating in poor communities--institutions whose primary
mission is community development. The board of the corporation would
consist of the Secretaries of the Treasury, HUD, Commerce, and
Agriculture, the SBA Administrator, and four Presidential appointees.
This subtitle of S. 1275 would permit community development financial
institutions with federal deposit insurance to receive up to $5 million
annually, subject to a dollar for dollar non-federal matching
requirement; an amendment I was able to add during the Banking
Committee's consideration of the bill increases this limit to $7
million for community development banks that open in more than one
city.
Institutions without Federal deposit insurance could receive up to $2
million.
The subtitle would allow funds it provides to be used by the
financial institutions for loans to small businesses, to support
construction of commercial and community facilities, and to help
provide basic financial services in the communities.
Another major thrust of S. 1275 involves a phenomenon that has come
to be known as reverse redlining. About a year ago, the Banking
Committee held a hearing designed to focus attention on the primarily
low-income borrowers who oftentimes lack access to mainstream financial
institutions, but who own their own homes, and who are being victimized
by scams in the home mortgage market. Specifically, the scams involve
loans made at very high rates--we had testimony about mortgages being
made with interest rates of 28 percent--and with very high fees,
oftentimes tied to bogus home repair contractors. The real purpose of
these loans seems to be to put people in the positions of borrowing
more than they can afford to repay, and to foreclose on the home when
they inevitably to into default on the loan.
S. 1275 will put an end to these scams. The bill includes provisions
that increase disclosures to borrowers, enhance their rights to rescind
an abusive contract, establish a cooling off period to ensure that
borrowers aren't pushed into signing a contract, prohibit some
particularly abusive loan terms, and that modify the holder in due
course rules to shut off the flow of funds to lenders that would
otherwise ignore the provisions of the bill.
The bill would not affect most mortgages, only high-cost mortgages,
those with: interests rate that exceed the comparable maturity T-bill
rate by more than 10 percentage points; points and fees that exceed 8
percent of the amount borrowed; or monthly payments that exceed 60
percent of the borrower's monthly income.
The bill's provisions are designed to ensure that communities that
need access to capital get affordable access, and not just access at
very high rates with numerous anti-consumer terms. That kind of access
is no access at all; it is anti-consumer and anti-community
development, and the bill recognizes that fact.
In addition to the community development banking and reverse
redlining provisions, S. 1275 also acts to improve access to capital by
removing regulatory barriers to the formation of a secondary market in
small business loans. A secondary market may help increase the amount
of lending banks can do to small businesses.
Finally, S. 1275 also attempts to further open our capital markets by
making adjustments in our bank regulatory system, so that we regulate
efficiently and intelligently, in a cost-effective way. Reducing
unnecessary regulation can lower bank costs, and lower costs can mean
more loans. Importantly, the committee was very careful to act in a way
that fully protects the safety and soundness of the banking system and
the Federal deposit insurance system, while giving banks some
regulatory relief in this legislation.
Mr. President, S. 1275 is not a complete answer to the access to
capital problem. No one bill could be, and there is clearly more that
needs to be done. S. 1275 is, however, a good start. It is a pro-
people, pro-community, pro-economic development bill. It will work and
it will help. It deserves the support of the Senate, and I strongly
urge its quick enactment.
Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I rise today to offer a critique on the
Community Reinvestment Act and to share with my fellow Senators some of
the problems that are inherent with the existing Community Reinvestment
Act; problems associated not with the intentions of those who
participated in the debate on what was to be accomplished by the
Community Reinvestment Act.
I would like to present to my colleagues an analysis from the point
of view of a minority bank and the difficulties a minority bank has in
compliance with the existing Community Redevelopment Act, or the CRA,
as it is known. I think it puts a rather interesting perspective on a
situation where indeed the intention of the legislation is to get out
and ensure that minorities are represented in services from financial
institutions--mortgage services, all commercial lending services,
automobile financing, and all other needs, and not just minority
groups, but low-income groups within those minorities.
But, first of all, it is interesting to reflect that, as we talk
about banks and the financial institutions, savings and loans, and so
forth, we think that is where all of the money is. But it is important
to recognize that nonbank institutions are not regulated by the
Community Reinvestment Act. And nonbank institutions now hold more than
half of the financial assets held by all financial institutions in the
United States.
(Ms. MOSELEY-BRAUN assumed the Chair.)
Mr. MURKOWSKI. Madam President, why do we allow the holder of the
largest segment of the financial assets of this country to be exempt
from the Community Reinvestment Act?
Obviously, the stock market, investment funds, and various other
investment groups receive funds from these communities. However, unlike
banks and saving and loan associations, they are free, with no
restrictions, to invest their funds anywhere at home or abroad, because
they are not regulated by the CRA.
I ask my colleagues on the Banking Committee, and my fellow Senators,
is that equitable? Is that what we are trying to achieve here--to
exempt over one-half of the concentration of capital, from Community
Reinvestment Act legislation?
Let me get into the second point that is not equitable. I am
presenting this from the point of view of a minority bank. I happen to
have some knowledge of the banking business, as I was in commercial
banking in Alaska for about 24 years.
Large banks are regulated by the same set of Community Reinvestment
Act requirements as are the small community banks. Large banks have
branch offices in many different communities, however. They receive
deposits from these communities, sometimes nationwide, but they may not
necessarily invest back into these communities proportionately. Rather,
because of their size and their access to global markets, they are able
to invest selectively in any part of the country or abroad that
commands the highest return and the least risk. That is what investment
is all about; you invest in the highest return with least risk.
But community banks, the small banks that serve in these minority
communities, receive their funds from their respective local
communities, from people doing business there, the people that work
there.
But because their market is very limited--it is limited to that
community--they inevitably invest back to these communities with which
they are most familiar. They know their borrowers. They know their
customers. Thus the community banks by their very nature really conform
to the spirit of the CRA as opposed to the larger banks that are on the
margins of some minority areas.
Unlike large banks, community banks cannot afford the enormous costs
associated with compliance under the Community Reinvestment Act.
In a recent study of community banks, small banks in these minority
areas have had to spend collectively over $1 billion annually to comply
with the Community Reinvestment Act.
I again remind the Chair that the holder of over half the funds in
the investment community is not required under the Community
Reinvestment Act to meet any kind of criteria or oversight.
The cost of establishing the sophisticated CRA compliance program is
really a burden on many of the smaller community banks. Let me tell you
why. If community banks, first of all, have to pass on to their
customers these costs, you know what is going to happen? The costs of
their services are going to go up. Do you know where the customers are
going to go? The customers are going to go to the larger banks that
have branches in the surrounding areas, because those larger banks can
better absorb the cost of CRA compliance. That simply makes sense.
Regardless of whether they absorb the costs themselves or pass on the
costs to their customers, the existing Community Reinvestment Act puts
the community banks, the little banks that are striving to serve
minorities, at a tremendous competitive disadvantage to the large
banks, and the large banks recognize that. That is just a reality.
Minority banks really are a very special type of community bank.
There are not enough of them. But to have more of them, they have to
have an inducement. They are largely owned and operated by minorities,
but they face even more difficulties in complying with the Community
Reinvestment Act than do the nonminority community banks.
Many minority banks have been criticized for not lending enough to
other minorities. To some extent, however, that criticism is
undeserving because of the fact that minorities prefer to bank with
institutions that are owned and operated by the same ethnic group. This
is factual. It may not be the way we would like to have it, but it is a
reality.
This is particularly true with new immigrants who come to the United
States because the minority banks provide bilingual services.
The Community Reinvestment Act compliance cost is more burdensome to
minority banks than to large or nonminority community banks; namely,
the existing CRA requires a minority bank to allocate resources, and I
would venture to say inefficiently, as it is required to divert its
resources to groups other than the group of the ethnic minority it is
most proficient at serving.
There is an example of a bank in Los Angeles which has devoted a
tremendous amount of resources to penetrate the Hispanic and African-
American communities. This effort has been underway since approximately
1992. These efforts have included continuous advertising with local
newspapers in different languages that reach out to all parts of the
community, including the low- and the moderate-income neighborhoods,
participating in community development and redevelopment programs, and
frequently contacting representatives from community groups, local
governments, and nonprofit developers to ascertain the credit needs of
these communities and these minority groups. However, for this
particular institution, they have described the effort as very, very
discouraging.
By confining a minority bank's delineated communities to arbitrary
geographical boundaries, its ability to serve its own ethnic minority
is greatly diminished, as some of the ethnic minorities previously
served by a minority bank may now fall outside its delineated
community.
As we look at how we are required to live with the Community
Reinvestment Act, we might consider some suggestions.
First of all, it might be equitable for the nonbank institution to be
subject to the same set of Community Reinvestment Act requirements as
the larger bank, as I have said. The nonbanking institutions control
over half the available liquid assets out there, and they are not
required to perform or report under the CRA.
The Community Reinvestment Act requirements should be different,
perhaps, for large community banks. Large banks could be classified as
based on total assets.
The Community Development Act rules and regulations for community
banks should be tangible and easy to follows. In other words, let us
give them regulations that are easy to understand. For instance, in the
Community Reinvestment Act, community banks must allocate a specific
percentage of their resources to promote banking relationships with
residents and businesses in the low- and moderate-income neighborhoods.
The Community Reinvestment Act requirements for minority banks should
recognize that minorities prefer to bank with institutions that are run
by people of the same ethnic background as I have indicated, those that
offer language proficiency and cultural comfort.
The Community Reinvestment Act should define delineated communities
for the minority bank ethnically rather than geographically.
Why not? You say that is not what we are trying to achieve here?
But on the flip side of it, when you look at it from the standpoint
of the minority bank that is trying to meet these obligations, they are
providing a special service. Why not require minority banks to
ascertain the credit needs of that minority, including the low- to
moderate-income groups of that minority?
The Community Reinvestment Act should require a minority bank to
allocate a specific percentage of its resources to promote banking
relationships with the low- and moderate-income groups of that
particular minority.
Finally, I think thought should be given to the idea of providing
economic incentives to encourage more minorities to establish financial
institutions to serve their own ethnic minorities.
Madam President, this brings me to the point of an amendment which I
may offer. This amendment will be offered in the belief that the
Community Reinvestment Act and accompanying regulations that minority
banks must meet should satisfy the same conceptual Community
Reinvestment Act standards as nonminority-owned banks.
But, Madam President, the amendment will recognize the difficulties
that minority-owned banks have in attracting community business from
other ethnic minorities while providing much-needed services to the
minority group they share a common heritage with.
Under the amendment that I may offer, a minority-owned financial
institution would be considered to satisfy the investment standards of
the Community Reinvestment Act if at least a high percentage of its
loans went to minority and low-income groups, whether or not the groups
are located in the geographical community proximate to the financial
institution.
I think this would facilitate the free flow of capital to minority
groups that might otherwise have little opportunity to gain access to
capital. It frees those minority-owned banks from having to spend
resources in futile efforts to attract business from ethnic groups that
appear to have little interest in doing business with the minority
institution because there are other minority institutions for them to
go to.
I look forward to the response of the members of the Banking
Committee and their professional staff relative to the position that
the Community Reinvestment Act has put minority bankers into. We must
recognize that these dedicated institutions are trying to provide
special service to minorities. Yet, for them the requirements of the
Community Reinvestment Act appear inequitable, unfair, and impractical.
They clearly need to be reexamined.
Furthermore, I want to reiterate that the nonbanking institutions,
where the majority of our Nation's funds are--over half of the
available capital, liquid capital, stock market, and others--are not
subject to any of the criteria of the Community Reinvestment Act.
Indeed, that is unfortunate. It may be difficult to address, but
nevertheless it should be pointed out.
I yield the floor.
Mr. D'AMATO. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the
pending amendment be set aside.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. D'AMATO. Madam President, let me first say that I know that
Senator Murkowski has raised this issue. We were very hopeful of being
able to get some relief from some of the onerous and nonproductive
aspects of CRA. I think that the principles of CRA are absolutely
important. I think the Senator from Alaska and the President would
agree with me that CRA has, as its very basic foundation, to see to it
that there is adequate capital made available to those in the minority
community in particular, providing credit to those who find themselves
disenfranchised, or small business people. We were promised that the
administration in their rules and regulations would address this. They
have not.
Madam President, I know that the minority leader has an amendment
that he wishes to put forth. Also, there are deep negotiations going on
with respect to the flood insurance legislation. It has been 1\1/2\ or
maybe 2 hours, that the parties, Senator Bond, Senator Kerry, and
Senator Mack have been conducting negotiations on the flood insurance
legislation.
It is for that purpose that I move to set aside that amendment so
that we could at least begin to move forward on this bill, and give
them an opportunity to, hopefully, work out an agreement. In the
meantime, maybe we can get some of the business moving forward.
I believe that the Senator from Kansas would like to make a statement
to let the majority leader know what he intends to offer.
At this time, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
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