[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 24 (Tuesday, March 8, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: March 8, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                        PEACEKEEPING IN GEORGIA

  Mr. DOLE. Madam President, yesterday President Clinton announced that 
the United States will be inclined to support a United Nations 
peacekeeping operation in Georgia if a peace settlement is reached. 
Such an operation would--if it includes Russian forces as planned--be a 
major landmark in our national security policy.
  It would be the first United Nations operation in the territory of 
the former Soviet Union. It would be the first United Nations approval 
for the Russians in a former colony. It would be the first direct 
American subsidy for such activity. And, thus, it would mark a 
dangerous new phase of United States acceptance of Russian neo-
imperialism.
  Some might say that President Shevardnadze supports this policy. But 
that overlooks what has happened to Georgia since its independence: the 
Russian military supported the separatist rebellion that the United 
Nations now seeks to monitor; the Russians pressured Georgia to allow 
Russian military forces to stay permanently, and to join the 
Commonwealth of Independent States. Only after the separatists scored 
major victories--and nearly killed President Shevardnadze--was he 
forced to accept Russian conditions, although he rightly pointed out 
his plight was due to Russian ``reactionaries and militarists.''
  To say that President Shevardnadze supports any option now overlooks 
how little freedom of action he really has. Shevardnadze is in a 
straightjacket. Last September--when it could have made a difference--
the United States was silent. Last October, Strobe Talbott denied 
Russian activities were designed to undermine Georgian sovereignty, and 
said Russia was not ``conducting a mischievous policy towards 
Georgia.'' Maybe Ambassador Talbott got it right--the policy was not 
mischievous; it was malicious. Squeeze Georgia economically, support a 
separatist rebellion, and when Georgia's extinction is at hand, force 
the acceptance of Russian troops and welcome Georgia to the CIS. In the 
words of Gen. Bill Odom, ``Thus, the Russian military has trapped the 
man they blame for destroying the Soviet position in Central Europe.''
  Under these circumstances, to say the Russians were invited into 
Georgia brings back memories of Russian ``invitations'' into Hungary in 
1956, into Czechoslovakia in 1968, or into Afghanistan in 1979. Georgia 
is a test case of Russian pressure on the former Republics--and it 
worked. They got bases, they got a new CIS member, and now they are 
going to get American taxpayers to finance their troops.
  Madam President, there is no reason that Russian troops need to be a 
part of any United Nations peacekeeping force. There is no reason 
American taxpayers should support such a force. And there is no reason 
to continue this administration's peacekeeping deficit spending--
approving operation after operation with no idea how to pay for them.

  The Clinton administration claims they want bipartisan support for 
their foreign policy--but this decision makes a mockery of their 
repeated promises to consult with Congress before supporting new U.N. 
peacekeeping operations. I did not receive a phone call until 3 hours 
after President Clinton's press conference--and that was just to let me 
know what the President announced.
  The President may be able to get congressional support for this 
operation--but only if it is paid for up front, if there are no Russian 
troops in the United Nations contingent, and if there is some strategic 
focus on the importance of Georgia in the region.
  First, there is plenty of money to pay for this operation. Congress 
appropriated $2.5 billion for the former Soviet Union--much of it is 
unspent, or planned to flow to overpriced United States consultants. 
These funds could easily be used to cover the reported $30-$60 million 
U.S. share of the operation.
  Second, Russian troops cannot be more than a token presence in the 
force. It would be political folly to sanction the former colonial 
occupiers to reoccupy--this time, however, with blue helmets. And it 
would be fiscal folly to use American taxpayers' money to pay for the 
revival of Russian imperialism. According to the State Department last 
week, the Russians did not want to participate in a United Nations 
force. We should hold the Russians to that position this week.
  Finally, the administration needs to use more creativity in our 
assistance to the entire Transcaucasus region. Georgia can be the key 
to unlocking the wealth of central Asia without dependence on Russia. 
Georgia is also the key to lifting the immoral and illegal blockade of 
Armenia. Yet, the administration is only contemplating humanitarian aid 
for Georgia. While important, it is not enough and reflects the short-
term thinking of the administration.
  In looking toward the longer term effects of United States policy 
toward Georgia, the administration should move immediately to establish 
a Transcaucasus enterprise fund, along the lines of funds already 
established for Eastern Europe and the rest of the former Soviet Union. 
The administration plans to spend more than a billion dollars through 
these funds to support investment and the development of free 
enterprise. Armenia and Georgia could benefit from such a fund in the 
very near future. And Azerbaijan could even someday benefit, if it ever 
lifts the blockade on Armenia, decides to make peace, and takes genuine 
steps to democracy and free market reform.
  Madam President, I met with President Shevardnadze again earlier 
today. I doubt if he will complain if the Russian role in any United 
Nations operation is restricted. President Shevardnadze expressed 
strong support for the concept of a Transcaucasus enterprise fund. He 
believes efforts to aid the development of free enterprise in the 
Transcaucasus region are vital to its future. I hope this time, the 
administration will stand with President Shevardnadze.
  Mr. HOLLINGS. Madam President, all of the following unanimous-consent 
items have been cleared on the Republican side.

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