[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 17 (Thursday, February 24, 1994)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: February 24, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
   HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE FUTURE OF UNITED STATES-CHINA TRADE RELATIONS

                                 ______


                       HON. CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH

                             of new jersey

                    in the house of representatives

                      Thursday, February 24, 1994

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank you for 
the opportunity to address this subcommittee on this very important 
issue, an assessment of the implementation of conditions for renewal of 
most-favored-nation trade relations between the United States and the 
People's Republic of China.
  In January I led a delegation to China in order to engage in frank, 
constructive talks with Chinese officials regarding deep concerns that 
remain over China's human rights record. We also wanted to meet with 
those who suffer from the continued and well-documented repression--
especially political dissidents and underground church believers. We 
succeeded on both goals.
  Let me note at the outset that the Chinese people deserve the abiding 
respect of their government, and nowhere is this more crucial than in 
protecting universally recognized human rights. It was out of empathy 
for the oppressed, the tortured, the prisoner of conscience, the mother 
being forced to abort her baby, that I went to China to respectfully 
but firmly petition the Chinese Government for relief.
  While mutual economic cooperation is important to both countries and 
while it would be easy to put profit over human rights, adherence to 
internationally recognized standards of human rights is the cornerstone 
for any cooperation and further progress. The Executive order calls for 
significant progress in the area of human rights. I continued to tell 
officials that without significant progress, MFN was at great risk. In 
meetings with high officials of various government ministries I 
stressed that scrutiny of China's human rights record will not be 
cursory or frivolous, but would entail a penetrating analysis as to 
whether substantial progress has been made.
  The Executive order is quite clear in listing the human rights 
conditions which must be met in order for MFN to be renewed later this 
year. It also requires China to comply with the 1992 MOU concerning 
prison labor.
  Let me mention only a few of the human rights issues which should be 
of great concern to us--religious liberty and the new executive orders 
from Li Peng which further limit freedom of religious expression, the 
accounting for and treatment of political and religious prisoners, the 
continued coercive measures used to enforce the population control 
program, the proposed eugenics law, the continued coercive measures 
used to enforce the population control program, the proposed eugenics 
law, which scholars from the U.S. Holocaust Museum have likened to 
Nazi-era programs, which would target the most vulnerable of Chinese 
society, the millions of prisoners who are forced into slave labor to 
support China's economic reform programs. This list could go on and to 
speak on any one of them could fill volumes--and literally does.
  I recommend to my colleagues some of the books which document the 
human rights abuses in China today. The names of these books alone tell 
of the tragedy of human rights in China. In addition to the State 
Department's Report on Human Rights--which this year says that the 
``overall human rights record in 1993 fell far short of international 
standards''--these reports are: ``Continued Persecution of Christians 
in China,'' ``Laogai Handbook,'' ``Slaughter of the Innocents,'' ``A 
Mother's Ordeal.'' And since my return from China the reports on human 
rights abuses continue to come in: ``China's Public Relations Strategy 
on Tibet,'' ``Bitter Winds''--which documents the experience of Harry 
Wu during his detention in the Chinese gulag--``Detained in Tibet''--
which lists over 1,000 political and religious prisoners in China 
today--and ``Human Rights Watch World Report 1994''--which says that 
``religious repression in China intensified throughout 1993.''

  In addition to these reports, I have gotten personal reports from 
China which document the arrest and detention of a bishop who said Mass 
for our delegation and a renewed crackdown on the Protestant house 
church movement. All of us were shocked when we learned that the 
Chinese Government would not stop at persecuting, harassing, and 
arresting its own people. Less than 2 weeks ago, three American 
citizens were arrested and detained in China. Dennis Balcombe, the 
pastor of Hong Kong's Revival Christian Church, who will testify later 
today, was detained. The arrest was made during a midnight raid on the 
house in which Reverend Balcombe and several other guests were 
sleeping. He and the others were accused of disturbing the public peace 
and all of his possessions were confiscated. Had Reverend Balcombe been 
in China to negotiate a business deal he would have had welcoming hands 
extended to him. Instead, because he brought the good news of the 
Gospel he was met with clenched fists.
  I am happy that Reverend Balcombe is here today to testify. He is a 
living witness to the renewed religious persecution which is taking 
place in China. As an American citizen he enjoyed the benefit of swift 
action on the part of many people and human rights groups, including 
Christian Solidarity International, who is hosting his visit here. 
However, there are thousands of Chinese citizens who do not have this 
benefit. Three of the people who were arrested along with him are still 
detained, and there are even reports which say they have been executed. 
If they are alive, and I hope they are, how long will they have to wait 
in prisons, how many beatings will they have to endure, who will speak 
out loudly and act swiftly for them? And what of those friends of 
Reverend Balcombe who are not in prison but must remain in China and 
live under the fear of persecution?
  Bishop Su Zhi Ming, the 62-year-old auxiliary bishop of Baoding was 
arrested on January 20 while Treasury Secretary Bentsen was in China 
discussing the future of United States-Sino trade relations. Bishop Su 
has told us that he was questioned at great length about our meeting. 
But he also believes that his release was due to our meeting as well. 
Again, Mr. Chairman, who will speak out for the thousands of unknown 
others who languish in China's prison system--many of them elderly and 
in need of medical attention.
  These people are not interested in political activity, they pray for 
the government and their leaders and ask for God's blessings on China. 
All the religious believers in China are asking for is the ability to 
worship freely and openly. Right now those who do not belong to the 
government-sponsored churches have no place to worship, many of them 
are denied housing and work permits, and countless numbers are 
harassed, detained, tortured--and some have been martyred for their 
faith. I also submit for the Record an eyewitness account of the 
situation of the Roman Catholic Church in China written by a member of 
my staff.
  On January 31, Premier Li Peng issued two executive orders which 
further restrain religious liberty in China and will have devastating 
consequences for the underground Protestant and Catholic churches.
  Order 144 is titled ``Rules for management of foreigners' religious 
activities.'' It prohibits all proselytizing activities by foreigners 
among Chinese. While it allows for foreigners to conduct their own 
private worship services, they are prohibited from preaching in Chinese 
churches. It also prohibits the importing of religious goods and 
publications.
  Order 145 regulates management of places of worship. The right to 
assemble, pray and worship God--even in your own home--carries severe 
punishments. Catch-all statements such as ``No one may use places of 
worship for activities to destroy national unity, ethnic unity and 
social stability, to damage public health or undermine the national 
educational system,'' criminalizes just about anything that a believer 
says or does. These cruel policies are likely to lead to thousands of 
new arrests, tortures and mistreatment.
  And what happens to many of these people who are held in China's 
prisons? Mr. Chairman, millions of these people are detained in forced-
labor prisons where they work long hours each day to meet unrealistic 
production quotas. We have known about this for years and have tried to 
engage the Chinese Government in addressing this human rights abuse.
  The 1992 Memorandum of Understanding [MOU] expressly prohibits the 
importing of prison labor products and outlines the method of 
investigating reports of forced labor in prisons.
  Even when it was signed, many people criticized the MOU as a 
meaningless document unless it would be backed up by swift and open 
verification. Testimony only a few months ago by Assistant Secretary 
Winston Lord indicated that there has been great resistance by the 
Chinese to investigate reports of prison labor. The Chinese deny access 
to prisons by United States officials until they have had enough time 
to sanitize the prisons and factories. Visits by nongovernmental human 
rights groups are not allowed at all.
  The Chinese Laogai is not like any prison system we are familiar 
with. These are forced-labor camps similar to the Nazi work camps of 
another era. It is the most extensive forced-labor camp system in the 
world, and this system has destroyed the lives of millions of people, 
and it continues to do so. In January I met with several people who 
bear the permanent scars of years in Chinese prison labor camps. I 
heard their stories of beating and torture and saw for myself the 
broken bodies which these camps created.
  The MOU is mentioned specifically in the Executive order. It is clear 
that China has not yet lived up to this agreement, nor is there any 
indication that it will in the future. We are still denied access to 
prisons and there is a large body of evidence that products 
manufactured entirely or in part are still being exported to the United 
States. All the while, millions of people continue to suffer at the 
hands of the cruel government slave-master.
  Religious believers and prisoners are not the only victims of China's 
continued violations of human rights. The government aggressively 
victimizes women who bear children outside of the government's 
repressive one child per couple policy. Reports abound which detail the 
lengths to which the government officials will go to see that quotas 
are met and policies enforced. The New York Times' report by Nicholas 
D. Kristof poignantly described the ordeal of a mother and child who 
were victims of the government-sanctioned brutality. It recounts the 
case of Li Qiuliang who had been given permission to have a child in 
1992. When, on December 30, 1992 she had not given birth the local 
population control officer ordered the doctor to induce labor. The 
child died and Ms. Li has been left incapacitated.
  Secretary of State Warren Christopher, when he learned of this 
report, said that he was appalled by the China's coercive family 
planning practices and would seriously consider tying MFN to ending 
those practices. In the ``Report to Congress Concerning Extension of 
Waiver Authority For The People's Republic of China,'' it explicitly 
states that ``in considering extension of MFN, we will take into 
account Chinese actions with respect to the following: Taking effective 
steps to ensure that forced abortion and sterilization are not used to 
implement China's family planning policy.''
  During my meeting with Li Honggui, director for the General Office of 
the State Family Planning Commission of China, he brushed aside with an 
angry smile our concerns that Chinese women are routinely victimized 
and abused with coerced abortions and coercive sterilizations. When 
questioned about the New York Times' report, Mr. Li responded by saying 
that the article was ``not real'' and that it only showed the 
``unfriendly staff'' of the New York Times.
  In a sworn affidavit, Dr. John Aird, former Chief of the China Branch 
at the U.S. Census Bureau, said ``coercion in the Chinese family 
planning program has in the past 2 years reached its second extreme 
peak approaching or perhaps exceeding the levels of 1983.''
  Forced abortion is a crime against both women and children. The House 
of Representatives has twice called this a ``crime against humanity.'' 
In China today, women are punished by the state for conceiving a child 
not approved by state goals. If a woman is lucky or clever enough to 
escape to deliver an illegal child, and is discovered, she is fined and 
otherwise dealt with .
  In December the Chinese Government issued a draft of a eugenics law 
which would legalize discrimination against the handicapped--however 
the government may define handicapped--by forcing sterilization and 
denying them permission to have children. There are also provisions 
which would mandate the abortion of any babies which are determined to 
not meet government-approved standards of health and ability. While the 
rest of the world moves to protect the rights and the dignity of the 
handicapped, China is seeking ways to exterminate them.
  It is becoming increasingly clear that in category after category the 
Chinese Government is not only not making progress, but is actually 
getting worse--bringing further shame and dishonor to the government 
and more and more pain to the Chinese people.
  Today, and each day since I have returned form China, the facts point 
to significant regression, not progress, in human rights.
  Today as we review the conditions which the Executive order placed on 
renewal of MFN, there is little indication that China has been willing 
to make any significant progress when it comes to human rights. There 
is a great deal of evidence that China has regressed significantly--
just look at the books and reports. Given this body of evidence will 
one or two prisoner releases out of thousands be significant progress? 
Will the visit to five prisons out of hundreds be significant progress? 
Only a few months remain before the administration must make a 
decision. We must continue to let China know that we are watching and 
that we care, that we will not sacrifice human life for profit, and 
that the United States is serious when we say we want significant 
progress in human rights.

                  [From Faith & Freedom, Winter 1994]

Tomorrow, You Could Be in Prison--The Humble Origins of an Underground 
                             Chinese Faith

                            (By Stan De Boe)

       It is easy to find elegant church buildings in China's 
     major cities, some of which were built before the communist 
     revolution and survived the devastating Cultural Revolution 
     of the 1970s. The religious leaders responsible for them wear 
     fine suits, enjoy high social status, meet freely with 
     foreign visitors, and publicly proclaim that indeed China has 
     freedom of religion.
       The government approves and monitors these churches. One 
     branch, the Catholic Patriotic Association (CPA), has four 
     million members, with 60,000 said to be joining each year. 
     CPA President Joshua Zong Huaide called this a ``golden 
     period for church development.''
       The CPA is not united with the Vatican. The Chinese 
     government appoints its bishops. These Catholics have a 
     reputation for patriotism and goodwork. CPA leaders support 
     the coercive population control program of the government. It 
     is important, Zong said, for the Chinese people to love their 
     country and support socialism.
       Yet the CPA and its official Protestant counterpart make up 
     only one segment of the Chinese Christian community. This 
     became dramatically apparent on my recent trip there. Off in 
     a ``village'' with three million people, I was told in 
     private that Mass was being celebrated by the underground 
     Catholic church, and that I should attend.
       A long, wandering cab ride took me to the outskirts of the 
     village, where the car stopped and I was told to get out and 
     walk the last few blocks. Nothing ahead looked like a church, 
     though the street was filled with bicycles. After turning one 
     last corner I had to stop in disbelief. There, in a stockyard 
     at the very end of this desolate area, were hundreds of 
     people, young and old, men and women, kneeling on the frozen 
     ground as a priest was saying a Eucharistic prayer. They had 
     gathered in secret to pray, to worship.
       It dawned on me that this church building was in fact a 
     donkey stall, something like the humble habitation where 
     Christ made his first earthy appearance. The altar was set up 
     under a canopy. Speakers hung from trees to project the 
     voices of the choir.
       I was reminded of the many pictures I had seen of the 
     underground Ukrainian Catholics during the Soviet era, 
     gathered in remote places in the dark of night to celebrate 
     their liturgy. Here, I could see the depth of faith of these 
     Chinese believers. After communion everyone sang at the top 
     of their lungs a song proclaiming their loyalty to Pope John 
     Paul II. This act is the very thing that could get them 
     arrested or result in discrimination against them. Yet they 
     proudly and boldly sang. This was the fourth or fifth such 
     Mass conducted in the stockyards that day.


                     persecution and the party line

       I traveled to China in early January as part of a 
     congressional delegation to discuss human rights, religious 
     freedom, and the future of U.S.-Chinese relations. We met 
     with officials from the Foreign Ministry, the Ministry of 
     Justice, and the Supreme People's Procurature, as well as the 
     CPA. We consistently asked if there were Christians in prison 
     because of their faith. They told us no, and that if 
     Christians were in prison it was because they did not support 
     socialism.
       Unlike some churches in Eastern Europe under communism, the 
     underground churches I encountered in China did not appear to 
     be havens for political dissidents. These Christians, 
     constantly at risk of being sent to prison or worse, pray for 
     their state leaders and do not openly quarrel with 
     socialism--though the Vatican does.
       They pray for their freedom to worship. Rarely do they 
     focus on the problems and sufferings of the past and present. 
     Instead, they choose to see the past as preparation for the 
     future. Not only is the Chinese church on the brink of a 
     great awakening, I was told, but the church in China is being 
     prepared for a mission beyond China. Missionaries are being 
     trained to take the Christian message to all parts of the 
     world, once they are allowed.
       Meeting with me carried great risk, but these underground 
     Christians wanted their story told. Many of these Chinese 
     Christian leaders had already spent years in prison, one for 
     nearly 40 years. Most had been beaten repeatedly, some were 
     forced to stand for days in closet-sized rooms in water as 
     high as their waists, while others were bound by their wrists 
     and suspended from the ceiling. All spoke of inadequate 
     medical attention and food while they were detained. Many had 
     been sentenced to ``re-education through labor'' programs--
     prison camps for hard labor--regardless of their age or 
     physical condition.
       In 1991, one of the underground parishes decided to test 
     the government by building a church. They worked day and 
     night, making most of the materials they needed. In two 
     months their structure was complete. The government sent in 
     police to tear it down, but the people surrounded the 
     building. Apparently not wanting to shed blood, the police 
     backed down and did not tear down the church or arrest 
     anyone. The government is not always so reticent. Yet this 
     one act of defiance served to strengthen the resolve of the 
     underground church.
       That strength is quietly linked across traditions, as shown 
     in the evident respect of underground Protestants and 
     Catholics for each other. A Catholic bishop spoke with great 
     respect and affection for the Protestant minister with whom 
     he once shared a prison cell. One Protestant leader spoke of 
     the dedication of Catholics he knows. But when he was asked 
     about any contact or cooperation between the two communities, 
     he said there was little or none. We later learned that this 
     was not due to problems between them, but because of the 
     potential dangers. If they were working together, the 
     government, ever-fearful of Christian conspiracy against it, 
     would have another reason to persecute the church.
       Underground Catholics with whom I met said that the 
     government continues to harass them. Many of those known to 
     the Government, especially the priests, cannot obtain 
     residency or work permits. Thus they are entirely dependent 
     on the support of the community. They are subject to 
     detention without charges for short periods of time--too 
     short for international religious freedom advocates to 
     publicize their plight.


                       In danger, but not afraid

       Just days after our return to the United States, a Catholic 
     bishop who celebrated Mass for our delegation was detained 
     without charge for nine days at an undisclosed location. 
     After his release he was questioned at length about the 
     meeting with us.
       On January 31, two days after the release of the bishop, 
     Premier Li Peng issued two executive orders severely 
     restricting religious activity. Order 144 bans the work of 
     foreign missionaries and Order 145 restricts the activity of 
     Chinese Christians and could result in the arrest and 
     detention of thousands who choose to practice their faith 
     outside of government control.
       In a midnight raid in Central China during mid-February, 
     ten Christians, three from the United States, were arrested 
     for ``illegal religious activities''--involvement with the 
     underground church. The foreigners were expelled, while the 
     nationals and the expatriates could face up to three years in 
     administrative detention.
       The United States government, under Presidents Reagan, 
     Bush, and Clinton, has said that it is looking for 
     improvements in human rights in China. During some periods 
     Christians are persecuted less, during others more. But the 
     legal and ideological structure by which people are always at 
     risk remains strong--and perhaps has become even more 
     threatening.
       There is no indication that the Chinese government has any 
     intention of easing up on the underground Christians. Nor are 
     church members being broken by the waves of persecution. 
     After seeing a simple but magnificent church recently 
     constructed by hand on the personal property of an 
     underground Catholic bishop, I asked about the government's 
     response to the way they had ignored regulations on building. 
     The bishop bravely said, ``Now is the time for the 
     underground church to come above ground. What can they do to 
     us? Tear down our church? Put us in jail?''

                          ____________________