[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 16 (Wednesday, February 23, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: February 23, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
  RUSSIAN SPY SCANDAL AND RUS- SIAN BOSNIA SUMMIT PROPOSAL

  Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, it now is clear that the Russian spy scandal 
is as damaging as any in United States intelligence history--it may be 
months, if ever, before we know how much damage was done to United 
States security and how many lives were lost due to the Ames' 
treachery. It is also clear that the United States has moved too far, 
too fast in assuming that changes in Russia have permanently altered 
the international landscape. The administration has allowed Russia to 
veto NATO expansion. The administration has turned a blind eye to 
Russian military and intelligence activity in the former Republics of 
the Soviet Union. Last week, the administration welcomed a Russian 
military role in the Balkans. Now, we learn that Russia has continued 
and maintained a Soviet intelligence asset in the very core of the 
Central Intelligence Agency--a situation known to some administration 
officials well before the Moscow summit.
  I just guess or surmise that had we known this when we talked about 
foreign aid to Russia, it would not have passed. There is no doubt 
about it. There probably would not have been a vote for it on either 
side of the aisle.
  Russia has tried to minimize the importance of this affair--and that 
is a grave mistake. Russia cannot have it both ways. If they want to 
pursue cold war business as usual, the American Congress and American 
taxpayers will not keep sending billions for aid. Russia can and should 
take immediate steps to correct their policies. If the security 
services are under the government's control, these steps could be taken 
immediately. In my view, such steps are a bare minimum for a recipient 
of massive tax dollars from the United States.
  First, Russia must cease and condemn efforts to penetrate American 
intelligence. A clear and public assurance from President Yeltsin 
announcing such a policy must be made.

  Second, Russia must cooperate fully with the United States in 
assessing the damage from this episode, including revealing what was 
learned from the Ames' and any other moles. Virtually all U.S. 
intelligence sources and methods since 1985 could have been compromised 
due to the sensitive position held by Mr. Ames. The least Russia can do 
is work with our Government to evaluate the extent of what was 
compromised.
  Third, President Yeltsin should remove all Russian personnel from the 
United States involved in espionage activities, including those 
responsible for handling Mr. and Mrs. Ames. President Yeltsin should 
also publicly announce who was responsible for the Russian Republic's 
decision to keep the Ames file active, and dismiss all those 
responsible. If we are truly in a new era of cooperation with the 
Russian Republic, President Yeltsin should cooperate in a new way.
  Many of us in Congress extended the hand of friendship to President 
Yeltsin's Russia--approving billions in aid and repealing outdated 
statutes. We did so with the expectation that cooperation would be a 
two-way street. It is now time for President Yeltsin to act.
  The administration must give this priority attention. President 
Clinton should immediately dispatch the newly confirmed Deputy 
Secretary of State, Strobe Talbott, to Moscow to press United States 
concerns with President Yeltsin. Deputy Secretary Talbott, because of 
his long association with Russia and Russians, would make an ideal 
envoy. Deputy Talbott should make clear that the United States is not 
simply lodging a protest, but that this affair threatens the foundation 
of our relationship with Russia. Until a satisfactory Russian response 
has been achieved, President Clinton should use his executive authority 
to temporarily freeze United States assistance to the Russian 
Government. And he should announce that if any further Russian 
espionage activities against the United States are uncovered, an aid 
freeze will become permanent. In fact, I think Congress would see to 
that, too. Congressional and public support for aid to Russia will not 
endure in this environment.

  Russia cannot divert attention from this travesty. Today, President 
Yeltsin called for a 1-day summit with the United States, Germany, 
France, and Great Britain on the former Yugoslavia. President Yeltsin 
indicated that some document could be signed that could, and a I quote, 
``put a final end to the bloodshed.''
  I hope that President Clinton rejects this idea. Russia's objective 
seems clear: Blunt the actions of NATO and protect the gains of Serbian 
aggression. Russian officials have not only criticized the NATO 
ultimatum--which was long overdue--but, are increasingly critical of 
NATO. President Yeltsin has cited Russian domestic opinion in 
opposition to NATO's recent decision to relieve the siege of Sarajevo.
  In response, the administration should communicate clearly to 
President Yeltsin that United States policy and NATO policy on Bosnia 
will not be driven by the Russian public's sympathy for the Serbs; nor 
will we respond to Communist-style attacks on NATO. It is ironic that 
Russia recently indicated its wish to join the NATO partnership for 
peace, and now is criticizing the very institution with which it wishes 
to have a closer relationship.
  Mr. President, it seems to me that the last thing we need is to cut a 
deal with Russia and a few of our allies and impose it on Bosnia. The 
last thing we ought to do is impose any settlement on Bosnia. Bosnia is 
not a colony under the control of so-called great powers. It is a 
member of the United States and the victim of aggression. We should be 
empowering the Bosnian Government, not dismembering it and disarming 
its forces. We should allow the Bosnians to exercise their right to 
self-defense under the U.N. Charter. Moreover, I would hope that, if a 
settlement is reached, it will provide for a viable Bosnian state 
capable of defending its own borders and interests.
  Some have said that reform in Russia--especially in the security 
policy area--is moving too slowly. The latest developments make me 
wonder if it was ever moving at all.

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