[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 10 (Monday, February 7, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: February 7, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                                 BOSNIA

  Mr. D'AMATO. Mr. President, I intend to take only a few minutes to 
speak on a matter, I think, of incredible importance. I do not know of 
anyone to whom I have talked, who is not shocked and deeply hurt, with 
emotions running the entire gamut as it relates to what is taking place 
for the past 3 years in Bosnia.
  I think it came to a horrific conclusion--I would not say 
``conclusion''; I wish it were a conclusion. But it certainly made an 
indelible impression on everyone who has seen any of the accounts of 
the bombardment in Sarajevo which resulted in the wounding of hundreds 
of people with 68 people, innocent people, civilians--men, women, and 
children--killed, all in a beautiful city which hosted, not too long 
ago, the winter Olympics. Now we see how the snow has been turned red 
with the blood of the innocent.
  It is now clear that the United States and the United Nations have 
not met our obligations in Bosnia. The United States, both under 
President Bush and President Clinton, under both administrations, has 
made many grand statements and has even made some threats, all of which 
have turned out to be meaningless. Our routine warnings are now only 
that. We lack credibility.
  Mr. President, what we have done is flown right in the face of some 
very elementary principles, those laid down by President Teddy 
Roosevelt; that is, ``speak softly and carry a big stick.'' Do not make 
threats. Do not make warnings unless you are willing to carry them out.
  When you make bold statements as the leader of a great nation and 
then do nothing, it does not just undermine your own credibility; it 
embarrasses the United States of America. To be quite candid, it 
weakens us.
  It invites the kinds of aggression that we have seen in other areas 
of the world, where people take us for granted and do not believe we 
have the resolve to stand.
  After 3 years of this war, the United States has talked a mighty 
tough game. Outside of putting sanctions on Serbia, we have done 
nothing but ignore this brutal war. In fact, five State Department 
officials have resigned as a protest to the policy in regard to Bosnia: 
George Kenney, Jon Western, Stephen Walker, Marshall Harris, and former 
U.S. Ambassador Warren Zimmerman.
  If the United States cannot protect the innocents of Bosnia, we 
should allow the Bosnians to defend themselves. Let us level the 
playing field. While the Serbs in Bosnia have access to vast quantities 
of weapons from Serbia, the Bosnian Moslems are left without weapons to 
defend themselves. Even His Holiness, the Pope, last year said the 
Bosnians have a right to defend themselves.
  What kind of policy do we have when we are not even willing to allow 
them to defend themselves or to help them with the military supplies 
that they are entitled to when we see this massacre continue? And now 
we say to ourselves, ``Oh, well, we cannot prove with absolute 
certainty that the mortar round came from the Serbians.'' Who has been 
shelling the city for the last 3 years? Who has been killing the 
people? Even now people cannot bury their dead. They have to do it 
under cover of darkness. They cannot do it during the daytime because 
of the snipers firing down upon them.
  Mr. President, I believe that any lifting of the arms embargo against 
Bosnia should be coupled with the use of air power. Let me suggest to 
you that you are not going to knock out the gun emplacements, the ones 
in the mountainside, others hidden in caves, which they drag back and 
forth. But there are economic targets. I brought this idea to the 
attention of the Senate back in August 1992, with the past 
administration. This is a folly that continues.
  I remember President Clinton talking about taking action if 
necessary. Let me say something. If we are going to threaten, then let 
us do something; otherwise we should not make hollow threats, because 
we cruelly raise false hopes in those who are oppressed that we are 
going to somehow come to their aid.
  I suggest that the Western nations, the United Nations, and the 
United States have done exactly that--raised the hopes of the victims 
of the Serbian aggression and have not followed through.
  Let me also suggest it is about time we let the Serbs in Belgrade 
understand that they are going to pay a price for their support of the 
war in Bosnia. They have supplied the munitions, and have continued the 
war. They cannot now just wash their hands of the situation. Here they 
are, in Belgrade. They are not having problems. They have electricity, 
food, and water. Their economy may have some problems, but mostly they 
are well.
  Let us look at the economic targets there, whether it is the power 
plants and the fuel distribution systems, et cetera, and let them know 
that we will punish them for the aggression that they have helped to 
foster. So there are things we can do.
  We should not be saying we are going to do something and let Mr. 
Milosevic then laugh at us because he sees that we lack the will to 
back up our rhetoric with action.
  Mr. President, I certainly hope that within the not-too-distant 
future, we at least give the Bosnians an opportunity to defend 
themselves.
  Thank you, Mr. President.

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