[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 2 (Wednesday, January 26, 1994)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[Congressional Record: January 26, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
INAUGURAL PRAYER BREAKFAST ELECTION SERMON FOR VIRGINIA GOVERNOR GEORGE
ALLEN
______
HON. FRANK R. WOLF
of virginia
in the house of representatives
Wednesday, January 26, 1994
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I had the pleasure of witnessing the
inauguration of our former colleague George Allen as the Governor of
the Commonwealth of Virginia on Saturday, January 15. As part of the
inaugural activities, I attended the inaugural prayer breakfast and
heard the moving election sermon delivered by David Barton which I
commend to the attention of our colleagues. Mr. Barton of Aledo, TX, is
president of Speciality Research Associates, an organization which
specializes in societal, legal, and historical research.
Inauguration of Virginia Governor-Elect George Allen
As part of the inaugural activities of this new
administration, we have gathered here this morning as people
of faith--people who believe in one God, the Creator and
Governor of the universe, and the God Who has ordained
certain standards for conduct by which both man's
relationship to man and man's relationship to God should be
governed. What God broadly expects from man may be summarized
very simply in these words:
``He hath shewed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth
the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love
mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?''--MICAH 6:8
``The first of all the commandments is . . . The Lord our
God is one Lord: and thou shalt love the Lord thy God with
all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind,
and with all thy strength: this is the first commandment. And
the second is like, namely this, thou shalt love thy neighbor
as thyself. There is no other commandment greater than
these.''--MARK 12:29-31
Although this is the broad overview of what God expects, He
does give us many more specifics. We shall consider a few of
these specifics in the same format followed by Governor
Allen's ancient precedessors from the founding of the nation
up to and even after the time of the Civil War. That format
was traditionally termed an ``Election Sermon,'' and
Virginia's long tradition of election sermons began 375 years
ago, with Virginia's first election sermon being delivered in
1619.
This book\1\ from 1809 was written by a foreign visitor to
America and describes election sermons and what typically
occurred as part of elections here. For example, concerning
the election of 1807, it states:
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Footnotes at end of article.
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``[In] the state-house . . . the members of the assembly
and others awaited the coming of the governor. At about
eleven o'clock, his excellency entered the state-house, and
shortly after took his place at the head of a procession,
which was made to a . . . church. . . . The procession was .
. . composed of . . . the governor, together with the
lieutenant-governor, assistants, high-sheriffs, members of
the . . . house of assembly, and, unless with accidental
exceptions, all the clergy of the state. . . . The pulpit
. . . was filled by three, if not four clergymen. . . .
[O]ne opened the service with a prayer, another delivered
a sermon; and third made a concluding prayer, and a fourth
pronounced a benediction. . . . The sermon, as will be
supposed, touched upon matters of government. When all was
finished, the procession returned to the statehouse.''\2\
Let me here interject a description from a similar
procession witnessed by Dr. Benjamin rush, a singer of the
Declaration. He commented:
``The Clergy formed a very agreeable part of the
procession. They manifested by their attendance their sense
of the connection between religion and good government. . . .
The Rabbi of the Jews locked in the arms of two minister of
the gospel was a most delightful sight. There could not have
been a more happy emblem.''\3\
Returning to the first description, the procession returned
to the statehouse to a special banquet, and then:
``This done, the lieutenant-governor administered the oath
to the governor-elect, who, being sworn, proceeded to
administer their respective oaths to the lieutenant-governor
and the rest; and here terminated the affairs of the election
day.''\4\
Only relatively recently in our history has this type of
election day activities been abandoned. Why did election
sermons so long form a part of election activities? Because
we were a republic (recall from Article 4, Section 4 of the
U.S. Constitution that each state must ``maintain a
republican form of government''); and in a republic, both the
people and their rulers must be co-laborers; a republic will
not survive unless both the elected and the electorate live
up to their responsibilities. Consequently, election sermons
offered instruction from God's word to both groups: to the
elected officials and to the electorate.
Under this new administration, what should be expected from
both the elected and the electorate? Many famous voices of
experience from America's past--as well as the Sacred
Scriptures themselves--offer answers to this question.
the responsibilities of leaders
1. The first responsibility of leaders is that they should
rule in the fear of God. An excellent discussion of this
responsibility is given by Founding Father Noah Webster.
Webster served as a soldier during the American Revolution
and as a legislator in two states after the Revolution; he
was the first Founding Father to call for a Constitutional
Convention; and he was personally responsible for Article 1,
Section 8, of the Constitution. As an educator, he helped
establish Amherst College, and he became one of the most
prolific textbook writers of any of the Founding Fathers. He
published his first school text in 1782 and continued
authoring them for the next sixty years, including numerous
texts on history, civics, and government. This text from
1823\5\ contained the qualifications for elected officials
that Webster had often set forth in other works; Webster told
students:
``[T]he Scriptures teach. . . . that rulers should be men
``who rule in the fear of God, able men, such as fear God,
men of truth, hating covetousness.''\6\
These qualifications for rulers which Webster set forth
were taken directly from Exodus 18:21, but why were these
qualifications important? He continued:
``[I]t is to the neglect of this rule . . . that we must
ascribe the multiplied frauds, the breaches of trust,
peculations and embezzlements of public property, which . . .
disgrace a republic government.''\7\
As James Madison explained, duty to God was seen as the
basis of duty to society:
``Before any man can be considered as a member of civil
society, he must be considered as a subject of the Governor
of the Universe.''\8\
Duty to God was the first duty of a ruler; and even though
the Scriptures required it, Abigail Adams, wife of President
John Adams, explained from a pragmatic view why it was
essential for rulers to fear God. She said:
``[H]e who neglects his duty to his Maker, may well be
expected to be deficient and insincere in his duty towards
the public.''\9\
The first responsibility of a leader is to rule in the fear
of God.
2. The second responsibility of leaders is to rule in
integrity. An excellent definition of integrity is given by
Founding Father Benjamin Rush. Benjamin Rush was one of
America's most influential Founding Fathers, not only signing
the Declaration of Independence, but also serving in the
Presidential administrations of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson,
and James Madison, Furthermore, he was recognized as one of
America's top educators, founding five universities,
authoring numerous textbooks, and being one of the first
Founding Fathers to call for free, national public schools.
Of integrity he said:
``I think I have observed that integrity in the conduct of
both the living and the dead takes a stronger hold of the
human heart than any other virtue. . . . By integrity I mean
. . . a strict coincidence between thoughts, words, and
actions.\10\
Integrity is when what one thinks and says does not differ
from what one does; integrity, very simply, is the ability to
keep one's word--a valuable character trait as noted in
Psalms 15:
``Lord, who shall abide in Thy tabernacle? Who shall dwell
in Thy holy hill? . . . He that sweareth to his own hurt and
changeth not''--PSALMS 15:1, 4.
``Swearing to one's own hurt and changing not'' is merely
keeping one's word, no matter what the cost. Our country's
history is replete with numerous examples of leaders of
integrity--leaders who kept their word at all cost. A mere
cursory examination of those fifty-six who placed their hand
to the nation's birth certificate--the Declaration of
Independence--quickly reveals leaders of integrity--leaders
who kept their word at all costs.
One excellent example is Robert Morris, one of only six men
who signed both the Declaration and the Constitution. At the
time he pledged `` his life, his fortune, and his sacred
honor'' in the Declaration, he was one of America's
wealthiest individuals. He was appointed the financier of the
American Revolution--and unenviable position, for it was his
task to secure financial backing for the Revolution.
Consider: the American Revolution was simply a group of
individuals pledging themselves to overthrow the world's
greatest military, naval, and economic power. If we were to
try to replicate that feat today and get fifty-six here to
make such a pledge, what bank in its right mind would make a
loan to that group for that purpose? And so it was in the
American Revolution; it was not until three years into the
Revolution, after our victory at Saratoga, that loans began
to come. So how did they finance the Revolution during the
first three years?
Much of the finances came from Robert Morris: he personally
gave over two million to the cause of the Revolution, and it
was not money off the top, it was most of what he had. He
gave so much that in his latter years, he did not have enough
left to meet his own obligations, thus causing him to even
spend time in debtors' prison. Morris was never repaid;
still, he had given his word--he had pledged ``his life, his
fortune, and his sacred honor''; and he kept his word.
This, then, is integrity, and this is a responsibility of a
ruler: to guard carefully his word, but when once given, to
keep it even if it is to his own hurt.
3. The third responsibility of leaders is to be statesmen
rather than politicians. Before going further, it is
important to define these two terms. Founding Father John
Adams has already done this. In his diary entry for February
9, 1772,\11\ Adams defined a politician as someone who would
compromise his principles in order to advance--whether with
his party, his constituents, or a powerful committee head,
etc. However, a statesman would not compromise principles,
regardless of what it might cost him. What made the
difference between the two?
According to Adams, a statesman embraced the Biblical
conviction of the reality of future rewards and punishments.
That is, he realized that he must stand before God Almighty
and account to Him for his behavior while in office. The
awareness of this unescapable truth served as a restraint on
personal misbehavior--something especially important for an
office-holder; for although termed ``public officials,'' most
of their official activities actually occur in private.
So was John Adams a politician or a statesman? Was he
willing to compromise principles; or was he willing to stand
firm, even if it cost him? Adams was definitely a statesman--
he refused to compromise his principles. As he explained:
``Such compliances [compromises] . . . of my honor, my
conscience, my friends, my country, my God, as the Scriptures
inform us must be punished with nothing less than Hell fire,
eternal torment. And this [eternal punishment] is so unequal
a price to pay for the honors and emoluments [profits] . . .
of a [state] minister or Governor, that I cannot prevail upon
myself to think of it [compromise]. The duration of future
punishment terrifies me.''\12\
Because he understood that he would answer to God, John
Adams guarded his private behavior and carefully weighed his
public policy decisions. And this is the third responsibility
of a leader: to be a statesman, refusing to compromise
principles for political expediency.
4. The fourth responsibility of a leader is to recognize
the principle of collective accountability to God. As John
Adams just pointed out, the belief in individual
accountability to God was important--it was so important that
it frequently appeared in state constitutions. Notice, for
example, the Pennsylvania constitution--authored by Benjamin
Rush and James Wilson, Benjamin Rush has already been
mentioned, but what of James Wilson? James Wilson was a
signer of both the Declaration and the Constitution, and he
was the second-most active member of the Constitutional
Convention, speaking 168 times on the floor of the
Convention. He was appointed by President George Washington
as an original Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court, and
Wilson--who understood so well what was Constitutional and
what not--authored the following provision:
``And each member [of the legislature] before he takes his
seat, shall make and subscribe the following declaration,
viz.: `I do believe in one God, the creator and governor of
the universe, the rewarder of the good and the punisher of
the wicked.'''\13\
The Tennessee constitution, authored by signer of the
Constitution William Blount, contained an almost identical
provision:
``No person who denies the being of God, or a future state
of rewards and punishments, shall hold any office in the
civil department of this State.''\14\
The same requirement was found in numerous other state
constitutions authored by our Founding Fathers. They grasped
the important consequences on human behavior arising from an
understanding of personal accountability to God.
However, they also fully understood the concept of
collective accountability to God--that is, a state or a
nation being accountable to God; for as surely as God holds
individuals accountable for what they do, He also holds
nations and states accountable. However, there is a
difference between individual and collective accountability--
a difference explained by Virginia's own George Mason--the
father of the Bill of Rights--in his speech on August 27,
1787, at the Constitutional Convention. He reminded the
delegates the difference between individual and collective
accountability:
``As nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next
world, so they must be in this. By an inevitable chain of
causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
national calamities.''\15\
Collective accountability to God--whether it be His rewards
for the right or His punishments for the wrong--is
administered to states and nations in the present. Thomas
Jefferson understood this truth, and he--in words now
inscribed inside his memorial in Washington--explained:
``And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when
we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the
minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of
God? That they are not to be violated but with His wrath?
Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is
just; that his justice cannot sleep forever.''\16\
Thomas Jefferson--like most of the Founding Fathers--
understood the important role that religion played in the
life of a nation and in the function of civil government.
Interestingly, Jefferson's words in three of the four panels
which adorn the inside of the Jefferson Memorial contain
overt and clear acknowledgments of God. Many today mistakenly
celebrate his famous Statute on Religious Liberty\17\ as
though he intended a freedom from religion; he did not. His
statute simply disestablished a single denomination from
ruling the state and placed all denominations on an equal
footing under the law--as had already happened in the states
surrounding Virginia.
Convincing evidence of Jefferson's strong belief in the
vital connection between religious principles and civil
society is supplied not only by his own letters and writings
but also by the records of the historical society of
Washington, D.C. According to the Columbian Historical
Society, Thomas Jefferson--while President--authoried the
original plan of education for Washington, D.C.'s public
schools, and in that plan he placed the Sacred Scriptures as
a primary reading text for Washington, D.C.'s public
schools!\18\
However, returning to the present, it is an important
responsibility for our leaders to understand--as Jefferson so
well understood--the truth of collective accountability to
God and thus to take stands by which God can honor and bless
the entire state. Hereby is the meaning of the Scripture
fulfilled which declares:
``When the righteous rule, the people rejoice; when the
wicked rule, the people groan.''--PROVERBS 29:2
So, then, the fourth responsibility of leaders is to
recognize--for the sake of the state and its citizens--the
ramifications of collective accountability to God.
While these have been some of the responsibilities of
leaders in a republic, what are the responsibilities of the
citizens?
the responsibilities of citizens
1. A citizen's first responsibility is to pray for his or
her leaders--a fact made clear by Scriptures in both the Old
and New Testaments:
``I exhort therefore, that, first of all, supplications,
prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks, be made for . .
. all that are in authority . . . . For this is good and
acceptable in the sight of God our Savior.''--I TIMOTHY 2:1-3
And when the prophet Samuel was discussing civil government
with the people, they asked for his prayers. Samuel
responded:
``Moreover, as for me, God forbid that I should sin against
the Lord in creasing to pray for you.''--I SAMUEL 12:23
For citizens to faithfully pray for their government and
its leaders is a clear and succinct directive of God; and in
an historical sense, prayer and government have always gone
together well in America. For example, in 1774, leaders like
Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry (among
others)--seeing that separation from the mother country would
become necessary--determined to convene a national congress
for the purpose of preparing the states to act together
collectively as a unified nation rather than as thirteen
separate, disjointed states. The Congressional Record shows
that the first act of that Congress was to call for prayer,
and so profound was that time of prayer--and so numerous and
strong were the letters written by many of the delegates
after that prayer--that in 1844 a painting was done to
recapture that event, and you will see many whom you will
recognize. John Adams wrote Abigail a beautiful letter
describing that prayer:
``[The Rev. Mr. Duche] . . . read several prayers . . .
and read . . . the thirty-fifth Psalm. You must remember,
this was the next morning after we heard the horrible rumor
of the cannonade of Boston. I never saw a greater effect upon
an audience. It seemed as if heaven had ordained that Psalm
to be read on that morning. After this, Mr. Duche . . .
struck out into an extemporary prayer which filled the bosom
of every man present. I must confess, I never heard a better
prayer . . . . It had an excellent effect upon every body
here. I must beg you to read that [the thirty-fifth]
Psalm.''\19\
The Congress next--as remained a regular practice
throughout the Revolution--called the people to prayer for
their leaders and their government. John Adams explained to
Abigail:
``We have appointed a Continental fast. Millions will be
upon their knees at once before their great Creator,
imploring His forgiveness and blessings; His smiles on
American councils and arms.''\20\
So important were the prayers for the leaders and the
country that even Benjamin Franklin--considered one of the
least religious of the Founding Fathers--commented on its
importance during his famous speech of Thursday, June 28,
1787, which he delivered at the Constitutional Convention.
Franklin stated:
``In the beginning of the Contest with Great Britain, when
we were sensible of danger we had daily prayer in this room
for Divine protection. Our prayers, Sir, were heard, and they
were graciously answered. All of us who were engaged in the
struggle must have observed frequent instances of a
superintending providence in our favor. . . . And have we now
forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we imagine we no longer
need his assistance? I have lived, Sir, a long time, and the
longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this
truth--that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a
sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it
probable that an empire can rise without his aid? We have
been assured, Sir, in the sacred writings, that ``except the
Lord build the House, they labor in vain that build it.'' I
firmly believe this; and I also believe that without his
concurring aid we shall succeed in this political building no
better than the builders of Babel.''\21\
Prayer for our leaders is important. The Scriptures command
it, and historically our leaders have sought and cherished
it. Our leaders still need what John Adams described:
``Millions . . . upon their knees at once before their
great Creator, imploring His forgiveness and blessings; His
smiles on American councils and arms.''\22\
The first responsibility of citizens is to pray for their
leaders.
2. The second responsibility of citizens is to watch
closely their government--to examine it, to be vigilant over
it, and to be jealous for it. Benjamin Rush stated it this
way:
``[E]very citizen of a republic. . . Must watch for the
State as if its liberties depended upon his vigilance
alone.''\23\
John Adams, too, challenged us to be active and alert. He
explained:
``We electors have an important constitutional power placed
in our hands: we have a check upon two branches of the
legislature. . . . It becomes necessary to every [citizen]
then, to be in some degree a statesman: and to examine and
judge for himself . . . the . . . political principles and
measures.''\24\
We ourselves must be statesmen. It is wrong to relax, or to
go to sleep, now that our election season is over. Founding
Father John Dickinson--a signer of the Constitution--warned
us why we needed to stay alert. As he explained:
``Political slavery--servitude--is ever preceded by
sleep.''\25\
It is the second responsibility of citizens to be statesmen
and to be watchful and vigilant over their state government.
3. The third responsibility of citizens is to be involved
with their government. This is partly because this is a
government of ``we the people,'' but there are other
considerations as well. Benjamin Rush presented one such
consideration in his 1798 policy paper entitled ``On the Mode
of Education Proper in a Republic.''\26\ Recall that Benjamin
Rush was one of America's top educators and is considered the
father of public schools under the Constitution. He saw three
primary purposes for public education: first, to teach youth
to love God; second, to teach youth to love their country;
and third, to teach youth to love their family.
In today's world, this might seem like an unorthodox order:
to love God first, country second, and family third. Today,
we would probably place family above country, but Benjamin
Rush had a strong reason to place country above family. He
understood that if we lost our country, we would lose our
families--that unless we watched over government and stayed
involved in it that government itself could become an enemy
of the family. How correct he was; and today, much of that
which undermines the family is often supported, subsidized,
or paid for by the government itself.
Reverend Matthias Burnet--in his 1803 election sermon
delivered before Governor Jonathan Trumbull and the
Connecticut legislature--gave an excellent challenge on why
citizens should be involved. He said:
``Let not your children have reason to curse you for giving
up those rights and prostrating those institutions which your
fathers delivered to you.''\27\
For the sake of our children and families, it is the
responsibility of citizens to stay actively involved in their
government.
4. The final responsibility of a citizen is to be a firm
friend to liberty. What does it mean to ``be a friend to
liberty''? Founding Father John Witherspoon answered that
question. Witherspoon was a signer of the Declaration and
served on over 100 different committees in congress.
Furthermore, he was the President of Princeton University and
is rightly considered the educational father of many Founding
Fathers, personally training 87 of them--including James
Madison. Witherspoon explained:
``[H]e is the best friend to American liberty who is most
sincere and active in promoting true and undefiled religion,
and who sets himself with the greatest firmness to bear down
profanity and immorality of every kind.''\28\
According to John Witherspoon, if you are a friend to
liberty, you will promote religion and bear down on profanity
and immorality. Why? Because if a citizen understands our
form of government, he knows that if the people are profane
and immoral, then the government will be profane and immoral;
and history proves that profane and immoral governments do
not endure. Founding Father Elias Boudinot, President of the
Congress, warned us about the effect of the loss of morality.
He explained:
``If the moral character of a people once degenerate, their
political character must follow.''\29\
Morality is important: if we lose our morals, we will lose
our government; and according to George Washington, morality
cannot be maintained apart from religion. In his famous
``Farewell Address; of September 17, 1796, he warned:
``and let us with caution indulge the supposition that
morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be
conceded to the influence of refined education on minds . . .
reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious
principle.''\30\
Religion and morality not only are vital foundations for
our government, they are the only stable foundations for it.
As John Adams explained:
``We have no government armed with power capable of
contending with human passions unbridled by morality and
religion. . . . Our Constitution was made only for a moral
and a religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the
government of any other.''\31\
The Founders understood that the key to a self-governing
nation was self-governing individuals, and they further
understood that personal self-government was acquired from
the principles of morality and self-control taught by
religion. If individuals will not govern themselves, then
their government must adopt drastic measures to try to
control them. Speaker of the House Robert Winthrop--a
contemporary of John Quincy Adams and Daniel Webster--
explained this truth in these words:
``Men, in a word, must necessarily be controlled, either by
a power within them, or by a power without them; either by
the word of God, or by the strong arm of man; either by the
Bible, or by the bayonet.''\32\
Benjamin Rush confirmed this. In his 1791 educational
policy paper on the use of the Bible in public schools, he
warned what would happen in America if we ever removed the
Scriptures from the classroom. He explained:
``In contemplating the political institutions of the United
States, [by removing the Bible from schools] I lament, that
we waste so much time and money in punishing crimes, and take
so little pains to prevent them.''\33\
The promotion of religion and morality is the solitary
means of attaining the individual self-control necessary for
the successful operation of civil society. The fourth
responsibility of citizens is to be friends to liberty, that
is, to live under and to promote religion and morality.
conclusion
In summary, what, then, can we conclude? That there are
God-given, God-established responsibilities both for the
elected and for the electorate, many of which center around
the simple principle God has set forth in I Samuel 2:30. He
declares:
``Them that honor Me I will honor, and they that despise Me
shall be lightly esteemed.''--I SAMUEL 2:30
Blessings, or cursings, depend upon our response to the
principles God has set forth. Abraham Lincoln's 1863 address
showed he understood this truth. Lincoln declared:
[T]he sublime truth, announced in the Holy Scriptures and
proven by all history, [is] that those nations only are
blessed whose God is the Lord.''\34\
Let our final thought in closing be the same warning which
was given to the people by President George Washington in his
first inaugural address. He reminded us:
[T]he propitious [favorable] smiles of heaven can never be
expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of
order and right which Heaven itself has ordained.''\35\
Governor Allen, may God bless you and the members of your
new administration; may He surround each of you with wise and
competent staff, aides, and counselors; may He make His
wisdom available to you in abundance as you face your new
expected challenges and the unexpected ones which will arise
during your tenure; and above all:
``The Lord bless thee, and keep thee;
The Lord make His face shine upon thee, and be gracious unto
thee;
The Lord lift up His countenance upon thee, and give thee
peace.''--NUMBERS 6:24-26
God bless you all!
footnotes
\1\ Edward Augustus Kendall, Esq., ``Travel Through the
Northern Parts of the United States, in the Years 1807 and
1808'' (New York: I. Riley, 1809).
\2\ Ibid, Vol. I, pp 3-5.
\3\ Benjamin Rush, ``Letters of Benjamin Rush,'' L.H.
Butterfield, editor (Princeton: The American Philosophical
Society, 1951), Vol. I, p. 474, Letter to Elias Boudinot,
July 9, 1788.
\4\ Kendal, Vol. I, p. 6.
\5\ Noah Webster, ``Letters To a Young Gentleman Commencing
His Education: To Which is Subjoined a Brief History of the
United States'' (New Haven: S. Converse, 1823).
\6\ Ibid, p. 9.
\7\ Ibid.
\8\ James Madison, ``The Papers of James Madison'', Robert
Rutland, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973),
Vol. VIII, p. 299, June 20, 1785.
\9\ Abigail Adams, ``Letters of Mrs. Adams, The Wife of John
Adams'' (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1840),
Vol. 1, p. 76.
\10\ Rush, ``Letters,'' Vol. II, p. 1103, September 4, 1811,
to John Adams.
\11\ John Adams, ``The Works of John Adams, Second President
of the United States'' (Boston: Charles C. Little and James
Brown, 1851), Vol II, p. 293.
\12\ Ibid, Vol. II, p. 294.
\13\ ``The Constitutions of the Several Independent States of
America,'' Published by Order of Congress (Boston: Norman &
Bowen, 1785), p. 81.
\14\ ``The Constitutions of the United States of America with
the Latest Amendments'' (Trenton: Moore & Lake, 1813), p.
342.
\15\ James Madison, ``The Records of the Federal Convention
of 1787'', Max Farrand, ed. (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1911), Vol. II, p. 370, August 27, 1787.
\16\ Thomas Jefferson, ``Notes on the State of Virginia''
(Philadelphia: Matthew Carey, 1794), Query XVIII, p. 237.
\17\ Thomas Jefferson, ``The Writings of Thomas Jefferson,''
Andrew A. Lipscomb, ed., (Washington, D.C., 1903), Vol. II,
pp. 300-303.
\18\ J. O. Wilson, ``Records of the Columbia Historical
Society'' (Washington, D.C.: Columbia Historical Society,
1897), Vol. I, pp. 119-170, see especially pp. 122-127 from
the article ``Eighty Years of Public Schools of Washington--
1805 to 1885,'' delivered before the society on May 4, 1896.
\19\ John and Abigail Adams, ``Letters of John Adams,
Addressed To His Wife,'' Charles Francis Adams, ed. (Boston:
Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1841), Vol. I, pp. 23-24,
September 16, 1774.
\20\ Ibid, Vol. I, p. 46, June 17, 1775.
\21\ Madison, supra note 13, Vol. I, pp. 450-452, June 28,
1787.
\22\ John and Abigail Adams, supra note 17, Vol. I, p. 46,
June 17, 1775.
\23\ Benjamin Rush, ``Essays, Literary, Moral &
Philosophical'' (Philadelphia: Thomas and William Bradford,
1806), pp. 10-11.
\24\ Adams, ``Works,'' supra note 9, Vol. 3, p. 437, August
29, 1763.
\25\ John Dickinson, ``The Political Writings of John
Dickinson'' (Wilmington: Bonsal and Niles, 1801), Vol. I, p.
277, quoting from Baron de Montesquieu, ``Spirit of the
Laws'' (Philadelphia: Isaiah Thomas, 1802), Vol. I, p. 272.
\26\ Rush, ``Essays,'' supra note 21, pp. 6-20.
\27\ Matthias Burnet, ``An Election Sermon, Preached at
Hartford, on the Day of the Anniversary Election,'' May 12,
1803 (Hartford: Hudson & Goodwin, 1803), p. 27.
\28\ John Witherspoon, ``The Works of the Rev. John
Witherspoon'' (Philadelphia: William W. Woodard, 1802), Vol.
III, p. 42.
\29\ Elias Boudinot, ``An Oration, Delivered at Elizabeth-
town, New-Jersey . . . on the Fourth of July''
(Elizabethtown: Kollock, 1793), pp. 14-15.
\30\ George Washington, ``Address of George Washington,
President of the United States, and Late Commander of Chief
of the American Army, to the People of the United States,
Preparatory to His Declination'' (Baltimore: George and Henry
S. Keatinge, 1796), p. 23, September 17, 1796.
\31\ Adams, supra note 9, Vol. IX, p. 229, October 11, 1798.
\32\ Robert Winthrop, ``Addresses and Speeches on Various
Occasions'' (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1852), p. 172, from
his ``Either by the Bible or the Bayonet.''
\33\ Rush, ``Essays,'' supra note 21, p. 112.
\34\ James D. Richardson, ``A Compilation of the Messages and
Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897'' (Published by Authority
of Congress, 1899), Vol. VI, p. 164, March 30, 1863.
\35\ Ibid, Vol. I, pp. 52-53, April 30, 1789.