[House Hearing, 119 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                   FROM TOOL TO WEAPON: THE FACE ACT AND 
                  THE DANGERS OF FEDERALIZING CRIMINAL LAW
=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                      SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE CONSTITUTION AND 
                              LIMITED GOVERNMENT

                                 OF THE

                       COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

                     U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED NINETEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               __________

                        TUESDAY, APRIL 28, 2026

                               __________

                           Serial No. 119-65

                               __________

         Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
         
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]         

               Available via: http://judiciary.house.gov
               
                               __________
                               
                   U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
63-601                    WASHINGTON : 2026
=======================================================================
              
                       COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

                        JIM JORDAN, Ohio, Chair

DARRELL ISSA, California             JAMIE RASKIN, Maryland, Ranking 
ANDY BIGGS, Arizona                      Member
TOM McCLINTOCK, California           JERROLD NADLER, New York
THOMAS P. TIFFANY, Wisconsin         ZOE LOFGREN, California
THOMAS MASSIE, Kentucky              STEVE COHEN, Tennessee
CHIP ROY, Texas                      HENRY C. ``HANK'' JOHNSON, Jr., 
SCOTT FITZGERALD, Wisconsin              Georgia
BEN CLINE, Virginia                  TED LIEU, California
LANCE GOODEN, Texas                  PRAMILA JAYAPAL, Washington
JEFFERSON VAN DREW, New Jersey       J. LUIS CORREA, California
TROY E. NEHLS, Texas                 MARY GAY SCANLON, Pennsylvania
BARRY MOORE, Alabama                 JOE NEGUSE, Colorado
HARRIET M. HAGEMAN, Wyoming          LUCY McBATH, Georgia
LAUREL M. LEE, Florida               DEBORAH K. ROSS, North Carolina
WESLEY HUNT, Texas                   BECCA BALINT, Vermont
RUSSELL FRY, South Carolina          JESUS G. ``CHUY'' GARCIA, Illinois
KEVIN KILEY, California              SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
GLENN GROTHMAN, Wisconsin            JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
BRAD KNOTT, North Carolina           DANIEL S. GOLDMAN, New York
MARK HARRIS, North Carolina          JASMINE CROCKETT, Texas
ROBERT F. ONDER, Jr., Missouri       Vacancy
DEREK SCHMIDT, Kansas
BRANDON GILL, Texas
MICHAEL BAUMGARTNER, Washington

                                 ------                                

        SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE CONSTITUTION AND LIMITED GOVERNMENT

                         CHIP ROY, Texas, Chair

TOM McCLINTOCK, California           MARY GAY SCANLON, Pennsylvania, 
THOMAS MASSIE, Kentucky                  Ranking Member
HARRIET HAGEMAN, Wyoming             STEVE COHEN, Tennessee
WESLEY HUNT, Texas                   PRAMILA JAYAPAL, Washington
GLENN GROTHMAN, Wisconsin            JOE NEGUSE, Colorado
MARK HARRIS, North Carolina          BECCA BALINT, Vermont
ROBERT F. ONDER, Jr., Missouri       SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
BRANDON GILL, Texas                  DANIEL S. GOLDMAN, New York

               CHRISTOPHER HIXON, Majority Staff Director
                ARTHUR EWENCZYK, Minority Staff Director
                            
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              

                        TUESDAY, APRIL 28, 2026
                           OPENING STATEMENTS

                                                                   Page

The Honorable Chip Roy, Chair of the Subcommittee on the 
  Constitution and Limited Government from the State of Texas....     1
The Honorable Mary Gay Scanlon, Ranking Member of the 
  Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government from 
  the State of Pennsylvania......................................     4
The Honorable Jim Jordan, Chair of the Committee on the Judiciary 
  from the State of Ohio.........................................     6
The Honorable Jamie Raskin, Ranking Member of the Committee on 
  the Judiciary from the State of Maryland.......................     7

                               WITNESSES

Eva Edl, Yugoslavian communist concentration camp survivor, Pro-
  life Advocate
  Oral Testimony.................................................    10
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    12
Christopher A. Ferrara, Senior Counsel,Thomas More Society
  Oral Testimony.................................................    14
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    16
Roger T. Severino, Vice President, Economic and Domestic Policy, 
  Joseph C. and Elizabeth A. Anderlik Fellow, The Heritage 
  Foundation
  Oral Testimony.................................................    27
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    29
Jessica L. Waters, Senior Scholar in Residence, Justice, Law & 
  Criminology, American University
  Oral Testimony.................................................    71
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    73

          LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC. SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING

All materials submitted by the Subcommittee on the Constitution 
  and Limited Government, for the record.........................   107

A statement from Sterling Heights clinic, submitted by the 
  Honorable the Honorable Jamie Raskin, Ranking Member of the 
  Committee on the Judiciary from the State of Maryland, for the 
  record
Materials submitted by the Honorable Mary Gay Scanlon, Ranking 
  Member of the Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited 
  Government from the State of Pennsylvania, for the record
    An article entitled, ``DOJ's First `Weaponization' Report Is 
        a Bust,'' Apr. 20, 2026, The Atlantic
    A press release entitled, ``Ohio Woman Pleads Guilty to 
        Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act 
        Violation for Damaging Pregnancy Center,'' Dec. 8, 2023, 
        Office of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of Justice
    A press release entitled, ``Wisconsin Man Sentenced to Prison 
        for 2022 Firebombing of Madison Building,'' Apr. 10, 
        2024, Office of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of 
        Justice
    A press release entitled, ``Florida Woman Convicted of Civil 
        Rights Conspiracy Targeting Pregnancy Resource Centers,'' 
        Dec. 20, 2024, Office of Public Affairs, U.S. Department 
        of Justice
    A press release entitled, ``FBI Offering $25,000 Rewards for 
        Information in Series of Attacks Against Reproductive 
        Health Service Facilities,'' Jan. 19, 2023, Federal 
        Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
    An article entitled, ``Separating Fact from Fiction in FACE 
        Act Enforcement,'' Apr. 14, 2026, Just Security
    A press release entitled, ``Seven Defendants Convicted of 
        Federal Civil Rights Conspiracy and Freedom of Access to 
        Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act Offenses for Obstructing 
        Access to Reproductive Health Services in Michigan,'' 
        Aug. 20, 2024, Office of Public Affairs, U.S. Department 
        of Justice
    A statement from Reproductive Freedom For All, Apr. 28, 2026
    A statement from The American College of Obstetricians & 
        Gynecologists, Apr. 28, 2026
    A statement from the National Abortion Federation (NAF), Apr. 
        28, 2026
    A statement the Center for Reproductive Rights, Apr. 28, 2026
    A statement from David Gunn, Jr. and Wendy Gunn, Apr. 28, 
        2026
    Pages from the 2025 Presidential Transition Project, pp. 557-
        558, Apr. 28, 2026
    A statement from Judith C. Appelbaum, Apr. 28, 2026
    An article entitled, ``I testified before Congress on the 
        FACE Act--and became a target,'' May 8, 2026, MS Now
An article entitled, ``Arrests in Memphis as Antiabortion 
  Training Camp Sparks New Era of Clinic Blockades,'' Nov. 26, 
  2025, Ms. Magazine, submitted by the Honorable Steve Cohen, 
  Member of the Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited 
  Government from the State of Tennessee, for the record
Materials submitted by the Honorable Chip Roy, Chair of the 
  Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government from 
  the State of Texas, for the record
    A report entitled,``Fact Sheet: Planned Parenthood's 2024-25 
        Annual Report,'' Apr. 7, 2026, Lozier Institute
    The Executive Summary report entitled, ``The Biden 
        Administration's Weaponization of the Freedom of Access 
        to Clinic Entrances Act,'' Apr. 14, 2026, Office of Legal 
        Policy, U.S. Department of Justice
Materials submitted by the Honorable Sydney Kamlager-Dove, a 
  Member of the Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited 
  Government from the State of California, for the record
    A statement for the record from Renee Chelian, Founder, CEO, 
        Northland Family Planning, Apr. 28, 2026
    An article entitled, ``Trump pardons abortion clinic 
        protesters ahead of March for Life,'' Jan. 23, 2025, 
        Politico
    An article entitled, ``Fertility clinic bombing suspect was 
        `nihilistic' 25-year-old, FBI says,'' May 18, 2025, The 
        Washington Post
    A press release entitled, ``More Men Using Family Planning 
        Services,'' Jun. 16, 2016, U.S. Department of Health and 
        Human Services
    A letter to the Honorable Chip Roy, Chair of the Subcommittee 
        on the Constitution and Limited Government from the State 
        of Texas, and the Honorable Mary Gay Scanlon, Ranking 
        Member of the Subcommittee on the Constitution and 
        Limited Government from the State of Pennsylvania, from 
        Amnesty International, Apr. 28, 2026

 
                   FROM TOOL TO WEAPON: THE FACE ACT
              AND THE DANGERS OF FEDERALIZING CRIMINAL LAW

                              ----------                              


                        Tuesday, April 28, 2026

                        House of Representatives

        Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government

                       Committee on the Judiciary

                             Washington, DC

    The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m., in Room 
2141, Rayburn House Office Building, the Hon. Chip Roy [Chair 
of the Subcommittee] presiding.
    Members present: Representatives Roy, Jordan, Hageman, 
Grothman, Harris, Onder, Gill, Scanlon, Raskin, Cohen, Jayapal, 
Balint, and Kamlager-Dove.
    Mr. Roy. [Presiding.] The Committee will come to order. 
Without objection, the Chair is authorized to declare a recess 
at any time. We welcome everybody to today's hearing on the 
FACE Act and the dangers of Federalizing criminal law.
    Before I start, I just want to say thanks for everybody's 
patience. I think there were some security line issues. Thanks 
to the witnesses for navigating through those, and thanks to my 
colleagues on the other side of the aisle. I apologize for 
starting a little bit late, but we were trying to deal with 
that issue.
    I will now recognize myself for an opening statement.
    Today, this Subcommittee confronts a fundamental question 
about the proper role of the Federal Government in our 
constitutional system, because the issue before us is not just 
one statute; it is about a broader and more dangerous trend--
the steady expansion of Federal criminal law into areas the 
Constitution traditionally reserves to the States. When 
Washington creates these authorities and hands them to 
unelected bureaucrats, these tools will inevitably be 
weaponized.
    The FACE Act is a case study into exactly that problem. It 
was sold as a narrow, even-handed tool designed to equally 
protect access to abortion clinics, pregnancy resource centers, 
and places of worship by prohibiting threats of force, 
obstruction, and property damage. Like so many Federal laws 
before it, it has become a vehicle for selective enforcement, a 
mechanism for political targeting, and ultimately, a weapon 
used against conservatives and prolife Americans.
    We don't need to speculate. We now have clear evidence from 
the Department of Justice's own report that this law was 
weaponized by the Biden Administration. That report shows how, 
under the Biden Administration, enforcement of the FACE Act was 
shaped, if not driven, by outside advocacy groups.
    The Biden Department of Justice worked in close 
coordination with extremist NGOs, particularly large, well-
funded pro-abortion groups, like the National Abortion 
Federation, Planned Parenthood, and the Feminist Majority 
Foundation. These groups weren't merely reporting crimes.
    They were operating as de facto intelligence-gathering 
arms, collecting and compiling detailed dossiers on the speech 
and activities of American citizens for Federal authorities 
mapping their movements, logging protests, and gathering deeply 
personal information, including participation in religious 
activity, home addresses, license data, even photos of their 
families and minor children all of it fed into the prosecution 
pipeline, even as DOJ officials themselves recognized much of 
the underlying activity was protected under the First 
Amendment.
    The DOJ didn't just receive this information. It gave these 
groups privileged access. On May 15, 2023, the National 
Abortion Federation requested a full internal list of every 
active FACE Act prosecution in the country. They got it in full 
within one hour.
    When this Subcommittee and I personally, as a Member of 
Congress, asked for the exact same information, the DOJ didn't 
just delay. They stonewalled for over three years from 2022-
2024.
    In October 2022, a formal request was ignored. December 
2023, asked again under oath: No answer. February 2024, 
followup in writing: Nothing. May 2024, response finally comes 
16 months later.
    It wasn't just Congress; defense counsel and active FACE 
prosecutors were denied the data outright. In one case, a DOJ 
official explicitly wrote that providing the information would, 
quote, ``open gates we will struggle to close,'' implicitly 
acknowledging that the records would reveal unequal enforcement 
targeting only prolifers. They refused and claiming the records 
didn't exist, even though the same information had been handed 
to the National Abortion Federation on demand.
    Why does an outside abortion advocacy group get immediate 
access to internal Department of Justice enforcement data, 
while Congress, prolife defendants, and the American people are 
forced to wait years or are denied altogether? That is not 
equal justice under the law. That is a two-tiered system where 
political allies are treated as partners and dissenters as 
targets.
    It didn't stop there. The bias we are seeing didn't just 
shape who was investigated. It shaped how these cases were 
prosecuted in court. In FACE Act trials, we have evidence that 
DOJ attorneys probed prospective jurors on their religious 
beliefs and prolife views, treating constitutionally protected 
convictions as potential disqualifications for service.
    In one instance, a DOJ prosecutor even complained when a 
judge took care to protect the defendant's First Amendment's 
rights. This is what happens when Washington takes power it was 
never meant to have, using it to target, instead of to serve, 
while treating constitutional protections as obstacles rather 
than guarantees.
    We don't have to imagine what that looks like. We see it 
sitting here before us today. Ms. Eva Edl is not a violent 
criminal. She is a 91-year-old survivor of a communist labor 
camp, someone who has lived through the horrors of unchecked 
government power. Yet, in Biden's America, she was not met with 
freedom, but with the full force of Federal prosecution for a 
nonviolent protest. Having survived the abuses of a 20th 
century regime built on centralized power, she now faces the 
consequences of that same dangerous principle right here on 
American soil decades later.
    Her case is not an outlier. It is a warning about what 
happens when the Federal Government takes jurisdiction over 
local conduct, and then, applies that power selectively guided 
not by equal justice, but by political priorities.
    This should concern every American, regardless of their 
views on the underlying issue. Because the real problem isn't 
just how this law has been used. It is the permanent expansion 
of Federal power it represents. When Congress Federalizes 
criminal law, we are not just addressing a single issue in a 
single moment. We are creating authorities that do not 
disappear when political control changes hands, authorities 
that will be used again and again by whoever sits in the White 
House, controls the DOJ, or directs Federal law enforcement.
    That is why this hearing isn't just about the FACE Act. It 
is about what happens when Washington takes power it was never 
meant to have.
    We are seeing the same impulse in proposals to Federalize 
other areas of criminal law. New Federal penalties layered on 
top of existing State crimes and efforts to nationalize deeply 
contested social issues through criminal statutes. Because the 
real question isn't whether this power delivers you the outcome 
you want today. It is whether you are willing to hand that same 
power to your political opponents tomorrow. The answer should 
be obvious. It isn't to fight over who controls these powers. 
The answer is to stop creating them in the first place.
    Criminal law enforcement, particularly for conduct that is 
local in nature, has historically and constitutionally belonged 
to the States. That division of authority was not accidental. 
It was designed as a safeguard against centralized power. When 
we ignore that structure, we don't just make a policy mistake; 
we create a system ripe for abuse, a playground for 
bureaucrats, a lever for political agendas, and a direct threat 
to the liberties we are sworn to protect.
    That is why I have called for the repeal of the FACE Act, 
not only because of who it has been used against, but because 
of what is represented, an expansion of Federal power and a 
breakdown of constitutional limited. The Federal Government 
should not be in the business of policing local conduct through 
expansive criminal statutes. If we are serious about protecting 
liberty, then we must be serious about limiting power. Because 
once Washington takes it, it doesn't give it back.
    One final point, a point of personal privilege, is I have 
tried to be consistent on this point to the extent of opposing 
or raising questions about legislation that is supported by 
people that are, shall I say, politically aligned typically, or 
issues that I care passionately about issues such as 
transgender surgeries or issues involving law enforcement who 
are being targeted locally or cops who are killed, that are not 
getting justice in one jurisdiction or another.
    I believe that we need to have this debate and this 
conversation about how much authority should be vested in the 
Federal Government in the form of criminal laws. Because I 
assure you that my colleagues who have concerns about this 
administration and those of us who had concerns about the last, 
the point that the Founders were making was that we should 
leave those authorities and those powers to the people and to 
the governments in the States closest to them, and not 
centralize that power in such a way that it can, in fact, be 
used against the people.
    I look forward to hearing from our witnesses.
    I now yield to the Ranking Member for her opening 
statement.
    Ms. Scanlon. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Well, today is the third time in as many years that this 
Subcommittee, under Republican leadership, is holding a hearing 
to undermine the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, or 
the FACE Act, fourth, if you count the markup of the Chair's 
FACE Act Repeal Act last year. Eliminating the FACE Act is a 
Right-wing policy priority drawn directly from the extremist 
Project 2025 manifesto, page 558, to be precise.
    No matter how many times the enemies of reproductive rights 
try to rewrite history or drum up new conspiracies about the 
FACE Act, the facts stay the same. We continue to see criminal 
obstruction of and threats, intimidation, and violence against 
abortion providers and women seeking those services. The FACE 
Act is needed now as much as it has ever been.
    In 1994, Congress passed the FACE Act with bipartisan 
support to address rising violence against abortion and 
reproductive healthcare providers. Over the years, that 
violence has included arsons, bombings, chemical attacks, 
blockades, murders, and attempted murders of abortion providers 
and bystanders.
    Specifically, the FACE Act protects the people who work in 
or seek care at facilities providing access to abortion and 
other reproductive healthcare services, as well as places of 
religious worship. It protects them from the use of force, 
threats, intimidation, or physical obstruction.
    For decades, the same coordinated extreme anti-choice 
forces whose violent conduct created the need for the FACE Act 
in the first place have tried to undermine the law as part of 
their unpopular mission to gut access to reproductive 
healthcare and, effectively, ban abortion in the United States.
    Since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, 
anti-abortion extremists have been emboldened, fueling a 
resurgence of violence and harassment against abortion 
providers. A report from the National Abortion Federation 
documented 777 instances of obstruction of clinics in 2024. In 
the last two years, there have been 296 incidents of death 
threats and other threats of violence aimed at abortion 
providers and their patients.
    For years, our Republican colleagues have tried to warp 
reality, and today's hearing is more of the same. They are 
claiming that people were arrested under the FACE Act for 
praying. That's just not true. Praying is not unlawful conduct, 
but you can't mask unlawful conduct, including violent threats 
or blockading entrances to clinics, with performative prayer. 
Those threats and physical harassment are crimes, and they 
jeopardize people's access to potentially lifesaving care.
    Take, for example, one woman's story from Michigan. After 
struggling with infertility, she finally got pregnant, but at 
12 weeks she and her husband got devastating news. Their baby 
had an extremely rare abnormality and he wouldn't survive 
birth. If she continued the pregnancy, her ability to have 
children in the future would be at risk and her life would be 
at risk as well. She and her husband made the decision to 
terminate the pregnancy.
    On the morning of her appointment at a local reproductive 
healthcare clinic, she arrived to find people blocking the 
entrance. A group approached them, trying to force her to take 
graphic pamphlets and telling her she could stop a murder from 
happening. The harassment continued even after the couple moved 
their car. She and her husband had to leave out of fear for 
their safety, even though she needed immediate medical 
attention. They were only able to return after police arrived, 
arrested the disruptors, and removed them.
    In another instance, five anti-abortion extremists forced 
their way into a clinic in Virginia and attempted to grab a 
patient. The patient's friend had to step in and help the 
clinic staff usher the invaders out.
    We are talking about women and their loved ones facing 
terror, threats of injury, and having to physical fight people 
off, just to receive legal healthcare for serious medical 
needs. It shouldn't be that way. That is why we have the FACE 
Act.
    Republicans have seized on a false narrative that the Biden 
Justice Department selectively enforced the law. That's not 
true.
    This month, as Chair Roy has related, Trump's Department of 
Justice issued a report claiming that the former administration 
used the FACE Act to go after allegedly peaceful prolife 
protestors. I should note that this report has been variously 
described across multiple outlets as cherry-picked, shoddy, 
misleading, hypocritical, inaccurate, incomplete, and a 
distortion of the truth that disregards multiple court rulings 
and jury verdicts. It parrots longstanding anti-abortion 
conspiracies, particularly those championed in the extremist 
Project 2025 manifesto.
    There is no credible evidence that prior administrations 
selectively enforced the FACE Act against anti-abortion 
protestors. To the extent that there is any disparity in FACE 
Act prosecutions of attacks on abortion clinics versus prolife 
facilities, it is simply a reflection of the facts. Abortion 
providers and their patients face significantly higher threats 
and levels of violence than other entities covered by the 
statute.
    The actions of the Trump Administration and its Right-wing 
allies, including our Republican colleagues, to undermine the 
FACE Act have invited anti-abortion extremists to carry out 
even more dangerous and hostile acts against women seeking 
healthcare and their medical providers.
    The President's firing of lawyers who prosecuted FACE Act 
violations, along with pardons for people who were convicted by 
juries of harassing and attacking abortion providers and their 
patients, only further emboldens people to commit these crimes. 
In fact, we have already seen pardoned anti-abortion activists 
go back to commit similar acts.
    Last July, six people, two of whom received Trump pardons 
for FACE Act violations, were arrested after invading a clinic 
in my District in Delaware County, Pennsylvania. They have gone 
on to be arrested again after their plea bargains were 
affirmed. They lied to get into the Delaware County facility, 
and then harassed patients and staff until the police removed 
them.
    If my Republican colleagues want to examine the real 
dangers of an out-of-control executive using the government to 
attack its political enemies, they should be holding hearings 
to examine what the Trump Administration is doing right now. 
How about deploying American troops and armed and masked 
Federal agents to our city streets to shutdown opposition and 
threatening assaulting and even killing people who would hold 
them accountable?
    How about using warrantless searches to arrest American 
citizens in their own homes? Or labeling people who disagree 
with the President's policies as domestic terrorists under 
NSPM-7? Putting their names on secret government lists and 
demanding that tech companies' hand over the identities of 
Americans who organize or share their dissenting opinions 
online? If we are talking about Federal intrusion into areas 
reserved to the States, how about this administration's 
attempts to Federalize our elections and seize State voter 
rolls? Why aren't we holding hearings about that?
    In politicizing a law meant to keep all Americans safe, 
anti-abortion extremists are openly attempting to lay the 
groundwork for a national abortion ban. Their goal is to scare, 
threaten, and physically obstruct women from accessing 
reproductive healthcare.
    The Majority of Americans agree, all women deserve the 
freedom to work with their doctors and their families to decide 
on the healthcare that is right for them without the meddling 
of radical politicians or religious extremists. No one should 
be denied medical care because of someone else's religious or 
political beliefs. I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I now recognize the Chair of the Full Committee, 
Mr. Jordan, for his opening statement.
    Chair Jordan. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    I can't think of a better time to have this hearing. Last 
week, we learned that the Southern Poverty Law Center was 
running a scam. The Southern Poverty Law Center who said, 
quote, ``The prolife movement is fundamentally antidemocratic,' 
'' was running a scam, paying $3 million to, quote, 
``informants'' to go foment the hate they told the world they 
were actually supposed to be fighting. This is exactly the 
right time to have this hearing, for goodness' sake.
    The Southern Poverty Law Center that the Biden Justice 
Department used to train lawyers to go deal with the FACE Act? 
You've got to be kidding me. The Southern Poverty Law Center, 
which was cited in the now famous memorandum--we have the 
Thomas More Society here; they remember this--where they said 
prolife Catholics were extremists, guess who they cited in that 
memo? The Southern Poverty Law Center.
    I remember when Rahm Emanuel said, ``Never let crisis go to 
waste.'' Well, the SPLC took it further. They said: We're going 
to create the crisis, so we can go after prolife groups using 
the FACE Act, and whatever else.
    The Ranking Member can talk about, oh, we have had three 
hearings on this. Well, this one couldn't be better timed. This 
is exactly what we need to be talking about, in light of the 
fact they have been indicted for running a $3 million scam 
against the people who were supporting them, and going out and 
going after prolife people, like Eva Edl, the 90-year-old. The 
Chair talked about her history and what she is doing, praying 
at a clinic.
    I'm glad you are all here and I look forward to hearing 
your testimony. I thank the Chair for putting this hearing 
together. With that, I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the Chair. I will now recognize the 
Ranking Member of the Full Committee, Mr. Raskin, for his 
opening statement.
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Chair, thank you very much. I want to thank 
all our witnesses for joining us today.
    We are in a weird time warp groove with our friends across 
the aisle. Most of their energy is now focused on pardoning 
people who attacked the Capitol on January 6th, wounding and 
injuring 150 of our police officers, disfiguring and disabling 
some of them for life.
    Their time is spent vacating the criminal convictions of 
the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers, who engaged in seditious 
conspiracy against the U.S. Government, which means conspiring 
to overthrow and put down the government. Now, the Department 
of Justice wants to vacate those convictions that were handed 
down by unanimous juries.
    They want to give millions of dollars to convicted 
criminals like Michael Flynn, for example, President Trump's 
disgraced former National Security Advisor. They gave him $1.5 
million for a lawsuit he brought against the government and 
already lost. He lost it in court, and nonetheless, they wrote 
him a check for $1.5 million.
    They wrote a check for another $1.5 million, or $1.25 
million, to Carter Page, who unsuccessfully sued the government 
for damages and losing four different lawsuits. Nonetheless, 
they just wrote him a check of the taxpayers' money, $1.25 
million.
    Now, they are all lining up at the trough. A lot of the 
January 6th insurrectionists wanted their $1.25 million payout.
    Donald Trump has sued the IRS for 10, no, forgive me, not 
$10 million--$10 billion. He wants 80 percent of the IRS budget 
that he is suing the government for. He is also suing for the 
search warrants handed down by an independent, neutral 
magistrate, where they executed a search on Mar-a-Lago and 
found lots of classified documents and confidential and secret 
documents he shouldn't have had. He is suing there for several 
hundred million dollars as well. It is a big piggy bank for 
them.
    Now, we are having our third hearing about the claim, I'm 
not sure I fully understand it, but I think the claim is that 
the activists who forcibly blocked health clinic entrances and 
prevented women from accessing lawful reproductive health 
services were somehow unjustly prosecuted under the FACE Act, 
which they intimate is unconstitutional, but eight different 
Federal Circuit Courts have upheld its constitutionality as a 
perfectly lawful exercise of Congress' powers under the 
Commerce Clause and not in any way in violation of the First 
Amendment. OK? They continue to want to pander to people who 
think that they should never have been prosecuted for their 
criminal conduct.
    This hearing is an after-the-fact justification for 
President Trump's antichoice pander pardons which took place 
last year. As one of his first acts in office, he pardoned 
nearly two dozen people convicted, again, by unanimous juries, 
of FACE Act-related crimes, including one of the witnesses here 
today, Ms. Edl. As with the January 6th rioters and 
insurrectionists that he pardoned, Trump and his MAGA allies 
are attempting to rewrite history to portray convicted criminal 
conduct as peaceful protests and to cast the dedicated public 
servants who sought to protect patient safety as the villains.
    Let's discuss some of the facts of Ms. Edl's case. She was 
pardoned by President Trump and invited as an example of the 
so-called ``peaceful protestors.'' A jury convicted her, along 
with six coconspirators of Federal civil rights offenses, 
including a FACE Act violation arising out of their blockade of 
a reproductive healthcare clinic in Sterling Heights, Michigan, 
in August 2020.
    A jury of her peers, not deep-State prosecutors, a jury of 
her peers drawn from her community convicted her by unanimous 
vote after a trial by an impartial Federal judge. She was one 
of two defendants convicted of another FACE Act violation 
arising out of their actions in yet another clinic blockade in 
Saginaw, Michigan.
    Now, I have no problems with the fact that Ms. Edl and 
others like her have strong moral convictions about this, as 
did Martin Luther King and John Lewis. They had strong moral 
convictions about Jim Crow apartheid and segregation in 
America, and they participated in civil disobedience. They 
violated various trespass laws in different cases, and they 
were arrested for it, and they were willing to accept their 
punishment as the price for trying to get a law they considered 
or actions by the government reversed and to dismantle racial 
segregation.
    What these protestors have a problem with is other people 
accessing their own healthcare. The civil rights protestors 
weren't trying to stop people from getting healthcare, and they 
were willing to, nonetheless, accept the consequences of having 
a sit-in, or whatever. Here, they don't seem to want to accept 
the fact that they violated the law. In fact, they violated the 
law precisely to prevent other people from exercising their 
constitutionally protected rights to healthcare. That is 
exactly what they were doing. I'm afraid there is a huge 
difference between them and other people who have participated 
in civil disobedience in the past.
    We got a statement from the founder and operator of the 
Sterling Heights clinic, who was present that day, which I'm 
going to enter into the record in full, that described what 
happened.
    Mr. Raskin. She writes this:

          Perhaps the most dangerous and appalling episode of clinic 
        violence I've ever experienced since the FACE Act became law 
        took place in August 2020. Our Sterling Heights clinic was 
        blockaded by extremists who prevented me and other staff from 
        entering the clinic. Patients were stuck in their cars, 
        including three women who were coming in for medical abortions 
        following the detection of fatal fetal anomalies.

          One woman was actively losing amniotic fluid and was 
        scheduled for the second day of a two-day procedure. She needed 
        immediate medical attention. She huddled with her mother and 
        her husband trapped in the parking lot while extremists 
        plastered signs of fake fetuses on her car windows and shouted, 
        ``God loves you. God loves your baby.'' The woman cried back, 
        ``I know God loves me. I know God loves my baby, but my baby is 
        dying.'' Her baby was missing most of its brain and had no 
        kidneys. This woman later shared her powerful testimony at 
        trial.

    As eight different Circuit Courts have found, Congress has 
the power under the Commerce Clause to protect people against 
being harassed and interfered with as they go to get medical 
attention. The FACE Act is a legitimate exercise of 
Congressional power, and they people were properly arrested and 
prosecuted for perhaps their very morally, sincerely held 
views, but they violated the law.
    These politically motivated pardons of FACE Act violators, 
as well as January 6ers and dozens of white-collar criminals 
and fraudsters, are all part of a political strategy that has 
got nothing to do with justice. Now, this is the equivalent of 
the government giving people a green light to go out and break 
the law. Indeed, there are numerous reports that President 
Trump has been pardoning promises, has been promising pardons 
rather, to everyone who works for him.
    As President Trump continues to endanger public safety with 
pardons like this, they are making threats against the Southern 
Poverty Law Center, which is the main not-for-profit 
organizational antagonist to the Ku Klux Klan and the neo-Nazi 
and the White extremist groups. They are being investigated and 
prosecuted for having sent people undercover to research what 
is going on in those groups, to get the information to 
government for prosecution.
    Now, the administration, which has pardoned 1,600 
extremists who attacked the U.S. Capitol, who violently 
assaulted our police officers, and tried to overthrow a 
Presidential election, which Joe Biden won by more than seven 
million votes, 306-232 in the Electoral College, well, now, 
after having pardoned all of those people, they want to attack 
the Southern Poverty Law Center. That is an amazing attack on 
the First Amendment for real.
    I yield back to you, Mr. Chair.
    Mr. Roy. Without objection, all other opening statements 
will be included in the record.
    Mr. Roy. We will now introduce today's witnesses.
    Ms. Eva Edl. Ms. Edl is a prolife advocate who came to the 
United States after surviving a communist concentration camp 
after the end of World War II. In 2023, she was prosecuted by 
the Biden Administration under the FACE Act for protesting at 
an abortion clinic. She was pardoned by President Trump in 
January 2025.
    Mr. Christopher Ferrara. Mr. Ferrara is a Senior Counsel at 
the Thomas More Society, a public interest law firm. Mr. 
Ferrara's practice focuses on cases involving the sanctity of 
life, religious liberty, and parental rights. He founded the 
American Catholic Lawyers Association in 1990.
    Mr. Roger Severino. Mr. Severino is the Vice President of 
Economic and Domestic Policy and the Joseph C. and Elizabeth A. 
Anderlik Fellow at the Heritage Foundation. He previously 
served as the Director of the Office of Civil Rights at the 
Department of Health and Human Services.
    Professor Jessica Waters. Ms. Waters is a Senior Scholar in 
residence for Justice, Law, and Criminology at the American 
University Washington College of Law. She previously served as 
the American University Dean of Undergraduate Education and 
Vice Provost for Academic Student Services.
    We thank our witnesses for appearing today.
    We will begin by swearing you in. Would you please rise and 
raise your right hand?
    Do you swear or affirm under penalty of perjury that the 
testimony you are about to give is true and correct to the best 
of your knowledge, information, and belief, so help you God?
    Let the record reflect that the witnesses have answered in 
the affirmative.
    Thank you, and you may be seated.
    Please know that your written testimony will be entered in 
the record in its entirety. Accordingly, we ask that you 
summarize your testimony in five minutes.
    Ms. Edl, you may begin. I will just remind you to have your 
microphone turned on, I believe it is, and to speak clearly 
into the microphone.

                      STATEMENT OF EVA EDL

    Ms. Edl. I'll try.
    Mr. Roy. You might want to pull that microphone a little 
closer, if that's possible. There we go. Thank you, Ms. Edl. 
You may begin.
    Ms. Edl. Chair Roy, Ranking Member Scanlon, and the Members 
of the Subcommittee, my name, as I have said, is Eva Edl. Thank 
you for inviting me to speak to you today.
    As I say in my biography, as a young child, I was taken to 
a communist death camp and survived only by the grace of God.
    When I came to this country, I was so grateful to see that 
the respect-that this country respected life. To my horror, 
even this country lost its moral compass when abortion was 
legalized in 1973.
    I knew from basic biology that human life begins when an 
ovum and sperm unite. I knew I could not remain silent, and I 
knew I had to speak in defense of the preborn babies.
    In 1988, I became aware of the existence of abortion 
clinics, which I view as our American death camps. On TV, I 
watched women take their babies inside to be killed, and it 
reminded me of my ride in the cattle car that took me as a 
young girl to the death camp.
    While being locked up in that car, I wished that some 
people would have put their bodies on those tracks to bring 
that train to a stop and set us free.
    I thought of the word of the Lord Jesus in Matthew 7, 
``that I should do unto others as I would have them do unto 
me.'' I knew I had to place my body between those victims and 
the abortionists, no matter what the cost.
    For the prolife movement, this is what we call ``rescue.'' 
We call it an interposing, putting ourselves in danger to save 
someone else.
    In 1988, I also learned of a rescue plan for October in 
Atlanta. I decided to join them. People were peacefully sitting 
in front of the door of the abortion clinic and not moving; 
consequently, shutting the business down at least until 
everyone was arrested.
    When we are at clinics like that, it's like sitting in 
front of the train tracks. While we are being arrested, our 
sidewalk counselors have the opportunity to offer help to young 
women, and hopefully, persuade them to give their life to their 
children.
    Then, in 1994, when I heard that Senator Ted Kennedy 
introduced the FACE Act, I knew that things would change. I 
knew that we rescuers would be targeted.
    Prolifers who continue to put their bodies between the 
abortionists and innocent victims today will continue to be 
targeted by this unjust law until it is repealed.
    Yet, despite knowing this, when the Lord asks you to do 
something, you just simply do it, no matter the cost. After 
all, he gave his life to save us.
    There are many others who have answered this sacrificial 
call. In my case, I was only charged with a first offense 
misdemeanor in Tennessee, but in Michigan, I was convicted of 
two separate violations of FACE and one violation of conspiracy 
against rights and faced up to 13 years in prison and up to 
$300,000 in fines.
    I am before you today. I plead with our government to 
repeal the FACE Act because it is targeting people who want to 
do right. After all, we have enough laws that, if somebody does 
something wrong, we have the means to punish them.
    I plead with our government to stop the killing and go back 
to the foundational principle that our forefathers built this 
country on: That all human life has equal value before God.
    If we do not have an awakening of our national conscious, 
then we will exterminate our posterity. Indeed, our next 
victims will be the elderly and the sick through the so-called 
``assisted death.''
    We are aborting those who would be our country's future, 
who will take care of us when we are old. When we do not 
respect human life, it becomes very disposable.
    Yet, where there is life, there is hope. It is this hope 
that has carried me over 90 years through World War II, a 
genocide, and Tito's horrific camps, all the way to today.
    While I may not see the end of abortion in my own lifetime, 
I have the unshakeable hope that the truth will prevail and 
that our Nation will soon recognize the value of all human 
life.
    Let us act by beginning to repeal the FACE Act. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Edl follows:]
    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] 
    
    Mr. Roy. Thank you, Ms. Edl. Mr. Ferrara, you may begin.

              STATEMENT OF CHRISTOPHER A. FERRARA

    Mr. Ferrara. I thank the Committee for this opportunity to 
argue in favor of repeal of the FACE Act.
    The FACE Act was supposedly a viewpoint-neutral protection 
of abortion clinic access. It contained a disclaimer that it 
would not prohibit First Amendment protected conduct or create 
new remedies for interference with that conduct.
    We members of the prolife bar were not fooled. The FACE Act 
targeted a particular social justice movement, the prolife 
activist movement. It created a new category of Federal 
offenses, civil and criminal, based on what were purely matters 
of local law involving citizens and other minor offenses 
committed in the context of nonviolent civil disobedience no 
different from what Dr. Martin Luther King defended in his 
Letter from a Birmingham Jail.
    As for the acts of violence in the course of the movement, 
there were acts of violence, and they were prosecuted 
appropriately under local law. Consider Paul Hill, who was 
executed under State law in Florida in 2003. No need of FACE to 
bring him to justice.
    I've had 25 years of experience defending FACE claims, 
almost entirely in opposition to attorneys general, and I have 
seen how, with dreary predictability, the terms ``force,'' 
``threat of force,'' and ``physical obstruction'' in FACE have 
become so elastic as to reach even de minimis conduct that 
would not even warrant a desk appearance ticket under local 
law.
    Even the most fleeting physical contact has been found to 
constitute force. The most minimal impediments of clinic 
workers or clients on the sidewalk have been found to 
constitute physical obstruction. Mere references to God's 
judgment on death have been found to constitute threats of 
force.
    The FACE Act has been used to impose ridiculous 
injunctions; totally unheard of in any other context. Speech-
free buffer zones, bubble zones, and even floating bubble zones 
around clinics have created for prolife advocates, and them 
only, exactly what Justice Scalia described in McCullen v. 
Coakley., quote: ``An entirely separate abridged edition of the 
First Amendment applicable to speech against abortion.''
    Consider, also, FACE's mode of requirement. If you stand in 
front of an abortion clinic worker outside a clinic to demand 
money that you are owed, delaying that person, no law is 
violated. Stand in front of the same person to offer prolife 
literature and discuss alternatives to abortion, and you've 
just violated FACE.
    Even worse, FACE is being combined with 18 U.S.C. 241, 
prohibiting conspiracies against rights, which elevates 
misdemeanor FACE violations into Federal felonies. The result 
has been preposterous prison sentences.
    Consider the clinic sit-in at a D.C. abortion clinic in 
2020 called a ``blockade'' by the government. Because a clinic 
staffer allegedly suffered from a sprained ankle, all the 
participants were found guilty of a crime of violence, as 
coconspirators, and were sent immediately to prison after the 
verdict.
    Joan Bell, 27 months in Federal prison for a 77-year-old 
grandmother.
    Jean Marshall, 24 months in Federal prison for a 77-year-
old retired nurse.
    Heather Idoni, 24 months in Federal prison for a 61-year-
old grandmother.
    Consider the case of Beverlyn-Bevelyn Beatty, 41 months in 
Federal prison for the mother of a two-year-old girl, based on 
uttering political hyperbole and allegedly causing a minor hand 
injury.
    Well, thank God Trump pardoned all these victims of FACE 
and many more political prisoners that he rescued from the 
Biden Administration's Gulag.
    Now, we have the massive DOJ report on weaponization of 
FACE by the Biden Justice Department. That report reveals a 
comment by an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the case of U.S. v. 
Jastrow, which says it all concerning the Biden 
Administration's weaponization of FACE against religiously 
motivated prolife activists. I quote,

        Unfortunately, we ended up with a very Catholic magistrate on 
        duty this week and he was very particular about bond conditions 
        and not infringing on First Amendment rights. At the end, we 
        ended up with overly lawyered bond conditions that would be 
        difficult to enforce.

Well, there we have it anti-Catholic bigotry on full display in 
a public record pertaining to the Biden Administration's 
vindictive FACE Act prosecutions.
    We have never seen anything like this pernicious law in 
American history. For the sake of freedom and justice in 
America, the FACE Act must be repealed.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Ferrara follows:]
    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] 
    
    Mr. Roy. Thank you, Mr. Ferrara. Mr. Severino, you may 
begin.

                 STATEMENT OF ROGER T. SEVERINO

    Mr. Severino. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    I want to build off comments from your opening statement 
and to consider a few different scenarios, and what could 
actually be the common thread.
    Scenario 1. You want to build a pool in your house, and the 
people doing the construction move the dirt from the hole into 
some soggy area of your land.
    Scenario 2. You're cleaning a gutter from your house, and 
you get up on top and you notice that there is a bird nest 
there that you push off to the side to the ground.
    Scenario 3. You go with your son to a National Park, and 
you discover an Indian arrowhead that you keep as a souvenir.
    Scenario 4. You're walking down the street, and you see a 
protest going on. It could be in front of an abortion clinic. 
It could be in front of a pregnancy resource center. You get 
into a heated debate and there's an altercation that ensues.
    The common thread among those four scenarios is that they 
may be Federal crimes. The thing is, you're not really sure if 
they are or they aren't. It really depends on the prosecution 
and what their theory of the case is, and what facts they 
cherry-pick, and worst of all, whether or not the identity of 
the alleged perpetrator is perhaps of the same political party 
or not of the prosecutor. All these things are a result of 
overcriminalization. The FACE Act is a poster child of 
overcriminalization. Now, whatever you think about the 
underlying issue to be addressed in any of those cases, are the 
wrongs to be addressed at the Federal level? Is everything 
meant to be, literally, a Federal case?
    Under our constitutional system, it was designed such that 
the Federal Government is one of enumerated powers. It only has 
the power that was given to it by the people specifically in 
the Constitution. It cannot act unless Congress is authorized 
by a specific provision in the Constitution.
    Now, the problem is, Congress has used the Commerce Clause 
as its catchall to cover every single aspect of American life, 
such that we have 5,200 different crimes. My former colleague 
at the Heritage Foundation, Giancarlo Canaparo, catalogued 
these crimes, but his chilling finding was he couldn't be sure, 
either.
    Nobody knows how many Federal crimes there are. The 
Department of Justice was tasked to actually try to figure this 
out and they gave up. They did not know how many Federal crimes 
there are.
    When you add to this the fact that there are 300,000 
regulatory crimes, let me repeat that, 300,000 regulatory 
crimes, where some bureaucrat decided to amend a regulation 
that then becomes a crime, well, are we really a Nation of laws 
or not?
    We have delegated far too much authority to Federal 
bureaucrats, and that discretion has given unchecked power that 
has been abused with the FACE Act and other cases. Let me give 
you a few examples.
    There was a person who was importing undersized lobsters 
from Honduras, and unfortunately, didn't know the Honduran 
regulations and packed them in plastic bags instead of boxes. 
What Federal crime was violated? Well, it was done--no Federal 
crime actually. A Honduran crime perhaps was committed, but 
because he violated a Honduran crime, that became a Federal 
crime under the Lacey Act. Who knew that, if you don't follow 
Honduras' laws for packing lobsters in plastic versus boxes, 
you might be committing a Federal crime?
    Now, sticking with Fish and Game, in Florida, a fisherman 
was capturing some grouper, and they were, again, undersized. A 
Fish and Game Warden came by and said, ``Wow, they look 
undersized.'' When the warden left, the fisherman threw some of 
the fish away to try to kind of hide the evidence.
    Now, he was charged with a Federal crime under Sarbanes-
Oxley, an Enron-related bill that was designed to go after 
people and accountants that were shredding evidence in an 
investigation. All of a sudden, the Federal agent said, ``You 
know what? A fish is a whole lot like a document.'' The Supreme 
Court said, ``no, it's not; a fish is a fish; it's not a 
document.''
    On with one more example. I was the Nation's HIPAA 
regulator, and I had the power to issue regulations which also 
had the force and effect of law.
    The case of Eithan Haim, a whistleblower doctor in Texas 
who discovered that Texas Children's Hospital, despite what 
they were saying, was still giving cross-sex sterilizing 
treatments to minors possibly in violation of law.
    He blew the whistle, and the Biden DOJ went after him, not 
the hospital, for an alleged HIPAA violation 10 years potential 
prison time for looking into files, not disclosing any 
protected health information, but verified that, in fact, the 
hospital was lying.
    This shows that our laws have been weaponized, such that we 
are no longer a Nation of laws, but a Nation of men with 
unchecked authority to go after political enemies whenever they 
like.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Severino follows:]
    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] 
    
    Mr. Roy. Mr. Severino, thank you for your statement. 
Professor Waters, you may begin.

                 STATEMENT OF JESSICA L. WATERS

    Ms. Waters. Chair Roy, Ranking Member Scanlon, and the 
Members of the Committee, and the Members of the Subcommittee, 
thank you for inviting me back to testify today. I appreciated 
our conversation related to FACE during the December 2024 
hearing before this Committee, and I look forward to additional 
constructive dialog today.
    The specific provisions of FACE are outlined in my written 
testimony, but in brief, FACE created criminal penalties and 
civil remedies against specific types of intentional violent, 
threatening, or obstructive conduct directed at people 
providing or obtaining reproductive health services or seeking 
to exercise First Amendment religious rights at houses of 
worship.
    A few concepts are key there:

(1)  FACE prohibits specific conduct, not speech.
(2)  FACE requires that the conduct be intentional; that is, 
directed at preventing the seeking or provision of reproductive 
health-
care or the exercise of religious rights at houses of worship.
(3)  FACE expressly excludes nonthreatening, nonobstructive 
speech from its purview, as it must, as the First Amendment 
demands that protection.

    We have heard other witnesses opine today that FACE should 
be repealed and that it is somehow unconstitutional. Let us be 
clear: That is simply not what the law says.
    Every Federal court to consider such arguments has 
unequivocally held that FACE was a constitutional exercise of 
Congress' authority. This is not an area where circuits are 
split or where the laws are unclear. Whether the challenge has 
been on Commerce Clause grounds, First Amendment speech 
grounds, First Amendment free exercise grounds, or Tenth 
Amendment grounds, the courts have said the same thing: FACE is 
constitutionally sound and based on extensive legislative 
findings about the need for a Federal remedy to combat a 
nationwide campaign of violence.
    Lest there be any confusion, this unanimity is true both 
pre- and post-Dobbs. A few post-Dobbs cases illustrate this 
point.
    For example, in 2025, the Sixth Circuit confronted the 
question squarely of whether FACE's long-affirmed 
constitutionally constitutionality was impacted by the Dobbs 
decision. The Sixth Circuit held that Dobbs had no effect on 
FACE's constitutionality, finding that, quote,

        The Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs provides no basis to 
        reconsider prior holdings that FACE is a constitutional 
        exercise of Congress' power under the Commerce Clause.

The Sixth Circuit also directly affirmed its prior decisions 
holding that FACE did not run afoul of the First Amendment 
speech or free exercise protections.
    Notably, in the case in which Ms. Edl was a codefendant, 
United States v. Gallagher, the Tennessee District Court 
confronted this same question and flatly rejected any argument 
that Dobbs undermined FACE--FACE's constitutionality or 
protections. As the Court wrote, and I quote,

        What did the holding and essential reasoning of Dobbs change 
        about the interstate nature of the reproductive health field? 
        Nothing. Those issues were not even remotely raised by the case 
        which involved a State statute.

    Other courts to reach this question have found the exact 
same thing. This includes a New York Court, the D.C. District 
Court, and a Pennsylvania District Court.
    Where I think Dobbs does matter in this equation is in two 
areas that actually underscore the need for FACE.
    First, Dobbs returned the abortion question to the States, 
leaving us now in a patchwork of laws across the country. By 
the end of 2025, 13 States had total abortion bans and six more 
have 6-12-weeks abortion bans.
    As has been well-documented, the number of abortions did 
not decline nationwide after these bans went into effect. 
Instead, what happened is people who lived in States with bans 
traveled to other States that protected access to reproductive 
healthcare. A hundred and seventy thousand patients traveled in 
2023; 150,000 in 2024, and 140,000 in 2025. That is, patients 
and clinics engaged in interstate commerce, the very basis on 
which FACE left rests.
    Finally, following Dobbs, there was an almost immediate 
spike in major incidents targeting reproductive healthcare 
providers, including arsons, burglaries, and death threats. In 
2023 and 2024, the National Abortion Federation documented 
three arsons, 13 invasions, 169 incidents of vandalism, 621 
incidents of trespass, 296 death threats, 38 assaults and 
battery, 777 counts of obstruction, and 12 bomb threats.
    Though I wish it wasn't the case, the continued campaign of 
nationwide intimidation and violence against reproductive 
healthcare providers highlight the continued need for FACE. As 
I said in 2024, the bottom line is this: People should be able 
to seek medical care, and medical professionals should be able 
to provide it, without fear of violence or intimidation. This 
is an issue that warrants a Federal remedy.
    I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Waters follows:]
    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] 
    
    Mr. Roy. I thank the witness for her testimony. I will now 
recognize the gentleman from North Carolina for five minutes.
    Mr. Harris. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thanks to all the 
witnesses for being a part of this today.
    Mr. Ferrara, as a pastor, and now, a Congressman, I have 
unequivocally stood firm on the importance of protecting the 
sanctity of life. It is undeniable that every life is a 
precious gift from God, created with inherent dignity and 
purpose. This truth has encouraged prolifers across the country 
to push back on the pro-abortion rhetoric by serving outside of 
abortion clinic to pray, to counsel women who feel they have 
run out of options, and to reaffirm the sacred truth that the 
unborn have value.
    The way in which the Biden Administration weaponized the 
FACE Act against prolifers was indefensible and it makes me 
fear that these actions have discouraged others from getting 
involved in the fight for the unborn.
    I would ask you, Mr. Ferrara, in your view, do FACE Act 
prosecutions against prolifers create a chilling effect among 
those in the prolive movement?
    Mr. Roy. Mr. Ferrara, can you use your microphone?
    Mr. Harris. Your mic, please.
    Mr. Ferrara. They most certainly do. As I indicated during 
my testimony, Justice Scalia rightly observed that we have, 
through the application of the FACE Act, a separate and 
distinct abridged version of the First Amendment for prolife 
advocates.
    The injunctions issued under the authority of FACE have no 
precedent in American law. They are, as I said during my 
testimony, ridiculous. Bubble zones, floating bubble zones, 
speech-free areas to prevent even a discussion of alternatives 
to abortion, all enacted in the name of protecting what turned 
out to be the nonexistent right to abortion.
    Yes, I think that this is a case of unprecedented 
restrictions on activities, some of which do involve civil 
disobedience. Civil disobedience, like it or not, is part of 
the American tradition of social justice movements.
    I'll tell you this: What I don't see in the prolife 
movement, even at the height of the rescue movement in the 
1990s, is cities burning; police officers being attacked; 
Molotov cocktails being thrown into businesses; police officers 
being pelted with bottles filled with ice, and not just death 
threats, but actual acts of violence on a massive scale not the 
isolated acts we saw in the prolife movement in the nineties, 
which were punished appropriately under criminal law. As I 
indicated, Paul Hill was put to death. You can't do better than 
capital punishment for punishing lawless activity.
    My testimony has made clear, that FACE has, for the first 
time in American history, singled out a single protest movement 
for treatment under the law that has never been meted out to 
any other social justice movement in our Nation's history.
    Mr. Harris. Let me ask you a followup to that. During 
President Trump's first year in office, he took action to 
correct the injustices that occurred during the Biden-Harris 
Administration's enforcement of the FACE Act by issuing pardons 
to several of the prolifers that were unjustly targeted. Would 
you say what response have you seen from the prolife movement 
and your clients regarding President Trump's actions?
    Mr. Ferrara. Gratitude, and thanks to God for justice done.
    The sentences handed out, some of which I mentioned in my 
testimony, are absolutely absurd years in Federal prison for 
nonviolent conduct, the worst of it being someone's hand was 
injured or there was a sprained ankle. Then, with the 
combination of Section 241, conspiracy against rights, 
multiyear prison sentences for nonviolent conduct.
    Again, these things could be handled, and had always been 
handled, as matters of local law. By the way, the system is 
capable of handling these matters. If you have repeat offenders 
who are trespassing, sooner or later, they'll end up in a jail 
cell, and that might be appropriate.
    Mr. Harris. Correct. Unfortunately, what we are hearing 
today is part of a larger pattern of an anti-Christian bias we 
witnessed under the Biden-Harris Administration. Thanks to this 
Committee's work in the past, we learned that the Biden-Harris 
FBI used its resources to spy on Catholics in Richmond. On top 
of that, in today's hearings, we are hearing stories of prolife 
activists being unjustly targeted by the Biden-Harris DOJ, 
while attacks on churches and prolife pregnancy centers went 
largely ignored.
    In the last 30 seconds, I just want to ask you, Mr. 
Ferrara, is it fair to say that the Biden-Harris 
Administration's DOJ displayed clear anti-Christian bias in its 
actions, including its enforcement of the FACE Act?
    Mr. Ferrara. Well, there's no question about it. Even FBI 
Director Wray admitted that the report had been issued out of 
the Richmond office, characterizing traditionalist Catholics 
and I'm one of them, and I attend that parish in Richmond as, 
basically, domestic terrorists. He professed to be embarrassed 
by the memo and said it was only a localized product. It turned 
out that this was false. This memo had been widely circulated 
in FBI channels. Yes, the answer is yes.
    Mr. Harris. Thank you, sir. Mr. Chair, I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentleman from North Carolina. I will 
recognize the Ranking Member first and the unanimous consent 
request.
    Ms. Scanlon. Thanks. First, I have an article from The 
Atlantic, dated April 20, 2026, ``The DOJ's First 
`Weaponization' Report Is a Bust. The document purports to show 
bias under Biden Administration--and fails spectacularly.''
    Second, I have a DOJ press release on an Ohio woman who was 
prosecuted for attacking a pregnancy resource center, December 
8, 2023.
    Another one, DOJ press release about dated April 10, 2024, 
concerning prosecution of someone who fire-bombed a Madison 
building because of anti-abortion.
    Next, I have a press release from the DOJ, December 20, 
2024, ``Florida Woman Convicted of Civil Rights Conspiracy for 
Targeting Pregnancy Resource Centers.''
    Another DOJ press release from January 19, 2023, titled, 
``FBI Offering $25,000 Reward for information on attacks 
against reproductive health service facilities.''
    Mr. Roy. Without objection.
    Ms. Scanlon. Thank you. I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I now recognize the Ranking Member of the Full 
Committee, Mr. Raskin.
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Chair, thank you very much.
    I know our friends are desperate to change the subject from 
President Trump's aggressive insults to the Pope, saying that 
he is weak on nuclear weapons and weak on crime, and his online 
impersonation of Jesus Christ, who he later claimed he was 
actually he thought that was an image of him playing a doctor. 
Of course, he is not a doctor, either. He is neither a doctor 
nor Jesus Christ.
    In any event, that doesn't make the FACE Act anti-
Christian, and if you think it is, then go ahead and bring 
another failed lawsuit against the FACE Act and claim that it 
violates the Free Exercise Clause. It does not.
    In 2022, the Supreme Court in the Dobbs case reversed 
itself in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, and Roe v. Wade. The 
right to abortion was not legalized in 1973. It was legal in 
most of the country. What the Supreme Court did was strike down 
abortion bans criminalizing abortion.
    In any event, since the Dobbs decision, 21 States now have 
a total or a substantial ban on abortion affecting the rights 
directly of 29 million American women. The 169,000 of them at 
least, they have had to cross State lines in interstate 
commerce to seek the medical attention that they need.
    It is not enough for our friends now to allow State 
legislatures to ban other people's medical decisions. They want 
to repeal the FACE Act, so they can directly blockade hospitals 
and medical clinics. That is the very clear implication of what 
Mr. Ferrara was just saying that you should have a 
constitutional right to do what has been made criminal by 
Congress in the FACE Act, after nine or ten doctors and other 
medical staff were killed in attacks on people working in 
abortion clinics.
    Now, Ms. Waters, I want to ask you, is there any reason to 
think that there is a constitutional right to blockade other 
people from obtaining medical attention?
    Ms. Waters. There is no reason to think there's a 
constitutional right to interfere with other people seeking 
medical attention. FACE is very clear on this point and very 
deliberate, and the legislative history is clear. This was very 
deliberate.
    What speech gets at, or what FACE gets at is conduct, 
right? It's violence. It's threats. It's intimidation. It's 
blockades. FACE expressly excludes pure speech that does not do 
those things. Right?
    What we're talking about here is I hear talk of these 
crimes were minor and these things were insignificant. When I 
look at the stats of what's actually happening on the ground, 
11 abortion providers have been murdered. Right? There have 
been 26 other attempted murders. There have been thousands of 
blockades. There have been hundreds of arsons. We are not 
talking about peaceful protests. We are talking about violence, 
and we are talking about a nationwide campaign of violence.
    Mr. Raskin. Well, Mr. Ferrara makes one good point, it 
seems to me; that if they are killing doctors who work at 
reproductive health clinics and other staff and we know that 
there have been many cases of that--they are already chargeable 
and punishable under State laws.
    There's a discrete injury here when people get together and 
blockade a clinic. You might not have State legislatures that 
are willing to enact laws to keep them, keep them open. 
Obviously, there is a Federal interest here, which is why eight 
Federal Circuit Courts have unanimously around the country 
upheld the FACE Act against attack.
    What happens, as in the case where Ms. Edl, again, 
sincerely goes out to protest, but is part of a protest that 
blockades people from getting healthcare? What is the effect on 
the people who are trying to get in?
    Ms. Waters. There are a couple of points there. The 
legislative history is replete with references to why a Federal 
remedy was needed.
    FACE does not stop States from acting, and FACE does not 
stop States or command that States do anything. What it says is 
this is bigger than any individual State. This is a coordinated 
nationwide campaign that deserves a remedy.
    Mr. Raskin. You are proud of them that they travel around.
    Ms. Waters. Absolutely.
    Mr. Raskin. Yes.
    Ms. Waters. I think that is important. Let's talk about 
what is actually happening on the ground, right.
    If you are a doctor going into a clinic and trying to do 
your job, and what you are facing are death threats. What you 
are facing are blockades.
    What you are facing is fear that people are going to show 
up at your home or at your children's school and engage in 
campaigns and intimidation, no one should have to go to work 
that way, and no medical professional should have to go to work 
that way. That is not good care. That is not going to help your 
health.
    Mr. Raskin. No patient should have to try to scale--
    Ms. Waters. No patient--
    Mr. Raskin. All those obstacles just to get attention. Let 
me ask you finely, this is the third time we have had a hearing 
on this, but there is no vote.
    It is because our colleagues know that the vast majority of 
the American people reject this idea and want to make sure that 
there is safety there. They keep throwing a bone to the prolife 
movement.
    I wonder if you agree with me that they are not willing to 
put this to the floor.
    Ms. Waters. I cannot speak to their intentions. What I can 
say is, there is a difference of opinion in this room about 
access to abortion care.
    What there should not be a difference of opinion about, and 
what there cannot be a difference of opinion about, is whether 
we should use violence to advance those aims. We can't.
    Mr. Raskin. Thank you. I yield back, Mr. Chair.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the Ranking Member. I will now recognize 
the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Onder, for five minutes.
    Mr. Onder. Thank you, Mr. Chair, for holding this important 
hearing on the FACE Act abuse uncovered in the DOJ's recent 
report.
    The report explains how the Biden-Harris DOJ unevenly 
enforced the FACE Act and coordinated with antilife advocacy 
groups to target prolife Americans.
    According to the report, just one month after the Supreme 
Court overturned Roe v. Wade, then Attorney General Merrick 
Garland, created a National Task Force that worked hand in 
glove with Planned Parenthood, the Feminist Majority 
Foundation, and the National Abortion Federation.
    These groups compiled dossiers, headshots, and travel 
information on prolife individuals that ultimately resulted in 
search warrants, surveillance, and prosecutions.
    In one instant, the National Abortion Federation prepared a 
law enforcement guide for an upcoming Christian prolife 
conference, complete with attendees' personal information. 
Planned Parent provided a similar dossier labeled opposition 
identified.
    After receiving this intelligence, the Biden-Harris DOJ 
even assisted these groups in securing private grant funding 
when the Task Force Director volunteered as a reference for 
NAF's application.
    The Biden-Harris Administration's conduct during 
prosecutions was probably most concerning in U.S. v. Houck. In 
it, the Justice Department authorized an aggressive early 
morning arrest rather than permitting a voluntary surrender.
    In U.S. v. Gallagher, the prosecutors withheld evidence 
from the defense, while sharing similar information with the 
National Abortion Federation.
    In United States v. Zastrow, internal emails show DOJ 
attorneys strategizing about screening out religious jurors, 
referring to prolife Christian activists as culty, and 
expressing frustration that a Catholic magistrate was on duty.
    The pattern continued through sentencing. Under the Biden-
Harris DOJ, prosecutors sought an average of 26.8 months for 
prolife defendants, which is more than double the 12.3-month 
average sought for violent antilife offenders.
    One senior official in the administration even wrote that 
they should ``make sure that extremists know we still have this 
tool, the FACE Act, and we will use it.''
    Mr. Ferrara, all of this is clearly weaponization of the 
Federal Government. Do you believe any of the recently 
uncovered activities by the Biden-Harris DOJ are criminal?
    Mr. Ferrara. I would not go so far as to offer an opinion 
on whether criminal prosecution is warranted. I would have to 
be careful about that and evaluate the facts of the case.
    Mr. Onder. Yes.
    Mr. Ferrara. Let me take this opportunity to take exception 
to something my adversary in this issue said, Ms. Waters.
    Mr. Onder. Please do.
    Mr. Ferrara. Regarding the predicate in the Commerce Clause 
for the FACE Act.
    I don't believe there is an adequate predicate. The Lopez 
and Morrison cases really have eliminated any serious argument 
for a Commerce Clause predicate.
    In Lopez, the Supreme Court struck down the Gun Free School 
Zones Act, finding that only economic activity that has a 
substantial effect on interstate commerce can be regulated. 
Citizens don't have that effect.
    In the Morrison case, the Supreme Court said that there 
cannot be a regulation of economic activity based on its 
supposed aggregate effect on interstate commerce, and 
therefore, struck down a provision of the Violence Against 
Women Act.
    Sit-ins and even what they call blockades of clinics don't 
have a serious local effect.
    Mr. Onder. They are local effects, yes. Mr. Severino, how 
does the uneven application of the FACE Act on prolife versus 
pro-abortion groups undermine the Constitution and civil rights 
protections?
    Mr. Severino. It is an example of the weaponization. We 
believe in equal justice under the law, which means justice is 
blind, right?
    That is part of our American ethos. When you have this 
rampant uneven enforcement where 97 percent of cases under the 
FACE Act have been enforced against the prolife side, when in 
fact the FACE Act also covers pregnancy resource centers and 
houses of worship.
    I was in the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division as 
a career attorney under Obama for several years. There was not 
a single case of a FACE Act prosecution brought for the 
invasion of a church.
    Mr. Onder. Were there no attacks against churches or 
prolife pregnancy centers?
    Mr. Severino. There were. Yes, during the Prop. 8 debate, 
there was video of a storming of the Mormon Temple in Westwood. 
That was brought to the attention of DOJ civil rights.
    Mr. Onder. Prop. 8 in California.
    Mr. Severino. In California, yes.
    Mr. Onder. Yes, the marriage amendment.
    Mr. Severino. Correct.
    Mr. Onder. Yes. Again, the DOJ brought no prosecution in 
that case?
    Mr. Severino. They brought zero with respect to houses of 
worship, up until very recently, in fact. Under the Trump 
Administration, they finally did.
    Mr. Onder. Thank you very much. I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentleman from Missouri. I will now 
recognize the gentlelady from Washington for five minutes.
    Ms. Jayapal. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The Trump Administration 
and Congressional Republicans have launched an all-out assault 
on women.
    They have advanced the SAVE Act to disenfranchise 69 
million married women whose birth certificates don't match 
their current last name. They have covered up the full Epstein 
files and refused to meet with Epstein survivors.
    They have made significant cuts to Medicaid, SNAP, and 
health-
care, making it harder for women to take care of their 
families. Nowhere is the assault on women more evident than in 
reproductive health.
    Donald Trump has cutoff abortion options in States that 
protect those rights. This Administration has withdrawn Federal 
guidance requiring hospitals to provide emergency abortion care 
when life or health is at risk.
    It has frozen tens of millions of dollars in Title X 
funding for family planning. These unprecedented actions are 
not only unlawful, but they also put women's lives in danger.
    Now, Republicans want to repeal the FACE Act, a public 
safety law that protects healthcare providers and patients from 
physical intimidation, harassment, and violence.
    Now, I am one of the one-in-four women in this country that 
has had an abortion. I had to speak out publicly about it, 
frankly, when I came to Congress after not speaking about it 
for decades.
    When I saw the attacks on reproductive care around the 
country, I felt it was my responsibility to talk about it 
publicly. I don't begrudge anyone, including you, Ms. Edl, from 
making decisions about your own moral values, about the conduct 
that you would choose for yourself.
    I do not appreciate it when someone tries to block me from 
making choices about my body, about my family, and about my 
life. I certainly don't appreciate it when people try to block 
other people from getting healthcare.
    Professor Waters, at the core of this issue, is the basic 
principle that no one should fear violence in the workplace 
when seeking healthcare.
    Given the misinformation on the issue, could you just give 
us some details on what type of violent situations that 
abortion providers, patients, and volunteers face?
    Ms. Waters. If I may, I would like to quickly respond to 
the Commerce Clause point that my colleague raised. Then, I 
would love to get to your question.
    On the point of Lopez and Morrison, it is true that the 
Lopez and Morrison cases define what is covered by the bounds 
of the Commerce Clause.
    It is also true that most of the cases that we have cited 
that have said that the FACE Act is upheld are post-Lopez and 
some of them are post-Morrison. My colleague's point really 
doesn't hold.
    On the question of the type of violence, we were seeing on 
the ground, and this is the point, right, this is why we have 
FACE.
    If we are looking, we are talking about things like 
murders. We are talking about things like arson. We are talking 
about things like asset attacks, right?
    We are talking about, as we heard, women who are trying to 
get into clinics, because their fetuses are incompatible with 
life. They are having the worst days of their life, and they 
are blockaded from getting into a clinic and can't get in 
there.
    We are talking about harm. We are talking about threats. We 
are talking about violence. My colleagues keep raising 
hypotheti-cals about lobsters and fish, right?
    What we are talking about are real women. What we are 
talking about are real doctors who are going into work every 
day in fear of their life.
    Ms. Jayapal. Instead of addressing the violence, one of the 
first things that Donald Trump did when he took office was to 
pardon 23 anti-abortion extremists criminally convicted under 
the FACE Act. His Department of Justice released a memo 
directing prosecutors to cease enforcement of the FACE Act 
absent ``extraordinary ccircumstances.'' Based on your 
research, how did these actions impact women's access to 
reproductive care?
    Ms. Waters. Yes, it is ironic to me that we are here 
talking about some alleged weaponization, or some sort of 
selective prosecution. in fact, the Biden Administration was 
the first to actually bring cases to protect crisis pregnancy 
centers. Right?
    Ms. Jayapal. That is right.
    Ms. Waters. That was the administration that actually was 
applying this in a more even-handed way. When we are talking 
about what President Trump's directives and pardons will do, it 
declares open season, right?
    Ms. Jayapal. Yes.
    Ms. Waters. It says to abortion providers and patients, we 
are not going to be there to protect you.
    Ms. Jayapal. There is some confusion about all the services 
that people get blocked from when this happens at reproductive 
health clinics.
    Just a quick yes or no, whether it is easier or harder for 
women to get these services as a result of repealing the FACE 
Act. Is it easier for women to get STD testing and treatment?
    Ms. Waters. Harder.
    Ms. Jayapal. Cancer screenings?
    Ms. Waters. Harder. Ms. Jayapal Pregnancy testing?
    Ms. Waters. Harder.
    Ms. Jayapal. Birth control?
    Ms. Waters. Harder.
    Ms. Jayapal. Infertility services?
    Ms. Waters. Harder.
    Ms. Jayapal. Prenatal services?
    Ms. Waters. Harder.
    Ms. Jayapal. Postpartum services?
    Ms. Waters. Harder.
    Ms. Jayapal. Harder. All these things are harder. By the 
way, don't make choices about my body. Let me make those 
decisions for myself. Thank you. I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentlelady from Washington. I will now 
recognize the Chair of the Full Committee, Mr. Jordan.
    Chair Jordan. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Ferrara, how many 
churches and crisis pregnancy centers were attacked in the 
aftermath of the Dobbs leak in the Dobbs decision, do you 
remember?
    Mr. Roy. Mr. Ferraro, can you please use your microphone?
    Mr. Ferrara. I don't have the exact number, but there were 
many. I am involved in one particular case, the firebombing of 
a prolife pregnancy center in Amherst, New York, causing 
$500,000 in damage and injuring two of the firemen.
    Chair Jordan. Well, I will tell you, there were hundreds. I 
will just give you a little sampling, you talked about the 
firebombing of that place.
    There was another place firebombed in Madison, Wisconsin on 
May 8, 2022. The next day, May 9th, three Catholic churches in 
Texas were attacked. Two days later in Michigan, activists 
vandalized the Family Life Services Pregnancy Center.
    I have actually it is like ten pages. We did a list of this 
back during the leak in the Dobbs opinion. I have ten pages 
just listing churches, crisis pregnancy centers that were 
attacked.
    Do you remember some of the groups that were attacking 
these churches and crisis pregnancy centers, Mr. Ferrara?
    Mr. Ferrara. Jane was here.
    Chair Jordan. Yes, Jane's Revenge, Ruth Sent Us. Do you 
happen to know if any of those organizations made the Southern 
Poverty Law Centers hate list?
    Mr. Ferrara. Of course not.
    Chair Jordan. No, they didn't, did they?
    Mr. Ferrara. No. The Southern Poverty Law Center is not a 
credible organization. In fact, if you, as a conservative 
activist, are condemned by the Southern Poverty Law Center, 
consider that a resume builder.
    Chair Jordan. They condemned Moms for Liberty. They 
condemned the Family Research Council. They condemned Alliance 
Defending Freedom.
    My guess, they may have gone after your group. I don't 
know. Any prolife group, it seemed like they were going to 
attack. Is that fair to say?
    Mr. Ferrara. Yes, it is. I would like to make a point about 
what Congresswoman Jayapal said, regarding public safety law. 
``There is no Federal police power over the States.'' The idea 
that you would like to have a public safety law that caters to 
your particular interest in receiving reproductive health 
services, is contrary to the whole principle of federalism.
    That is the problem with FACE. That FACE purports to 
exercise generalized Federal police power in one area and one 
area only, and that being the activity of prolife activists.
    Chair Jordan. Yes. Mr. Severino, let me come to you. We 
know that the Biden Justice Department, the Biden FBI was 
actually paying confidential human sources to do all kinds of 
things.
    Well, we are trying to get some answers to that. I am just 
curious, do you think maybe some of the same folks, so, the 
Biden Justice Department was working with the Southern Poverty 
Law Center to train prosecutors, as if they were going to get 
some great wisdom from the SPLC, they were doing that.
    We know they were paying the confidential human sources. Do 
you think it is a fair question to say, I wonder if any of 
these ``informants of the SPLC, were also being paid by the 
Federal Government.''
    Do you think that is a fair question?
    Mr. Severino. Yes, absolutely.
    Chair Jordan. Why wouldn't they double dip? It is like if, 
oh, if the Southern Poverty Law Center is training the 
prosecutors, and I know the FBI is going to pay confidential 
human sources in the Southern Poverty Law Center, well, sugar, 
I can get money from both of them.
    Three million dollars from the SPLC and who knows what the 
Federal Government is going to pay out. They got a pretty big 
bank account too. That is a fair question that we would like to 
get the answer to.
    Mr. Severino. We should get to the bottom of it. What the 
DOJ report on the FACE Act showed was that in fact, DOJ was in 
cahoots with outside groups--
    Chair Jordan. Exactly.
    Mr. Severino. Similar to SPLC. The Left-wing groups, they 
get together and they pretty much create their own little 
branch offices within the DOJ whenever we have liberals in 
power.
    The SPLC has been talking to DOJ under Biden and certainly 
Obama, Planned Parenthood Federation, National Abortion 
Federation, all those folks, they pretty much open up their 
branch offices in DOJ when the Left is in power.
    Chair Jordan. Yes. You anticipated my next question, 
because that is exactly where I wanted to go. Do you think any 
of these informants actually were involved in the attacks on 
the churches and crisis pregnancy centers? I think that is a 
fair question as well.
    Mr. Severino. It is a possibility. That would be terrible 
if in fact, our own government was funding--
    Chair Jordan. Well, maybe what the SPLC calls informants, 
we might call instigators, based on what you saw in the 
indictment last week.
    Mr. Severino. Sure.
    Chair Jordan. I don't know that it is out of the realm of 
possibility if they are, we don't know, but I think it is a 
fair guess to say they might have been double dipping, getting 
paid by the government and the SPLC.
    Maybe they were instigating some of these over ten pages, 
100 different attacks on crisis pregnancy centers and churches 
in the aftermath of the Dobbs decision.
    Mr. Severino. Well, we know that a DOJ official actually 
endorsed a grant application for one of these abortion activist 
groups. Which is a clear ethical violation that the DOJ report 
said, ``it is very likely to be investigated for an ethics 
breach.''
    This sort of too cozy relationship, is something that is 
very common that we see in abortion and SPLC. Any of these hot 
button issues from the Left, you see this sort of collusion.
    Chair Jordan. Yes. Again, I want to thank our witnesses. 
Ms. Edl, I am sorry I didn't to you. I listened to your 
testimony, but I was in a meeting backstage.
    When you came on, I turned on the TV to hear what you had 
to say. God bless you. We appreciate your Christian witness and 
your words.
    With that, I yield back to the Chair.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the Chair of the Committee, Mr. Jordan. I 
now recognize the Ranking Member for some unanimous consent 
requests.
    Ms. Scanlon. Yes. I just seek unanimous consent for an 
April 14, 2026, article from Justice Security, ``Separating 
Fact From Fiction in FACE Act Enforcement.''
    Mr. Roy. Without objection. All right. I too, have a 
unanimous count request, an article from the Lozier Institute, 
saying that Planned Parenthood performed more abortions than 
pap tests, miscarriage care, preventative and primary care 
tests, prenatal services, HPV examinations, diagnostic 
procedures for cancer, combined. Without objection. I now 
recognize the gentleman from Tennessee.
    Mr. Cohen. Thank you, Mr. Chair. We are having this hearing 
because it is a political issue of great importance to both 
sides.
    On the Republican side, it can have an effect on different 
races that will be going on. I think we should have been having 
hearings on Executive Orders.
    Executive Orders that have gone way beyond the power that 
Congress should give to the President, and which I discussed 
with the Chair some time ago when we had a bill together on it.
    It is not gone and we have let the President overstep his 
bounds and take over Article I powers of the Congress. We have 
just given them up and that is a shame.
    That is a more important hearing than this. This does 
demonstrate the differences in the parties. Democrats are 
fighting to ensure that every American can access high quality 
healthcare practice, their faith freely, practice their faith 
freely, and rely on the rule of law.
    The Majority, however, seeks to hand individual healthcare 
decisions to a handful of radical activists, impose their 
preferred religious views on everyone else, and give cover to 
law breakers, even violent ones, when it benefits them 
politically.
    It was discussed earlier in a question to maybe Mr. 
Ferrara, about pardons that were given out by the President 
sometime after he pardoned everybody that participated in the 
insurrection of January 2025, I guess it was.
    He said that there were pardons given to these folks and 
thank God. We all have our different theories about God, Mr. 
Ferrara.
    I don't think God has anything to do with President Biden's 
pardons, particularly the ones that were paid, and bought, and 
given out to fraudsters and criminals that then committed 
crimes again. That is another issue.
    We should be hearing pardon exemptions. We need to reform 
the pardon power and give less power to the President to give 
pardons. It should be restricted, as we should be looking at 
emoluments as well.
    Back to healthcare. Every American should have meaningful 
access to high quality care. Too many barriers already exist. 
High prices, healthcare deserts, biases, which is why I support 
Medicare for all and have since I came to Congress. The last 
thing we need is self-appointed monitors preventing people from 
obtaining basic services.
    In December, 17 people were arrested for blocking access to 
the Planned Parenthood Clinic in Memphis, only a few blocks 
from my home. It is the only remaining Planned Parenthood 
clinic in Memphis. The other was closed because of the 
administration's deep Medicaid cuts.
    The protestors weren't stopping abortions. Abortion in 
Tennessee is a felony at all stages of pregnancy with no 
exceptions for rape or incest.
    The people entering the clinic were seeking routine 
preventative services like blood pressure checks, breast cancer 
screenings, and STI treatment. It functions like any other 
doctor's office, accepting insurance and serving patients whose 
reasons for visiting vary and are private.
    This wasn't about protecting life; it was about 
intimidation and imposing one groups' beliefs on everyone else. 
No one should be prevented from going to their doctor because 
of what one assumes they are there for.
    Here is the kicker, some of those arrested were antichoice 
activists whom President Trump had recently pardoned for 
earlier FACE Act violations. They don't stop.
    These, just like the January 6th people didn't stop. I 
think 30 of them have been arrested for everything from sex 
with a child, to rape, and to other heinous offenses.
    These individuals in Memphis had already been convicted of 
obstructing access to reproductive healthcare. The FACE Act 
plays a critical role in protecting the rights of patients and 
providers.
    This Administration and the MAGA movement want to dismantle 
it. Repealing the FACE Act would give political and legal cover 
to people who believe they can decide who should and should not 
receive healthcare.
    This is not about religion; it certainly is not about 
religious freedom. The FACE Act explicitly protects religious 
institutions.
    Repealing it would make them more vulnerable, not less. 
Even on the question of abortion, religion's perspectives vary 
widely. Christian denominations do not speak with one voice.
    Across Judaism, the prevailing view prioritizes the life 
and health of the mother. Muslim, Buddhist, and Hindu teachings 
vary as well.
    Repealing the FACE Act will elevate one narrow set of 
beliefs at the expense of all others. That is the opposite of 
religious liberty.
    In the United States, everyone has a right to their 
religious beliefs, but not the right to impose those beliefs on 
others. That is why I am proud to work with Congressmen Scott, 
Raskin, and Scanlon on the Do Not Harm Act.
    Tomorrow, this Committee will hold a hearing on victim 
services. The Majority argues that advancing policy in that 
area would convey a strong message.
    Apply that language here. Advancing FACE Act repeal would 
send a clear message. Donald Trump and MAGA Republicans believe 
they should control who gets access to healthcare, and that 
those who physically block Americans from seeing a doctor will 
be encouraged, protected, and empowered.
    I yield back the balance of my time.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentleman from Tennessee. I will now 
recognize the gentle lady from Wyoming for five minutes.
    Ms. Hageman. I find it very rich that any Democrat would 
attempt to lecture us about violence in light of the fact that 
it was yet another one of theirs who just three days ago sought 
to assassinate our President and his cabinet.
    Don't get me started on the Democrat's favorite KKK 
supporter, the Southern Poverty Law Center. Spare me your faux 
outrage about violence.
    According to the DOJ's report on the Biden Administration's 
weaponization of the FACE Act, ``in total, during the four-
years under President Biden, the DOJ charged more than 45 
prolife defendants, in over 20 cases, with violating the FACE 
Act in connection with prolife demonstrations.''
    This is in stark contrast to largely ignoring attacks on 
prolife pregnancy resource centers, as Chair Jordan just 
pointed out, in which the DOJ, despite hundreds of cases and 
hundreds of attacks against prolife medical centers for women, 
the DOJ only charged a handful of them.
    Again, spare me your faux outrage. The report further 
reveals that the Biden DOJ prosecutors requested an average 
sentence of 26.8 months for prolife defendants, compared to 
12.3 months for prochoice defendants.
    Mr. Severino, how do these average sentencing amounts 
correlate to the applicable range in the sentencing guidelines?
    Mr. Severino. It varies depending on whether it is a first 
offense or not. It is a misdemeanor for a first offense, and 
some of these cases where you get felony levels, are second 
offenses.
    What we see in the DOJ report is that it was effectively 
double for the prolife charge parties, versus the very few on 
the other side. There were only five that were brought recently 
that attacked the pregnancy resource centers. The disparity was 
essentially double.
    Ms. Hageman. Well, then we also have the circumstance where 
they raided, I think it was Mr. Houck's home, in the middle of 
the night, drug him out the door in front of his family, simply 
because he was trying to protect his son from a violent pro-
abortion demonstrator at a, I believe it was a Planned 
Parenthood facility.
    How do these, what they did under the Biden Administration, 
how does that compare to other Administrations in terms of the 
sentences that they sought as well as the number of 
prosecutions?
    Mr. Severino. Sure. In terms of the numbers, 97 percent of 
the cases were against prolifers. It was about 26.8 months for 
those convictions. About 12 months for the prochoice side.
    You see with the Houck case you mentioned, that is a gross 
abuse where you have armed FBA agents with long guns go into 
this man's house where they were in contact with their 
attorney.
    Normally, under normal circumstances, if they are willing 
to turn themselves in, which in this case they were, they 
turned themselves in. Instead, they made this entire spectacle 
and frightened their families out of their skin to make a 
statement.
    Ms. Hageman. I would argue a very violent spectacle of our 
Federal Government, carried out by our Federal Government. In 
fact, Mr. Houck just received, what was it, $1 million dollars? 
The settlement for the way that he was treated, I believe.
    Federal funds going to him because of the Biden's violation 
of his civil rights. Isn't that correct?
    Mr. Severino. I don't know the dollar amount. This was a 
clear violation, because he was completely vindicated at trial.
    It took the jury three hours to say not guilty. He was 
defending his son from a bully and that was--
    Ms. Hageman. A violent bully.
    Mr. Severino. Right.
    Ms. Hageman. A violent prochoice bully.
    Mr. Severino. Yes. They got into, that is why my opening 
statement says, look, these sorts of things, you have a 
weaponized DOJ that says you have this dispute, and a father 
defends his child from a bully, and that becomes a Federal 
offense. Right?
    This is rampant abuse. Then, they have armed a year later, 
a year later, armed Federal agents raid his house in the 
morning. It is just absolute abuse.
    Ms. Hageman. Well, in the case of the United States v. 
Gallagher, when one of the defense counsels contacted the 
Assistant U.S. Attorney, requesting information on the number 
of FACE Act criminal prosecutions in the last 10 years, the 
Biden DOJ prosecutors refused to share it, despite the 
information being readily available.
    Sanjay Patel, the Director of the National Task Force on 
Violence Against Reproductive Healthcare Providers, and a very 
corrupt man, after receiving several requests stated, ``as the 
National Clinic Violence Coordinator, I do not keep the kind of 
records you requested, and as a result, I do not believe that 
we will provide them to you.''
    He was lying through his teeth. They did have those 
records. Sanjay Patel, he referred to the defense counsel to 
DOJ press releases. Then, it is also important to note, as what 
was done by a predecessor, that he actually agreed to be a 
reference on a National Abortion Federation third-party grant 
application.
    The point of this being, the report has demonstrated that 
the Biden Administration violated the Equal Protection Clause 
of the Constitution in the way that they have dealt with 
prolife and prochoice prosecutions under the FACE Act.
    The FACE Act either needs to be reformed or abolished, 
because it has been abused by Democrat Administrations. With 
that, I yield back.
    Mr. Severino. May I answer, Mr. Chair?
    Mr. Roy. Yes.
    Mr. Severino. Yes. When I was at DOJ, if you had a FACE Act 
case, you would actually enter it, there is a particular spot 
in your tracking of time. DOJ knew exactly how many FACE Act 
cases at all times they had opened.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the witness. Thank the gentlelady from 
Wyoming. I will now recognize the gentleman from Tennessee for 
a unanimous consent request.
    Mr. Cohen. Thank you, sir. A unanimous consent request is 
an article written by Ms. Burton and Ms. Sanchez, and published 
in Ms. Magazine, about the arrest in Memphis that the anti-
abortion training camp sparked. I would like to enter that for 
the record.
    Mr. Roy. Without objection.
    Mr. Cohen. I would also like to correct an error in my 
discussion. I think I said J6 was not, I didn't say 2021, which 
is of course, was the first term, not the second term.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentleman for the correction. I will 
now recognize the gentlelady from Vermont for her five minutes.
    Ms. Balint. Thank you, Mr. Chair. As a former history 
teacher, one of the things I always try to make sure that my 
students understand is the importance of context.
    I want to come back to thinking about how we got here, and 
let's consider the history of the anti-abortion violence in the 
United States.
    Since 1977, there have been 11 murders, 26 attempted 
murders, 42 bombings, 200 acts of arson, 100 acid attacks, four 
kidnappings, and over 600 assaults against patients and workers 
at reproductive health facilities.
    It has been nearly a five-decade long terrorist campaign. 
We are talking about militant extremists willing to use deadly 
violence to prevent women from seeking reproductive care and 
from having control over their own bodies.
    Congress passed the FACE Act in 1994, to protect doctors 
and nurses and patients from violent threats, assaults, and 
blockades. That is the history, and the context is important.
    Professor Waters, thank you so much for being here today. 
Can you describe the levels of violence against abortion 
providers and patients at that time, and the reasons why 
Congress had to come together to pass the FACE Act?
    Ms. Waters. I think you just covered many of the reasons 
very well. I will say on a personal note, one of the ways that 
I came to do this work, is I have a vivid memory of the late 
1990s, I was a college student, and I remember hearing that Dr. 
Slepian had been murdered.
    Ms. Balint. Yes.
    Ms. Waters. He was an abortion provider who had just come 
home from a memorial service for his father at his synagogue. 
He was in his kitchen making soup and he was shot through his 
window in front of his child and murdered.
    Ms. Balint. Right.
    Ms. Waters. That is what we are talking about.
    Ms. Balint. Right.
    Ms. Waters. That is the history.
    Ms. Balint. I am so glad you brought that up, because we 
are forgetting, as you said earlier, ``these are real people.''
    Ms. Waters. These are humans.
    Ms. Balint. These are human beings. Actually, I want to 
bring into this conversation also, something that a clinic 
worker said about the kind of environment she has to work in. 
She said,

          When I worked in Louisiana, someone threw a Molotov cocktail 
        at the clinic. After that, the clinic couldn't have any windows 
        anymore.

          There were literally no windows in the building whatsoever. 
        You never knew what time of day it was at work, but it had to 
        be like that, because people would just throw Molotov cocktails 
        at the building.

None of this is peaceful, or prayerful, or in the interest of 
not just public safety, but again, we are talking about 
patients trying to seek healthcare.
    Last year, as some of my colleagues have already said, I 
just want to remind everybody, President Trump pardoned 20 FACE 
Act violators. He pardoned people who got due process, and were 
found guilty in our courts of law, beyond a reasonable doubt by 
juries of their peers.
    He pardoned people who blocked off clinics while women who 
urgently needed care, were stuck bleeding and crying outside in 
their cars. Along with the pardons, Trump's Justice Department 
sent a clear message with their charging document.
    I want to read from it. It reads,

        Future abortion related FACE Act prosecutions and civil actions 
        will be permitted only in extraordinary circumstances until 
        further notice. No new abortion-related FACE Act actions, 
        criminal or civil, will be permitted without authorization.

    What this sounds like to me, is a complicated way of 
saying, ``we are not protecting anyone for criminal attacks 
anymore.'' That is what we are talking about here. What kind of 
message does that send, Professor Waters, to violent protestors 
who are part of this movement?
    Ms. Waters. I think it sends several messages. I think it 
sends a message to providers that we will not enforce the 
Federal law, and we will not protect you, and you are on your 
own.
    It sends a message to violent protestors. I want to be very 
clear here we are not talking here about peaceful pickets, 
right?
    Ms. Balint. That is right.
    Ms. Waters. Or praying, right? Peaceful protests, even 
protests that we may disagree vehemently with. What we are 
talking about is sending the message to people who blockade 
clinics, who use violence, that you can get away with it.
    Ms. Balint. I agree. The last thing, I want to take issue 
with something that the Chair of the Full Committee said.
    He seemed to imply that women were not actually seeking 
full reproductive care from these clinics. As one of those 
millions of women before the Affordable Care Act was passed, 
and when I didn't have insurance, I got my reproductive care, 
my full reproductive care from a Planned Parenthood facility.
    The 2.2 million visits for birth control, 5.5 million 
visits for STI testing and treatment, nearly 400,000 visits for 
cancer screening, and no patient should have to walk through 
this kind of gauntlet to get care.
    I yield back.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentlelady for her questions. I will 
now recognize the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Gill, for five 
minutes.
    Mr. Gill. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you for hosting this 
hearing. I certainly appreciate your leadership, especially on 
this topic.
    Ms. Waters, thanks for being here. I really appreciate it. 
Do you believe that abortion should be safe, legal, and rare?
    Ms. Waters. I believe the abortion decision should be left 
to a patient, their doctor, their family, and their God.
    Mr. Gill. Do you believe it should be safe, legal, and 
rare?
    Ms. Waters. I believe it should be safe, legal, and rare, 
yes.
    Mr. Gill. OK. Why should it be rare?
    Ms. Waters. Because if we are engaging in public health 
activities appropriately, we are able to prevent pregnancies 
when people want to prevent pregnancies. I think a 
conversation--
    Mr. Gill. What is wrong with an abortion then?
    Ms. Waters. May I finish my sentence?
    Mr. Gill. Sure.
    Ms. Waters. If we are actually talking about reproductive 
health, and caring about maternal health, we should be talking 
about, do people have adequate access to preventative care? 
Right?
    Do they have adequate access to contraception? Are they 
able--
    Mr. Gill. Do you support any limits on abortion? Ms. Waters 
I am sorry, I didn't hear your question.
    Mr. Gill. Do you support any limits on abortion?
    Ms. Waters. This is a place where I suspect you and I will 
fundamentally disagree. What I believe, is that the abortion 
decision should fundamentally, because it is medical care--
    Mr. Gill. Do you support any limits at all? It is just yes 
or no.
    Ms. Waters. If you would let me finish my answer.
    Mr. Gill. It is just yes or no, do you think that there 
should be any limits on abortion?
    Ms. Waters. I came here with the goal of providing truthful 
and accurate testimony. To truthfully and accurately answer 
your question, what I would say is, I fundamentally believe 
that the question of abortion should be left to a patient and 
their doctor and their family. I don't want to interfere in 
medical decisions.
    Mr. Gill. OK. I will take that as a no. Is that a good 
summary of your testimony?
    Ms. Waters. I answered your question.
    Mr. Gill. OK. I think that this is a no then. You are an 
advocate for abortion, for abortion policy. What is your 
favorite type of abortion?
    Ms. Waters. I am an advocate for patients having access to 
the full realm of reproductive healthcare.
    Mr. Gill. Do you have a preferred method of abortion that 
you like?
    Ms. Waters. I do not.
    Mr. Gill. Let me read through a couple different methods, 
and I want to get your take on how much you like these.
    The first type is called a suction abortion. This is when 
the cervix is dilated, and a strong suction, 29 times the power 
of a household vacuum cleaner, tears the baby's body apart and 
sucks it through the hose into a container. Do you prefer that 
method?
    Ms. Waters. I stand by my former testimony.
    Mr. Gill. That sounds kind of gross, doesn't it? It sounds 
pretty gruesome. Do you agree? It does to me.
    Ms. Waters. I stand by how I answered your question fully 
and accurately.
    Mr. Gill. OK. What about this one, this one is called 
dilation and curettage. After dilation of the cervix, a sharp 
looped knife is inserted into the uterus. The baby's body is 
cut into pieces and extracted often by suction. Do you prefer 
that method?
    Ms. Waters. What I believe we are here to talk about today 
is the FACE Act. We are not here to talk about the--
    Mr. Gill. No, I am asking you, you are a pro-abortion 
advocate, I am asking if you prefer the dilation and curettage 
method?
    Ms. Waters. I am an access to reproductive healthcare 
advocate.
    Mr. Gill. You don't want to talk about abortion itself. Why 
is that?
    Ms. Waters. I would prefer to talk about the reason that 
the Committee called the hearing.
    Mr. Gill. Is it because it is uncomfortable to talk about?
    Ms. Waters. I would prefer to--
    Mr. Gill. It should be uncomfortable.
    Ms. Waters. I would prefer, if you would let me finish my 
statement, to talk about the Freedom of Access to Clinic 
Entrances Act, which is what I was asked to come here to talk 
about.
    Mr. Gill. We are talking about what that access--yes, how 
about this one? It is called dilation and evacuation. Forceps 
are inserted into the uterus, grabbing and twisting the baby's 
body to dismember him or her. If the head is too large, it must 
be crushed to remove it. Do you prefer that method?
    Ms. Waters. I would prefer to talk about the reason the 
hearing was called and the basis of my expert testimony.
    Mr. Gill. It is uncomfortable to hear this, isn't it? It 
is. It is, because it is barbaric and evil. How about this one, 
it is called the saline injection. It is when a 20 percent salt 
solution is injected through the mother's abdomen into the 
baby's amniotic fluid. The baby's skin is burned off. The baby 
ingests the solution and dies of salt poisoning, dehydration, 
and hemorrhaging of the brain. Do you prefer that method?
    Ms. Waters. I would prefer to talk about the subject of 
hearing.
    Mr. Gill. This is the subject of the hearing. This is about 
protests outside of abortion clinics. I am asking you about 
abortion.
    Ms. Waters. I stand by my prior testimony.
    Mr. Gill. OK. I wouldn't want to talk about this either if 
I were you, because it is barbaric and evil.
    With that, I yield the remaining time to the Chair. Thank 
you.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentleman from Texas. I will only note 
in the remaining 10 seconds, is that a good deal of the efforts 
by my Democratic colleagues to talk about this issue, has moved 
to the core question of abortion and what is carried on, and 
the activities that are carried out at Planned Parenthood and 
other facilities.
    That question by the gentleman from Texas is in line. I 
will now recognize the gentlelady from California.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The reality is, 
this hearing is not really about the FACE Act, because that was 
a bipartisan bill passed over 30 years ago that still has 
standing.
    It is a bill that is about protecting worshipers when they 
go to pray, and patients when they are trying to access 
healthcare.
    This is about how laws are enforced and interpreted, and 
how this Administration is cherry-picking and using selective 
prosecution of cases to support their desired claims and 
agenda.
    The claims and the agenda are, to take away rights and to 
silence groups with whom they dislike or disagree. Last month, 
the DOJ released a highly flawed 900-page partisan report, 
purporting to examine prosecutorial decisionmaking under the 
FACE Act, and alleging bias and Federal law enforcement during 
the Biden Administration.
    However, many cases brought between 2020-2024, involved 
serious crimes such as firebombing, arson, bomb threats, and 
coordinated clinic blockades. All which resulted in indictments 
by Federal grand juries and guilty verdicts at trial.
    We are talking about violent and unlawful acts. Professor 
Waters, even though I have answered my own question, but I will 
ask you the question as well. Do those sound like peaceful 
protests to you?
    Ms. Waters. They do not sound like peaceful protests to me. 
When we are talking about the incidents of obstruction and 
violence at clinics, it is important to look at all the cases 
that were not prosecuted, right?
    For example, when I look at the National Abortion 
Federation statistics, and I look at like, for example, the 
number of pickets and protests outside of clinics, there were 
tens of thousands, right?
    What we are talking about under the Biden Administration, 
is 25 prosecutions, not for that activity. The prosecutions are 
for blockades. The prosecutions are for threats. The 
prosecutions are for violence, not protected speech.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you. I would say that this 
Administration came into power with a real agenda against 
women.
    They have weaponized the DOJ to carry their agenda out, 
because what they didn't include in this 900-page report were a 
number of stories, like the woman who tried for years and years 
and years to get pregnant, and I know what that feels like, and 
miscarried.
    Went to a clinic to help her medically manage the 
miscarriage. She was blocked from seeing her doctor. She was in 
her car sobbing and bleeding out.
    The technical term when you have a miscarriage, and I know 
about this personally, is the doctor will call it an abortion. 
It is violent for anyone, especially a man, to suggest that 
they know more about my body and how I am trying to protect 
myself, in the hopes that I can get pregnant again, based on 
their assumption of me and the kind of healthcare that I 
deserve.
    We should also remind folks and include the incident that 
happened last year in a clinic in California, where the clinic 
was set on fire. Last month a clinic in Ohio was set on fire.
    These are about patients, doctors, and workers going to get 
some healthcare. Let me tell you something, when you go to a 
clinic, you are not wearing a sign that says, hey, I am getting 
an abortion. You could go to a clinic to get a pap smear, to 
get IVF, and a vasectomy.
    In the few seconds that I have remaining, I would be remiss 
if I didn't draw the Subcommittee's attention to the murders on 
the streets of Minneapolis by ICE, and the use of the FACE Act 
to charge two journalists, two black journalists, Ms. Fort and 
Mr. Lemon.
    These folks were documenting protest activities that the 
church, was happening at a church because its pastor was a key 
official in the ICE response to Minneapolis.
    I know my time is running up, but I just want to say that 
this Chair himself has said in other contexts, that free 
Americans should never live in fear of their government 
targeting them.
    Yet, that is exactly what happened to these two journalists 
and others. They were inappropriately charged under the FACE 
Act. Meanwhile, a MAGA influencer, Ms. Gomez, who also 
interrupted an LGBTQ friendly worship service, was neither 
charged nor arrested.
    I have receipts when I am saying that we are cherry-picking 
and using selective prosecution to go after folks that we want 
to sideline.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentlelady from California.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentlelady from California.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. I do also have some--
    Mr. Roy. Consent requests?
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Yes. A testimony of Renee Chelian, 
founder and CEO of Northland Family Planning. Her testimony 
before the House Judiciary Committee. I ask unanimous consent.
    An article in Politico, ``Trump pardons abortion clinic 
protestors ahead of March for Life.'' This was January 23, 
2025.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair. FBI investigating fertility clinic 
bomb suspects, possible antinationalist manifesto. From May 18, 
2025.
    CDC archive, ``More men using family planning services.'' 
This is June 16, 2016.
    Last, our letter to the Chair and the Ranking Member, 
Amnesty International USA submits this letter to the House 
Subcommittee on the Constitution for their upcoming hearing 
from tool to weapon, the FACE Act--
    Mr. Roy. Without objection. I will now recognize the 
gentleman from Wisconsin for five minutes.
    Mr. Grothman. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chair, for having 
this hearing. A very timely and always very interesting, kind 
of an appropriate hearing to have in Wisconsin today.
    I know in the last year, for the first time in many years, 
we opened a third abortion clinic in the city of Milwaukee.
    It is something that I hadn't seen before in Wisconsin. It 
is something you hear about in other parts of the country.
    The clinic was in a neighborhood clearly designed to deal 
almost exclusively with customers or patients of color. I 
thought that was kind of illuminating, because that gets to the 
underlying goal of so many people in the pro-abortion movement.
    In any event, we will start off with Mr. Severino. Thank 
you for being here today. In light of your experience as a 
trial attorney at Justice's Civil Rights division, how did the 
Biden-Harris Administration's approach to prosecuting alleged 
violators of the FACE Act comport with the standard practices 
in this division?
    Mr. Severino. It was all one-sided. I saw that directly in 
the Obama administration.
    Mr. Grothman. Oh, I am sorry, always what?
    Mr. Severino. One-sided.
    Mr. Grothman. Oh, OK.
    Mr. Severino. The prosecutions were against the prolife 
side. It was mentioned earlier by one of the Members on the 
other side that now it is being enforced for churches.
    Well, now it is the first time it is being enforced to 
protect churches, because neither the Biden Administration nor 
the Obama Administration lifted a finger when we had hundreds 
of violations, including burnings and vandalizing of churches, 
especially after the Dobbs decision.
    Mr. Grothman. OK. How does this uneven application of the 
FACE Act on prolife or pro-abortion groups undermine the 
Constitution, in your opinion, and the civil rights protections 
for all Americans?
    Mr. Severino. Sure. It is the notion of equal justice under 
the law, right? People should not get favor from the 
government.
    The political identity of a party should not matter. What 
we saw with, especially the DOJ report that just came out, was 
that you had Left-wing activists, pro-abortion groups, who were 
surveilling American citizens and doing things that the Federal 
Government could not do themselves.
    They were outsourcing, DOJ was essentially outsourcing 
their investigatory functions to activist groups. Those 
activist groups, they don't care about the Constitution, right?
    They are not Federal agents, so they could do whatever they 
want to track people, get their licenses, see where they live, 
and track their religious exercise. Then, they packaged that 
and handed it over to DOJ, right?
    They did the dirty work on the front end, then DOJ on the 
back end, picked it up. By the way, the abortion clinics 
themselves weren't the ones complaining.
    These were the activist umbrella groups that were combining 
dossiers on people and giving them to DOJ to prosecute.
    Mr. Grothman. OK. Can you speak of your experience in the 
civil rights division on how the Federal Government can play a 
more responsible role in preventing the overfederalization of 
criminal law?
    Mr. Severino. Yes. The overfederalization is a horrific 
problem, if we do not know what crimes we may be committing in 
our everyday lives.
    The examples I said earlier, why could it be a crime for 
taking a nest off your roof? Well, there is a Migratory Bird 
Treaty Act that covers 1,100 bird species, and if you mess with 
their nests, you are committing a Federal crime.
    The DOJ has to go through every statute, finely count 
everyone, tell the American people, these are our crimes that 
you could be liable for. Then, Congress needs to repeal every 
one that doesn't have a constitutional basis.
    The FACE Act is one of those that does not have a 
sufficient constitutional basis. It is emblematic of the 
overcriminalization that you are talking about.
    Mr. Grothman. OK. A recent Justice Department report issued 
by the Trump Administration stated that Biden-Harris 
prosecutors withheld evidence that defense counsel requested to 
prepare an affirmative defense.
    In U.S. v. Gallagher, prosecutors had information readily 
available that they did not share with the defendants, while 
sharing substantially identical information with the National 
Abortion Fund.
    Mr. Ferrara, were there times you requested information 
that the Biden-Harris DOJ prosecutors refused to provide?
    Mr. Ferrara. I have operated on the civil side, not the 
criminal side, so I can't really respond to that question.
    I would note one thing; there have been a lot of references 
to acts of violence. Let's talk about what happens in those 
cases.
    The killer of Dr. Gunn got life in prison. The killer of 
Dr. Britton and his escort, death. The killer of Dr. Slepian, 
life plus ten. The killer of Dr. Tiller, 25 years to life.
    The criminal justice system under State law addresses acts 
of violence. There was no need for FACE in any of those cases.
    Which is the problem with FACE is that it usurps the role 
that is properly assigned to local law under State and local 
judicial systems, including the severest possible penalties for 
people who commit violence. We don't need this statute and 
never had needed it.
    Mr. Grothman. Thank you.
    Mr. Roy. I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for his 
questions. I now recognize the Ranking Member, Ms. Scanlon, for 
five minutes.
    Ms. Scanlon. Thank you. Given some of the prior questions 
that we have heard, that it is important to note the importance 
of Planned Parenthood and other reproductive healthcare 
providers across our country.
    Two of my colleagues have already mentioned that they have 
sought services from Planned Parenthood at various times, as 
did I.
    When my husband and I were starting our family, we lived 
three blocks from a Planned Parenthood clinic. Went there 
frequently to get information, to consult books, and to buy 
books on having a baby.
    The attacks on Planned Parenthood are really, really 
important to note, because as funding is attacked and 
everything else, that it is often the only source of 
reproductive healthcare in so many of our neighborhoods.
    At any rate, we have heard a lot of really gross 
misstatements of facts, et cetera. I would refer people back to 
Ms. Waters' testimony and the articles I have submitted with 
respect to the complete misrepresentations in the recent DOJ 
report.
    I wanted to focus on a couple things here, Ms. Waters. One 
is we have heard a lot about disparities in prosecution and 
sentencing.
    I will give you two questions, and you can address as you 
will, which are not supported by the evidence. Then, also, I 
don't think there has been enough discussion of the fact that 
this is a national campaign of violence by anti-abortion 
activists.
    I mentioned earlier that six people were arrested in my 
district in July 2025, for trespassing at a clinic and 
harassing patients and staff. These six people were not local 
protestors.
    They came from New Jersey, Wisconsin, Texas, Michigan, 
Minnesota, and Ohio. Two had been pardoned by Trump for prior 
offenses in other States, FACE Act violations.
    At least one was arrested in D.C. just days after 
submitting a plea bargain with respect to the incident in my 
district. She was in D.C. to join other anti-abortion activists 
to plan their next national activities.
    If you can comment on the fact, comment on both the alleged 
disparity in prosecution and sentencing, and why, again, a 
national FACE Act is important?
    Ms. Waters. I will start with the second. The need for the 
National FACE Act was well documented in the legislative record 
at the time, right?
    What we saw, was local and State law enforcement saying, we 
can't handle this, right? Hundreds of people show up, and if my 
force goes to that clinic, we are not doing anything else in 
the State, right?
    We saw it as State law enforcement saying, this is very 
needed. We also saw ample evidence that a lot of this violence 
was cross State, right?
    State's jurisdiction ends where its borders end, right? 
They were having a hard time being able to prosecute this 
multistate violence going across State lines.
    That hasn't changed today. As I said in my testimony, we 
are in a time that, thanks to Dobbs, the State laws differ 
dramatically, and people are traveling at increased rates 
across State lines to both provide and obtain reproductive 
healthcare.
    The interstate commerce and the multistate aspect here is 
even more severe than it was at the time that FACE was enacted.
    On the question of the disparities, I read the DOJ report 
with interest. I am an academic, right? I looked at it and I 
have a lot of questions. My first reaction was, this would not 
pass peer review, right?
    I have a lot of questions about, for example, if we look at 
sentencing disparities, like yes, they are different. Because 
people committed crimes more than once.
    FACE specifically provides that each time you commit a 
crime, the penalties go up, right? People committed different 
crimes.
    We would be remiss not to look at the fact that there are 
at least four District courts that have, in the past two years, 
looked at this question of was DOJ engaging in selective 
prosecution.
    They have squarely been asked that question, including in 
the Gallagher case, which we have discussed quite a bit. Each 
time the court has said no, right?
    Some of the courts have said, look, like, if there is not a 
disparity, if where we are seeing the violence is against 
clinics that provide reproductive healthcare, that is not a 
disparity.
    The courts have also said there is no malfeasance if law 
enforcement offices have priorities. People do that. The courts 
have said post Dobbs, it makes some sense, given that we saw 
the increase in violence of clinics, that we would see 
prosecutions against people engaging in that violence.
    Four District courts have looked at this, and a circuit 
court actually, and have said there is not biased prosecution 
here.
    Ms. Scanlon. It is fair to say that if you look apples to 
apples, instead of apples to oranges, any disparities can be 
explained.
    Ms. Waters. Yes. I think they--I have questions, like I 
said, right?
    Ms. Scanlon. Sure.
    Ms. Waters. When I look at the report, I am not in the 
particulars of every individual case.
    Ms. Scanlon. Right.
    Ms. Waters. Those are the types of questions I would ask.
    Ms. Scanlon. Thank you for your thoughtful testimony. I 
yield back.
    Mr. Roy. Ms. Edl, you are a survivor, and I remind you to 
turn your microphone on. You are a survivor of a communist 
concentration camp in former Yugoslavia post-World War II. Is 
that correct?
    Ms. Edl. Correct.
    Mr. Roy. You testified that you have, in significant part, 
dedicated your life to the cause of defending the innocent 
unborn since the Roe decision in the subsequent 50 years.
    Ms. Edl. Correct.
    Mr. Roy. When you were arrested and then convicted for your 
actions in Michigan, did you assault anyone?
    Ms. Edl. No.
    Mr. Roy. You were present in a protest at this clinic, and 
you were obstructing people's access?
    Ms. Edl. Well, I stood in front of the door, yes.
    Mr. Roy. Now, you were convicted and you faced a sentence 
of up to 13 years. Is that correct?
    Ms. Edl. That is correct.
    Mr. Roy. You are, at the current time, 91?
    Ms. Edl. I will be 91 on Sunday.
    Mr. Roy. Well, happy birthday in advance.
    Ms. Edl. Thank you.
    Mr. Roy. At the time you were arrested, you were 89?
    Ms. Edl. Yes.
    Mr. Roy. Do you think that the use of the FACE Act, and 
then conspiracy charge under the KKK statute, do you think that 
is an appropriate sentence for someone, or the potential 
sentence, because you were not sentenced yet, but up to 13 
years, for being present and expressing your views that 
abortion is in fact murder?
    Along the lines of my friend from Texas' description of the 
horrific and barbaric practices of abortion, do you think that 
an individual should be charged federally with up to 13 years 
in prison at the age of 89, or at all, for carrying out that 
activity?
    Ms. Edl. At any age, murder is taking place in those. 
Nobody seems to mention that. Murder is taking place inside 
those clinics. I am sorry, I--
    Mr. Roy. No, go ahead.
    Ms. Edl. It is no different than in Nazi Germany or 
Yugoslavia, where I was. People would have probably, at that 
time, protected the law to kill us.
    Now, those that would have tried to save us would be called 
heroes. Why? Because we finally recognized that even I, as a 
child, was a human being then.
    These babies are human beings from a moment of conception 
on. Either in the process of growth or in the process of 
decline.
    Like I said, we are headed toward killing the elderly. 
First, they will be identified, they will be vilified, they 
will be dehumanized and then destroyed.
    I am trying to do what God calls us to do, protect human 
life. Not with violence, just placing my body in between the 
victim and the perpetrator.
    Mr. Roy. Ms. Edl, you witnessed, with respect to World War 
II and post-World War II, in Yugoslavia and generally, 
individuals who were being carried off to be murdered and 
executed, correct?
    Ms. Edl. Yes. I heard about it through my father when they 
took the Jewish families from our town. He was livid.
    Mr. Roy. You experienced the concentration camp yourself?
    Ms. Edl. Yes, I did.
    Mr. Roy. You equate, appropriately in my view, you equate 
the murder of the innocent unborn, with the murder of those 
people murdered at the hands of government authority, every bit 
the same.
    Ms. Edl. Exactly. Yes.
    Mr. Roy. Because of that belief, without assaulting anyone, 
the Federal Government was using the full power of its force to 
prosecute you, and to put you in jail for up to 13 years, using 
the full power of the Federal Government to do so. Is that 
correct?
    Ms. Edl. That is correct.
    Mr. Roy. Well, I want to thank you for your life, your life 
story, your dedication to life, and for fearlessly standing 
against the power of government being used against your God-
given ability to try to stand up in defense of the innocent.
    In the false name of healthcare, in the false name of 
healthcare, the murder of the unborn. God bless you for 
standing up for that.
    God bless you for your courage. God will bless you when he 
welcomes you home someday long in the future. I appreciate it 
very much.
    Ms. Edl. Thank you.
    Mr. Roy. I appreciate all the witnesses. I appreciate your 
testimony. I will recognize the gentlelady for a consent 
request.
    Ms. Scanlon. Thank you. I ask unanimous consent to enter 
into the record, a press release from the DOJ dated August 20, 
2024, entitled, ``Seven defendants, including Ms. Edl, 
convicted of Federal civil rights conspiracy and freedom of 
access to clinical entrances.''
    I also ask unanimous consent to enter into the record, the 
following statements all dated April 28, 2026, from 
Reproductive Freedom for All, the American College of 
Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the National Abortion 
Federation, and the Center for Reproductive Rights.
    I also have a unanimous consent request to enter into the 
record, a statement from David Gunn Jr. and Wendy Gunn, whose 
father, Dr. David Gunn, was murdered by an anti-abortion 
extremist and whose murder helped propel passage of the FACE 
Act.
    I would also enter into the record, pages 557 and 558 of 
Project 2025, detailing the push to repeal the FACE Act.
    Mr. Roy. Without objection. I would like unanimous consent 
to enter into the record, I will only ask for the Executive 
Summary portion of the Department of Justice Report, given the 
length of the full report being 800 pages.
    The Executive Summary of the Department of Justice Report 
outlining the extent to which there was deep coordination 
between the Department of Justice and abortion activists, and 
the collusion between the two, as well as lack of reporting to 
Congress.
    Mr. Roy. I appreciate that. Anything else from the 
gentlelady?
    That concludes today's hearing. We thank the witnesses for 
appearing before the Subcommittee today. Without objection, all 
Members will have five legislative days to submit additional 
written questions for the witnesses or additional materials for 
the record.
    Without objection, the hearing is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 12:15 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.]

    All materials submitted for the record by Members of the 
Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government can
be found at: https://docs.house.gov/Committee/Calendar/ByEvent 
.aspx?EventID=119234.

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