[House Hearing, 119 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]






                       RESTORING LAW AND ORDER IN
                         HIGH-CRIME U.S. CITIES

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                       SUBCOMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT

                                 OF THE

                       COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

                     U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED NINETEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                      WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 2025

                               __________

                           Serial No. 119-39

                               __________

         Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary




    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]





               Available via: http://judiciary.house.gov
               
                                   _______
                                   
                 U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
                 
61-918                   WASHINGTON : 2025



               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
               
                       COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

                        JIM JORDAN, Ohio, Chair

DARRELL ISSA, California             JAMIE RASKIN, Maryland, Ranking 
ANDY BIGGS, Arizona                      Member
TOM McCLINTOCK, California           JERROLD NADLER, New York
THOMAS P. TIFFANY, Wisconsin         ZOE LOFGREN, California
THOMAS MASSIE, Kentucky              STEVE COHEN, Tennessee
CHIP ROY, Texas                      HENRY C. ``HANK'' JOHNSON, Jr., 
SCOTT FITZGERALD, Wisconsin              Georgia
BEN CLINE, Virginia                  ERIC SWALWELL, California
LANCE GOODEN, Texas                  TED LIEU, California
JEFFERSON VAN DREW, New Jersey       PRAMILA JAYAPAL, Washington
TROY E. NEHLS, Texas                 J. LUIS CORREA, California
BARRY MOORE, Alabama                 MARY GAY SCANLON, Pennsylvania
KEVIN KILEY, California              JOE NEGUSE, Colorado
HARRIET M. HAGEMAN, Wyoming          LUCY McBATH, Georgia
LAUREL M. LEE, Florida               DEBORAH K. ROSS, North Carolina
WESLEY HUNT, Texas                   BECCA BALINT, Vermont
RUSSELL FRY, South Carolina          JESUS G. ``CHUY'' GARCIA, Illinois
GLENN GROTHMAN, Wisconsin            SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
BRAD KNOTT, North Carolina           JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
MARK HARRIS, North Carolina          DANIEL S. GOLDMAN, New York
ROBERT F. ONDER, Jr., Missouri       JASMINE CROCKETT, Texas
DEREK SCHMIDT, Kansas
BRANDON GILL, Texas
MICHAEL BAUMGARTNER, Washington

                                 ------                                

                       SUBCOMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT

                 JEFFERSON VAN DREW, New Jersey, Chair

BARRY MOORE, Alabama                 JASMINE CROCKETT, Texas, Ranking 
ROBERT F. ONDER, Jr., Missouri           Member
DEREK SCHMIDT, Kansas                JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
BRANDON GILL, Texas                  HENRY C. ``HANK'' JOHNSON, Jr., 
                                         Georgia

               CHRISTOPHER HIXON, Majority Staff Director
                ARTHUR EWENCZYK, Minority Staff Director


































                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              

                      Wednesday, November 19, 2025
                           OPENING STATEMENTS

                                                                   Page

The Honorable Jefferson Van Drew, Chair of the Subcommittee on 
  Oversight from the State of New Jersey.........................     2
The Honorable Jasmine Crockett, Ranking Member of the 
  Subcommittee on Oversight from the State of Texas..............     4
The Honorable Jamie Raskin, Ranking Member of the Committee on 
  the Judiciary from the State of Maryland.......................     6

                               WITNESSES

Rafael A. Mangual, Nick Ohnell Fellow, Manhattan Institute for 
  Policy Research
  Oral Testimony.................................................    13
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    15
Paul C. Mauro, Former Inspector, New York Police Department
  Oral Testimony.................................................    22
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    24
Tina McKinney, Mother of Memphis Police Officer
  Oral Testimony.................................................    28
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    31
Dr. Nancy La Vigne, Dean, Rutgers School of Criminal Justice
  Oral Testimony.................................................    34
  Prepared Testimony.............................................    36

          LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC. SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING

All materials submitted for the record by the Committee on the 
  Judiciary are listed below.....................................    56

An article entitled, ``Portland Police Chief Reveals Troops Tear-
  Gassed Protest by Accident,'' Oct. 29, 2025, New Republic, 
  submitted by the Honorable Henry C. ``Hank'' Johnson, Jr., a 
  Member of the Subcommittee on Oversight from the State of 
  Georgia, for the record
Materials submitted by the Honorable Jasmine Crockett, Ranking 
  Member of the Subcommittee on Oversight from the State of 
  Texas, for the record
    An article entitled, ``Cities in Blue States Experiencing 
        Larger Declines in Gun Violence in 2023,'' Oct. 16, 2023, 
        American Progress Action
    An article entitled, ``The Highest Rates of Gun Homicides Are 
        in Rural Counties,'' Sept. 26, 2025, American Progress 
    An article entitled, ``Trump doesn't have the data to back up 
        claims about Washington, D.C.,'' Aug. 12, 2025, MS Now
    An article entitled, ``The 21st Century Red State Murder 
        Crisis,'' Feb. 27, 2024, Third Way
    An article entitled, ``Crime in St. Louis: What You Need to 
        Know,'' Oct. 14, 2025, Council on Criminal Justice
    An article entitled, ``How Profit Shapes the Bail Bond 
        System,'' Sept. 19, 2025, Brennan Center
    An article entitled, ``DOJ cancels $500M in public safety 
        grants, cuts officer safety and crime prevention 
        programs,'' Aug. 18, 2025, Police1
    An article entitled, ``Public safety groups face an uncertain 
        future months after federal grant cuts,'' Nov. 10, 2025, 
        NPR
    An article entitled, ``Justice Department Slashes Essential 
        Services for Crime Victims,'' Nov. 7, 2025, Brennan 
        Center
    An article entitled, ``Trump cuts 69 global programs tackling 
        child labor and human trafficking,'' Mar. 27, 2025, The 
        Guardian
    An article entitled, ``Trump Defunds Effective Crime-
        Prevention Policies,'' Jul. 22, 2025, Brennan Center
    An article entitled, ``Crime-Prevention Efforts Face Setbacks 
        After Federal Cuts,'' Jul. 21, 2025, Brennan Center
    An article entitled, ``Federal Cuts to Behavioral Health Will 
        Harm Public Safety,'' Sept. 23, 2025, Brennan Center
    An article entitled, ``The Trump Administration's Budget Will 
        Undermine ATF's Efforts to Prevent Violent Crime,'' Jul. 
        9, 2025, American Progress
Materials submitted by the Honorable Jamie Raskin, Ranking Member 
  of the Committee on the Judiciary from the State of Maryland, 
  for the record
    An article entitled, ``Exclusive: Federal drug prosecutions 
        fall to lowest level in decades as Trump shifts focus to 
        deportations,'' Sept. 29, 2025, Reuters
    An article entitled, ``Justice Department struggles as 
        thousands exit--and few are replaced,'' Nov. 10, 2025, 
        Washington Post
    An article entitled, ``How Trump Has Exploited Pardons to 
        Reward Allies and Supporters--ProPublica,'' Nov. 12, 
        2025, ProPublica
    An article entitled, ``ICE Has Diverted Over 25,000 Officers 
        from Their Jobs,'' Sept. 3, 2025, CATO

 
                       RESTORING LAW AND ORDER IN 
                         HIGH-CRIME U.S. CITIES

                              ----------                              


                      Wednesday, November 19, 2025

                        House of Representatives

                       Subcommittee on Oversight

                       Committee on the Judiciary

                             Washington, DC

    The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in Room 
2141, Rayburn House Office Building, the Hon. Jefferson Van 
Drew [Chair of the Subcommittee] presiding.
    Members present: Representatives Van Drew, Jordan, Moore, 
Onder, Schmidt, Gill, Crockett, Raskin, Moskowitz, and Johnson.
    Mr. Van Drew. The Subcommittee will come to order, although 
I have to admit you are a pretty orderly crowd, this is very 
quiet, everybody is tired out from a long day yesterday, even 
Mr. Raskin maybe. That is the quietest I have seen you for a 
few minutes. We are going to get you fired up. Thank you for 
being here. Without objection the Chair is authorized to 
declare a recess at any time.
    We welcome everyone to today's hearing on ``Restoring Law 
and Order in High-Crime U.S. Cities.''
    I now recognize the gentleman from Alabama to lead us in 
the pledge of allegiance. Then I ask that we remain standing, 
that we remain standing for a moment of silence.
    All. I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States 
of America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one 
Nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for 
all.
    Mr. Van Drew. I will now recognize myself for an opening 
statement. Again, I want to welcome everyone here today to 
another meeting of the Subcommittee on Oversight. Today we are 
going to focus on one very simple truth. We need to restore the 
rule of law in America's high-crime cities. Let us be honest 
about something from the very start, crime just didn't rise and 
come about on its own.
    It happened because leaders chose so, leaders in the 
democratic run cities have made political choices. Choices that 
put radical ideology before safety, politics before people, and 
criminals before the safety of the good people in our 
communities. For years these cities have embraced soft on crime 
prosecutors, eliminated cash bail, reduced penalties for repeat 
offenders.
    They empower criminals, they undermine law enforcement, 
they weaken the very fabric that keeps our families safe. Here 
is the truth, the simple truth, it is not complicated, it is 
just reality. When you reward criminal behavior, you get more 
of it, it is that simple. When you take away consequences, you 
get chaos. When you weaken the rule of law, you hurt the very 
people that you claim to protect.
    In Charlotte, a community that this Committee, many of us 
on this Committee, we went to Charlotte, and we saw firsthand 
in a field hearing, they tried to quote, ``Re-imagine criminal 
justice.'' Do you know what happened when the re-imagining 
delivered? Repeat offenders walking the streets over and over, 
and over again. Charlotte was quite an experience.
    Now, we have gone as a Full Committee to New York City, we 
have gone to Philadelphia, and this Committee actually went to 
Charlotte, and we saw the work of the Left-wing magistrates, of 
the Left-wing judges, of the Left-wing attorney general, and of 
the Left-wing prosecutors, the results, the death, the mayhem, 
and the chaos, it is real, it is not funny.
    When we talked to the people in Charlotte, I will never 
forget the father of the one young lady, and I believe, and I 
don't even have this in front of me, I am digressing for a 
minute. This woman was pulled out of her bed, stripped naked, 
had to get down on her knees, God knows why, and then the 
perpetrator took a shotgun, put it to her chest, and took her 
life.
    The father was there, man, I wish each and every one of you 
could have seen that father. He was so upset, he was shaking, 
he was crying, he was a grown man. Any of us that are parents, 
any of us that love anybody in our lives, you can't imagine. I 
said at the time, ``I wish I could say to you I know how you 
feel, I don't.'' Nobody here, unless you have lost somebody, 
and we do have somebody who has, nobody knows how you feel.
    We don't, but you can see it. The guy who did it, the 
perpetrator, was charged over forty times and released over, 
over, over, and over. I won't do it forty-some times again, it 
is sick. People are living with fear instead of freedom. We 
remember another case, the murder of Iryna Zarutska, that is 
why we went to Charlotte, a murder that should have never 
happened.
    A murder committed by a criminal who obviously had deep 
seated problems, and was released not one, two, or three times, 
but 14 times. Iryna loved America, she sat down in the train, 
and he came up behind her, she never met him, never saw him, 
didn't even look at him. He violently stabbed her in her neck, 
and murdered her in front of everybody on that train.
    She loved America, her family actually had her--she loved 
America so much, her family, she was Ukrainian, had her buried 
in America because she had such hopes, and such desires, and 
such ambitions. The city of Memphis continues to lead the 
Nation in violent crime, and not in spite of policy decisions, 
but because of them. The district attorney in Shelby County, 
backed by George Soros, fact.
    You may not like it, but it is true, it turned cash bail 
into a last resort. When you make accountability a last resort, 
you make public danger the first result. Again and again 
criminals are released, again and again they commit crimes. 
Again and again innocent people pay the price over and over. It 
isn't justice ladies and gentlemen, it is not compassion, it is 
the literal definition of insanity.
    It is failure, it is cruel, it is unfair to law abiding 
citizens plain and simple. Los Angeles, another town, you can 
name almost every city in America, almost. Career criminals, 
rapists, cop killers are given leniency through special 
directives that prioritize ideology over good public safety.
    The result is predictable, gangs have been emboldened, 
communities have been terrorized, and a once great American 
city has been hollowed out again by lawlessness. The city of 
Chicago, everybody knows about Chicago, still the murder 
capital of America, still drowning in violence and still 
doubling down on the same bad ideas as eliminating cash bail, 
and making pretrial release a default.
    Just last week a Chicago man known for serially punching 
women, who just walks right up to a woman, and it is women 
always, walks right up to her, big guy too by the way, big guy, 
and just punches her in the face. I don't have any words. He 
was arrested and released for the twentieth time. God help you 
if you are a woman and you are walking down that street.
    Maybe after he is done you are not even recognizable 
anymore. It is nice for you, isn't it nice for your family, 
because of the policies we have. If he wasn't released it 
wouldn't happen. Twenty times, 20 times back on the street. In 
what world are these politicians living in when they design 
laws that make it easier for someone like that to be released 
over, and over, instead of designing laws that protect the 
women that are continually assaulted?
    These are dangerous policies, they are bad policies, and 
they have a predictable outcome. They hamper law enforcement, 
and they let dangerous people walk our streets. It is that 
simple, it really isn't that complicated. In fact, I have 
spoken with law enforcement, true story, not only in Charlotte, 
but in other areas where we have gone on the road, this 
Committee, who have told me that often times before they are 
even done writing up the arrest report and somebody has looked 
at it.
    Before that even happens, they are watching the person 
being released. They are not even done with the report, and 
they are already out. It is an upside-down world, it is a 
bizarro world, it is a sick world that we live in, and it has 
to stop. For four long years the past administration, the 
Biden-Harris Administration encouraged this mentality, 
encouraged soft on crime policies, encouraged the unraveling of 
law and order in what was our beautiful, sparkling cities.
    That changed earlier this year, and I know not everybody is 
going to agree with me on this, but it did. Since President 
Trump was sworn back into office, he has done what he always 
said he would do, there was no surprise here, restore common 
sense, restore law and order, restore accountability. In 
August, President Trump deployed the National Guard and Federal 
agents to support local police right here in Washington, DC.
    People tell me they exaggerate it in Washington, nothing 
happens. I just think of the people that I know. I think of the 
gentleman from Kansas whose intern was murdered in Washington, 
DC. How does his family feel? This young intern comes to D.C. 
to learn, and he never leaves because he is killed, he is 
murdered. In my office alone, where we have had, just in my 
office, numerous people that have been attacked on the streets 
in the Nation's capital, in Washington, DC.
    The stories go on and on, we have other Members, Members 
that were car jacked, I can go through the list, but I am not 
going to do it, it is wrong. You know what? It is not funny 
when it happens to you, it is really serious. In August, 
President Trump deployed all these folks, and what happens when 
you enforce the law? Crimes went down and safety went up.
    Over four thousand arrests, and an 11 percent drop in crime 
city wide; 11 percent drop in just a few months. Words don't do 
that, ideology doesn't do that, press conferences don't do 
that. Action does that, real action, tough action, and 
necessary action. Because it worked, because results speak 
louder than slogans, other cities, many of them are asking for 
the same help.
    In September, National Guard units were deployed to Memphis 
and Portland. Plans are underway for Chicago as well, and of 
course in many of these cities Democrat officials are fighting 
it every step of the way. Fighting safety, fighting 
accountability, and fighting success. In some areas where they 
are deployed, people who live in the neighborhoods, who live in 
the areas, we had some folks even in D.C. said it was the first 
time in years that they had walked up and down their streets in 
safety.
    In years, they were so happy. We are here today because the 
American people do deserve better. They deserve leaders who are 
going to protect them and take care of them. They deserve 
prosecutors who enforce the law. They deserve cities where 
criminals fear consequences, and families feel safe. To our 
witnesses, I want to thank you for being here, I know it is 
your precious time.
    I thank you for speaking on behalf of communities living 
through the nightmare of bad policy and failed leadership. I 
even thank the folks that are going to disagree with me. We 
look forward to your testimony, thank you.
    I now recognize the Ranking Member, Ms. Crockett.
    Ms. Crockett. Thank you so much, Mr. Chair, and thank you 
for calling this hearing. Since January, Donald Trump has used 
the full power of the Federal Government to attack Americans in 
cities across the country. In Donald Trump's America you are at 
increased risk of experiencing militaristic operations in your 
home.
    Increased risk of being subject to detainment by masked 
thugs and wannabe vigilantes. Increased risk of suffering 
injuries due to reckless and illegal acts by rogue Federal 
agents. Increased risk of being deported to foreign nations, 
even if you are an American citizen. You are at an increased 
risk of being targeted by Federal Government for criticizing 
the President and his friends.
    Congressional Republicans have completely abandoned their 
Article 1 powers and have exchanged their responsibility to 
their constituents with fealty to the President. They have 
allowed the President to morph Federal agencies into 
instruments of autocracy. As a result, the President has been 
able to ignore Federal law, disregard court orders, and 
implement the largest pay-for-play scheme in American history.
    The White House, well what is left of it anyway, is 
literally up for sale. The Federal courts have characterized 
this presidency as quote ``lawless.'' In fact, when ruling 
against illegal acts committed by the administration, a 
Republican appointed Federal judge stated quote,

        The Court cannot imagine how the public interest might be 
        served by permitting Federal officials to flaunt the very laws 
        they have sworn to enforce.

    In a separate case, where the administration was sued for 
unlawful acts, the judge, also a Republican appointee, stated 
quote,

        Allowing constitutional rights to be dependent upon the grace 
        of the Executive Branch would be a dereliction of duty by this 
        third and independent branch of government, and would be 
        against the public interest.

    In another case, the court summed it up perfectly by 
declaring quote,

        As is becoming far too common, we are confronted again with the 
        efforts of the Executive Branch to set aside the rule of law in 
        pursuit of its own goals.

Judiciary Committee Republicans have been completely complicit 
in this corruption. Since they are so interested in restoring 
law and order, I have a couple of suggestions on where they can 
start.
    First, this is the President of the United States standing 
beside his best friend Jeffrey Epstein. As we all know, Mr. 
Epstein is one of the most notorious sexual predators in 
American history. For eight weeks the Republicans on this 
Committee have chosen to protect these two men instead of 
providing justice to Mr. Epstein's victims. Now, the 
administration is panicking.
    Second, they campaigned on releasing the Epstein files, 
then AG Bondi and associates did a photo op with the files, and 
she said, and I quote, ``The Epstein list is on my desk.'' 
Then, somehow the Epstein list didn't exist. The Epstein files 
became a Democratic hoax. Now, the President is supposedly 
supportive of releasing the files, even though he is currently 
ignoring a Congressional Subpoena to do so.
    Now, the President is simply crashing out, and it is 
because he can't seem to explain his special decades long 
relationship with one of the most prominent sexual predators in 
American history. It is already public that he is in the 
Epstein files, but his administration is hiding the context of 
his involvement, if any, with Mr. Epstein's horrific crimes.
    Now, this is Ms. Ghislaine Maxwell. Ms. Maxwell, who 
obviously helped Jeffrey Epstein traffic more than a thousand 
women and girls, well Donald Trump is now giving her special 
treatment while she is serving out her prison sentence. He 
won't even rule out giving her a pardon or commuting her 
sentence. I don't need to explain why partnering with sex 
traffickers wouldn't be restoring law and order.
    Now, this is Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem. 
Not only has Secretary Noem been busy filming propaganda ads, 
but she has also been busy cashing in on millions of taxpayer 
dollars. In fact, Secretary Noem has funneled millions of 
dollars to a company called the Strategy Group. The Strategy 
Group helped Secretary Noem win her campaign to become the 
Governor of South Dakota.
    Corey Lewandowski, her top policy advisor, has worked with 
the firm. The company's CEO is married to Secretary Noem's 
Chief spokesperson, Ms. Tricia McLaughlin. This is what 
corruption looks like. They are stealing money from the 
American people's pockets and depositing it into their bank 
accounts. Now, we move on to yet somebody else. This is the so-
called border czar, Tom Homan.
    Mr. Homan is on tape accepting fifty thousand dollars in 
cash bribes stuffed in a brown paper bag from an undercover FBI 
agent. Apparently, Mr. Homan accepted these bribes in exchange 
for awarding Federal contracts to his friends. Trump's 
Department of Justice killed the investigation into Mr. Homan's 
crimes, and Congressional Republicans didn't say a mumbling 
word.
    Last, this is insurrectionist and Nazi sympathizer Ed 
Martin. It appears that Mr. Martin is functioning as the 
Associate Deputy Attorney General Pardon Attorney, Director of 
the Fake Weapon-ization Working Group, and Special Attorney for 
mortgage fraud. All that means is that Mr. Martin is Trump's 
lapdog, whom the President sends to initiate lawsuits against 
the President's perceived political opponents.
    This is what we call organized crime. They are breaking the 
law, often by stealing taxpayer dollars, covering up their 
crimes by ending and obstructing investigations, then 
prosecuting people who call out for their unlawful behavior. 
While the Republicans are encouraging this corruption, they are 
abandoning actual victims of violent crime, and ignoring the 
Republican led State's 21st Century murder crisis.
    In September's appropriation markup, Congressional 
Republicans proposed reducing the FBI staff by thousands of 
positions and underfunding the agency by more than $1 billion. 
They have proposed slashing resources from the ATF, they have 
proposed cutting grants for juvenile justice programs and hate 
crimes and eliminating the community violence intervention and 
prevention grants.
    They are literally de-funding the police. No matter what 
they say at today's hearing, Congressional Republicans have 
proven that they are not investing in keeping American 
communities safe from violent crime.
    Mr. Chair, I yield back.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the Ranking Member. We are fortunate 
to have with us the Chair of the Committee of the whole today, 
Mr. Jordan, and the Ranking Member, Mr. Raskin. I believe Mr. 
Jordan is not going to do an opening at this time.
    Chair Jordan. Thank you, Mr. Chair, for this important 
hearing, I look forward to hearing from our witnesses.
    Mr. Van Drew. Thank you, Chair. Mr. Raskin?
    Mr. Raskin. Thank you very much. I will take mine now, I am 
going to try to stay for as much of the hearing as I can, but I 
won't be able to do it toward the end. Mr. Chair, thank you 
very much, I wanted to just begin by underscoring three things 
that you said that I hope people will keep in mind as you hear 
my remarks:

    (1)  When you reward criminal behavior, you get a lot more 
of it.
    (2)  It is not funny when it happens to you, and alas, I 
have a personal story to tell.
    (3)  Letting criminals off the hook is not compassion, and 
it is not justice.

I want to agree very strongly with those three points that you 
just made, Chair Van Drew.
    I want to thank the witnesses for being with us today. Just 
before the shutdown this Subcommittee convened a field hearing 
in Charlotte to advance the tired, I would say, utterly 
exhausted Republican claim that Democrats are somehow soft on 
crime. This is an odd proposition to me given that Democratic 
led cities today are now driving a historic nationwide decrease 
in crime.
    Especially homicide and violent crime following a dramatic 
spike in those categories under the first Trump Administration. 
One of the North Carolina local news outlet, The News&Observer, 
captured the very paradoxical nature of that hearing in an 
article titled, ``Republicans are in charge in NC, but somehow 
Democrats are to blame for violent crime | Opinion''
    Well, The News&Observer is correct. Republicans from the 
White House, to Congress, to the State houses are 
systematically undermining public safety in communities across 
America with what I would call gangster State policies while 
claiming that Democrats are to blame. What is really going on? 
Let us start with the administration's first day in office, how 
about that?
    On the first day Donald Trump pardoned nearly 1,600 January 
6th insurrectionists, people who either pled guilty or were 
convicted beyond a reasonable doubt by a jury of their peers 
for hundreds and hundreds of crimes, including hundreds who 
violently attacked Capitol police officers, Metropolitan Police 
Department officers, Montgomery County, Maryland police 
officers, police officers from Virginia, and so on.
    With baseball bats, steel pipes, Trump flags, confederate 
battle flags, broken furniture, and bear mace into people's 
eyes. In the months since, the Department of Justice proceeded 
to fire dozens of FBI agents and Federal prosecutors, the most 
experienced Federal prosecutors we had, career civil servants 
appointed under Republican Presidents and Democratic Presidents 
simply because they had worked in the January 6th 
investigation.
    Nothing like that has ever happened before in the history 
of the Department of Justice, and I hope nothing like that will 
ever happen again. These were career civil servants, expert 
criminal prosecutors fired because they had prosecuted people 
for violently attacking police officers, storming the Capitol 
saying they were going to hang Mike Pence to overthrow a 
Presidential election, and they got fired because of it.
    A massive violation of civil service, constitutional 
rights, and the principles of public safety. One hundred and 
forty of our officers were injured, wounded, disfigured, 
disabled, hospitalized on that day; one hundred and forty of 
them. I wish I could take one hundred and forty minutes and 
tell you about each one, but I will tell you about one of them, 
I will tell you about Sergeant Gonell.
    Now, Sergeant Gonell has written a book about his 
experience, which I recommend highly to all of you. His family 
were immigrants to America, he became a citizen as a kid, and 
he fell in love with police work. His family took a trip to 
Washington, and they visited the Capitol, and he met police 
officers here, and he had a dream that he would become a 
Capitol police officer one day.
    What do you know, he became a Capitol police officer after 
he served in the Army, he went to Iraq, and he went to 
Afghanistan. Then he was here on January 6th. He said he faced 
violence which he described as medieval in nature, that was far 
worse than anything he had seen in combat in Iraq or in 
Afghanistan. He fought for hours and hours.
    He was so wounded, they destroyed a rotator cuff, his left 
foot was smashed, and destroyed, he couldn't lift his shoulder, 
he was beaten in the face and the head. He did everything he 
could to try to get back to work, and the force told him he was 
no longer physically fit to do it. Forced to retire by the 
insurrection Donald Trump incited according to a bipartisan 
vote of the House of Representatives.
    Which 57 of the 100 Senators voted to convict him on, the 
most widespread bipartisan vote in the history of Presidential 
impeachments. He was that wounded, that disfigured, that 
incapacitated, he could no longer serve. He had to leave his 
dream job and is now living on what a fraction of what his 
income was before because of that violence that took place.
    That is just one story. I wish you could know all the 
stories. Maybe you know the story of Michael Fanone, he was a 
D.C. cop, he wasn't even on duty here, he heard about it, that 
the Capitol was under attack on the radio. He immediately drove 
to the Capitol, got off several blocks away, ran to the scene 
to join the police officers, and he got pulled into the crowd 
after fighting for hours, and he had a heart attack.
    He was afraid that he was going to die, and he begged them, 
he said, ``I have four daughters, spare my life,'' and his life 
was just barely spared. There is supposed to be a plaque up in 
the House of Representatives to the officers because of their 
indomitable valor and courage that day, but the speaker won't 
put that up. They won't give a dollar to the families of any of 
these police officers whose lives have been so fundamentally 
altered.
    They did sneak a little provision in to give a million 
dollars to each Republican Senator who were inconvenienced 
because they were treated like other American citizens, and 
their phone records were subpoenaed because they were involved 
in the conspirators of that attack. That is where the 
sympathies run, each of those guys was going to get a million 
dollars pay out.
    At least I heard Lindsay Graham say he wanted tens of 
millions for what happened to him. What happened to him? Did he 
get sprayed in the face with bear mace? Did he have to fight 
for hours to protect American democracy? No, his phone records 
were subpoenaed, the same way any American's phone records can 
be subpoenaed if they are involved in a criminal conspiracy, or 
if their name comes up in a criminal investigation.
    If you don't like that, you should support the bill that 
Chair Jordan brought before us in markup yesterday, which we 
passed unanimously, numerous times, that would save all 
Americans from abuse of that process. We have been trying to do 
that for nearly a decade I believe. From this Committee, and 
the Senate has consistently rejected it, they are not 
interested in protecting anybody else's civil liberties.
    They just want their million-dollar jackpot payout. Well, 
in any event, so that was the story on January 6th, and this 
administration has done everything in its power now to reward 
the people who participated in it. Meantime they are firing the 
officers, the FBI agents, the prosecutors who tried to 
prosecute it. I want to tell you though, a lot of people would 
want to sweep the whole thing under the rug, and they think it 
is over.
    Crime doesn't really work like that, and criminals don't 
work like that. As the good Chair said when he kicked this off, 
``if you forgive crime, if you pardon it, if you let it go, you 
are going to see more of it.'' Well, let me tell you a little 
story about that, because we have got lots of cases of these 
pardoned criminals going out and committing other crimes.
    Let me tell you the ones that we have found that have been 
committed by people that Donald Trump pardoned on his first day 
in office. They have gone on to do terroristic threats, home 
invasion, burglary, vandalism, theft, felony assault with a 
deadly weapon, discharge of a firearm, manslaughter, drunk 
driving, grand theft, aggravated kidnaping, reckless driving, 
and reckless homicide.
    Invasion of privacy, conspiracy to commit murder as a hate 
crime, possession of child pornography, violation of protective 
order, assault, violation of antistalking order, DUI, battery, 
felony, malicious bodily injury, rape, forgery, sexual assault, 
illegal gun possession, drug possession, and conspiracy to 
murder. Who is responsible for all that? These people were 
pardoned by Donald Trump, sentences commuted.
    Out on the streets, now these people are doing all that. 
Let me tell you about one of them. I told you I was going to 
get a little bit personal here, because I take the subject 
raised today personally. This guy's name is Taylor Taranto, he 
was pardoned after being convicted of multiple crimes on 
January 6th, multiple crimes on January 6th. He was rearrested 
in 2023 for illegal possession of hundreds of rounds of 
ammunition, two guns, and a machete.
    After he was live streaming from the woods near former 
President Barack Obama's house. He went there with all the 
ammunition and guns, and he threatened to set off a car bomb. 
Well, on the way there he showed up at the elementary school 
two blocks away from my house, where all three of my kids went 
to elementary school. He told listeners that he was at the 
elementary school near my house on his live stream.
    He said he was near my house, that is where he was headed 
next, and he didn't want to tell anybody where I lived, because 
he said I want Raskin all to myself. Fortunately, my wife and 
I, and my kids were not at home when he stopped there on his 
way down to Barack Obama's house. This is a January 6th 
insurrectionist who has been pardoned by Donald Trump.
    You may have read about him recently in the newspaper 
because at the sentencing for other crimes too, Department of 
Justice lawyers mentioned that he participated in the riots on 
January 6th, and his superior officers at the Department of 
Justice objected to the fact that these DOJ lawyers had 
referred to the January 6th riots and suspended them. Somebody 
correct me if I am wrong, were they suspended?
    These lawyers were reprimanded for what they had done, and 
they were suspended simply for mentioning the reality that 
January 6th had taken place. It is not just January 6th, Trump 
recently pardoned crypto executive Changpeng Zhao who had been 
sentenced to four months in prison, and ordered to pay one of 
the largest corporate penalties in history after pleading 
guilty to enabling money laundering through his crypto 
exchange.
    According to prosecutors, he aided Hamas, he aided Al 
Qaeda, and other terrorist networks, but Donald Trump pardoned 
him. He also pardoned Ross Ulbricht, the creator of Silk Road, 
an online black market that allowed thousands of drug dealers 
to distribute hundreds of kilos of illegal drugs, including 
heroin, cocaine, and opioids.
    Take Ghislaine Maxwell, who was transferred from a real 
prison to a prison camp after the No. 2 at DOJ went to see her. 
On July 22nd, the Democrats on the Oversight Committee moved to 
subpoena her, they got Republicans to come over and agree. The 
next day she was sent her subpoena, and the next day after 
that, July 24th, that is when Todd Blanche went to see her.
    Not to ask about more coconspirators, not to investigate 
whether other crimes had been committed. No, he was trying to 
find out exactly what she might say about Donald Trump when she 
came to Congress. Satisfied with her answers, President Trump, 
the great champion of law and order, apparently authorized and 
approved her transfer to a prison camp where no sex offender 
had ever been sent before, because they are not allowed.
    Because sex offenders like Ghislaine Maxwell are considered 
violent offenders. That wasn't it, it wasn't just enough that 
she got to cut the line and get there in one or two days when 
people are waiting six months, eight months, two years to 
transfer after proving they have a compelling reason to do so. 
No, she was transferred overnight, she gets there, and then she 
gets the superstar Trump Hotel treatment.
    She gets room service in her cell. Ever heard of that 
before? Well, she gets meals brought to her, she gets special 
exercise privileges there, she gets special visitors that come 
whenever she wants them to come, and they are allowed to bring 
their computers. They don't even deny that, they just say they 
want the people who brought that as whistleblowers to the 
Members of this Committee, they want those people punished.
    Her lawyer was bragging about the fact that they were 
punished. In other words that they suffered retaliation for 
speaking out, when this Committee has always stood up for the 
rights of whistleblowers to tell the truth about abuse of law 
in America. Well, they have taken a wrecking ball to the 
Federal Government's ability to investigate and prosecute 
criminals.
    The DOJ is hemorrhaging thousands of lawyers, they are 
having a very difficult time recruiting people to this absurd 
environment, where the President has taken over all 
prosecutorial functions. Now, they are wasting resources just 
to follow the political program of Donald Trump. You have seen 
how he fired his own U.S. Attorney Mr. Siebert in Virginia, 
because he wouldn't bring charges against James Comey.
    That is what Donald Trump wanted. He sacks him, he puts in 
another attorney who has never been a prosecutor before, never 
been an Assistant U.S. Attorney or anything, she is so 
incompetent the judge in the Comey case now says that they are 
going to have to throw it out likely, because she messed up the 
entire grand jury indictment process. Yet, he continues to go 
after his political opponents.
    What a radical distortion of justice that is, and what a 
waste of our resources. They are draining resources away from 
human sex trafficking, away from child sex exploitation, and 
away from drug trafficking to go and either participate in 
their anti-immigration campaign, or just to do whatever Donald 
Trump wants them to do.
    My friends, this is the record that they want to brag 
about? When we have got real Democratic mayors across America 
who are, and some Republican mayors, but mostly Democratic 
mayors who are actually reducing crime, and fighting crime, 
what an outrage this is. One of the other things they did when 
they first got in was, they got rid of hundreds of grants that 
were being given to local law enforcement, to the police.
    Talk about defunding the police, well they defunded the 
police, certainly anything having to do with human sex 
trafficking, anything having to do with child-sex exploitation, 
they just got rid of it all. Mr. Chair, I am glad you said 
exactly what you did when you kicked this off. It is not funny 
when it happens to you, and it is not when you have got a 
pardoned January 6th person coming to your house with weapons 
on his way down to Barack Obama's house with a machete.
    Now, that is not funny. Also, when you reward criminal 
behavior, as this administration has done from day one, you are 
going to get a lot more of it. They are headed to turn us into 
a gangster State. I thank you, and I look forward to hearing 
the testimony of the witnesses.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the Ranking Member, and later on I am 
going to reply to a good number of those issues. I will say one 
thing; threats are horrible for all of us. My wife has been 
threatened, I have been threatened, my kids, and my grandkids, 
it is really awful, it is terrible. Just so you know, I can 
relate to what you are saying there.
    My wife was threatened that she would be beaten, they would 
throw her on the hood of a car, rape her, murder her, burn the 
house down, and kill my children and my grandchildren. That is 
not a uniquely Democrat, Republican, conservative, or liberal 
issue. The other issue, and I will ask the Committee if we can, 
and then we will move on here, the issue at hand is what is 
happening on our streets.
    Those subjects you brought up are worthy of debate, and we 
can have a separate Committee on all of it, all the things you 
spoke about, but I am talking about the average Joe on the 
street in their city where they want to live their life with 
their children, and their grandchildren as well. It is a little 
bit different than where we went with that, which was highly 
political.
    Worthy of discussion, but not really what this hearing is 
about.
    Mr. Raskin. Those are all average crimes that happen every 
day on our streets, including my street.
    Mr. Van Drew. OK, I am not going to do this because I don't 
want to--even mine, with the threatening--
    Mr. Raskin. You cannot separate one crime from another.
    Mr. Van Drew. There are people that are in prison because 
of some of the things they were going to do and got caught, to 
me, but nevertheless, it is not an average crime. I am a Member 
of Congress, it is different. I am talking about just the guy 
that comes home from work and is walking on the street, and he 
stops by the grocery store, and he gets killed.
    It is a different thing, just the average day to day thing. 
We will talk about it more, I appreciate you, Mr. Raskin. With 
that being said, all other opening statements will be included 
in the record, and we are going to introduce today's witnesses, 
finally your time.
    We will start with Mr. Rafael Mangual. Mr. Mangual is a 
Fellow at the Manhattan Institute where his research focuses on 
criminal justice and policing. He is the author of Criminal 
Injustice and serves on the New York State Advisory Committee 
of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights.
    Mr. Paul C. Mauro is a former law enforcement officer 
having served for 23 years with the New York Police Department. 
During his tenure he served as the Commanding Officer of the 
NYPD's legal bureau, and as the Executive Officer for 
operations and analysis in NYPD's intelligence bureau. Thank 
you for your service and thank you for being here.
    Ms. Tina McKinney, this is the hardest one, these are 
always hard, is the mother of Officer Joseph McKinney, who was 
a Memphis Police Officer killed in the line of duty on April 
12, 2024. The suspect was out on bond, and I want everybody to 
listen to this one paragraph. The suspect was out on bond from 
an arrest the previous month on charges of possession of 
modified semi-automatic weapons and grand larceny.
    Everybody heard that. I am sorry, I have got no words, I am 
sure everybody tells you the same thing. Thank you, thank you 
for being here, and trying to help other people in the future.
    Nancy La Vigne, did I pronounce it correctly? Good. Dr. 
LaVigne is the Dean of the Rutgers School of Criminal Justice, 
where her work focuses on applying data and research to 
criminal justice policy.
    She previously served in the Department of Justice during 
the Biden Administration. We thank you for being here, I am a 
Rutgers grad, I went in predental, premedical, so I went to 
Rutgers, we may disagree on issues, but Rutgers is a good 
school. We are going to begin by swearing you in. Would you 
please rise and raise your right hand?
    Do you swear under penalty of perjury the testimony you are 
about to give is true and correct to the best of your 
knowledge, information, and belief so help you God? Let the 
record reflect that the witnesses have answered in the 
affirmative, and thank you, and please be seated. Please know 
that your written testimony will be entered into the record in 
its entirety.
    Accordingly, we do ask that you do summarize and complete 
your summary of your testimony in five minutes. Mr. Mangual, we 
will start with you.

                 STATEMENT OF RAFAEL A. MANGUAL

    Mr. Mangual. Well, thank you all so much for the 
opportunity to offer remarks on the all-important topic of 
public safety in America's cities, which is an issue that I 
have spent the last decade working on. I would like to begin by 
suggesting that in public debates over questions of safety, far 
too much weight is put on aggregate crime measures that often 
fail to fully capture or accurately describe the risk of 
criminal victimization faced by America's urban residents.
    We often talk about crime in national, statewide, or 
citywide terms. It is an understandable colloquialism that I am 
sure I have been guilty of too. Whether a city's crime levels 
are up or down, while important, can mask some important 
realities. In my home city of New York for example, data from 
2010, 2015, and 2020 illustrate that approximately 50 percent 
of the city's reported crime occurs on just four percent of the 
city's street segments.
    The experiences of residents living on block clusters where 
so much of a given city's crime concentrates are radically 
different from those living in the neighborhoods with very 
little crime. To paint the picture a little more vividly, 
consider that year residents of Chicago's 19th District, which 
I used to call home, experienced a homicide rate of just 2.3 
per 100,000.
    In the 6th District by contrast, the homicide rate was 73.4 
per 100,000, almost 32 times greater. I make this point for a 
couple of reasons, but one is to just illustrate that even in 
cities that have experienced recent declines in serious crime, 
there remain microgeographic pockets where serious violence 
continues to occur at levels that we should all find 
unacceptable.
    Should therefore be working to alleviate with urgency 
irrespective of aggregate crime declines at the citywide level. 
The fact remains that in too many city neighborhoods criminal 
violence is a serious problem. That problem is one that is too 
often characterized by a particular type of failure.
    Which is the failure to incapacitate violent criminal 
offenders who have thoroughly demonstrated through repeated 
criminal conduct that they have no desire to play by society's 
rules. A few numbers to consider, in Chicago on average a 
shooting or homicide suspect is arrested nearly 12 times. In 
Oakland, homicide victims and suspects alike have an average of 
ten prior arrests.
    In Baltimore the number is nine. Right here in Washington, 
DC, it is eleven. These numbers are bad enough in the abstract, 
but they take on a more urgent character when they are 
illustrated by specific cases. Because of the work I do, I am 
often sent stories of heinous and tragic crimes committed by 
offenders who had no business being out on the street.
    We already heard about one such case in the case of Iryna 
Zarutska in Charlotte, North Carolina, but I want you all to 
consider another case out of Charlotte, which has not gotten 
nearly enough attention, which is the shooting death of Jayce 
Edwards, who was just four years old. According to news 
reports, one of the four men arrested in that case had 
previously been charged in nearly a dozen car thefts.
    He was arrested again just days before the shooting with a 
firearm. Unbelievably to the uninitiated, he was allowed to 
post bond and was released yet again. A second suspect in that 
case had racked up 38 charges, and had multiple prior 
incarcerations for serious felonies including firearms and 
other violent charges. These examples all elicit the same 
question, why?
    Why were these offenders out? The answer in many cases is 
that somewhere down the line policymakers made a choice. They 
made a choice to pursue decarceration for its own sake because 
they were convinced that doing so was the best way to serve 
justice. The good news is that none of those decisions are 
written in stone. Our leaders can and must make different 
choices.
    In recent years, we have seen some encouraging examples of 
Federal, State, and local leaders doing just that. In the State 
of Tennessee for example, law makers have, thanks to the 
leadership of Tennessee House Speaker Cameron Sexton, passed 
legislation to amend their State's constitution so that judges 
there can have the right to detain dangerous criminal 
defendants in all cases.
    They also passed a truth in sentencing law to ensure 
offenders serve the majority of their sentences before they can 
be released. Last year, lawmakers in Louisiana took a similar 
step with their own truth in sentencing measure, much to the 
chagrin of criminal justice reform advocates, in addition to an 
effort to eliminate discretionary parole.
    Of course, President Trump's Administration through 
Executive Orders and actions related to policing, and 
enforcement initiatives like the Memphis Safe Task Force, and 
Project Safe Neighborhoods in Chicago, the latter of which has 
led to a nearly 300 percent increase in Federal gun 
prosecutions just through the end of October.
    Now, there remains a lot of work to be done. I would like 
to close with the suggestion that I hope many of you will reach 
out to discuss further at a future date. Which is that Congress 
should consider an omnibus crime bill along the lines of what 
was done in 1994.
    This time with a particular focus on police recruitment and 
retention, funding the acquisition of force multiplying 
technology, incentivizing better data collection, and 
incentivizing the adoption of stronger penalties for habitual 
offenders. Thank you once again for the invitation to address 
this body and contribute to these important discussions. I look 
forward to answering any of your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Mangual follows:]

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    Mr. Van Drew. Thank you, Mr. Mangual. Mr. Mauro, you may 
begin.

                   STATEMENT OF PAUL C. MAURO

    Mr. Mauro. Chair, Ranking Members, and the Members of the 
Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today. My name is Paul Mauro, I served 26 years with the NYPD, 
including many years in counterterrorism following 9/11. I 
retired four years ago; I am now a practicing attorney. My 
perspective is shaped by decades on the street, and doing 
investigations, and by my concern for the city that I still 
call home.
    New York's recent criminal justice system and its history 
is one of collapse, renewal, and now sadly decline. The city's 
recovery from the dark days of the 1970s and 1980s and began in 
the 1990s under mayors who prioritized policing and 
accountability, and was aided by the bipartisan 1994 Crime 
Bill, co-authored by then Senator Joe Biden, and signed by 
President Clinton.
    The broken windows policing complemented that effort by 
addressing a low-level disorder before it grew into something 
worse. Enforcement was often limited to summonses, not jail, 
and was responsive to community complaints. Neighborhoods 
revived, and the entire city became a model of recovery. After 
the new challenges of 9/11, the NYPD created a world class 
counter-terrorism apparatus without sacrificing safety.
    Despite expectations post 9/11, crime continued to fall 
under Mayor Bloomberg, and Commissioner Ray Kelly. Later, 
during Commissioner William Bratton's tenure of 2014-2016, 
indexed crime fell another nine percent, while the jail 
population dropped 18 percent. Proof that safety and reduced 
incarceration can exist.
    In fact, over 20 years at that point, crime had fallen 76 
percent, while the jail population was cut in half. We had hit 
the sweet spot. Over the ensuing years however, that success 
has eroded. Reforms such as no cash bail, and other changes 
have coincided with visible disorder. Disorderly conduct 
summonses for instance, the linchpin of quality-of-life 
enforcement fell 91 percent after 2015.
    Recruitment and retention are in crisis, though murders and 
shootings are down this year, major felonies are up 16 percent 
2010 in New York, and low-level recidivism is universal. Behind 
those figures lies a deeper problem, the Federal National Crime 
Victimization Survey shows that the vast majority of crime now 
goes unreported nationwide. Street conditions, and my own 
experience in New York bear this out.
    For instance, homeless encampments are referred to agencies 
with no enforcement power. Shops close after repeated 
harassment and burglaries go unreported. Officers are not lazy, 
they are overwhelmed. A small fraction of offenders and 
chronically mentally ill drive much of this disorder. Research 
suggests that incarcerating or housing just a small fraction of 
the worst offenders would visibly improve conditions.
    An uncomfortable truth is that women are disproportionately 
targeted by the mentally ill. Likewise, The New York Times 
found that 327 repeat offenders account for roughly one-third 
of all New York shoplifting arrests. Stores write off these 
losses as shrinkage and pass the cost onto consumers. In New 
York we now lock up our toothpaste, not our perpetrators.
    At the same time, and most alarmingly, the city is closing 
the Ryker's Island Jail, and replacing it with four dispersed 
jails that cut the prisoner bed count by a full two-thirds. 
This is a guaranteed recipe for failure. Our newly elected 
Mayor Zohran Momdani has famously pledged to lean into all 
these reforms, reducing police head count, replacing officers 
with social workers, and eliminating key police units.
    Nationwide the role of the National Guard remains widely 
misunderstood. In New York since 9/11 the Guard has manned New 
York City transit hubs without incident. Governor Kathy 
Hochul's deployment of 1,000 troops to the subways has been 
touted by her for providing a 42 percent drop in subway crime. 
Note that the Guard does not answer 911 calls, they provide 
deterrence through visibility.
    New York has long been a testing ground for criminal 
justice police, we know what works if we are allowed to do it. 
Federal Government can help with funding, certainly, it can 
even condition funding on best practices by local agencies. 
Most importantly, Federal leaders can help change the 
narrative. When leaders support police, that message is felt on 
the street.
    When they vilify police, that message is felt even more. Is 
it any wonder that since 2019 assaults on NYPD officers are up 
63 percent? The first duty of government is to protect its 
citizens; public safety should never be subordinated to 
politics. Every community, whatever its politics, wants the 
same thing, to live safely, and with dignity.
    Those who secure that safety deserve our support, not our 
scorn. I thank you all for allowing me the privilege of 
speaking with you here today.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Mauro follows:]

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    Mr. Van Drew. Thank you, Mr. Mauro. Ms. McKinney, you may 
begin.

                   STATEMENT OF TINA McKINNEY

    Ms. McKinney. Chair and the Members of the Committee, thank 
you for allowing me to speak today. My name is Tina McKinney, 
and I am the mother of Memphis police officer Joseph McKinney, 
lovingly known as Rusty. Rusty died in the line of duty on 
April 12, 2024, in Memphis, Tennessee. He was just 26 years 
old. He was a devoted father who had just purchased wedding 
rings and was eager to build a life with his fiancee.
    Rusty lived a lifetime only few get to have. He had a large 
family who adored him, and he loved to travel. If you said you 
wanted to go anywhere, he was there with you, he wanted to go, 
and his eagerness was undeniable. He was a good kid, the kind 
every parent hoped for. He lived a full life with an eagerness 
to help, and it lasted his entire short life, way too short.
    Rusty was an Eagle Scout, a distinction that takes years of 
dedication and discipline in service. From camping in every 
kind of Memphis Mid-South weather to countless hours of 
community service. He lived the values of scouting every day, 
and it shaped the man he became. Deep down he always wanted to 
be a police officer. When he was five or six, he would dress up 
as an officer for Halloween, and ride on his electric police 
motorcycle all through the yard.
    When he was older looking for a career, he would chat with 
officers, who encouraged him to join the police department. It 
is hard to write about him, I feel cheated, and I feel robbed 
of all the what-could-have-beens, and the life he could have 
had. He was loved by so many, and after the news of his death 
stories poured in from friends, coworkers, and strangers.
    A young man shared how Rusty made him feel welcome when he 
had started his first job. He was nervous, but Rusty took him 
in and made him feel a part of the team. That kindness Rusty 
showed him, stayed with him. A coworker of mine told me her 
daughter had received a ticket from Rusty when he was on the 
force and shared how she remembered him as kind and respectful.
    The one thing everyone said from the hundreds who attended 
his service was that Rusty and our family did not deserve this 
tragedy. They were right, this wasn't just a tragedy, it was a 
failure of leadership, and a failure of accountability. My son 
was a police officer, but he was also a victim. A victim of 
repeat offenders, one who was a juvenile, and a victim of 
failed policies, and failed leaders.
    God gives us a life, but he doesn't promise how long it 
will last, or how good it will be. Instead, he gives us 
choices, choices that shape the life we live, and Rusty chose 
service, compassion, and integrity. Those two criminals 
repeatedly chose violence and a life of crime. Those young men 
were out on bond despite being arrested just weeks earlier for 
serious crimes, and they are responsible for my son's death 
through their actions and by their choices they made.
    Dangerous repeat offenders are not isolated incidents for 
the city of Memphis. It is a result of years of political 
neglect, soft on crime policies, and a justice system that has 
prioritized leniency over accountability, and judges who 
release high-risk offenders, and district attorneys who start 
pilot programs to identify cases to downgrade to misdemeanors.
    Management and long delays with issuing car tags made it 
impossible for officers to enforce basic traffic laws, 
contributing to a breakdown in public safety. Memphis has also 
been losing officers, not just to violence, but to attrition. 
They have faced reduced pay, loss of benefits, and lack of 
support from city leaders. The Memphis Police Department has 
struggled to retain talent while crime surged.
    While our leaders debate referendums and engage in 
political optics, family like mine pay the ultimate price. 
Public officials entrusted with leadership who have repeatedly 
failed to uphold the standards of their position, raising 
serious concerns about judgment and accountability, some 
propose defunding law enforcement, and introduce proposals to 
cut police budgets.
    Those proposals were widely criticized and widely rejected. 
The school board has mismanaged children's futures in Memphis. 
Former Shelby County school superintendent Dr. Marie Faegins 
stated many members of the board chose chaos over children, and 
I believe this statement to be true. Student's poor performance 
is beyond poor; our school system ranks in the bottom 50 
percent statewide.
    Students lack basic math skills and reading skills, despite 
spending exorbitant amounts of money per student, the district 
has failed to deliver results. Millions in State and Federal 
funds have been spent, yet proficiency in some areas has 
dropped as low as five percent. Instead of investing in proven 
solutions, the board has spent millions on studies and 
administrative overhead.
    Educational failures are not separate from the rising 
crime. They are deeply connected. A weak education system feeds 
weak communities, and weak communities suffer the consequences 
of crime and strain police.
    Accountability must be more than a word. It must be 
standard. It must apply to individuals who commit violent acts 
and to those leaders whose decisions enable those acts.
    Without accountability, justice is incomplete and safety is 
compromised. Police officers take the job knowing the worst may 
happen, but it is up to those in the position of power to 
protect them.
    They ensure they have the best environment to work in, and 
to know that the system will work together to make a safe place 
for all to call home.
    My son went to work, as do all officers, with a sense of 
hope and optimism that they can make a difference, and a hope 
of coming home to the families who love them.
    I urge you to listen to the voices of grieving families 
like mine. Rusty deserved better. Memphis deserves better. 
Rusty had a job with MPD, but he was so much more to everyone 
in his personal life.
    We all lost so much when he was taken for us. My son died. 
He gave his last breath saving a fellow officer and pushing her 
to the ground when the bullets started to fly.
    He gave his life serving a city that tragically did not 
protect him in return. By continually allowing repeat offenders 
to be released and to commit more crimes, crime has taken a 
toll on me.
    I would not travel to Memphis unless it was necessary and 
many individuals felt the same. With the increased State 
troopers and Federal agencies embedded in Memphis after the 
death of my son, Memphis is beginning to change.
    People are venturing out, and people are trying to enjoy 
the city again. They are thanking city officials for allowing 
those agencies to come in.
    Rusty died a hero. He protected others as he died. He gave 
his life. It is time for our leaders to protect those who 
remain.
    Bring the National Guard and keep the Federal agencies who 
are involved in the city until criminals realize crime doesn't 
pay any more in Memphis and playtime is over.
    Thank you for allowing me to speak on behalf of my son, and 
the family, and our community in Memphis.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. McKinney follows:]

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    Mr. Van Drew. Thank you for your courage. You represent 
many, many other people. I see his handsome face there. It is 
unfortunately now the story of most major American cities.
    Dr. La Vigne, you may begin.

                STATEMENT OF DR. NANCY LA VIGNE

    Dr. La Vigne. Chair Van Drew, Ranking Member Crockett, Mr. 
Raskin, the Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for the 
opportunity to speak with you today. Let's start with some 
facts.
    Violent crime is down to prepandemic levels or even lower 
in most every U.S. city. That started around 2022, not when Mr. 
Trump started office in January of this year.
    Nationwide, violent crime is down 50 percent from its peak 
in 1991. Despite these gains, I am not going to sit here and 
say, if it ain't broke, don't fix it.
    That is because every bit of violent crime is unacceptable. 
Every life lost is a tragedy. We can do more, and we should do 
more.
    With that said, the reductions in the violent crime rate 
that I just quoted to you; those are real statistics. We are 
clearly doing something right.
    To that I say, if it is working, don't break it. That is 
precisely what this Administration is doing. It is breaking it 
by deploying armed guards to cities uninvited by local leaders, 
by canceling grants that support violent crime interventions, 
by cutting support for crime victims services, and by reducing 
investments in research on what works to promote safety.
    Now, to be clear, I am certain that sending in the Guard 
will suppress crime in the short run. The research is strong 
that increasing police presence can reduce crime.
    Much depends on how they are trained, how they are 
deployed, and how they interact with community members. Sending 
in a surge of National Guards and other Federal officers into 
cities can keep residents away for fear. It can curb tourism. 
It can hurt local economies.
    The Guard lacks local expertise. They don't know the 
stakeholders, the players. They don't know how to resolve 
issues peacefully because of that lack of local knowledge.
    That can erode trust even after they pull out, because 
residents don't distinguish between one type of law enforcement 
officer and another. Guards aren't trained for civilian 
policing and things like deescalation and crisis intervention, 
a type of training matters.
    Is there a better role for law enforcement, Federal law 
enforcement in dealing with local crime issues? Absolutely.
    One example is DOJ's Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN). It 
has been in operation since 2001. It has been going strong 
across various Administrations.
    It is a partnership between U.S. Attorneys' offices and the 
local police. It is a proven success. It has been rigorously 
evaluated. It can result in reduced violence.
    This Administration is breaking that too. Advising U.S. 
Attorneys to divert resources away from PSN to, you guessed it, 
immigration prosecutions.
    Aside from Federal law enforcement presence or partnership, 
what are other ways to reduce violence? I will lift up one 
example from my home city of Newark, New Jersey.
    The Newark Community Street Team is a community-based 
violence intervention effort. It was launched in 2015. Since 
then, homicides have been down 65 percent in the city of 
Newark.
    Federal funding for the Newark Community Street Team was 
cut this year, along with dozens of other grants for community 
violence intervention programs.
    Whatever we do to address issues of violent crime, we 
should make sure that it is a wise use of taxpayer dollars. 
Research and evaluation can help us to discern that return on 
investment, what works, what doesn't, what should be continued, 
and what should be disbanded.
    The Department of Justice canceled dozens of grants to 
evaluate crime reduction programs. It also canceled 
translational efforts like crime solutions.gov, which helps 
make findings from research accessible to local leaders, 
practitioners, police chiefs, so that they can implement 
evidence-based practices.
    What about the victims? Services can help them heal, but 
they are also essential in preventing revictimization.
    If Congress truly cares about violent crime, they care 
about victims. Right? This Administration terminated hundreds 
of millions of dollars in victim service grants.
    In closing, safer communities come from evidence. They come 
from partnership. They come from respect for local expertise.
    Instead of letting this Administration break strategies 
that work, Congress should restore and invest in them. Thank 
you.
    [The prepared statement of Dr. La Vigne follows:]

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Mr. Van Drew. Thank you for your testimony. We will now 
begin with questions. We will proceed under the five-minute 
rule.
    I am going to recognize the gentleman from the great State 
of Alabama.
    Mr. Moore. Thank you, Mr. Chair. We have seen crime rise in 
Democrat ran cities, including in my home State of Alabama in 
the two largest Democrat ran cities, that would be Birmingham 
and Montgomery.
    Senator Tuberville has noted that he would be supportive of 
the National Guard coming in to help local police departments 
in Alabama with rising crime.
    Mr. Mangual, have we seen an improvement enough that would 
warrant the National Guard coming to Alabama, from these other 
cities where we have, obviously like D.C., where we have 
deployed the Guard?
    Mr. Mangual. Yes. I do think that there is some pretty 
significant evidence that the deployment of the National Guard, 
whether it is in Washington, DC, or in some of the other places 
where it has been deployed, has had a beneficial deterrent 
effect through the presence, right? The problem to the extent 
that there is one is that those benefits are going to be 
limited.
    It is best that those kinds of efforts are coupled with 
other Federal agency deployments and prioritizations of things 
like 922(g) cases, which are gun prosecutions, gang 
prosecutions, et cetera.
    Mr. Moore. Yes. So far, since the operation started in 
D.C., we have had nearly 3,100 arrests and 300 firearms seized.
    What does that tell you about the depth of unchecked 
criminal activity prior to the National Guard being here?
    Mr. Mangual. It tells you that Washington, DC, like many 
other American cities, has been for a long time under policed, 
right?
    When you have additional resources coming in, and they are 
able to make significant numbers of arrests, that tells you 
that the city did not have what it needed beforehand. That 
should be a lesson to the leaders to add to the foresight.
    Mr. Moore. If the resources for policing are there, Mr. 
Mauro, you may want to touch on this too as well, these soft on 
crime DAs, when they just turn the folks back out, doesn't that 
go against just certainly the morale in the police departments?
    If we have politicians criticizing police officers when we 
are soft on them after they go through the trouble to make an 
arrest, to try to get somebody, to put them behind the bars, 
and then we turn them right back out. In the case of Ms. 
McKinney, we have officers and individuals attacked again.
    Does it, Mr. Mauro, doesn't that hurt the morale? Even if 
we have the policing resources, if we turn the people right 
back out, isn't that going to create a problem for society?
    Mr. Mauro. Well, of course it does, sir. The result can be, 
in some instances, therefore a lack of enforcement.
    If you make, let's say, an arrest for a low-level offense 
that should go downtown, so to speak, and when you get there, 
it is DP'ed, as they call it, declined prosecution. When that 
happens regularly, you begin to understand that it is not what 
the system you work for wants.
    I am very cognizantly choosing that example, because it is 
one of the things that led to the beginning of the disorder in 
our subways.
    The lifeblood of New York City is the subway system. That 
is the city's circulatory system. Jumping fares, as they call 
it, fair beating, is one of the ways that the entire policing 
revolution that we had in the 1990s, it was really founded on 
that as one of the principal enforcement mechanisms.
    Not everybody who jumps the turnstile is a member of a 
robbery crew, certainly. If you are a member of a robbery crew, 
you are not paying the fare.
    When somebody jumps the turnstile and you give them just a 
summons, and it turns out that they have two robbery warrants 
on them, well now you have the ability to take them off the 
street.
    That has a cascading effect on the safety in the system. 
That was really one of the broken windows linchpins.
    Ultimately what happens, is when that is no longer 
enforced, and I should mention that the District Attorneys in 
New York, we have five, at least four, literally don't enforce 
that crime. It is on, right in the Day One, the infamous Day 
One memo of Alvin Bragg, saying, we are not going to enforce 
that anymore.
    Now, I would argue that this is not even within his power. 
That is the legislature that has to repeal an entire statute. 
Nobody has challenged that and so on it goes.
    Consequently, people who would have been kept off that 
system, now feel with impunity to jump the turnstile, go in 
through the out door, they don't pay, and now they have easy 
access to a place that they can commit crimes, get out of there 
quickly, et cetera.
    In addition to morale, it leads to a lack of enforcement.
    Mr. Moore. They basically just lose concern about it. It is 
that broken window principle, if you don't stop them there, 
then the crime just escalates in certainly, individuals who are 
jumping the turnstiles.
    You said Governor Hochul, Kathy Hochul, right, had moved 
the Guard into the subways. They were just there as a presence 
to deter, right? That is kind of, they are not really arresting 
people?
    Mr. Mauro. No, no. They don't follow the 9/11 system. It is 
not like they are getting deployed to go on ``particular police 
jobs.''
    They are there for what is called their omnipresence. You 
see it all over New York, it has been underway, as I mentioned, 
since
9/11.
    That is 25 years without incident. You see them in the 
omnibus, the Oculus, excuse me, downtown, which is a big 
transportation hub. You will see them in Penn Station, in Grand 
Central. They just stand there.
    Because they are there, it takes weight off of the police, 
and it sends the message that this area is observed. Very 
often, perpetrators will move on.
    Mr. Moore. Thank you. I am out of time. I will yield back, 
Mr. Chair.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the gentleman.
    Ms. Crockett. Mr. Chair, I have a couple of UCs before we 
move on.
    Mr. Van Drew. OK.
    Ms. Crockett. First, I have a unanimous consent request. I 
ask unanimous consent to enter into the record a report written 
by Chandler Hall, titled, ``Cities in Blue States Experiencing 
Larger Declines in Gun Violence in 2023.''
    Then, I have another one. It is by Chandler Hall again, 
titled, ``The Highest Rates of Gun Homicides Are in Rural 
Counties.''
    My next one is titled, written by Jeff Asher, titled, 
``Trump Doesn't Have the Data to Back Up His Claims About 
Washington, DC.''
    My final one is written by Kiley Murdock and Jim Kessler, 
titled, ``The 21st Century Red State Murder Crisis.''
    Mr. Van Drew. Without objection.
    Ms. Crockett. Thank you so much.
    Mr. Van Drew. I now recognize the gentleman from Georgia.
    Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I am deeply disappointed 
about this hearing. It was billed as an exploration of the 
Trump-Vance Administration restoring law and order through the 
deployment of the military onto the streets of America.
    That is what we were here to talk about, and I haven't 
heard one Republican witness talk about that. How the military, 
the National Guard, has decreased crime on the streets of 
America. That is what this is supposed to be about.
    Somebody has lied, just like Trump lied. He lied about 
releasing the Epstein files. He lied about putting America 
first. He lied about lowering costs on day one.
    Mr. Van Drew. Mr. Johnson, if I can just interrupt for a 
minute. All our witnesses are kind enough to be here. They are 
not here as a Republican or Democrat.
    Their own views are them on all, I will say for all of 
them. Not one of them is intentionally lying and they swore an 
oath.
    I appreciate your comments. Please move on.
    Mr. Johnson. Well, no, no. I am not casting aspersions at 
the witnesses. I am saying that this hearing was billed as 
something that it has not turned out to be.
    We are supposed to be talking about how the deployment of 
the military onto the streets of America, has lessened crime.
    Mr. Van Drew. This is your chance, sir. This is your 
chance.
    Mr. Johnson. It is a fair argument for me to make that we 
have misled the public, just like Donald Trump has misled the 
public.
    The public, the American Joe, or the average Joe on the 
street, is feeling like a sucker now, because Trump is telling 
them that, look, don't believe your lying eyes.
    Prices are down. They know that price of groceries is up. 
The price of energy is up. The price of their healthcare is up. 
Donald Trump is telling them, believe what I say. They are 
getting tired of that.
    They looked at this drama with the Epstein files, they saw 
him go from doing everything he could to prevent the release, 
into flipping at the last minute, so to save the little face 
that he still has, because he knew he was going to lose that 
vote and he lost it.
    Every single Member of Congress, except for one, voted to 
release the Epstein files. The American people are really 
confused at this point.
    They see MAGA Republicans in the House carrying President 
Trump's water. They are not happy about that. Fortunately, they 
have a shining light to look at. Her name is Marjorie Taylor 
Green.
    She has started to move away from the deception, the lies, 
deceit, and the violence. Because of that, she is now being 
subjected to violence.
    Let me ask you a question, Mr. Mangual, although you have 
been to law school, your training has been as a corporate 
communications guy with the International Trademark 
Association.
    You are here to talk about how the military has made our 
streets more safe. I will ask you this question. Law 
enforcement is a noble profession, isn't it?
    Mr. Mangual. It is.
    Mr. Johnson. It has special education and certification. 
Isn't that correct?
    Mr. Mangual. It does.
    Mr. Johnson. Specialized skills that you get from learning 
to become a police officer, like Ms. McKinney's son, and I am 
so saddened by your loss. My condolences to you, Ms. McKinney.
    Law enforcement officers, isn't it true, Mr. Mauro, are 
trained professionals?
    Mr. Mauro. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Johnson. They take a different oath than does the 
military. Isn't that correct?
    Mr. Mauro. Well, I am not familiar with the military oath, 
but, I know--
    Mr. Johnson. That is because you never served in the 
military. The military is trained to combat, to be in combat 
situations. Whereas, law enforcement officers are trained to 
enforce the law.
    Isn't it a fact, Dr. La Vigne, that if we have people who 
are trained in combat, deployed to the streets of America, that 
we are doing law enforcement a disservice, because law 
enforcement depends on the respect and support of the people 
who they serve?
    Isn't it true that by deploying the military to the streets 
we are hurting law enforcement?
    Dr. La Vigne. It can be demoralizing to local law 
enforcement to have the National Guard come in, as if they 
aren't capable of doing their jobs.
    You are right, they are trained specifically to be policing 
in a civilian context.
    Mr. Johnson. They come in and break things up and kill 
people. That is what the military does, right?
    Dr. La Vigne. I don't know about that.
    Mr. Johnson. Well, that is not what police officers are 
trained to do.
    Dr. La Vigne. Correct.
    Mr. Johnson. With that, I will yield back.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the gentleman.
    Mr. Johnson. Before I do though, let me offer, for 
unanimous consent, an article entitled, ``Portland Police Chief 
Reveals Troops Tear Gassed Protest by Accident.'' That is in 
The New Republic on October 29th. Without objection.
    Mr. Van Drew. Without objection.
    Mr. Johnson. Thank you. I yield back.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the gentleman. I now recognize Dr. 
Onder from the great State of Missouri.
    Mr. Onder. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Unfortunately, I am all 
too familiar with high crime cities. A part of my district is 
on the outskirts of St. Louis, Missouri, a city that has 
consistently had one of the highest homicide rates in the 
country.
    In fact, I myself, all the way back in 2005, was a victim 
of a violent crime. I was robbed at gunpoint. Unfortunately, 
the crime rate in that region has only gotten worse.
    Just this last year, Missouri's Attorney General testified 
before this Committee that the State had to remove a St. Louis 
prosecutor for prioritizing politically motivated cases over 
violent offenders, including murderers.
    The families hardest hit are in these neighborhoods, these 
inner city neighborhoods, are the ones that pay the price. For 
years, failed leadership in neglected public safety of left 
entire communities trapped in fear.
    In St. Louis, Democrat policies have worsened a crisis that 
was undermining law enforcement and refusing to hold violent 
criminals accountable.
    The primary responsibility of government has always been to 
protect citizens by upholding law and order. When local 
officials abandon that duty, communities crumble. When 
prosecutors refuse to prosecute, crime grows.
    When politics outweigh public cities, the results are the 
experience of St. Louis, Chicago, New York City, Charlotte, and 
others. Record violence, collapsing trust in institutions, and 
violent neighborhoods.
    These policies trap generations, they crush hope, and we 
have to break that pattern. Real compassion means telling young 
people that we believe that we can do better, and that choices 
have consequences.
    Accountability is not punishment for its own sake. It is a 
path to safer streets, stronger families, and communities that 
can thrive.
    Mr. Mangual, is there a way that Congress can hold local 
officials accountable for refusing to enforce the law and 
refusing Federal assistance during periods of sustained violent 
crime?
    Mr. Mangual. The best thing that Congress can do in this 
way, to hold these local officials accountable, is to condition 
more of the funds that so many American cities depend on best 
practices with respect to law enforcement and prosecution.
    Mr. Onder. Yes. That makes sense. Not only in New York City 
do you lock up the toothpaste, not the perpetrators, but that 
my staff tells me that in the Navy Yard area of Washington, DC, 
they lock up the toothpaste at the CVS.
    Ms. McKinney, just a quick question for you. I am so sorry 
for the loss of your brave and heroic son. You mentioned one of 
the murders was out on a bond.
    Do you know, was he out on a cash bond, or was he just 
released without, essentially without any financial incentive 
to return?
    Ms. McKinney. Sir, I am really not sure.
    Mr. Onder. OK. That is a no. That is all right.
    Ms. McKinney. Yes.
    Mr. Onder. It is very common these days. One of these soft-
on-crime policies that so many times is instituted in some of 
these soft-on-crime cities and States, has been the end of what 
is called cash bail.
    Which is to say no bail at all. Just letting the suspects, 
letting them go free.
    Mr. Mauro, you are with the Manhattan or Mangual, you are 
with Manhattan Institute.
    Mr. Mangual. Yes.
    Mr. Onder. Shortly after I was elected to the Missouri 
Senate in August 2014, of course, very famously, the Michael 
Brown death and the subsequent riots, led to just some very 
unfortunate, the very unfortunate phenomenon, which Heather 
MacDonald at Manhattan Institute--
    Mr. Mangual. The Ferguson Effect, yes.
    Mr. Onder. Kind of popularized the Ferguson Effect. Explain 
that, and what, how can we turn things around?
    It is the opposite of what Mr. Mauro describes with broken 
windows policing, enforcing fairs, and so on.
    Mr. Mangual. That is exactly right. The Ferguson Effect 
basically describes a phenomenon in which, in the wake of a 
viral police incident that was controversial, so much public 
scrutiny and vitriol was lobbed at the institutions of law 
enforcement that it basically discouraged line officers from 
being proactive.
    One of the best sort of academic demonstrations of this was 
done in a study by Roland Fryer and Tanaya Devi out of Harvard, 
where they looked at five American cities over a two-year 
period, and looked at which ones were targeted by the Federal 
Government under either President Barack Obama, most of them 
under President Barack Obama, for civil rights enforcement 
actions in the wake of viral police use of force incidents.
    What they found was a massive increase in felony offenses, 
homicide offenses specifically. The mechanism that they believe 
most explained that increase in crime was a pullback on the 
part of line officers with respect to proactiveness.
    Mr. Onder. Every law enforcement fears being the next 
Darren Wilson. Thank you. I yield back.
    Ms. Crockett. Mr. Chair, before--
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the gentleman. Yes?
    Ms. Crockett. Sorry, before you go on, I have two UC 
requests. First, from the Council on Criminal Justice, which 
states, examining trends over a longer period, St. Louis has 
had a far larger reduction in some violent and property crimes 
than other large American cities.
    The homicide rate in St. Louis was 40 percent lower in the 
first half of this year than it wasn't the first half of the 
first year of the pandemic.
    Second, I ask unanimous consent for an article that was 
written by Stephanie Wylie, titled, ``How Profit Shapes the 
Bail Bond System,'' published by the Brennan Center.''
    Mr. Van Drew. Without objection.
    Ms. Crockett. Thank you.
    Mr. Van Drew. I now recognize the Ranking Member, Mr. 
Raskin, from the great State of Maryland.
    Mr. Raskin. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Ms. McKinney, I want to 
extend to you my sympathy for your horrible loss. As a father 
who lost a son who was a year younger than your son, I cannot 
know your pain or your experience, but I know you live with it 
every day. My heart goes out to you.
    Ms. McKinney and Mr. Mauro, in fact, all the witnesses have 
underscored the importance, as Mr. Mauro put it, of voicing 
support for the police.
    We voted to create a plaque. It wasn't a memorial fund for 
anyone. It wasn't money to go to families. At least it was a 
plaque to honor the work of the officers who defended us with 
their lives.
    It reads, on behalf of a grateful Congress, this plaque 
honors the extraordinary individuals who bravely protected and 
defended this symbol of democracy on January 6, 2021. Their 
heroism will never be forgotten.
    It was supposed to have been put up in the Capitol two 
years ago. It has still not been put up. I thought I would 
start with an easy one, just a yes or no question.
    Would you agree that Speaker Johnson should put this plaque 
up as provided for in Federal law? Dr. La Vigne, I can start 
with you.
    Dr. La Vigne. Yes.
    Mr. Raskin. Ms. McKinney?
    Ms. McKinney. Yes.
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Mauro?
    Mr. Mauro. Yes.
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Mangual?
    Mr. Mangual. Yes.
    Mr. Raskin. Thank you very much. I want to go to, just 
quickly back to the question of the pardons, because it seems 
like our soft on crime President is so beholden to the MAGA 
militia that he has actually pardoned some of the people he 
already pardoned, because they have gotten back in trouble.
    As I was reading the long list of crimes they have already 
engaged in, he recently pardoned a woman who was separately 
convicted of threatening to shoot FBI agents who were 
investigating a tip that she may have been at the Capitol, and 
she threatened to shoot them.
    Then, he pardoned another insurrectionist from Kentucky, 
who had been arrested for illegally possessing six firearms and 
4,800 rounds of ammunition.
    Just a question to you, Dr. La Vigne, what message is sent 
by these repeated pardons for people who just participated in 
the insurrection surrounding the attempted overthrow of the 
2020 Presidential Election?
    Dr. La Vigne. I think the best way to answer that is to 
quote Chair Van Drew who said in his opening remarks, ``when 
you take away consequences, you get chaos.''
    Mr. Raskin. OK. Mr. Mauro, let me come back to you, because 
you invoked the broken windows thesis by James Q. Wilson. It 
piqued my ears. He was my professor when I was in school.
    I was always--I wrote a paper about it. I was always 
fascinated by it. Also, we had a lot of broken windows here on 
January 6, 2021, in addition to a lot of broken bones.
    I wonder, I read that long list, I won't go through the 
whole thing again, but of crimes that have been committed since 
the pardons took place by people who were pardoned, including 
terroristic threats, home invasion, burglary, vandalism, and 
theft. Not offenses directed at politicians.
    I am afraid the Chair misunderstood my point. He seemed to 
think that I was talking about these crimes being directed just 
at politicians.
    I am talking about these common crimes that were committed 
by people who were pardoned. People going out and robbing other 
people's houses, having nothing to do with politics.
    My question for you on broken windows, are you surprised 
that people who were given the remarkable, extraordinary, 
almost unheard of privilege of a Presidential Pardon, quickly 
going back out on the road and doing things like burglary, 
vandalism, theft, home invasion, and terroristic threats?
    What does that say in the context of broken windows?
    Mr. Mauro. All I would say relative to January 6th, is that 
if we are going to speak about the conditions in our cities, I 
am hearing a great deal about January 6th, I'm hearing a 
tremendous amount about Donald Trump.
    That is not what you feel on the street. January 6th, 
nobody supports. Certainly, I don't. Nobody wants to see people 
in Viking horns walking around inside our Capitol, behaving 
that way. I can't.
    Mr. Raskin. OK. I am reclaiming my time.
    Mr. Mauro. I am not making excuse--
    Mr. Raskin. I am sorry.
    Mr. Mauro. You said--
    Mr. Raskin. I am sorry, sir. Did you read James Q. Wilson 
about the broken windows hypothesis, which is that to apply 
it--
    Mr. Mauro. Well, we have got to apply it--
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Chair, will you direct him to respond and 
stop talking.
    Mr. Mauro. I am trying to tell my--
    Mr. Raskin. I have reclaimed my time. You might not 
understand the rules.
    Mr. Van Drew. Mr. Mauro, Mr. Mauro. Actually, your thought 
was one of the better thoughts I have heard all day today. I 
appreciate it, but it's the gentleman's time, the Ranking 
Member's time. Thank you.
    Mr. Raskin. Please restore my time if you would. Let me 
come to you, Dr. La Vigne.
    Mr. Van Drew. We will restore your time.
    Mr. Raskin. The broken windows hypothesis is that if you 
allow people to get away with a crime at a certain level, and 
you send them the message, it is OK, then they will go out and 
commit other crimes and more serious crimes.
    That is what we are seeing here. What do you think, and I 
know you haven't written a paper on this, because I looked at 
your extensive scholarship.
    What do you think about the proposition, well, that there 
are political crimes and we can forgive all those, and those 
people will not take it as a permission slip to go out and 
commit other crimes. Does that seem right?
    Dr. La Vigne. No, sir. It doesn't. Although I am so tempted 
to geek out on what broken windows really was, according to 
George Kelling and James Q. Wilson.
    George Kelling was on the faculty at the Rutgers School of 
Criminal Justice for years. It wasn't about enforcement.
    It was really about how visible signs of disarray and 
disorder can send a signal that places are vulnerable to crime. 
Fixing those broken windows. It wasn't about a vast--
    Mr. Raskin. Which is why I was pointing out, we had 
millions of dollars of broken windows here, in addition to all 
the bloodshed--
    Dr. La Vigne. Yes.
    Mr. Raskin. The people.
    Mr. Van Drew. Time has expired.
    Mr. Raskin. I yield back.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the gentleman. I will yield myself 
five minutes.
    Just a few quick questions and a couple thoughts. Just, I 
agree with you, by the way, Mr. Mauro. Right now, we can have 
another hearing on Epstein. We can have another hearing on 
January 6th.
    We are really trying to talk to people about the people on 
the street and what they are going through when they live in 
many of these areas throughout the country. That is what we are 
supposed to be here for.
    With that, I am sorry, I have to just digress a tiny 
second. The Epstein files, just so we all know, Epstein was 
indicted under President Trump's Administration. He was 
arrested during Trump's Administration.
    Maxwell was indicted during the Trump Administration. Was 
arrested during the Trump Administration. Let's set the facts 
straight.
    Mr. Mauro, I have a question for you, and if you can answer 
briefly. The Democratic party has changed. Again, I don't want 
to get political here.
    You are right. If I understood what you were saying, there 
used to be a bipartisan agreement, probably back around the 
1990s, I don't know the exact years.
    President Clinton, other noted Democrats that really cared, 
that as Democrats, they might have differed in vision with 
Republicans on some issues, fiscal and otherwise, but keeping 
our streets safe for the men and women who live in the country, 
especially in urban areas, wasn't that a bipartisan effort?
    Wasn't that a different kind of Democrat than what we are 
seeing now?
    Mr. Mauro. The tremendous success in New York City relative 
to driving down crime that began in the 1990s began post-
Giuliani.
    Everybody thought it was going to go away under a Democrat 
mayor, a police commissioner serving under a Democratic mayor, 
in fact two, Raymond Kelly and William Bratton.
    Mr. Van Drew. Mr. Mauro, thank you for that. My point is, 
this is a whole new deal now going on with Democrats. This is a 
different world.
    This isn't those Democrats back then. This is Mamdani is 
not Bill Clinton, is not that type of a Democrat at all. 
Mamdani, in fact, wants to take, I am sure you heard about it, 
I am sure you are upset about it, all misdemeanors, there will 
be no more misdemeanors. It is unbelievable.
    The second issue I wanted to talk about is, really quickly, 
this sounds like a stupid question. Why are we locking up our 
toothpaste, our mouthwash, our just common things, and cough 
medicine? What is going on?
    Mr. Mauro. This is a salient question. Three hundred 
twenty-seven career perpetrators identified by The New York 
Times now, account for a full one-third of all the shoplifting 
in New York City. That is driving these numbers.
    The point that I tried to make in my opening statement was 
that we are not talking about locking up vast numbers of people 
now to change the dynamic on the street.
    We had learned from broken windows and where we are right 
now, is if there was some surgical enforcement on people who 
are identified, and we just took those steps, conditions would 
be greatly improved.
    These are the kinds of real things that I was hoping we 
could talk about today.
    Mr. Van Drew. The stuff that affects people because they 
are paying more for their goods and services because of it. 
That makes them feel nervous. They don't like it. It shouldn't 
be that way.
    Next question, isn't part of this, you can cook the books 
in statistics. We keep hearing about the statistics. Go out in 
the street.
    I know Newark well, Doctor, I know it well. I spent plenty 
of time there going to continuing education courses at Rutgers 
University.
    I am going to say that if you went to Newark and North 
Jersey, or Irvington, or many of the other cities up there, and 
if you go to the cities in my area, Pleasantville, Atlantic 
City, there is a lot of concern for safety. Particularly, 
people of color, because they live there and they have that 
concern.
    With that said, isn't part of the statistics, there is low 
morale, there is less staffing, there is less prosecution, 
there is less arrests, if you just let it go by.
    Of course, with less prosecution and less arrest, you are 
going to have lower numbers. Is there any accuracy to what I 
say?
    Mr. Mauro. Yes.
    Mr. Van Drew. Exactly. Let's do the real deal. Let's talk 
about what's really happening.
    We made it so damn hard for a cop to be a cop, and just so 
disgusted and demoralized with it, they just don't bother, 
unless it is the most serious of situations. I had cops in D.C. 
last year, tell me that when I actually witnessed something.
    Let me ask this, Ms. McKinney, again, sorry to ask 
questions to you, because I know you have gone through a lot. 
Thank you for being here.
    I know condolences and the sorrow means a lot. Would it 
maybe mean more to you if we enacted policies so that what 
happened to your son never happened to somebody else again?
    Ms. McKinney. Definitely.
    Mr. Van Drew. That means more than the condolences, doesn't 
it?
    Ms. McKinney. It would. Especially in Memphis.
    Mr. Van Drew. Yes.
    Ms. McKinney. That is why I have, with the National Guard 
there, I know some people are against having the National Guard 
in big cities or anywhere on U.S. territory.
    Mr. Van Drew. Yes.
    Ms. McKinney. I feel that the National Guard in Memphis, 
just their presence alone, has made a difference. They don't do 
police work.
    Mr. Van Drew. May I ask a question related to that. Really 
quick for all of you, and then I am done.
    Do you believe that the National Guard, the men and women 
in the Guard, are capable of being on those city streets and 
doing good and not doing harm?
    That they are not just going to be warriors that are going 
out shooting people and beating them up? Mr. Mangual, yes or no 
answer?
    Mr. Mangual. Yes, I do.
    Mr. Van Drew. Mr. Mauro?
    Mr. Mauro. Yes.
    Ms. McKinney. Yes.
    Dr. La Vigne. Yes.
    Mr. Van Drew. OK. That puts that away. I thank you and I 
thank all of you. With that--
    Ms. Crockett. I have UCs.
    Mr. Van Drew. I bet you you do.
    Ms. Crockett. I mean, you asked different questions. I got 
answers.
    My first UC, I asked unanimous consent to enter into the 
record an article titled, ``DOJ Cancels $500 Million in Public 
Safety Grants, Cuts Officer Safety and Crime Prevention 
Programs,'' published by Police1 on August 18, 2025.
    I also have one where, it is entitled, ``Public Safety 
Groups Face an Uncertain Future Months After Federal Grant 
Cuts,'' published by the National Public Radio.
    I also have one that says, ``Justice Department Slashes 
Essential Services for Crime Victims,'' published by the 
Brennan Center.
    I have one that says, let's see, this is by The Guardian. 
It is published March 27, 2025. ``Trump Cut 69 Global Programs 
Tackling Child Labor and Human Trafficking.''
    I have another one that says, this is written by Michael 
Waldman, titled, ``Trump Defunds Effective Crime Prevention 
Policies, published by the Brennan Center,'' July 2025.
    I have another one that says, it is by Nicole, I can't 
pronounce Nicole's last name. ``Crime Prevention Efforts Face 
Setbacks After Federal Cuts.''
    I have another one that says, ``Federal Cuts to Behavioral 
Health Will Harm Public Safety,'' from September 23, 2025.
    My final one on this issue, so we can put this to rest. I 
asked unanimous consent, this is written by Nick Wilson, 
titled, ``The Trump Administration's Budget Will Undermine 
ATF's Efforts to Prevent Violent Crime.'' This was published by 
the Center for American Progress on July 9, 2025.
    Mr. Van Drew. Without objection. I would remind everyone 
that those are, in sincerity, mostly Left-wing publications. I 
could come and put a lot of UCs in for publications that would 
disagree with that totally.
    Ms. Crockett. I have--OK.
    Mr. Van Drew. My point being, let me just finish my point. 
It is not going to put anything to rest and you know that.
    Ms. Crockett. Well, but Mr. Chair, I will ask, if you do 
have any UCs that say the opposite about these Federal cuts as 
if they didn't happen, please enter them into the record, so 
that we can have it in the Congressional Record that these cuts 
were not made. I just would like it to be, I want us to have an 
accurate record.
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Chair?
    Mr. Van Drew. Not necessarily the cuts, but the results of 
the cuts are two different things. Where you are spending 
money, and if you are spending money that is effective.
    Mr. Raskin. Mr. Chair, if I could, I just have four, not 
seven, I think I just counted.
    Mr. Van Drew. Without objection.
    Mr. Raskin. This is in Reuters, ``Federal Drug Prosecutions 
Fall the Lowest Level in Decades as Trump Shifts Focus to 
Deportations.''
    This one is the Washington Post, November 10, 2025, no 
longer a liberal publication, by the way. ``Justice Department 
Struggles as Thousands Exit and Few Replaced.''
    This one is from ProPublica, ``How Trump Has Exploited 
Pardons and Clemency to Reward Political Allies and 
Supporters.''
    Finally, this one from the Cato Institute, ``ICE Has 
Diverted Over 25,000 Officers in Their Jobs at the FBI.''
    Mr. Van Drew. Without objection.
    Mr. Raskin. OK.
    Mr. Van Drew. You are next?
    Ms. Crockett. Yes.
    Mr. Van Drew. OK. I now recognize the Ranking Member, I am 
sorry, I don't, yes, the Ranking Member of this Committee, I 
do, Ms. Crockett.
    Ms. Crockett. Thank you so much, Mr. Chair. If we have 
learned anything this year, is that Congressional Republicans 
are more interested in serving Donald Trump than they are in 
serving their constituents.
    Over the past 10 months, they have given away permanent tax 
cuts to the wealthiest people on earth, demolished half of the 
White House, pardoned violent insurrectionists, significantly 
driven up cost of living across the country, and then given 
themselves a taxpayer-funded eight-week vacation.
    Also, they could delay, as long as possible, Congress 
voting to release the Epstein files. Now, they are trying to 
gaslight you into believing that you should trust them on crime 
policy.
    They want you to believe that living in a Police State is a 
good or normal thing. They want you to be OK with having armed 
soldiers and Federal agents monitor you as you shop for 
groceries or take your children to school.
    They want you to think that you won't be affected. We have 
already seen Americans detained, arrested, injured, and some 
nearly killed because of this Administration's reckless 
approach to handling crime.
    They are doing all this without acknowledging the fact that 
Republican led States are experiencing a murder and crime and 
violent crime crisis. Have so, and they have, for the last two 
decades.
    The Republicans murder State rates were 33 percent higher 
than Democratic State murder rates in both 2021-2022. In fact, 
over the past 22 years, the Republican State murder rates were 
nearly a quarter higher compared to States that are led by 
Democrats.
    Even when you remove Democratic cities and counties from 
the Republican State's data, their murder rate is still nearly 
a quarter higher than States run by Democrats.
    Ms. La Vigne, how long have you studied crime?
    Dr. La Vigne. You are going to have me show my age. Is that 
nice?
    Ms. Crockett. It doesn't show in your face, honey. That is 
all that matters.
    Dr. La Vigne. Let's just say about three decades.
    Ms. Crockett. OK, very good. Would you agree that factors 
like poverty, lax gun laws, and a lack of public services, can 
lead to higher crime rates?
    Dr. La Vigne. Yes. I agree with that.
    Ms. Crockett. According to the Census Bureau States with 
the highest poverty rates are disproportionately Republican 
governed and often have laxer gun laws and less public 
services.
    Wouldn't you agree that these factors are likely why 
Republican led States have higher murder rates than Democratic 
States?
    Dr. La Vigne. I would. In fact, I would like to lift up 
some research from one of our faculty members, Dr. Robert Apel.
    He recently conducted a study looking at the relationship 
between levels and quality of public assistance and crime. 
Found that there is the relationship in the expected direction. 
That is, lower public assistance, more crime, and more 
recidivism.
    Ms. Crockett. Thank you so much for that. Not only are you 
likely to be a victim of violent crime in a Republican led 
State, you are now less likely to receive victim assistance, 
because of Republican cutting resources for food, shelter, and 
transportation.
    This is what Donald Trump's America looks like. Never let a 
wannabe tyrant convince you that the only way for you to be 
safe is to live under a Police State where he controls your 
day-to-day activities by means of military or armed Federal 
agents.
    That is what we call a dictatorship. I just want to be 
clear, because I appreciate what you just brought up, because I 
did serve as a public defender and a court-appointed attorney.
    As we sat here, I remembered that one of the witnesses' 
opening statements, they mentioned the word why. As Michael 
Jackson used to sing, why, why, why, we have not dealt with the 
why. We have not dealt with why crime happens.
    If you understand the why, then maybe you can come to a 
conclusion. As someone who has sat there with people that were 
too poor to be able to afford their own attorneys, I can tell 
you some whys.
    What I am going to do, is talk to you about why the idea 
that incarceration is the only thing that can fix anything. The 
fact that we have two witnesses that are telling us that we 
need to go back to the 1994 Crime Bill, when we learned that 
all that did was drive up incarceration.
    It didn't drive down addiction, because addiction is 
actually an illness. That is a whole other issue. You can't 
incarcerate your way out of an illness just like you can't 
incarcerate somebody that has cancer and believe that somehow 
they now will be cured.
    I digress. What I will tell you, is that we also know that 
the U.S. has the highest incarceration rate of any independent 
democracy on earth.
    Worse, every single State incarcerates more people per 
capita than most Nations in the global context. Even 
progressive U.S. States like New York and Massachusetts appear 
to be extreme just like Louisiana and Mississippi.
    In addition to that, the United States has the highest 
incarceration rate, the highest average firearms per 100 
people. Highest homicides per 100,000 people. The lowest safety 
and security rate of 12 countries in comparison.
    I had a 17-year-old that was charged with stealing food out 
of the concession stand at his high school. Unfortunately, in 
the State of Texas at the age of 17, you are considered an 
adult. So, what did they do?
    They decided to charge him with burglary of a habitation. 
He had an attorney that was not me when he went through this. 
They put him on felony probation.
    Ultimately, they revoked his probation because he was too 
poor to show up to his actual probation officer, as his mom was 
the one who was required to take off work so that she could 
take him in.
    I am going to wrap up. This is really important for people 
to understand. At the end of the day, they ended up giving my 
kid the maximum punishment for less than $20 worth of candy 
that he stole out of the concession stand.
    Ultimately, I told them that it was a mistake to send him 
to prison. When he went to prison, he learned how to be a 
criminal. That is where he learned how to cook meth.
    The next time that I saw him, it was because he had 
committed a real crime. Ultimately, all that did was harm our 
communities.
    I will be clear, this was a poor young man, but he was not 
Black. This was in rural Texas. This was East Texas.
    Mr. Van Drew. Time has expired.
    Ms. Crockett. I want to be smart about what we do with 
crime. I want to make sure that we are putting our money in 
smart places.
    Mr. Van Drew. Time has expired.
    Ms. Crockett. Thank you so much for being kind.
    Mr. Van Drew. I thank the gentlewoman. With that, I 
recognize the former Attorney General and from the great State 
of Kansas, Robert Onder.
    I am sorry. It is mistaken, I am sorry. Derek Schmidt. I 
got to get my people straight here, right?
    Mr. Schmidt. Thank you, Mr. Chair. You are promoted.
    Mr. Van Drew. I made you an attorney. I made a doctor an 
Attorney General. I guess that makes you a doctor? I don't 
know.
    Mr. Schmidt. Oh yes, just don't put me in Missouri and we 
will be OK.
    Mr. Van Drew. OK.
    Mr. Schmidt. No, it is all good.
    Mr. Van Drew. That is the deal.
    Mr. Schmidt. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I want to thank our 
witnesses for their time. It has been nearly two hours.
    I spent 12 years as the, what our law calls the chief law 
enforcement official of my State, and got to work with a lot of 
prosecutions directly. We ran our victim support programs for 
the States.
    I worked with a lot of crime victims. I have been sitting 
here over the course of this hearing, and I have made a list of 
a few terms that in 12 years interacting with literally 
hundreds of crime victims and their families.
    In fact, this time of the year, we always hosted around the 
holidays, a series of holiday remembrance receptions for crime 
victims' families. Because we understand that the unique 
experience of going through the loss of a loved one or being 
victimized yourself, sometimes just being together with others 
at the holidays who have had a similar experience, can be 
powerful.
    So, hundreds. This is a list of terms I never heard once 
for many of them. I never heard the term Trump. I never heard 
the term Biden. I served during the Biden years.
    I never heard the term Obama. I served during the Obama 
years. I never heard the phrase unanimous consent. I never had 
one of them quote crime statistics or theory to me.
    I never heard one of them say Republican. I never heard one 
of them say Democrat. I heard a lot of them cry. I heard a lot 
of them tell me stories about their loved one who was lost or 
about what happened to them.
    Some were police officers. Ma'am, we lost, I believe it was 
13 on my watch. It might have been 14. I would have to go back 
and count name by name.
    We have lost four police officers to homicide on duty this 
year in Kansas. I had four others shot, by the grace of God, 
none are dead, just this last week in my district.
    This is real. It is sad that this conversation has gone off 
in many different directions. I want to thank our witnesses for 
wanting to talk about what we can do about all of this.
    For me, the measure is how do we have fewer Kansans killed, 
raped or robbed? That is what this ought to be about.
    With that, I want to turn to the testimony from Mr. 
Mangual. You recommend a crime bill. You gave us four elements 
that you think ought to be in there. Some of which, by the way, 
sounds remarkably like, I heard Bill Clinton's voice in my head 
when you said a hundred thousand more cops on the street, hire 
and retain more police officers.
    You added a fifth one that wasn't in your written 
testimony. You said condition grants on best practices. I want 
to ask our other witnesses, just start with Mr. Mauro and go 
down the line, do you think it is a good idea that we ought to 
look at some type of broad or comprehensive crime bill in this 
Congress?
    If so, what else or what would you put in it?
    Mr. Mauro. I do think it is a good idea. It worked once. 
Frankly, if we don't learn from history as the saying goes, we 
are doomed to repeat it.
    It may surprise the Committee to hear me say that I agree 
with Ms. Crockett. Low-level offenses, if you incarcerate 
people, actually among the perps, among the perpetrators, they 
call prison school.
    That goes back to the mafia. They go to prison; they are 
all in jail together. They have nothing but time. That is how 
they learn to do other crimes and develop criminal schemes.
    The point I was trying to make in my opening remarks, and 
it is where we should be looking at anything like a crime bill, 
is that if it is surgical, data-driven, and intelligent.
    If you have somebody who has committed, as I was saying 
earlier, the rest, the 327 perpetrators of the shoplifting I 
was talking about, they have committed over 9,000 at the last 
check--shop-liftings.
    That is not sending somebody to school. That is getting 
somebody off the streets that is going to continue to do it. 
That is why we lock up the toothpaste.
    I would argue, and as I said, the sweet spot for me was in 
the 2014-2015 era there, where under a Democratic mayor and 
Democratic administration in New York, we drove down not only 
crime, but incarceration rates. That can be done if it is done 
intelligently.
    My hope had been that we could speak about that in a 
bipartisan way, because both sides have, in my opinion, good 
points to make. You don't want to lock everybody.
    You don't want to incarcerate your way out of these things. 
If it is done intelligently, surgically, you can make progress. 
We have done that before.
    I don't think, to answer your question, we need to reinvent 
the wheel. We should just look at what worked in the past.
    Mr. Schmidt. Thank you, Mr. Mauro. Ms. McKinney, do you 
have any thoughts on whether there is anything, in particular, 
we ought to do that could be helpful?
    Ms. McKinney. As far as policing goes, that just the local 
leaders and also government leaders should definitely have a 
hard stance on crime. Come forward and just denounce and stop 
being soft.
    Just this repeat offender stuff, telling the criminals that 
it is OK with what they can do and releasing them. Give them a 
three strikes and you are out.
    We used to have that in Memphis years ago, and it did deter 
crime. It showed the younger people that they were not allowed 
to go back out and do it again. That there would be 
consequences for what they were going to do.
    A lot of the problems that we have in Memphis is through 
leadership. They are very neglectful in their duties.
    They don't prioritize education for the children. A lot of 
the children in Memphis don't know how to read. They don't know 
how to do basic math. That is an issue.
    Parent accountability is an issue. Parents just let their 
kids run wild. They don't know where their kids are at.
    I don't know what you can do about that. I don't agree with 
having parents be held accountable for their children's 
decisions in some instances, because parents can only do so 
much.
    The children do what they do because that was their choice. 
They--
    Ms. Van Drew. The lady's time has expired.
    Ms. McKinney. Thank you.
    Mr. Schmidt. Thank you.
    Mr. Van Drew. Thank you. I thank the gentleman. That 
concludes today's hearing. We thank our witnesses for appearing 
before this Subcommittee.
    Without objection, all Members will have five legislative 
days to submit additional writing in question form for the 
witnesses, or additional materials for the record.
    Without objection, this hearing is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 4:03 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.]

    All materials submitted for the record by Members of the 
Subcommittee on Oversight can be found at: https://
docs.house.gov/Committee/Calendar/ByEvent.aspx?EventID=118671.

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