[Senate Hearing 118-582]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 118-582
NOMINATIONS OF THE 118th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, PART II
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
January 3, 2023 to January 3, 2024
----------
Part II
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
NOMINATIONS OF THE 118th CONGRESS,
FIRST SESSION, PART II
S. Hrg. 118-582
NOMINATIONS OF THE 118th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, PART II
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
January 3, 2023 to January 3, 2024
__________
Part II
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
58-989 PDF WASHINGTON : 2025
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland, Chairman
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut PETE RICKETTS, Nebraska
TIM KAINE, Virginia RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Responses to additional questions from members of the committee
and any other material submitted for the record are located at
the end of each hearing transcript.
----------
Part I
February 16, 2023................................................ 1
Verma, Hon. Richard R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy
Secretary of State for Management and Resources............ 6
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 27
March 1, 2023.................................................... 47
Murthy, Dr. Vivek Hallagere, of Florida, nominated to be
Representative of the U.S. on the Executive Board of the
World Health Organization.................................. 53
FitzGibbon, Kathleen A., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Niger........................ 56
Kneedler, Eric W., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Rwanda....................... 60
Tremont, Pamela M., Tremont, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe..................... 62
Mills, Hon. Richard, Jr., of Georgia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria.............. 65
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 90
March 15, 2023................................................... 189
Yon, Hugo Yue-Ho, of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Maldives................................ 195
Allen, Elizabeth, of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy.................... 198
Strong, Martina Anna Tkadlec, of Texas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates..................... 201
Rood, Elizabeth, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to Turkmenistan............................................ 204
Sasahara, Karen, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the State of Kuwait..................................... 207
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 224
(iii)
March 30, 2023................................................... 249
Theriot, Nicole D., of Louisiana, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Co-Operative Republic of Guyana..................... 251
Yastishock, Ann Marie, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea,
and to serve concurrently and without additional
compensation as Ambassador to the Solomon Islands and
Ambassador to the Republic of Vanuatu...................... 253
Dunnigan, Robin, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
Georgia.................................................... 256
David J. Kostelancik, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Albania................................. 258
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 272
May 4, 2023...................................................... 287
Nyhus, Roger F., nominated to be Ambassador to Barbados,
Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Antigua, and Barbuda,
the Commonwealth of Dominica, Grenada, and Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines......................................... 292
Lempert, Yael, nominated to be Ambassador to the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan.......................................... 294
Brown Arthur, W., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador 297
Syptak-Ramnath, Stephanie, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Peru.................................................... 299
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 321
May 16, 2023..................................................... 367
Escrogima, Ana A., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Sultanate of Oman...................................... 369
Johnson, Lisa A., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Lebanese Republic...................................... 372
Massinga, Ervin Jose, of Washington, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.. 374
Hunt, Bryan David, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Sierra Leone............................... 377
Popp, William W., of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Uganda..................................... 380
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 399
May 17, 2023..................................................... 469
Adams, Dr. Jennifer M., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo Verde................... 471
Variava, Heather Roach, of Iowa, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Lao People's Democratic Republic.................... 473
Turner, Julie, of Maryland, nominated to be Special Envoy On
North Korean Human Rights Issues, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 476
Murray, Matthew D., of Maryland, nominated to be the United
States Senior Official for Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) with the rank of Ambassador during his
tenure of service.......................................... 479
Johnson, Jennifer L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Federated States of Micronesia...................... 481
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 494
June 13, 2023.................................................... 519
Kierscht, Hon. Cynthia, of Minnesota, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti..................... 523
Ehrendreich, Joel, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Palau...................................... 526
Libby, Mark W., of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Azerbaijan.............................. 528
Kagan, Edgard D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
Malaysia................................................... 532
Biswal, Hon. Nisha Desai, of Virginia, nominated to be Deputy
Chief Executive officer of The United States International
Development Finance Corporation............................ 534
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 552
Part II
June 21, 2023.................................................... 577
McDonald, Kara C., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Lithuania.................................. 579
Shea, Hon. Dorothy Camille, of North Carolina, nominated to
be the Deputy Representative to the United Nations and the
Deputy Representative of The United States in the Security
Council of the United Nations.............................. 582
Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Italian Republic, And to Serve
Concurrently And Without Additional Compensation As
Ambassador to the Republic of San Marino................... 586
FitzPatrick, Vernelle Trim, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Gabonese Republic........................ 589
Peterson, Hon. Lisa, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Burundi................................. 592
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 600
July 26, 2023.................................................... 641
Hankins, Hon. Dennis B., of Minnesota, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti........................ 646
O'Brien, Hon. James C., of Nebraska, nominated to be An
Assistant Secretary of State (European And Eurasian
Affairs)................................................... 649
Rayes, Nathalie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Croatia................................. 651
Bradley, Tobin John, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Guatemala.................... 654
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 672
October 18, 2023................................................. 721
Lew, Hon. Jacob J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to the State of Israel..................................... 725
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 771
October 19, 2023................................................. 887
Riley, Richard H. IV, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia.............. 889
Toner, Mark, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Liberia.................................... 892
White, David E. Jr., of New York, nominated to be Deputy
Director of The Peace Corps................................ 895
Garg, Herro Mustafa, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Arab Republic of Egypt................... 897
Martin, Hon. Paul K., of Maryland, nominated to be Inspector
General, United States Agency for International Development
(USAID).................................................... 900
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 927
November 16, 2023................................................ 973
Prescott, Jeffrey, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
be U.S. Representative to the United Nations Agencies for
Food and Agriculture, with the rank of Ambassador.......... 977
Maloney, Hon. Sean Patrick, of New York, nominated to be
Representative of The United States of America to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation And Development, with
the rank of Ambassador..................................... 980
Crist, Hon. Charlie, of Florida, nominated to be
Representative of The United States of America on the
Council of The International Civil Aviation Organization,
with the rank of Ambassador................................ 983
Richardson, Cardell Kenneth, Sr., of Virginia, nominated to
be Inspector General, Department of State.................. 1000
Shampaine, Nicole, of California, nominated to be United
States Representative to the Organization for The
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, with the rank of
Ambassador during her tenure of service.................... 1003
Lockard, Joann M., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
Burkina Faso............................................... 1005
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 1013
December 7, 2023................................................. 1057
Campbell, Hon. Kurt, nominated to be Deputy Secretary of
State...................................................... 1063
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 1091
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21, 2023
U.S. Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:17 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
A. Coons presiding.
Present: Senators Coons [presiding], Ricketts, Young, and
Cruz.
Also Present: Senator Carper.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. I would like to call this hearing of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee to order.
We are here today to consider nominations for five
important positions: Ms. Kara McDonald for Ambassador to
Lithuania; Ambassador Jack Markell for Ambassador to Italy and
San Marino; Ambassador Dorothy Shea for Deputy Representative
to the U.S. Mission to the U.N.; Ms. Vernelle FitzPatrick for
Ambassador to Gabon; and Ambassador Lisa Peterson for
Ambassador to Burundi.
My colleague, Senator Carper, is going to come to introduce
my dear friend and our former governor, Jack Markell, and when
he arrives I will suspend to allow him to make that
introduction.
Let me just make some brief remarks, if I could, about the
other ambassadors and nominees we will hear from today in their
order of listing by the State Department.
Ms. McDonald, your experience as Deputy Assistant Secretary
of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor and director of
the United Nations and international operations at the National
Security Council will serve you well in this position.
I look forward to hearing how you will work with one of our
most important partners through NATO and the EU, if confirmed.
I will wait until my senior senator introduces Ambassador
Markell to make some comments.
Ambassador Shea, I am impressed by your 31 years of service
in our Foreign Service including most recently as Ambassador to
Lebanon, an exceptionally difficult country, and I look forward
to hearing how you will strengthen our engagement at the U.N.
across a range of humanitarian issues.
Ms. FitzPatrick, your time as director of the Office of
Assistance to Africa in the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration, known as PRM, and as Deputy Chief of Mission for the
U.S. Embassy in Cameroon well suits you for an ambassadorship
in neighboring Gabon.
I look forward to hearing how you will strengthen our
partnership with this important African nation.
And, Ambassador Peterson, you bring a wealth of knowledge
and experience from your time as Ambassador to Eswatini to your
work at DRL.
I look forward to learning how you will take advantage of
warming relations with Burundi, or maybe less cold relations
with Burundi, to support improvements on human rights issues
and to push back on Russia's malign influence in that country
and across the continent.
Do we have an update on the timing of Senator Carper?
No. I will simply proceed with an introduction, if I might,
of Ambassador Markell.
I have known Ambassador Markell and his fantastic wife,
Carla, for 35 years--I did the math--and over your decades of
public service as our state treasurer, as our governor, and now
as ambassador to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, you have been guided by strong values and a sharp
intellect.
A dedicated and capable public servant with experience,
intelligence, and character, you will serve us well as U.S.
Ambassador to Italy, one of our most important and longest-
standing partners in Europe.
I look forward to hearing how your experience at the OECD
among your other previous positions of leadership will guide
you in Italy, and I will also just reference your strong
educational background both at Brown University and at the
University of Chicago School of Business.
I will ask unanimous consent to submit a resolution from
the Delaware Commission on Italian Heritage and Culture in
support of your nomination for the record.
That is my opening.
Senator Ricketts, did you have any opening comments?
STATEMENT OF HON. PETE RICKETTS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEBRASKA
Senator Ricketts. Yeah. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I just wanted to say thank you to all of our folks that are
here today for your service to our country and, of course, I am
always biased toward governors but I want to especially say
thank you to our career Foreign Service people because as
governor myself I know that when I have been on trade missions
the Foreign Service staff at our embassies is just top notch
and has always done a great job of representing our country.
I know you and your families all sacrifice to be able to
represent our great nation, that you do it in such a way that
really represents the United States so, so well and that you
spend time outside of the country away from your friends and
family.
Your families also have to make that sacrifice, and just I
appreciate everything that you do and that also that you all
have very tough jobs ahead of you, certainly, with the changing
environment.
We remind the world is a very dangerous place with Russia's
aggression in Ukraine and the rising belligerence of the
Chinese Communist Party in the People's Republic of China.
You are all going to have to deal with that in your
respective future areas where you are going to have to manage
both Russia and the PRC, and that is going to be a tough job,
going forward.
So I just wanted to say, again, thank you to you and your
families and I look forward to hearing the testimony.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Senator Ricketts, and
thank you for agreeing to serve as the ranking member for this
confirmation hearing.
Just a moment on process and timing. As you may have heard
from the bells, we are in the middle of a vote on the floor of
the Senate.
Senator Ricketts and I have agreed that we will simply
suspend in about 20 minutes. Basically, after you have
concluded your openings we will suspend, run to the floor,
vote, and return and then begin a five-minute round of
questioning.
So I could not agree more with Senator Ricketts that I am
thankful to your families for the support and sacrifice that is
involved in service overseas and to each of you for the time
that you have dedicated to public service here at home and
around the world.
So if I might, Meg, do we have any update?
Voice: I am checking.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I am simply going to invite our
nominees to begin their opening statements in the order in
which they were noticed for this hearing and when Senator
Carper joins us we will suspend.
So, Ms. McDonald, if you might begin.
STATEMENT OF KARA C. MCDONALD, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA
Ms. McDonald. Thank you.
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, distinguished
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
today as the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Lithuania. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for their confidence in me.
Before I begin I want to thank and honor those who make it
possible for me to be here today: my husband just behind me,
Geneve Mantri, of 21 years of marriage for his selfless love,
his good wit through a life in the Foreign Service.
We are blessed to have two children also with us today,
Liam and Ciaran, whom I thank for their resilience through
multiple languages, schools, and countries.
I also want to thank my parents and brother, John, for
their love and support, to my dad whose own parents never got
to go to high school but who proceeded to go on to medical
school, who served in the U.S. military, and who has always
championed my education and my career in public service, and to
my late mom who passed last year for her grit and for teaching
me to work hard and especially to leave every place better than
I found it.
I am a career Foreign Service officer with 25 years of
government experience under seven presidential administrations.
Much of my career has been focused on advancing freedom and
countering authoritarianism in Europe and beyond.
Russia's brutal war against Ukraine I think illustrates
well that upholding freedom, the sovereign right of a country
to determine its future and to choose democracy, is essential
to our interests in the United States and to international
security.
It has been a privilege for me in my current position to
work with this committee to hold Russia to account over the
past couple of years as well as to advance human rights in
Europe and beyond, and I want to thank the members of this
committee for the bipartisan support and leadership that you
all have shown on these issues.
If confirmed you can expect that there will be no higher
priority for me than the safety and security of mission Vilnius
and all Americans in the Republic of Lithuania.
My second priority is to strengthen regional security and
to elevate Lithuania in its support to Ukraine.
Lithuania--Lithuania is punching above its weight. It is a
strong partner. It is a strategic ally with outsized
contributions to transatlantic security. It is hosting, as you
know, Mr. Chairman, in Vilnius in a couple of weeks the next
NATO summit and it consistently models investment in the
alliance and its defense with current defense spending at just
over 2.5 percent of GDP.
That is because, I believe, Lithuania knows what is at
stake. It is providing over 1 billion euro in assistance to
Ukraine, it is welcoming 77,000 Ukrainian refugees, and it is
even crowd funding drones and radars.
My third priority will be to deepen economic and commercial
ties and, very specifically, to support Lithuania as it derisks
its energy and commercial relationships from autocratic
sources.
Lithuania has led the way on energy independence and was
the first EU country to stop all energy imports from Russia.
Likewise, Lithuania, with support from the U.S. and others,
has shown remarkable resilience and courage in the face of
economic coercion from the People's Republic of China.
My fourth priority will be to strengthen our shared work to
advance democratic principles in the region. I have to say I am
inspired by the Lithuanian people, who refuse to accept Soviet
occupation, which we also rejected.
In fact, we maintained the Lithuanian Embassy here in
Washington, DC., and Lithuania was the first nation to step out
bravely to declare independence from the Soviet Union.
Last year we celebrated and commemorated proudly 100 years
of diplomatic ties. We are truly partners in freedom.
Lithuania's commitment to countering authoritarianism is
evident not just in its support to Ukraine but also in the safe
harbor that it provides for Belarusian and Russian activists,
who continue to aspire for freedom at home.
Mr. Chairman, the relationship between the United States
and Lithuania is strong. If confirmed, I pledge to partner with
Congress on these priorities as we strive towards a more free,
a more prosperous, and a more peaceful tomorrow.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today,
and I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. McDonald follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kara C. McDonald
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, distinguished Members of
the Committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the nominee
for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Lithuania. I thank President
Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
I want to honor those who made it possible for me to be here. I
thank my husband of 21 years, Geneve Mantri, for his selfless love and
good wit through a foreign service career. We are blessed to have two
sons, Liam and Ciaran, whom I thank for their resilience through
multiple moves, languages, and schools. I am grateful for my parents
and brother John. To my Dad, whose own parents never went to high
school, but who earned a medical degree, served in the U.S. military,
and championed my education and career in public service. And to my
late Mom, who taught me grit, to work hard, and to leave every place
better than I found it.
I am a career Foreign Service Officer with 25 years of government
service under seven Presidential administrations. Much of my career has
focused on supporting freedom and countering authoritarianism in Europe
and globally. As Russia's brutal war against Ukraine demonstrates,
upholding freedom the right of a sovereign country to determine its
future and to choose democracy is central to America's interests and
international security. In my current position, I have been privileged
to work with this Committee over the last three years to hold Russia to
account for its abuses, to counter the Kremlin's disinformation and
aggressive behavior, and to defend and advance human rights and
democratic values in Europe and beyond. I thank the Committee for its
strong bipartisan leadership on these issues.
If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the safety and
security of Mission Vilnius and all U.S. citizens in the Republic of
Lithuania.
My second priority will be to strengthen regional security and
counter Russia's aggression.
Lithuania is a true strategic partner and strong NATO ally, with
outsized contributions to Transatlantic security. In July, Lithuania
will host in Vilnius the next NATO Summit, and Lithuania consistently
models a commitment to investing in the Alliance, with current defense
spending at over 2.5 percent of GDP.
This is because Lithuania knows what is at stake, and it is
providing inspiring support to Ukraine with over one billion euro in
assistance, welcoming over 77,000 refugees from Ukraine, and even
crowdfunding radars and a combat drone.
If confirmed, I will strengthen our security partnership and
Alliance through NATO and elevate Lithuania in its support for Ukraine.
My third priority will be to deepen our bilateral trade and
commercial ties, and to support Lithuania's energy security and
sustainability.
Once again punching above its weight, Lithuania is leading by
example to de-risk its trade and energy relationships from autocratic
sources. Lithuania led the way on energy independence, and was the
first EU member to stop all energy imports from Russia. Likewise,
Lithuania exhibited extraordinary resilience to economic coercion from
the People's Republic of China. With support from the United States and
others, Lithuania is now a model for turning economic vulnerability
into opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing these
secure and resilient supply chains.
My fourth priority will be to partner and strengthen our shared
work with Lithuania in advancing democratic principles and human rights
in the region and globally.
I am inspired by the steadfast refusal of the Lithuanian people to
accept Soviet occupation which the United States also rejected. In
fact, we maintained the Lithuanian Embassy here in Washington, DC
throughout Soviet times. The Lithuanians then stepped out bravely as
the first nation to declare independence from the Soviet Union, and
last year, Lithuania and the United States proudly commemorated 100
years of bilateral ties. We are truly partners in freedom.
Lithuania's commitment to countering authoritarianism is evident in
its safe harbor for Belarusian and Russian activists who continue to
pursue freedom and democratic aspirations in their home countries. And
working with our motivated partners in the Lithuanian Government, I
hope to build on progress to address the legacy of the Holocaust.
The relationship between the United States and Lithuania is strong.
If confirmed, I pledge to partner with Congress to further these
priorities, and to engage individuals from across Lithuanian society as
we strive toward a more free, more prosperous, and more peaceful
tomorrow.
Mister Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you, and I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Ms. McDonald.
Ambassador Markell, I may skip over you in order to allow
Senator Carper the opportunity to introduce you once he
arrives. Is that all right?
If I might, Ms. Shea, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF HON. DOROTHY CAMILLE SHEA, OF NORTH CAROLINA, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE THE DEPUTY REPRESENTATIVE OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK
AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY AND
THE DEPUTY REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN
THE SECURITY COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Ms. Shea. Chairman Coons and Ranking Member Ricketts,
distinguished members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve
as Deputy Permanent Representative of the United States of
America to the United Nations.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you
and your colleagues to protect U.S. strategic interests by
engaging with and through the United Nations and its member
states.
I am both proud and humbled to again appear before this
august body, having come before this committee almost three and
a half years ago when I was nominated to be ambassador to the
Lebanese Republic. As I did then, I present myself to you in
the spirit of public service that my parents inculcated in me.
My father, Brandan Shea, served in the Army in World War
II, mostly in North Africa and later in France as part of the
Marshall Plan. He went on to serve for several decades at the
Department of Defense.
My mother also had a career in public service after raising
six kids. Speaking of whom, I would like to acknowledge several
of my siblings here today and other family members who are with
them. Their love and support for me has been vital to my
success and resilience throughout my 31-year Foreign Service
career.
Being in this chamber also brings to mind my time as a
Pearson Fellow with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in
2009 and '10. It was a great honor to cover Middle East issues
for the then ranking member, Richard Lugar, a true statesman
from whom I learned a great deal, and I am also lucky to count
as friends several fellow SFRC staffers, some of whom are back
there today.
I brought a commitment to public service to my three years
as ambassador to Lebanon, where I have worked every day to
advance U.S. interests in a profoundly complex political,
economic, and security environment.
I know that if I am confirmed to take on this new challenge
I will face a diplomatic ecosystem with its own complexities
and I am braced for a steep learning curve.
But I am also well aware that I would be joining a very
capable, dedicated team of public servants at the mission in
New York led by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield from whom I
take great inspiration.
I believe that American leadership at the United Nations
and other international organizations is crucial to the
direction, performance, and accountability of those bodies.
We need look no further than the international response to
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. In the
days following the invasion the United States led efforts to
mobilize the U.N. membership, resulting in 141 nations voting
in the U.N. General Assembly to condemn Russia's aggression and
demand an end to the invasion.
That action triggered consideration of Russia's actions in
a host of relevant U.N. bodies including the U.N. Human Rights
Council, where Russia's membership was suspended. Across the
international system Russia is today less influential and more
isolated.
U.S. leadership at the United Nations has been evident
throughout this period and underscores the value in our
determined investment in a U.N. system that is ready and able
to respond to the needs of today and tomorrow.
That leadership is not a given. It requires constant
tending and attention to our competitors. Most notably among
those is China, which is making its own investments designed to
reshape and redirect multilateral bodies.
As this committee knows well, that effort is expanding and
the U.S. must energize its efforts to rally broad-based
partnerships to safeguard institutions that should serve the
interests of all member states, not just one.
If confirmed, I look forward to lending my efforts to that
urgent cause as well as to working with like-minded
counterparts to tackle other pressing challenges to peace and
security, burgeoning humanitarian needs, and global issues
including climate change, food insecurity, the trafficking of
fentanyl and precursor chemicals, transnational crime, and many
more.
I am also motivated to contribute to our collective efforts
to defend American values by fighting hate and antisemitism in
the U.N. system.
If confirmed, I look forward to adding my voice and energy
to efforts to promote bold and lasting reforms across the U.N.
system to make it more effective, efficient, representative,
and credible.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am a firm believer in the confident and
appropriate use of foreign policy tools to advance U.S.
interests.
I am convinced that our foreign policy is best served when
there is close collaboration between the executive and
legislative branches of government and, if confirmed, I pledge
to continue that cooperation as we pursue our vital interests
through the United Nations.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you
today, and I will be happy to take your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Shea follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dorothy Camille Shea
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, distinguished Members of
the Committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to serve as Deputy Permanent Representative
of the United States of America to the United Nations. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely with you and your colleagues to protect
U.S. strategic interests by engaging with and through the United
Nations and its member states.
I am both proud and humbled to again appear before this august
body--having come before this Committee almost three and a half years
ago when I was nominated to be Ambassador to the Lebanese Republic. As
I did then, I present myself to you in the spirit of public service
that both of my parents, now deceased, inculcated in me: my father
Brandan Shea served in the Army in World War II--mostly in North
Africa--and later in France as part of the Marshall Plan. He went on to
serve for several decades as a civilian with the Department of Defense.
My mother also had a career in public service after raising six kids.
Speaking of whom, I would like to acknowledge several of my siblings
and family members who are here with me today. Their love and support
for me has been vital to my success and resilience throughout my 31-
year Foreign Service career.
Being in this chamber also brings to mind my time as a Pearson
Fellow with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 2009-10. It was a
great honor to cover Middle East issues for the then-Ranking Member
Richard Lugar, a true statesman from whom I learned a great deal. I am
also lucky to count as friends my fellow SFRC staffers, some of whom
are here today.
I have brought a commitment to public service over the past three-
plus years as U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon, where I have worked every day
to advance U.S. interests in a profoundly complex political, economic,
and security environment.
I know that if I am confirmed to take on this new challenge, I will
face a diplomatic ecosystem with its own complexities, and I am braced
for a steep learning curve. I am also well aware that I would be
joining a very capable, dedicated team of public servants at the
Mission in New York, led by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield, from
whom I take great inspiration.
I am excited at the prospect of joining this team and hold firm in
my belief that American leadership at the United Nations and other
international organizations is crucial to the direction, performance,
and accountability of those bodies.
We need look no further than the international response to Russia's
unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. In the days following
the invasion, the United States led efforts to mobilize the U.N.
membership, resulting in 141 nations voting in the U.N. General
Assembly to condemn Russia's aggression and demand an end to the
invasion. That action triggered consideration of Russia's actions in a
host of relevant U.N. bodies, including the U.N. Human Rights Council,
where Russia's membership was suspended. Across the international
system, Russia is today less influential and more isolated on many
matters they claim as national interests.
U.S. leadership at the U.N. and other international organizations
has been evident throughout this period, and underscores the value in
our determined investment in a U.N. system that is ready and able to
respond to the needs of today and tomorrow.
That leadership is not a given. It requires constant tending and
attention to our competitors. Most notably among those is China, which
is making its own investments designed to reshape or redirect
multilateral bodies. As this committee knows well, that effort is
expanding, and the United States must energize its efforts and rally
broad-based partnerships to safeguard institutions that should serve
the interests of all member states, not just one.
If confirmed, I look forward to lending my efforts to that urgent
cause, as well as to working with like-minded counterparts to tackle
other pressing challenges to peace and security; burgeoning
humanitarian needs, and global issues including climate change, food
insecurity, the trafficking of fentanyl and its precursor chemicals,
transnational crime, and much more.
I am also motivated to contribute to our collective efforts to
defend American values by fighting hate and antisemitism in the U.N.
system. Indeed, if confirmed, I look forward to adding my voice and
energy to efforts to promote bold and lasting reforms across the U.N.
system to make it more effective, efficient, representative, and
credible.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished Members of the
Committee, I am a firm believer in the confident use of appropriate
foreign policy tools to advance American interests. I am convinced that
our foreign policy is best served when there is close collaboration
between the executive and legislative branches of government. If
confirmed, I pledge to continue that cooperation as we pursue our vital
interests through the United Nations.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
am happy to take your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
I would like to now invite my friend and senior colleague,
a former state treasurer and former governor from the state of
Delaware, Senator Tom Carper.
STATEMENT OF HON. THOMAS R. CARPER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Carper. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
To our ranking member, good afternoon.
It is an honor to sit next to Jack Markell, not the first
time and perhaps not the last time either, but I will share
with you and our colleagues some thoughts that I have with
respect to his nomination to serve as our next ambassador to
the country of Italy.
I have known Jack Markell for over two decades as a
steadfast governor. The first--before that I knew his mom and
dad. I was an MBA student at the University of Delaware and his
dad actually ran the, I think, the College of Business and
Economics. So we go way, way back.
And I just want to say, having spent a little time as state
treasurer, he is, I think, one of the two best state treasurers
we have ever had.
[Laughter.]
Senator Carper. Some would say the best. Those of us--those
who know us well would say he is the best.
But I have known him as a skilled businessperson, as a
compassionate coordinator of Operation Allies and, most recent
I have know him as a dad and as a son and a father, and has
recently--more recently as the ambassador to the Organization
of Economic Cooperation and Development, better known as OECD.
Jack is someone whom I deeply respect not just as a public
servant but in all those other roles that I just mentioned.
As made clear by his Senate confirmation to represent our
nation at the OECD he is someone who senators from both sides
of the aisle can and actually do trust to serve to steward the
interests of our country around the world, and I am confident
that Jack will serve the United States with great distinction
as our top diplomat in Italy and I am honored to introduce him
here today.
When I think of Jack Markell I think a lot about the
successes he has had in the first state--that what our state is
called--the first state while overcoming a great deal of
adversity.
When he was first elected governor of Delaware in November
of 2008 housing--the housing bubble had burst and our nation
entered the Great Recession.
Jack knows all too well that in adversity lies opportunity
and in the face of all that adversity he worked to court
companies from all over the world to bring their operations--
some of their operations to Delaware to bring jobs back and to
retrain employees who lost the jobs they had held for decades.
For eight years as governor he worked with both sides of
the aisle to get things done to improve the lives of
Delawareans and his legacy will be felt for generations.
Most importantly, he has learned how to lead with empathy,
and by answering President Biden's call to lead our nation's
Afghan resettlement operation he embodied the core tenet of
Matthew 25, to welcome the stranger in our land and to welcome
our Afghan allies with open arms and open hearts.
Jack's ability to connect with people from all walks of
life, to hear from their stories, and to help make life better
for them, although I am confident that he will make an
excellent ambassador in this role.
His deep knowledge of international relations and his
experience in developing global solutions for complex issues
with care and thoughtfulness will serve our country as well.
That is why I urge my colleagues, our colleagues on this
committee, to act swiftly on Jack's nomination to serve as our
U.S. ambassador to Italy.
To Jack, to his wife, Carla--to his wife, Carla, for
sharing him with the people of Delaware for all these years,
and for his children--their children--for sharing their dad
with all of us.
So I want to thank them for their willingness to continue
to let you do these things with your life so that the rest of
us can benefit.
And with that, I thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senators, Senator
Ricketts, I thank you all for giving me the opportunity to sit
next to him one more time and sing his praises. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Carper.
Ambassador Markell?
STATEMENT OF HON. JACK A. MARKELL, OF DELAWARE, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, AND TO SERVE
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SAN MARINO
Mr. Markell. Well, thank you, Chairman Coons, and to you
and Senator Carper thank you so much for the gracious,
wonderful introductions. I was so fortunate to serve as
governor with the two of you in the Senate and I am truly
grateful for that.
Ranking Member Ricketts, it is an honor to be in front of
you as well. This is sort of the perfect panel for our family.
My wife and I--Carla--are both native Delawareans but Carla's
stepmother is from Nebraska and told many, many stories about
Nebraska to us over the years.
So it is an honor to be appear here as the nominee to serve
as the U.S. Ambassador to the Italian Republic and the Republic
of San Marino, and I am grateful to President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
I am indebted to my family for the love and the support,
which have played an important role in my being here. My wife,
Carla, as Senator Carper mentioned, is here with me today. We
have known each other for 57 of our 62 years, having met in
kindergarten.
I also am indebted to our kids, Michael and Molly, to my
sister and her family, and I am also grateful to my parents and
my brother, who are no longer with us, as well as to my
brother's family.
I had the honor of appearing before this committee in 2021
during my nomination to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
I am humbled by the support of the committee and by my
subsequent confirmation by the Senate, and serving in that role
has prepared me to serve as the ambassador to Italy and San
Marino.
Even though my initial career was in the private sector I
had long been interested in a career in public service. I
always believed that my home state and my country had given me
enormous opportunities and I wanted to play a role in ensuring
that similar opportunities are available to future generations.
As governor of Delaware, concerned about the impacts of
globalization and automation, I knew that the states and
countries that out educate today will out compete tomorrow and
that is why we work so hard to ensure that our children had
opportunities to thrive in school.
For those who wanted to go to college we worked to secure
opportunities for them to do so even when they could not afford
it, and for those who wanted to go directly to work we created
new programs to help them get the skills they needed for good-
paying jobs.
My experiences working across the aisle and with
representatives of employers, labor unions, all levels of
government, and nongovernment organizations prepare me well to
serve as the ambassador to Italy and San Marino.
Given Russia's unjustified and brutal war against Ukraine,
the threats posed by authoritarian regimes like the PRC and
Iran, and global challenges from climate change to infectious
diseases it is abundantly clear that strong relationships with
our allies are more important than ever and Italy is one such
ally and has been for many decades.
Eighteen million Americans are of Italian descent. Six
million Americans visit Italy annually. Italy is home to 30,000
American soldiers, sailors, airmen, DOD, civilians, and their
dependents.
Italy is a strong supporter of the allied effort to
confront Russia's war of aggression and Italy supports the
people of Ukraine with military, economic, and humanitarian
assistance.
If confirmed, I will have four main objectives. First, I
would promote the safety and well being of Americans living in
or visiting Italy.
Second, I would expand our already deep economic ties,
promoting U.S. exports and attracting additional Italian
investment into the U.S. to support American jobs.
Third, I would aim to maintain and deepen our very strong
military and security partnership with Italy.
And fourth, I would encourage increased Italian defense
spending consistent with NATO allies' 2 percent commitment.
If confirmed, I will be an effective representative of the
United States not only to our Italian government interlocutors
but also around the country to business groups, students, civil
society, and others.
The stakes of our relationships with important allies like
Italy are enormous. We are truly at an inflection point in
history. Authoritarian countries like Russia, China, and Iran
threaten the way of life and the values that we and our like-
minded allies have enjoyed for many years.
When I appeared here before in 2021 I said the United
States and our allies must continue to demonstrate that
democracy, human rights, free markets, and capitalism deliver
growth and innovation and a better quality of life for all our
citizens. That is certainly still true today and Italy has a
key role to play.
If confirmed, I would be honored to serve as the U.S.
ambassador and forge the strongest possible ties between our
countries. Thank you for your consideration, and I am at your
disposal to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Markell follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jack A. Markell
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, and Members of the
Committee, it is an honor to appear as the nominee to serve as the U.S.
Ambassador to the Italian Republic and the Republic of San Marino. I am
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
I am indebted to my family for the love and support which have
played an important role in my being here--my wife, Carla, our kids,
Molly and Michael, my sister, and her family.
I am grateful to my parents and brother who are no longer with us,
as well as to my brother's family.
I had the honor of appearing before you in 2021 during my
nomination to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development. I am humbled by the support of
the committee and by my subsequent confirmation by the Senate. Serving
in that role has prepared me to serve as the Ambassador to Italy and
San Marino.
Even though my initial career was in the private sector, I had long
been interested in a career in public service. I always believed that
my home state and my country had given me enormous opportunities, and I
wanted to play a role in ensuring that similar opportunities are
available to future generations.
As Governor of Delaware, concerned about the effects of
globalization and automation, I knew the states and countries that out-
educate today will out-compete tomorrow. That's why I worked to ensure
that our children had opportunities to thrive in school. For those who
wanted to go to college, we worked to secure opportunities for them to
do so, even when they couldn't afford it. For those who wanted to go
directly to work, we created new programs to help them get the skills
needed for good-paying jobs.
My experiences working across the aisle and with representatives of
employers, labor unions, all levels of government and non-government
organizations prepare me well to serve as Ambassador to Italy and San
Marino.
Given Russia's unjustified and brutal war against Ukraine, the
threats posed by authoritarian regimes like the PRC and Iran, and
global challenges from climate change to infectious diseases, it is
abundantly clear that strong relationships with our allies are more
important than ever.
Italy is one such ally and has been for many decades.
Eighteen million Americans are of Italian descent. Six million
Americans visit Italy annually. Italy is home to 30,000 American
soldiers, sailors, airmen, DoD civilians, and their dependents.
Italy is a strong supporter of the allied effort to confront
Russia's war of aggression and supports the people of Ukraine with
military, economic, and humanitarian assistance.
If confirmed, I will have four main objectives.
First, I would promote the safety and well-being of Americans
living in or visiting Italy.
Second, I would expand our already deep economic ties, promoting
U.S. exports and attracting additional Italian investment in the U.S.
to support American jobs.
Third, I would aim to maintain and deepen our very strong military
and security partnership with Italy.
Fourth, I would encourage increased Italian defense spending
consistent with NATO Allies' two percent commitment.
If confirmed, I will be an effective representative of the United
States, not only to our Italian government interlocutors but also
around the country, to business groups, students, civil society, and
others.
The stakes of our relationships with important allies like Italy
are enormous. We are truly at an inflection point in history.
Authoritarian countries like Russia, China, and Iran threaten the way
of life and values that we and our like-minded allies have enjoyed for
many years.
When I appeared before you in 2021, I said ``The United States and
our allies must continue to demonstrate that democracy, human rights,
free markets, and capitalism deliver growth and innovation and a better
quality of life for all our citizens.'' That is certainly still true
today and Italy has a key role to play. If confirmed, I would be
honored to serve as the U.S. Ambassador and forge the strongest
possible ties between our countries.
Thank you for your consideration. I am at your disposal to answer
any questions you may have.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
Ambassador FitzPatrick?
STATEMENT OF VERNELLE TRIM FITZPATRICK, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE GABONESE REPUBLIC
Ms. FitzPatrick. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts,
and distinguished members of the committee, I am very honored
to appear before you today as the nominee for U.S. Ambassador
to the Gabonese Republic.
I am grateful for the confidence President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me and for your consideration
of my nomination.
If confirmed, I will work closely with you and all Members
of Congress to advance our nation's national security interest
in Gabon.
I would not be here today before you without the unwavering
love and support of my family. I am eternally grateful to my
husband, Christopher FitzPatrick, who has made sacrifices for
my service to our country by remaining here at home while I
have been posted overseas; my mother, Mary Trim, my sisters,
Melissa and Debra Trim, and my stepdaughter, Anna. Although my
father, Venantious Trim, passed away many years ago I hope he
is looking down on me today with pride.
Over the past 25 years I have had the honor and privilege
to represent our country in Latin America, Europe, and Africa,
and in domestic assignments in Washington.
Throughout my career I have drawn on values instilled in me
and my sisters by my parents, who were immigrants from St.
Lucia and who taught us the importance of hard work and
sacrifice.
I have also drawn from my experiences I have had as a
native of St. Croix in the U.S. Virgin Islands where as a child
I dreamt of joining the Department of State someday. I have
spent much of my time, much of my career, on promoting
democracy and good governance, championing human rights, and
deepening bilateral relations with various countries.
I have not only promoted a greater understanding and
appreciation of U.S. foreign policy but also of the American
people, building bridges and embracing mutual understanding
wherever I have represented our country. Since 2010 I have
worked on Eastern, Western, and Central Africa. If confirmed, I
will bring all of these experiences to bear in Gabon.
Gabon is a stable upper middle income country in Central
Africa that is focused on diversifying its economy away from
oil and mineral extraction for the good of its people.
As part of the Congo Basin, the world's second lung after
the Amazon, Gabon is a regional and global leader in efforts to
promote biodiversity and conservation, interests that we share.
Thanks to its location of the Gulf of Guinea, a strategic
maritime space, Gabon has an important role to play in
advancing maritime security and commerce in the region.
In addition, Gabon adds its voice on the global stage as a
nonpermanent member of the U.N. Security Council, as a current
member of the U.N. Human Rights Council. It also hosts the
headquarters of the Economic Community of Central African
States.
If confirmed, my top priority in Gabon will be to advance
the safety and security of the Embassy community, both American
and locally employed staff, as well as all U.S. citizens
residing or visiting the country.
As a career Foreign Service officer I attach particular
importance to the word service in my job title. There is no
higher duty than ensuring the safety and security of the U.S.
Embassy and the American community.
Helping Gabon to protect its forests and its maritime
domain will be my second priority, if confirmed. The United
States must continue to work closely together with Gabon to
support policies that combat climate change and protect the
environment not only in the Congo Basin but also around the
world and to counter nature crimes such as illegal logging and
wildlife trafficking.
It is also important to continue to build Gabon's capacity
to counter illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing,
counter incidents of piracy and banditry off of its coasts, and
to protect its exclusive economic zone.
Deepening our partnership and cooperation with Gabon
bilaterally and in international fora is my third top priority.
If confirmed, I will continue our dialogue with Gabon on issues
before the U.N.
I will work with our Embassy team to advance several
agreements we hope to sign with Gabon, including a defense
cooperation agreement, a USAID bilateral framework agreement.
I will also support U.S. Wildlife Service, the U.S. Forest
Service, and Initiative for Atlantic Cooperation Activities in
Gabon. Having these agreements and engagements in place will
more firmly anchor our partnership with Gabon.
Our bilateral relationship with Gabon, which dates back to
the country's independence in 1960, also focuses on other
important issues. These include promoting good governance and
human rights, improving the business climate, which will help
attract domestic and foreign investment, and enable increased
commercial ties, addressing malign influences both in the
region and globally and increasing people-to-people ties.
There is much work to do together with Gabon and, if
confirmed, I will rely on my experience and the talents of the
Embassy team to advance our nation's priorities.
Thank you once again for considering my nomination. I look
forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. FitzPatrick follows:]
Prepared Statement of Vernelle Trim FitzPatrick
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished Members
of the Committee, I am very honored to appear before you today as the
nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Gabonese Republic. I am grateful for
the confidence President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me
and for your consideration of my nomination. If confirmed, I will work
closely with you and all Members of Congress to advance our Nation's
national security interests in Gabon.
I would not be here before you today without the unwavering love
and support of my family. I am eternally grateful to my husband
Christopher FitzPatrick--who has made sacrifices for my service to our
country by remaining here at home while I have been posted overseas--my
mother Mary Trim, my sisters Melissa and Debra Trim, and my
stepdaughter Anna. Although my father Venantious Trim passed away many
years ago, I hope he is looking down on me today with pride.
Over the past 25 years, I have had the honor and privilege to
represent our country in Latin America, Europe, and Africa and in
domestic assignments in Washington. Throughout my career, I have drawn
on values instilled in me and my sisters by my parents, who were
immigrants from St. Lucia and who taught us the importance of hard work
and sacrifice. I have also drawn from experiences I have had as a
native of St. Croix in the U.S. Virgin Islands, where as a child I
dreamed of joining the Department of State someday.
I have spent much of my career promoting democracy and good
governance, championing human rights, and deepening bilateral relations
with various countries. I have not only promoted a greater
understanding and appreciation of U.S. foreign policy but also of the
American people, building bridges and embracing mutual understanding
wherever I have represented our country. Since 2010, I have worked on
Eastern, Western, and Central Africa. If confirmed, I will bring all of
these experiences to bear in Gabon.
Gabon is a stable, upper middle-income country in Central Africa
that is focused on diversifying its economy away from oil and mineral
extraction for the good of its people. As part of the Congo Basin, the
world's second lung after the Amazon, Gabon is a regional and global
leader in efforts to promote biodiversity and conservation, interests
that we share. Thanks to its location in the Gulf of Guinea, a
strategic maritime space, Gabon has an important role to play in
advancing maritime security and commerce in the region. In addition,
Gabon adds its voice on the global stage as a non-permanent member of
the U.N. Security Council and as a current member of the U.N. Human
Rights Council. It is also hosts the headquarters of the Economic
Community of Central African States.
If confirmed, my top priority in Gabon will be to advance the
safety and security of the Embassy community--both American and locally
employed staff--as well as all U.S. citizens residing in or visiting
the country. As a career Foreign Service Officer, I attach particular
importance to the word service in my job title. There is no higher duty
than ensuring the safety and security of the U.S. Embassy and the
American community.
Helping Gabon to protect its forests and its maritime domain will
be my second priority if confirmed. The United States must continue to
work closely together with Gabon to support policies that combat
climate change and protect the environment not only in the Congo Basin
but also around the world, and to counter nature crimes such as illegal
logging and wildlife trafficking. It is also important to continue to
build Gabon's capacity to counter illegal, unreported, and unregulated
fishing, counter incidents of piracy and banditry off of its coast and
protect its exclusive economic zone.
Deepening our partnership and cooperation with Gabon bilaterally
and in international fora is my third top priority. If confirmed, I
will continue our dialogue with Gabon on issues before the U.N. I will
work with our Embassy team to advance several agreements we hope to
sign with Gabon, including a Defense Cooperation Agreement and a USAID
Bilateral Framework Agreement. I will also support U.S. Wildlife
Service, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Initiative for Atlantic
Cooperation activities in Gabon. Having these agreements and
engagements in place will more firmly anchor our partnership with
Gabon.
Our bilateral relationship with Gabon, which dates back to the
country's independence in 1960, also focuses on other important issues.
These include: promoting good governance and human rights; improving
the business climate which will help attract domestic and foreign
investment and enable increased commercial ties; addressing malign
influences both in the region and globally; and, increasing people-to-
people ties. There is much work to do together with Gabon, and if
confirmed, I will rely on my experience and the talents of the Embassy
team to advance our nation's priorities.
Thank you once again for considering my nomination. I look forward
to answering your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
Ambassador Peterson?
STATEMENT OF HON. LISA PETERSON, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF BURUNDI
Ms. Peterson. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, and
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
testify before you today. It is a great honor to appear as
President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Burundi.
I would like to thank the people who have helped form and
shape me over many years to arrive at this moment. My husband,
Siza Ntshakala, who is currently watching, I believe, and
serving as the human resources officer at our Embassy in Accra,
Ghana, has steered me to opportunity, guided me away from
missteps, and drawn on his life in apartheid South Africa to
help me hone my awareness of injustice both on a grand scale
and in everyday life.
My children, both by marriage and biology--Thandeka,
Njabulo, and Thabo--my late father, David, born in Nebraska, my
mother, Janet, and my four siblings have all given me fantastic
models of approaches to life and the people around me.
Beyond my family circle there is a whole raft of teachers,
friends, and State Department colleagues who have encouraged
the curiosity and developed the skills that have helped bring
me before you today.
Mr. Chairman, Burundi is small, densely populated, and the
poorest country in the world, according to World Bank
statistics.
Forty percent of its over 12 million people are under the
age of 15 and these young people are seeking economic
opportunities they currently cannot find in Burundi. It is in
our national interest to support Burundi's development and
reform efforts to achieve a more stable prosperous country and
Central African region.
The U.S.-Burundi bilateral relationship has improved
greatly in the three years since President Evariste
Ndayishimiye assumed office. The president reengaged with the
international community and pursued reforms across multiple
sectors including holding some individuals accountable for
human rights abuses.
In 2021, recognizing the changed circumstances, President
Biden terminated the Burundi sanctions program imposed in 2015
in response to violence and repression. This action did not
signify that human rights were no longer a concern.
As Acting Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights
and Labor I traveled to Burundi in 2022 to convey our concerns
and urge government to take clear action to protect human
rights.
Ambassador Higgins, Assistant Secretary Phee, and other
high-level officials have delivered similar messages. If
confirmed, I would continue to raise these issues with the
government of Burundi.
Despite these concerns there is reason to be optimistic
about Burundi's future. As chair of the East African Community,
Burundi has played an important role in mediating the conflict
in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The president has
mended relationships with his neighbors.
Burundi has reengaged with international financial
institutions, reaching a staff level agreement with the
International Monetary Fund in April on a program designed to
promote macro economic reforms and inclusive economic growth.
The government took steps to fight corruption and improve
rule of law. For the second year in a row Burundi maintained a
Tier 2 ranking in the annual Trafficking in Persons Report due
to significant and increasing efforts to investigate,
prosecute, and convict human traffickers.
If confirmed, I will encourage the government to continue
along this positive path.
In fiscal year 2022 the United States provided
approximately $90 million in bilateral development and
humanitarian assistance to Burundi. Through programs that
support the government of Burundi's efforts to strengthen anti-
corruption efforts, prioritize health systems, improve health
outcomes, and strengthen global health security the United
States and Burundi have worked together to advance economic
opportunity, combat HIV/AIDS and malaria, improve maternal and
child health, and reduce the high rate of chronic malnutrition.
As we continue to assist the Burundian people, if confirmed
I would ensure this assistance is accompanied by a continued
focus on the governance foundations that make economic growth
and development viable and sustainable.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Peterson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Lisa Peterson
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Ricketts, and Members of the
Committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today.
It is a great honor to appear as President Biden's nominee to be the
next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Burundi.
I would like to thank the people who have helped form and shape me
over many years to arrive at this moment. My husband, Siza Ntshakala,
who is currently serving as the Human Resources Officer at our embassy
in Accra, Ghana, has steered me to opportunity, guided me away from
missteps, and drawn on his life in apartheid South Africa to help me
hone my awareness of injustice both on a grand scale and in everyday
life. My children by both marriage and biology, Thandeka, Njabulo, and
Thabo, my parents David and Janet, and my four siblings have all given
me fantastic models of approaches to life and the people around me.
Beyond my family circle, there is a whole raft of teachers, friends,
and State Department colleagues who have encouraged the curiosity and
developed the skills that have helped bring me before you today.
Mr. Chairman, Burundi is small, densely populated, and the poorest
country in the world according to World Bank statistics. Forty percent
of its over 12 million people are under the age of 15, and these young
people are seeking economic opportunities they currently cannot find in
Burundi. It is in our national interest to support Burundi's
development and reform efforts to achieve a more stable, prosperous
country and Central African region.
The U.S.-Burundi bilateral relationship has improved greatly in the
three years since President Evariste Ndayishimiye assumed office. The
President reengaged with the international community and pursued
reforms across multiple sectors, including holding some individuals
accountable for human rights abuses. In 2021, recognizing the changed
circumstances, President Biden terminated the Burundi sanctions
program, imposed in 2015 in response to violence and repression. This
action did not signify that human rights were no longer a concern. As
Acting Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, I
traveled to Burundi in 2022 to convey our concerns and urge government
to take clear action to protect human rights. Ambassador Higgins,
Assistant Secretary Phee, and other high-level officials have delivered
similar messages. If confirmed, I would continue to raise these issues
with the Government of Burundi.
Despite these concerns, there is reason to be optimistic about
Burundi's future. As chair of the East African Community, Burundi has
played an important role in mediating the conflict in eastern
Democratic Republic of the Congo. The President has mended
relationships with his neighbors. Burundi has reengaged with
international financial institutions, reaching a staff-level agreement
with the International Monetary Fund in April on a program designed to
promote macroeconomic reforms and inclusive economic growth. The
Government took steps to fight corruption and improve rule of law. For
the second year in a row, Burundi maintained a Tier 2 ranking in the
annual Trafficking in Persons Report, due to their significant and
increasing efforts to investigate, prosecute, and convict human
traffickers. If confirmed, I will encourage the government to continue
along this positive path.
In Fiscal Year 2022, the United States provided approximately $90
million in bilateral development and humanitarian assistance to
Burundi. Through programs that support the Government of Burundi's
efforts to strengthen anti-corruption efforts, prioritize health
systems, improve health outcomes, and strengthen global health
security, the United States and Burundi have worked together to advance
economic opportunity, combat HIV/AIDS and malaria, improve maternal and
child health, and reduce the high rate of chronic malnutrition. As we
continue to assist the Burundian people, if confirmed, I would ensure
this assistance is accompanied by a continued focus on the governance
foundations that make economic growth and development viable and
sustainable.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
Thank you to all of our witnesses. We are now going to
suspend this hearing for five to 10 minutes while Senator
Ricketts and I go and cast a vote and formulate some piercing
and penetrating questions, and then we will return.
[Recess.]
Senator Coons. This meeting will resume. This hearing will
resume.
If you will forgive me, to begin, I have a few questions.
The chairman of this committee has asked that every
confirmation hearing ask these questions of every nominee and I
am going to ask that each of you in series if you would provide
a simple yes or no answer.
To Ms. McDonald, do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when so invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. Do you commit to keeping this committee
fully and currently informed about the activities under your
purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by this
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. Thank you. Having successfully navigated
that challenging exercise, I will now turn to a sentence or
two, a question or two, of each of you, if I might.
Ms. McDonald, as you may know, I am on my way to Lithuania
just tomorrow and was there literally the day Russia's invasion
of Ukraine began.
How do you think U.S. and NATO military presence in
Lithuania and in the Baltic regions is doing at successfully
deterring Russian aggression and how do you assess the threats
posed to the Baltic states by Russia? And how do you think we
might more successfully push back on PRC economic coercion?
I have a specific piece of legislation with Senator Young
to strengthen U.S. capabilities to resist economic coercion.
If you would speak to those two briefly, please.
Ms. McDonald. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Both very important
questions and I do wish you safe travels, and thank you for
being willing to go. I think it is part of the deterrence
picture, right, and I am a big believer in deterrence.
As you mentioned, the picture, if confirmed, that I would
like to help push forward is really what we expect to see
coming out of the NATO summit in Vilnius in mid July, which is
unprecedented steps towards modernization of the NATO alliance
and that includes an enhanced security architecture in the
Baltic Sea region.
So with the accession of Finland, we hope Sweden, looking
at the map that would then circumscribe the Baltic Sea region
with NATO allies. That is tremendously important to our
Lithuanian friends and those who sit on the front line.
I mentioned it in my opening statement Lithuania knows what
is at stake. It essentially sits next to the bear's mouth, if I
can put it that way.
Secondly, I think the mil-to-mil relationship is one that
is important to strengthen. Thanks to the generosity of
Congress we have provided $446 million in security assistance
since 2019; $140.1 million of that is FMF financing in the last
fiscal year.
It would be my goal to strengthen and continue that
forward. That goes towards Lithuania's national capabilities,
it goes to NATO interoperability, and it goes to hybrid
threats, cyber issues and, certainly, if confirmed, you can
expect that I will continue to be in touch with military and
Lithuanian government partners on refining and defining China.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Ms. McDonald. You want me to turn to China?
Senator Coons. No. I have a brief window left.
If I could, Ambassador----
Ms. McDonald. Okay.
Senator Coons.--Markell, about China one of the key
challenges I think we face in a very close and enduring U.S.-
Italy relationship is their engagement with the Belt and Road
Initiative.
Italy's prime minister has taken a fairly strong stance
against Chinese encroachment and their malign influence. How
can we work more closely with Rome and our other close partners
and allies in Europe on aligning our policies towards Beijing?
Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question, Senator. A very
significant issue and one where Prime Minister Meloni has
certainly been focused within the last couple of years.
Italy has used his golden power rules on transactions
ranging from seeds to drones to chips to robotics equipment, as
recently as this week on tires, to limit the PRC's ability to
invest in Italy.
As it relates to Belt and Road specifically, Italy is
really not seeing much advantage at all from the Belt and Road
Initiative and I believe that the combination of the opaque
financing that Italy has provided, the lack of information it
has provided, lack of transparency on a range of issues
including international health organizations, the PRC's
continuing over promising and under delivering is something
that is very clear to the Italians and I certainly look forward
to working with them to make sure that they understand the
magnitude of these issues.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
One last question, if I might, of Ambassador Shea and then
I will defer to my ranking member.
I think the United Nations is one of the most critical and
overlooked areas where the United States is losing influence
relative to China. You mentioned it in your opening statement.
What is your view of PRC efforts to increase their
influence in the United Nations and how can we most effectively
respond?
Ms. Shea. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman, and
based on my understanding the People's Republic of China is
trying to insert language in various U.N. fora, documents,
resolutions to reflect its more authoritarian worldview in
direct contradiction to the underlying founding principles of
the United Nations.
So I think it is very important that the United States hold
firm that the principles on which the United Nations was
founded--democracy, human rights, the rule of law
--and we have got to stick to that. That means we have got
to build coalitions and put forward our positive vision for the
United Nations.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much.
Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
In 2014 at the NATO summit in Wales the NATO members agreed
to get to 2 percent of GDP spending by the year 2024.
Yet, despite an invasion by Russia of Ukraine, Putin's
nuclear saber rattling, and nearly 10 years later we only see
seven NATO members have reached that goal of 2 percent and many
of the heavyweight economies that have a trillion dollars in
GDP, notably Canada, France, Germany, Italy, and Spain, have
not reached that goal, and Italy's defense spending in
particular sits at 1.15 percent of GDP and Italy said it would
not meet the 2 percent threshold until 2028.
Prime Minister Meloni has vowed to increase the defense
spending to reach the NATO target, and given that Italy is a
critical player and anchor of NATO's southern flank as well as
its deployment of troops in places like Bulgaria, Kosovo,
Latvia, we need to see this promise translate into action,
especially at a time what is going on. And, of course, we have
got the Vilnius summit coming up next month in NATO and it
really is important that our NATO partners reach this goal.
It is literally depriving the alliance of tens of billions
of dollars in defense that could be used toward deterrence.
We really need to see this happen and so, Ambassador
Markell, do you view Prime Minister Meloni's pledge to reach 2
percent as credible and, if so, when would you expect Italy to
be able to reach that goal?
Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question, Senator. What I
can tell you is that I totally agree with the premise of the
question, the importance of Italy reaching that 2 percent.
When I engage with my interlocutors in Italy, including the
prime minister, I will make clear that we are really looking at
that not so much as a ceiling but as a floor, and as I
mentioned in my introduction that is one of my highest
priorities as it relates to my time in Italy as ambassador, if
I am confirmed.
Senator Ricketts. I could not agree with you more about
being--the 2 percent being a ceiling and not a floor. Do you
have any feel for how long it would take Italy to be able to
get there?
Mr. Markell. I do not, and I just have not been read into
that. But it is something that, again, will be one of my
highest areas of focus and something that I would intend to
engage with the committee on as well.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Ambassador.
And, Ambassador Shea, if confirmed, you will be--one of the
roles you will be is representing the U.S. on the U.N. Security
Council and one of the failures of the Security Council is to--
in a number of international crises including discouraging
Russia's invasion of Ukraine but also Iran's ill intentions,
the failure of the JCPOA and the U.N. Security Council
Resolution 2231 has failed to contain Iran in enriching uranium
and curb its nuclear ambitions.
On October 18th of this year the U.N.'s prohibition against
Iran transfers of long-range drones and ballistic missiles will
expire as will the U.N. asset freezes and visa bans against
dozens of Iranian entities and individuals involved with
nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
Iran has already violated the U.N.'s prohibition against
arming Iran by sending hundreds if not thousands of drones to
Russia, the suicide type drones we have seen. This should
trigger the snapback sanctions against Iran but they have not
been triggered.
It is critical that these get triggered before October 2023
when this agreement expires. What can we do with regard to
making sure that those snapback sanctions get triggered and
what is your understanding about what our agreement with the E-
3 is with regard to those snapback sanctions?
Ms. Shea. Senator, I am better prepared to answer the
questions that are directed to me with respect to the U.N. and
the diplomacy that we will be conducting in New York.
What I can tell you is I share your consternation about
Iran's blatant violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Whether with respect to nuclear, other ballistic weapons, the
provision of kamikaze drones to Russia for use against
civilians in Ukraine, all of this is unacceptable and it needs
to be called out, exposed, and stopped.
I commit to working through the administration, if
confirmed, to help address these concerns whether through the
United Nations or elsewhere. Some of these actions are going to
require diplomacy outside of the U.N. I am not as well prepared
to address those today, sir.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
And, Mr. Chair, I just also want to flag that there are
news reports that the Biden administration is in negotiations
with Iran. We do not know, obviously, the validity of this
because it has not been confirmed.
But I highlight that we are the committee of jurisdiction
on this and that it would do the Biden administration well to
come and brief, certainly, in a classified setting what is
going on and have Mr. Robert Malley and Mr. Brett McGurk here
to tell the Foreign Relations Committee about this rather than
us finding about it in newspaper accounts.
Mr. Markell. Agreed.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Peterson, the internationally accepted definition of
antisemitism is enshrined in the International Holocaust
Remembrance Alliance's working definition, the so-called IHRA
definition.
That definition says it is antisemitic to engage in the,
quote/unquote, ``targeting of the State of Israel conceived as
a Jewish collectivity by applying double standards not applied
to similar democracies.''
Ms. Peterson, do you agree with the IHRA definition that it
is antisemitic to target Israel using double standards?
Ms. Peterson. Yes, Senator. I agree.
Senator Cruz. Okay. Ms. Peterson, while you were at the top
of DRL the bureau published a notice of funding opportunity,
what is called a NOFO--essentially, a grant offer--for $1
million to fund NGOs to launch human rights investigations
against and inside Israel.
Now, as you know, I vociferously opposed that NOFO. I
called for it to be canceled. I wrote a letter to Secretary
Blinken highlighting that it was an outrage and that it was
antisemitic under the plain terms of the IHRA definition.
In my letter I outlined how your grant offer echoed decades
of double standards in antisemitic campaigns against Israel and
against Israeli Jews, how it echoed accusations that Israel
steals lands and commits crimes against humanity.
My letter was signed by a dozen Republicans. I also
questioned in writing the President's then nominee to be the
head of DRL, Uzra Zeya, about this grant.
Now, there are a couple of things we did not know at the
time but which we recently discovered. The first is that the
State Department's own office to combat antisemitism--the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism--was also
saying the same thing. They were saying the grant violated the
IHRA definition and they were saying it applied double
standards to Israel. That is the first thing.
The second thing is that the person who was pushing the
grant through the State Department, the person who was at the
very top of approving it and defending it from criticism and
answering questions including my questions in my letter, that
person, Ms. Peterson, was you.
Ms. Peterson, why did you push for an antisemitic grant
targeting Israeli Jews that even the State Department's
antisemitism envoy would not approve?
Ms. Peterson. Thank you very much for the opportunity to
address this question, Senator.
Let me first clarify that no activity was actually funded
under this notice of funding opportunity and I want to
underscore that I personally take seriously any allegations of
antisemitism and I am committed to working against it wherever
it occurs.
The policy of DRL is the policy of the Biden-Harris
administration and we continue to steadfastly support Israel
and reject any and all delegitimization efforts.
The Special Envoy's office was among the entities that
highlighted for us after, unfortunately, this notice of funding
opportunity had gone public how this could be construed.
They should clearly have been brought in while this was
being formulated. We did continue to let that process run its
course. We attempt to deliberately make our notices of funding
opportunity broad in order to try to receive innovative
proposals.
Once we received everything that came in responding to what
was in that notice of funding opportunity we ran things through
our very rigorous panel review process. We heard the concerns
from the Hill.
We heard the concerns from American Jewish organizations,
met with some of them to further hear concerns and explained
what we were trying to accomplish.
But after the review and consideration of all of the
factors in what we had originally thought we were trying to
achieve and what had come in in actual applications we did not
feel that anything that came in really met what was required to
take an activity--a legitimate activity forward in Israel.
Senator Cruz. Well, you are absolutely right that it was
not funded and it was not funded because of my criticism, which
your office tried hard to push back against and, in fact, I
knew you would say what you just said because I am holding the
answers that you and your office prepared for the State
Department to give to Congress and you prepared these answers
back in '22 because--and I will just go ahead and quote you--
because reports that, quote, ``the department is supporting the
delegitimization of Israel or the BDS movement or contributing
to antisemitic activities with Senator Cruz calling for it to
be canceled.''
Now, there are a couple of things about what you just said.
First, this set of answers from back in 2022--I am looking at
the approvals on the back of it--and it was also not approved
by your own office of antisemitism.
So when the State Department is facing, rightly,
accusations of being antisemitic and you are defending against
them and your own office of antisemitism is echoing those
charges why on earth do you still lock the office of
antisemitism out of reviewing the answers and dig into
defending a notice to fund an attack on Israel that was plainly
unjustified and well within the standard definition of
antisemitism?
Ms. Peterson. Senator, I will say flat out it is deeply
unfortunate that the Special Envoy's office was not part of
that clearance.
But I will clarify that once we reached the point of the
panel review process for the applications that actually came in
on that notice of funding opportunity they were very explicitly
included in the review process of the applications.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Cruz. Thank you, Senator
Ricketts.
With that, we have concluded today's hearing. I appreciate
the presence and testimony of all five nominees and I look
forward to advancing you through the committee. Thank you.
With that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:22 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kara C. McDonald by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Lithuania remained on Tier 1 for its continued commitment to
anti-trafficking work but progress remains needed in a few key
areas, like increased convictions and victim identification.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Lithuania operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. Lithuania continued to demonstrate serious and sustained
efforts to combat trafficking, as outlined in the 2023 Trafficking in
Persons (TIP) Report. If confirmed, I look forward to leveraging the
TIP Report as the primary guide for U.S. anti-trafficking policy and
encourage the Lithuanian government to implement the TIP Report's
prioritized recommendations, including to investigate, prosecute, and
convict traffickers under the anti-trafficking statute and to enhance
efforts to proactively identify victims of trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to portraying the reality of
the trafficking situation in Lithuania in the annual country reports on
Trafficking in Persons?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting accurate information as
it pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Lithuania.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Lithuania was noted for generally having
societal respect for religious freedom but with noted
concerning antisemitic incidents.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The U.S. Department of State is monitoring the rise of
antisemitism across Europe and, if confirmed, combatting antisemitism
will be a priority for me. The Lithuanian Government responded quickly
to repeated recent antisemitic remarks by opposition MP Remigijus
Zemaitaitis, strongly condemned publicly the remarks, and launched two
pre-trial investigations into his statements. If confirmed, I will draw
on my experience as a senior official involved in monitoring and
combatting antisemitism and build on my predecessor's extensive work on
this issue, to include by engaging the U.S. Ambassador at Large for
International Religious Freedom, the Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Antisemitism, the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues, the
Lithuanian government, and Lithuanian civil society to combat
antisemitism, advance religious tolerance, and promote Holocaust
education through public statements and in meetings with government
officials. I will also continue to advocate for the removal of plaques
and memorials to Nazi collaborators in the country.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with civil society
on this issue and work with the Lithuanian government to maintain its
strong human rights record, including by meeting with counterparts
throughout civil society. Additionally, I would encourage government
officials to condemn antisemitic incidents publicly and to include the
Lithuanian Jewish community on matters related to combating
antisemitism, Holocaust remembrance, and the preservation of Jewish
heritage. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly engages on this
issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Lithuania increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with diverse religious
communities in Lithuania and work closely with government officials to
promote and support initiatives aimed at enhancing religious freedom.
One of the key aspects I will address is the need to condemn religious
hatred, including antisemitism, and emphasize its detrimental impact on
society. I will plan to make remarks at events honoring important
religious-affiliated events and encourage other Embassy representatives
to do the same. Finally, I will also use the Embassy's social media
platforms to amplify messages supporting religious freedom and
condemning acts of intolerance or hate.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Lithuania
had few significant human rights abuses but there is always
more work to be done to better promote internationally-
recognized human rights.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. I have spent much of my career defending and advancing
human rights and democratic values in Europe and beyond. If confirmed,
I will work to promote Embassy Vilnius' regular and meaningful
engagement with the many local and regional civil society
organizations, to include those designed to support the third country
national refugee and activist communities, in order to continue to
support Lithuania's progress on human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to personally engaging with civil
society with an emphasis on the areas for improvement highlighted in
the 2022 Human Rights Report, to include Roma integration, combatting
antisemitism and vandalization of Holocaust monuments.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. Ensuring that the United States and our like-minded allies
and partners do not cede influence in the U.N. system to those who do
not share our values and are not committed to the foundational
principles of the U.N. is of vital importance to U.S. foreign policy
and national security interests. If confirmed, I will work directly
with the International Organizations Bureau, the government of
Lithuania, and other stakeholders to augment the number of Americans
while also encouraging citizens of likeminded nations to work
throughout the U.N. system.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. Lithuania is closely aligned with the United States across
the spectrum of foreign policy, national security, and economic issues,
and we should take full advantage of this close alignment to advance
U.S. and shared interests. If confirmed, I would ensure that my team
and I maintain regular contact with host government counterparts to
ensure maximum coordination on upcoming U.N. votes and other actions in
the U.N. and other multilateral bodies, including actions to support
Ukraine and further isolate Russia in the international system.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kara C. McDonald by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. Just this week, reporting
indicates that the Chinese are planning a training facility that could
put People's Liberation Army troops within 100 miles of the United
States. With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry,
the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so
choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its malign
influence, through our robust and forthright diplomatic engagements,
public diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Lithuania
ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith? If so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, we
seek to manage this competition responsibly so that competition does
not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC to
address transnational challenges, such as climate change,
counternarcotics, and public health, when it is in our interest to do
so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to us or anyone else,
and never in exchange for walking away from our principles, but because
it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I will work with
Departments and Agencies across the U.S. Government as well as with
Congress to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior in
Europe by the PRC and other actors.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be to advance U.S. interests
in Lithuania and to counter efforts by our strategic and regional
competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration has been
clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical challenge
facing the United States, and that the United States is committed to
working to strengthen our partnerships in the region. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Department of State and interagency colleagues,
as well as Congress, to address the PRC's efforts to expand its
influence in Lithuania and the region.
Question. Since their independence in 1991 from the Soviet Union,
the U.S. has renewed bilateral efforts with Lithuania and the Baltic
region. Relations have been driven by the reality and threats posed by
Russia given its renewed aggression to neighbors, and also due to
Lithuania joining NATO and the EU. Lithuania ranks 5th regarding total
bilateral assistance to Ukraine as a percentage of GDP and has
advocated for the strongest possible EU sanctions against Russia. They
have additionally declared Russia a ``state sponsor of terrorism,''
given Russia's actions in Ukraine. Lithuania has sought, and received,
significant security assistance from the U.S. since 2004 and has
growing economic relations. What is your characterization of the
existing relationship between the U.S. and Lithuania?
Answer. Lithuania is a valuable Ally, partner, and close friend,
and the U.S.-Lithuania relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The
United States has sustained continuous official diplomatic relations
with the Republic of Lithuania since 1922. During the illegal Soviet
occupation of Lithuania, the United States never recognized the country
as a part of the Soviet Union. This policy has long been emblematic of
the close relations between our two nations and is the foundation of
our close cooperation today. If confirmed, I will work to sustain our
countries' rich historic ties.
Question. If confirmed, how would you assist Lithuania's energy
independence and from reliance on Russian energy supplies?
Answer. Lithuania has a vital role to play in Europe's energy
security and diversification. It was the first EU member state to stop
importing natural gas from Russia and took the prescient step of
investing in its own off-shore LNG import terminal, aptly named the
Independence in 2014, which now supplies Latvia, Estonia, Finland, and
Poland. Lithuania is also looking to further modernize many aspects of
its energy infrastructure and diversify its mix. If confirmed I will
encourage Lithuania's progress on safe, responsible, and coordinated
steps towards further energy independence from Russia.
Question. In the 115th Congress, Senator Baldwin and I worked
together to pass the Justice for Uncompensated Survivors Today (JUST)
Act to assess the level of restitution needed for victims of the
Holocaust whose assets were illegally seized by European governments
during the Nazi era. The report required by the JUST Act found that
Lithuania is one of the few countries in Europe that still has not
adequately resolved Holocaust claims. For Lithuania and other Eastern
European countries that fell under the Russia and Soviet yoke during
the 20th century, portions of their independence movements cooperated
with Nazi Germany, leaving a complicated legacy for these countries to
deal with. If confirmed, how will you address the remaining
antisemitism in Lithuania?
Answer. Following the Department's submission to Congress and
release of the JUST Act report, Lithuania passed a law in 2022
providing compensation to the Jewish community for heirless property
and symbolic payments for unaddressed private property claims. As with
previous ambassadors to Lithuania, if confirmed, I will continue to
call upon the Lithuanian government and municipalities to remove
remaining memorials and plaques to Lithuanian partisans known to have
also participated in Holocaust-era atrocities. I will work in
partnership with civil society and the Jewish community on this effort,
building on a recent law on the removal of monuments to Nazi and Soviet
collaborators.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that Lithuanian
Jews are included in Lithuanian government discussions over how to
handle Jewish cemeteries and holy sites?
Answer. A Lithuanian Government commission, composed of local and
overseas historians, rabbis, and other experts, including two members
of the U.S. Commission for the Preservation of American Heritage Abroad
(USCPAHA), has been
appointed by the Prime Minister and began work in June to discuss the
future of the Snipiskes, a former Jewish cemetery in Vilnius over which
the Soviets built a sports palace. If confirmed, I commit to working
with Lithuanian authorities to ensure the Jewish Lithuanian community
is included in discussions regarding Holocaust remembrance, combating
antisemitism, and the preservation of Jewish heritage.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Dorothy Camille Shea by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, do you support U.N. Security Council reform
including any potential efforts to expand the non-permanent or
permanent members of the Council?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support expansion of the permanent and
non-permanent membership of the U.N. Security Council, including
permanent seats for countries from Africa, as well as from Latin
America and the Caribbean, as stated by President Biden in his
September 2022 address to the United Nations General Assembly.
Question. Do you support the expansion of veto power?
Answer. If confirmed, I will oppose any alteration or expansion of
the veto. I also note how the overuse of the veto by certain member
states has created challenges for the Security Council's effectiveness.
Question. Do you believe Security Council reform is necessary? Why
or why not?
Answer. Security Council reform is necessary so that the
institution can become more inclusive and better respond to the needs
of today's world. We need influential countries on every continent
fighting for the Security Council's continued relevance and
credibility. That is why expansion of permanent Council membership is
so important.
Question. What other efforts would you support?
Answer. Modernizing the Security Council is an important element of
a broader effort to support a U.N. that is more fit-for-purpose for the
21st century. In addition to expansion of permanent and non-permanent
seats, if confirmed, I will support efforts aimed at making the
Security Council more effective and efficient, including improvements
to the Council's working methods.
Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.'s role on the
Security Council? Are we effectively using our voice and vote to
influence positive change towards peace and security?
Answer. The United States continues to lead Security Council
efforts in influencing positive change. This includes promoting respect
for human rights and upholding the U.N. Charter, including issues of
sovereignty and territorial integrity. If confirmed, I will work
closely with our P3 allies, France and the UK, as well as with elected
members to push back on the PRC and Russia's obstructionism and their
efforts to advance an alternative authoritarian agenda.
Question. What is your assessment of Russia on the Security Council
in light of their war on Ukraine?
Answer. Russia's egregious actions are an affront to the core
mandate of the Security Council and undermine the purposes and
principles of the U.N. Charter. They are especially outrageous given
that Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council. Although
Russia's actions should disqualify it from serving on this body, let
alone as a permanent member, we do not see a viable way to suspend
Russia from the Security Council. If confirmed, I will work with allies
and partners to hold Russia to account for its brutal, unjustified war
against Ukraine with every tool at my disposal.
Question. The recent effort in the General Assembly to force a GA
meeting upon the use of a veto was supported by the U.S. In your view,
was this key to strengthening the council?
Answer. All Permanent Members should exercise restraint in using
the veto. Since 2009, Russia has cast 27 vetoes, 12 of which were
joined by the PRC. During the same period, the United States exercised
its veto four times. As a co-sponsor to General Assembly resolution 76/
262, we have signaled that the resolution's adoption is a significant
step toward achieving the accountability, transparency, and
responsibility of all Permanent Members that wield the veto. Those that
exercise their veto to defend their own acts of aggression and
violations of the U.N. Charter must be held accountable.
Question. What can be done to strengthen the U.S. position on the
Security Council?
Answer. The U.S. position continues to be strengthened through
concerted and continued outreach and coordination with the P3 (UK and
France) as well as with the elected ten members (E10).
Question. What is your view of the current state of U.N.
peacekeeping?
Answer. U.N. peacekeeping operations are among the most effective
mechanisms of burden-sharing to address the global challenges to
international peace and security. The United States continues to
evaluate peacekeeping missions with a view to making them as efficient
and effective as possible, while also providing missions with the
necessary resources to fully implement their mandates. If confirmed, I
will commit to working with the Administration to prioritize reforms in
annual budget negotiations, increase the efficiency of missions, and
minimize the cost of these operations to U.S. taxpayers, including
reducing or closing missions where appropriate and when conditions
allow.
Question. Are there missions that are more challenging politically
than others? If so, which ones?
Answer. Peacekeeping missions facilitate post-conflict recovery by
protecting civilians, preserving security, and creating the space for
political solutions. While the U.N. Secretary-General and many Member
States stress the importance of peacekeeping missions supporting
political solutions, these are long-term endeavors that require
persistence, political will, and significant resources. The most
challenging missions are those where tremendous effort and many
political processes over the years have not yielded a durable,
sustainable peace. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
continues to press the United Nations and political counterparts to
fully utilize the political and technical expertise peacekeeping
missions offer in pursuing both short- and long-term solutions.
Question. Do you believe any missions are no longer meeting their
mandate? If so, what do you believe would be appropriate action by the
Security Council?
Answer. The Administration continually reviews and assesses all
existing peacekeeping missions to ensure they are making a meaningful
and substantive contribution to international peace and security,
including though yearly mission monitoring and evaluation assessments.
If confirmed, for missions where that work remains imperative, I will
focus on making them as effective and efficient as possible and
providing them with the resources necessary to fully implement their
mandates, including well-trained and well-equipped troops and police.
If confirmed, for missions in countries where conditions allow, I will
work with the U.N. Secretariat and U.N. Security Council to press for
early strategic planning and sustainable transitions that preserve the
advances in host nation peace and security.
Question. Ongoing allegations and incidents of sexual exploitation
and abuse by peacekeepers and U.N. personnel (and most recently an
American) continue to draw international attention. What can the U.S.,
and the U.N., do to prevent more incidents of sexual abuse and assault?
Answer. The United States strongly supports the Secretary-General's
policy of zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and
calls for troop and police contributing countries to hold perpetrators
of SEA accountable. The United States also endorses measures by the
U.N. Secretary-General to prevent and combat SEA consistent with U.N.
Security Council Resolution 2272.
The United States incorporates the prevention of SEA into its
peacekeeping training activities with partners by drawing on funding
from the Global Peace Operations Initiative. To help improve the
investigation of and accountability for SEA, GPOI supported the initial
development of the U.N.'s National Investigation Officer (NIO) course.
GPOI continues to support the U.N.'s train-the-trainer NIO course to
institutionalize the training of NIOs in the investigation of
allegations of misconduct (including SEA) against their personnel.
Question. Most recently, the Council has experienced internal
conflict about holding meetings on particular humanitarian crises like
Syria, Ukraine, Ethiopia, and more. What is your assessment of this
issue? Should the Security Council hold more regular meetings on these
topics? If no, please explain.
Answer. The monthly program of work for the Security Council is
negotiated among the members, with a significant number of the meetings
fixed by directives in Security Council resolutions, including
discussions on the humanitarian situation in places like Yemen and
Syria. The Security Council has met regularly during Russia's war
against Ukraine since February 21, 2022, though some meetings were
called by Russia on farcical pretenses. If confirmed, I commit to using
these engagements as opportunities to work with like-minded partners to
highlight humanitarian crises, including ones caused or exacerbated by
Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
Question. Additionally, the Council has issues passing resolutions
or making statements on these topics. Do you believe the U.N. Security
Council is broken? Why or why not?
Answer. Due primarily to Russian intransigence aided by the PRC,
the U.N. Security Council has struggled to address many of the crises
around the world affecting international peace and security. However,
the Security Council continues to reauthorize mandates for field
operations, many of which serve to protect civilians and ensure
humanitarian assistance. If confirmed, I will continue to build as
broad and diverse a coalition of nations as possible on the future we
collectively seek, starting with the foundational principles on which
the U.N. and international system should rest.
Question. Russia and China have used their position on the Council
to block formal meetings on topics they did not like, including human
rights abuses in Xinjiang, Syria, and more. What is your assessment of
this issue? How can the U.S. use its influence to highlight these
important issues regardless of other P5 members?
Answer. Russia and China use their influence with U.N. Security
Council members states to prevent the Security Council from addressing
important issues, including human rights. If confirmed, I will commit
to working closely with our partners to ensure the UNSC discusses all
threats to international peace and security, even when Russia and China
work to limit the agenda. The United States leads efforts to highlight
issues like oppression by Russia and the PRC of their own citizens,
Syria's chemical weapons use, and Iran's nuclear program across the
U.N. system and in other fora, including in the General Assembly, Human
Rights Council, Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons,
and the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Question. The most recent Security Council elections replaced five
of the elected ten members with each candidate running unopposed. Do
you believe clean slates for U.N. bodies are beneficial? Why or why
not?
Answer. On June 6, the U.N. General Assembly elected Algeria,
Guyana, the Republic of Korea, and Sierra Leone, which all ran
unopposed, and Slovenia, which won a contested race against Belarus, as
non-permanent members of the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) for the 2024-
25 term. UNSC membership is arguably the most prestigious assignment in
the U.N. system and requires significant resources and preparation.
Countries typically announce their candidacy years in advance and
regional blocs often discourage competition to ensure diversity of
representation. In general, clean slate elections can be detrimental to
U.N. bodies, often electing candidates who are unqualified for, or
worse, hostile to, the work of those bodies. If confirmed, I will
actively encourage qualified candidates to participate in U.N.
elections.
Question. There have been proposals put forward for the U.N.
peacekeeping budget to fund missions that have not been approved by the
U.N. Security Council. Do you believe that the U.N. peacekeeping budget
should only be put towards missions approved by the U.N. Security
Council?
Answer. I want to reaffirm the importance the United States
attaches to U.N. Security Council (UNSC) authorization, primacy, and
oversight over peacekeeping missions funded out of the U.N.
peacekeeping budget. The Department may use funds authorized to be
appropriated under the United Nations Participation Act for assessed
and other expenses of international peacekeeping activities only for
international peacekeeping operations that have been expressly
authorized by the UNSC.
Question. The United States is the single largest financial
contributor to U.N. peacekeeping activities. Congress authorizes and
appropriates U.S. contributions, and it has an ongoing interest in
ensuring such funding is used as efficiently and effectively as
possible. Do you believe that any nation, including the United States,
should pay more than 25 percent of the U.N. peacekeeping budget?
Answer. I believe that other countries can and should assume more
of the financial burden for U.N. peacekeeping. I also believe that once
the U.N. General Assembly has reached agreement on the distribution of
financial responsibility, each country should uphold its responsibility
to pay its share. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to
discuss this issue further in the context of the next scale of
assessments negotiation that will determine how much each country
contributes for U.N. peacekeeping.
Question. What is your position on U.S. repayment of U.N.
peacekeeping arrears? As memorialized in the 1999 Helms-Biden
agreement, the Late Ambassador Holbrooke, then-President Clinton, then-
Secretary General Kofi Anan, and then-Senator Biden all believed that
the United States has no obligation to pay, and thus should not pay,
the roughly $500 million in ``contested arrears'' that were explicitly
excluded from the $1.6 billion Helms-Biden agreement. However, since
then, the U.N. has insisted upon keeping on its books, and the Obama
administration sought to pay over Congressional objections. Do you
commit not to pay these ``contested arrears'' per Congressional intent
as outlined in the Helms-Biden agreement?
Answer. My understanding is that the Administration has not sought
funds from Congress to pay the contested arrears and has no plans to
pay the arrears. I would welcome the opportunity to discuss steps to
address recently accrued U.S. arrears and how to avoid new U.S.
arrears, if confirmed.
Question. Are there any specific steps you believe the U.N. should
take to reduce the overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget? If so,
what are they?
Answer. U.N. peacekeeping budgets are informed by mandates adopted
in the Security Council and budget levels agreed to in the Fifth
Committee of the General Assembly. The U.S. Mission to the United
Nations works with other Security Council members and Fifth Committee
delegations to ensure that both mandates and budgets are appropriately
tailored to advance U.S. national interests. With the closure in recent
years of missions in Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia, Haiti, and Sudan the
overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget has decreased from over $8
billion in 2016 to approximately $6.4 billion currently.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Dorothy Camille Shea by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. Just this week, reporting
indicates that the Chinese are planning a training facility that could
put People's Liberation Army troops within 100 miles of the United
States. With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry,
the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so
choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes. Earlier this year, the Director of National
Intelligence testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and
most consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, and
public diplomacy to bolster the United States' interest in the U.N.
system.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. It is highly unlikely that Chinese Communist Party's (CCP)
activities would be beneficial to U.S. interests, given that the
Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) activities
in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken has said, the CCP
has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad.
According to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence's 2023
Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S.
influence, drive wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster
some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith? If so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the U.N. System.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in the U.N. system and countering efforts by our
strategic and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to
expand its influence in the U.N. system.
Question. The Biden Administration has voiced support for a pair of
deals to import $600 million of gas and electricity into Lebanon via
Syria. This appears to violate the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection
Act, as the Assad regime would receive compensation for the deal. Why
is the administration trying to avoid waiving the application of
sanctions under the Caesar Act for this project?
Answer. The Administration has not waived Caesar or any other
sanctions, which remain an important tool to press for accountability
for the Assad regime's atrocious record of human rights abuses and
violations. The United States is focused on maximizing the benefits to
the Lebanese people--who continue to struggle with an acute energy
crisis--while limiting any potential benefit to the Assad regime. No
final determination has yet been made about the U.S. sanctions
implications of that proposal. We received provisional contracts for
both the electricity and gas deals last year. The final financing terms
and contracts are still being discussed by the parties and the World
Bank. The Departments of Treasury and State still need to review
details of the final financing terms and contracts to assess any
relevant sanctions concerns. Only at that time will we have the
information needed to make any final determinations. The Department of
State looks forward to continuing to consult with Congress on this
important issue.
Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for the U.S. to violate
its own sanctions or statutes for partisan activity at the U.N.?
Answer. No. If confirmed, I would continue to comply with all
relevant U.S. laws, including applicable sanctions laws.
Question. Can you assure this committee that you will actively
oppose all efforts by foreign governments to engage with or
rehabilitate the Assad regime while at the U.N.?
Answer. We have been clear that the United States will not
normalize relations with the Assad regime, nor support other countries
normalizing relations, absent authentic progress toward a political
solution consistent with U.N. Security Council resolution 2254. As
Ambassador to Lebanon, I consistently conveyed these positions to
Lebanese authorities at all levels, and if confirmed, I will prioritize
continuing to work with our allies, likeminded partners, and the U.N.
to implement Security Council resolution 2254.
Question. While serving as the U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon, you held
a meeting with pro-Hezbollah officials. Photographs surfaced of you
wearing the traditional hijab for the meeting, while Iranian protesters
were dying to give women the right not to wear a hijab in Iran. Do you
believe you made a mistake by wearing the hijab when meeting with the
pro-Hezbollah officials?
Answer. Sheikh Ali al-Khatib is not a pro-Hizballah official; he is
a religious leader in Lebanon's Shia community, which includes those
who oppose Hizballah. As Ambassador to Lebanon, I regularly engage with
the country's array of religious leaders. I do not believe there is any
contradiction between my choice to wear a veil during this meeting (out
of respect for religious tradition when meeting a cleric in Lebanon)--
and my absolute support for and solidarity with the women of Iran. If
confirmed, I will continue to press for the advancement of women's
rights in Iran and all countries.
Question. Would you do it again? And if so, why? What kind of
signal did this send to the pro-democracy movement in Iran?
Answer. Yes, I would choose to do so again in such a setting, out
of respect for religious tradition. As my record has shown, I have been
and remain committed to advancing freedoms of expression and religion
or belief. Wearing a veil as a sign of respect during a meeting with
this influential religious figure--as I also have done when meeting
with Sunni and Druze religious leaders in Lebanon--in no way
contradicts my steadfast support for the right of Iranian women not to
wear the veil and indeed the rights of all Iranians to full freedom of
expression, and religion or belief. Moreover, while Hizballah routinely
tries to portray the U.S. Government as working against the Shia
community in Lebanon, my engagement with Shia religious figures (in
which among other things I underscore the good work that the U.S.
Government is doing in their communities) clearly demonstrates the
fallacy of Hizballah's narrative. Indeed, my wider efforts to push back
on Hizballah's malign influence in Lebanon and throughout the region
serve to contain the influence of Iran's main ally and help further the
cause of democracy and human rights.
Question. Will you promote an LGBT agenda at the U.N., even if this
might alienate needed allies and partners in our competition with
Beijing?
Answer. The United States will continue to promote respect for the
human rights of all persons, including LGBTQI+ persons, globally. The
United States has found ways to partner with allies and partners across
regions with the goal of bringing attention to, and support for,
LGBTQI+ persons including in the Human Rights Council, U.N. Security
Council, OAS, and ILO, among other multilateral organizations. If
confirmed, I will continue to support the work of the U.N. LGBTI Core
Group in New York. These partnerships are critical to building
relationships across regions and other important cross-cutting issues,
without alienating allies and partners in our competition with Beijing.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jack A. Markell by Senator James E. Risch
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Italy remained on Tier 2 for its incremental progress but lack
of victim identification, particularly among children.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Italy operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. I take the issue of trafficking in persons extremely
seriously. If confirmed, I will encourage the Italian Government to
implement the TIP Report recommendations to protect potential
trafficking victims, including amongst migrant populations, and work
vigorously to support their efforts to investigate and prosecute
trafficking cases.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation in Italy as it pertains to the country
narrative in the Trafficking in Persons report?
Answer. As I understand, Embassy Rome works closely with the
Italian Government to share U.S. concerns about trafficking in persons
and the Embassy contributes to the Congressionally mandated reporting
on conditions there. If confirmed, I commit to comprehensive reporting
of the trafficking situation and will work with the Government to
address the concerns as outlined in the Trafficking in Persons Report.
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Italy had concerning incidents of antisemitic
incidents and threats of violence.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Italian constitution protects religious freedom and
Prime Minster Meloni has condemned the rise of antisemitism in Italy,
appointed a special envoy to combat antisemitism, and met with Italian
Jewish leadership. However, there is still more to be done to address
religious intolerance and discrimination, including antisemitism. If
confirmed, I commit to working with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom, the Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Antisemitism, and the Government of Italy to bolster religious
freedom and to combat all forms of antisemitism including online and in
public sporting events. I also look forward to engaging with the Senate
Bipartisan Task Force for Combating Antisemitism, of which I know you
are a member.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage, formally and informally, with
government officials-- including its coordinator to fight
antisemitism--religious actors, youth activists, media, and other civil
society groups to address the issue of antisemitism and highlight the
importance of religious freedom and tolerance, in coordination with
colleagues in Washington.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Italy increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. I believe that religious freedom is critical to pluralistic
societies. If confirmed, I would engage with all stakeholders,
including civil society, faith-based organizations, and the Government
of Italy, including its coordinator to fight antisemitism, to focus our
efforts to promote respect for religious freedom and tolerance.
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Italy had
several significant human rights abuses, including threats of
violence against journalists.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Violence and threats of violence against journalists,
members of national, racial, and ethnic minorities, and members of the
Jewish and LGBTQI+ communities are not acceptable. If confirmed, I
would work with the Government of Italy to ensure that those
responsible for human rights abuses are held accountable under the law.
I would also work with the relevant offices in the U.S. Mission to
engage civil society organizations that advocate for human rights to
better understand their concerns and elevate their voices when
appropriate.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights is a key priority of
mine and is a central priority for the Biden administration. If
confirmed, I commit to personally engaging with civil society to hear
their concerns and to elevate their voices when appropriate. I would
also encourage and support all members of the Mission to meet with
civil society groups.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. It is important that international organizations are led by
capable individuals committed to upholding the integrity of the rules-
based international order. If confirmed, I would work with USUN and IO
colleagues to identify, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in the
U.N. system.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. Ensuring that the United States and our like-minded allies
and partners do not cede influence in the U.N. system to those who do
not share our values and are not committed to the foundational
principles of the U.N. is of vital importance to U.S. foreign policy
and national security interests. If confirmed, I commit to working with
allies and partners to promote likeminded initiatives within the U.N.
system.
According to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal, there are two open allegations of sexual exploitation
and abuse by the country's peacekeepers deployed to U.N.
peacekeeping missions, in cases from 2023.
Question. How will you engage with the Italian Government to ensure
that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse from U.N.
peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. Italy rightly takes pride in being a major global security
provider through its leadership and participation in numerous U.N.
missions, to include its contribution of 900 troops to the U.N. Interim
Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), as well as NATO and EU operations overseas.
Every U.N. member country should be working towards creating a U.N.
peacekeeping system that is free from sexual exploitation and abuse. If
confirmed, I will continue to voice strong support for the U.N.
Secretary-General's policy of zero tolerance for sexual exploitation
and abuse and call for the Government of Italy to ensure that
perpetrators are held accountable.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jack A. Markell by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. Just this week, reporting
indicates that the Chinese are planning a training facility that could
put People's Liberation Army troops within 100 miles of the United
States. With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry,
the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so
choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its malign
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Italy ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith? If so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, we
seek to manage this competition responsibly so that competition does
not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC to
address transnational challenges, such as climate change,
counternarcotics, and public health, when it is in our interest to do
so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to anyone else, and
never in exchange for walking away from our principles. If confirmed, I
will work with Departments and Agencies across the U.S. Government as
well as with Congress to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful
behavior by the PRC and other actors in Europe.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be to advance U.S. interests
in Italy and countering efforts by our strategic and regional
competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration has been
clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical challenge
facing the United States, and that the United States is committed to
working to strengthen our partnerships in the region. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Department of State and interagency colleagues,
as well as Congress to address the PRC's efforts to expand its
influence in Italy and the region.
Question. Italy's 2022 general election resulted in a center-right
majority in Parliament, which resulted in the first female Prime
Minister of Italy. The new Italian Government is supportive of NATO,
skeptical of China, supports closer ties between Italy and Taiwan, has
condemned Russia's invasion of Ukraine, is acutely aware of mass
migrations effects upon Europe, and maintains conservative views and
policies. What is your characterization of the existing relationship
between the U.S. and Italy?
Answer. The United States and Italy enjoy a close partnership and
vital alliance. Prime Minister Meloni's Government has continued
Italy's impressive support to Ukraine and policy of holding Russia
accountable and deployed forces to strengthen deterrence and defense on
NATO's eastern flank. It has been forward-leaning and clear-eyed in
addressing the challenge posed by the PRC, acted to de-risk Italy's
economy through investment screening, championed Italy's role in the
greater Mediterranean, and is working to deepen transatlantic
collaboration. If confirmed, I will endeavor to continue this positive
trajectory with her Government.
Question. With more than 80 percent of this ally's population
practicing the Catholic faith, if confirmed, will you promote an LGBT
agenda in Italy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will promote respect for the human rights
of all people, including LGBTQI+ persons. As I have during my time
leading our mission to the OECD, I would continue to promote the rights
and dignity of all persons.
Pope Francis recently called for members of the Catholic Church to
welcome and respect LGBTQI+ people and called laws against them unjust.
In promoting human rights in Italy, I would work with members of all
faiths, including the Catholic faith, to advance our shared goals of
human dignity for all.
Question. Should an LGBT agenda come before national security or
American prosperity?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights is an integral aspect of
securing American prosperity and national security. Countries are
stronger and more prosperous when all people are respected, treated
with dignity, and able to contribute to the economy without
discrimination. Support for the equal rights and dignity of all people
is an international obligation that the United States, Italy, and
countries from all regions around the world have sworn to fulfill. If
confirmed, I will strengthen American national security and prosperity
and work to deepen U.S.-Italy cooperation to address global challenges,
defend the international rules-based order, reduce nuclear risk,
promote democracy and respect for human rights, and address climate
change. I will also strive to advance U.S.-Italy economic ties and
promote U.S. exports and boost Italian investment in the United States.
Question. How can the U.S. support Italy and EU energy
diversification away from Russia?
Answer. U.S. LNG is helping to improve European gas
diversification. U.S. LNG exports to Italy increased three-fold in
2022, contributing to Italy's remarkable reduction in its dependence on
Russian gas since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
If confirmed, I will continue to promote opportunities for U.S.
exports of all kinds. At the same time, I will promote our growing
bilateral cooperation and two-way investment in the clean energy
transition, including in solar, wind, hydrogen, and other renewable
sources of energy.
Question. If confirmed, how will you convince Italy to meet the 2
percent GDP defense spending upon NATO?
Answer. Italy is a vital ally and shares our goal of strengthening
NATO to deal with the full range of threats facing the transatlantic
community, including terrorism. If confirmed, I will urge Italy to
increase its defense spending (currently at 1.54 percent of GDP) to
meet its Wales Pledge commitments in support of our collective defense.
Prime Minister Meloni committed in March to raising Italian defense
spending to 2 percent of GDP by 2028.
Question. Earlier this week, Italy invoked national security to
remove the CCP's influence over tire maker Pirelli by removing a
Chinese company's right to appoint Pirelli's CEO and to negate the
possibility the CCP could use the Chinese company to misuse Pirelli's
chip technology. This decision comes amid allegations that the CCP was
attempting to exert tighter controls over the company. What is your
characterization of the existing relationship between China and Italy?
Answer. Under a previous Italian Government, Italy was the only G7
member to join the PRC's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Like other
countries, Italy has not seen the hoped for economic boost from BRI and
subsequent Italian Governments have been more skeptical of the PRC. PM
Meloni has voiced concerns over the PRC's activities and her Government
has used its investment-screening authorities to reverse or limit some
previous investments by China.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Italian Government to
address shared concerns regarding the PRC's non-market policies and
practices as well as its threatening behavior toward Taiwan, its human
rights record, and the risks of deepening or creating new economic
dependencies.
Question. Do you believe Italy, or the EU, can de-risk instead of
decouple critical industries from the CCP?
Answer. As evidenced by Italy's recent decision involving Pirelli,
the Government of Italy is aware of the need to screen foreign
investment in strategic sectors and has used its investment and
procurement screening authority to assess and regulate investment in
strategic sectors by foreign firms, including from the PRC. If
confirmed, I will make it a priority to work with the Government of
Italy to de-risk its economic relationship with the PRC.
Question. How can the U.S. assist Italy and regional partners to
decouple their supply chains and critical industries from the CCP?
Answer. Italy recognizes that an economic model relying on cheap
energy imports from Russia and exports to the PRC market is no longer
viable. Instead, Italy is working to become a hub for new energy flows
into Europe and to attract greater foreign investment.
Italy is eager to join the United States as members of a group of
``digitally capable'' countries leading on critical and emerging
technologies and policy. Italy is preparing legislation to incentivize
the extraction of 15 critical minerals found in Italy. If confirmed, I
would continue to engage Italy on the crucial topic of supply-chain
security, and to support its efforts to de-risk its economic ties with
the PRC.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Vernelle Trim FitzPatrick by Senator James E. Risch
Bilateral Relations
Question. In your view, what are the top three priorities for the
U.S. bilateral relationship with Gabon that you will advance or
maintain as U.S. ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. Our top three strategic priorities in Gabon are to
collaborate with the Gabonese government to protect Gabon's forests and
biodiversity in in the Congo Basin, what some call Earth's second lung;
countering the harmful activities of the People's Republic of China
(PRC) and Russia; and, working to broaden cooperation on maritime and
other security issues.
If confirmed, I will advance several agreements that we are hoping
to sign with Gabon, including a Defense Cooperation Agreement, a
Bilateral Framework Agreement and development cooperation agreements
with U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and the U.S. Forest Service. All of
these agreements will help anchor our partnership with Gabon and will
allow us to do more together.
Question. If confirmed, you will likely arrive in Gabon in the
immediate pre-election or post-election period, where President Ali
Bongo is expected to seek reelection and ``win'' another term. Gabon is
rated ``not free'' by Freedom House's Freedom in the World Index. How
will you use your position and platform, as U.S. Ambassador, to address
issues of democracy and democratic governance, as well as corruption,
in Gabon?
Answer. Corruption and lack of transparency remain major
impediments to domestic and foreign investment and commercial
opportunities, and the U.S. supports Gabon's commitment to addressing
endemic corruption. In June 2019, the government of Gabon created a new
ministry to address good governance, anti-corruption, and the
evaluation of public policy. Since the creation of the ministry, there
have been several high-level officials arrested for corruption,
including cabinet ministers, former aides of the president, and the
mayor of Libreville.
Gabon has rejoined the Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative, aimed at improving transparency in the management of
mining, oil, and gas revenues. In addition, in 2022, the government
made significant anticorruption efforts to reduce cases of security
forces harassing or extorting refugees and noncitizen Africans.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the people of Gabon?
Answer. The United States supports the people of Gabon in their
goals of long-term stability, prosperity, economic growth, and the
expansion of democracy. We seek to promote more open and inclusive
governance and respect for human rights and the rule of law through
strengthened bilateral relations emphasizing our enduring commitment to
trade, investment, security, and environmental protection.
If confirmed, I will engage with Gabonese authorities, citizens,
and civil society groups in all aspects of combatting corruption, and
improving and expanding democratic governance, democratic electoral
processes, and civic participation. I would meet with opposition
parties, promote professional journalism, and support efforts by the
Government of Gabon to build stronger institutions. Recognizing that
U.S. assistance to Gabon is limited to a few areas--namely environment
and security--as it is an upper middle-income country, it will also be
important to leverage what other like-minded actors are doing in the
good governance space.
U.S. Africa Leaders Summit
Question. What is your understanding of the deliverables from the
U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit (ALS) broadly targeting the African
continent?
Answer. The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit demonstrated our renewed
commitment to partnerships between the United States and African
countries, institutions, and people. We remain focused on what we will
do with African nations and people, not for African nations and people
as we deepen and expand our partnerships, amplify African voices, and
support the empowerment of Africans.
At the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, leaders shared their commitment
to championing democracy, good governance, and respect for human
rights; advancing trade and investment; progressing climate innovation;
improving health and food security; strengthening peace and security;
and supporting the African diaspora. We are proud of the private sector
commitments made as well as the Administration's continuation of high-
level engagements with countries on the continent. Further, the
President's Advisory Council on African Diaspora Engagement in the
United States (PAC-ADE) will advise the President on strengthening
relationships between the United States, African communities, and the
African Diaspora.
Question. What is your understanding of specific deliverables from
ALS to Gabon?
Answer. The programs and projects outlined during ALS differ from
country to country -- whether it is for security assistance, public
health, democracy and governance, infrastructure development,
education, or the environment. The United States is engaging with the
Gabonese to advance initiatives in many of these areas. For example,
working to sign a Defense Cooperation Agreement with the Gabonese
government, which would facilitate consistent and expanded security
cooperation and assistance. This would be in addition to current
programs such as the International Military Education and Training
(IMET) program.
Another initiative that presents opportunities is the Initiative
for Atlantic Cooperation, announced last September by Secretary Blinken
during UNGA, which Gabon is now engaged in, along with many other
countries along the Atlantic seaboard. In addition, USAID has developed
a Framework bilateral cooperation agreement for Gabon, which, when
finalized, will be a big step towards expanding future programs in
Gabon. If confirmed, I will support these ongoing efforts.
Question. Has Mission Libreville received specific guidance from
the Administration in messaging and implementing ALS deliverables?
Answer. Yes. Our Embassy in Libreville received guidance on U.S.-
Africa Leaders Summit implementation areas and the Digital
Transformation with Africa initiative. Details on announced
deliverables and talking points were provided.
Question. What feedback have you received from Gabon's delegation
to ALS? What is its understanding of ALS deliverables and next steps?
Answer. As the Ambassadorial nominee, I have not met with the
Government of Gabon. However, the Bureau of African Affairs has advised
me that the Gabonese delegation was very pleased with ALS. They viewed
it as a positive step forward for U.S. engagement and partnership with
African nations, and Gabon in particular. Our Embassy in Libreville and
the Bureau of African Affairs in Washington have been engaged with
Gabonese officials including President Bongo, the Foreign Minister,
Prime Minister, Gabon's Ambassador to the United States, and other
government ministries since ALS to fully explain and implement ALS
deliverables. If confirmed, I will follow up on these discussions with
the Gabonese government to further strengthen the bilateral
relationship.
Question. How does Mission Libreville plan to support the
implementation of ALS deliverables in Gabon?
Answer. To realize the potential of what was messaged at ALS, if
confirmed, I will continue existing efforts aimed at strengthening
bilateral relations, including continuing negotiation of bilateral
agreements such as the USAID Framework Bilateral Agreement and the
Defense Cooperation Agreement; developing arrangements for cooperation
with U.S. Forest Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife; and continuing
work on the Initiative for Atlantic Cooperation. I will also seek to
develop and expand commercial business initiatives between the United
States and Gabon.
During the ALS, President Biden, African Union Chair and
President of Senegal Macky Sall, and African Union Commission
Chair Moussa Faki Mahamat issued a joint ``Vision Statement''
pledging to ``deepen our collaboration to solve global problems
and shape the rules of the road for technology, space,
cybersecurity, trade, environmental protection, and
economics.''
Question. How do you conceive of Mission Libreville's role in
implementing this vision?
Answer. As part of the whole-of-government effort, Mission
Libreville is supportive of the launch of the President's Advisory
Council on African Diaspora Engagement, the half a billion dollar rise
in investment value of deals committed through the U.S. Africa Business
Forum from $15.7 billion to $16.2 billion, the implementation of
signature initiatives, including the Digital Transformation with Africa
(DTA), and investments under the Partnership for Global Infrastructure
and Investment (PGII), and elevating African voices. If confirmed, I
will be a strong advocate for greater collaboration between Gabon and
the U.S. Government in all these areas.
The Administration pledged during the ALS, among other
things, to expand U.S. support for leadership training,
economic and trade integration, digital access and literacy,
health system capacity, food security, climate adaptation, and
security sector reform in Africa.
Question. How does Mission Libreville plan to support these
objectives in concrete terms?
Answer. Gabon and the United States have an excellent, longstanding
cooperative relationship particularly on environmental and security
issues, which we will continue to grow. We collaborate closely on
protecting Gabon's unique forest ecosystem, primarily through USAID's
Central Africa Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE), which has
been in place since 1995 and is the U.S. Government's oldest and
largest environmental program in Africa. The U.S. Fish & Wildlife
Service helped establish Gabon's National Parks Agency (ANPN) to
protect the country's rich biodiversity with a $40 million grant
dispersed from 2013 to 2023. The U.S. Forest Service is also helping
Gabon combat illegal logging activities through capacity building
programs, such as training prosecutors, judges, and investigators.
U.S. security cooperations and assistance efforts focus on building
Gabonese capacities in several areas. Security assistance includes the
International Military Education and Training (IMET) program and
occasional military-to-military events. Gabon has been a longtime
partner on maritime security issues, such as by being a participant in
exercise ``Obangame Express'' since its inception. In late April 2023,
the United States and Gabon announced a joint State Partnership Program
that links U.S. National Guard units from a specific U.S. state (the
state is TBD) with partner nations security forces and disaster
response organizations in a cooperative, mutually beneficial
relationship.
Gabon was formally invited to the Secretary Blinken-hosted
Ministerial launching the Initiative on Atlantic Cooperation in
September 2022 at UNGA, the aim of which is to advance shared security,
economic, and environmental interests in the Atlantic Basin. We expect
Gabon will be especially interested in countering illegal, unreported
and unregulated fishing and developing its blue economy. If confirmed,
I will work closely with the embassy team to build on these initiatives
and seek opportunities to engage on the other ALS objectives.
Question. How, and according to what benchmarks, will Post be
assessed in terms of achievement of these objectives?
Answer. Many of the commitments announced at the U.S. Africa
Leaders Summit relate to programming that already has a proven track
record and associated program benchmarks. If confirmed, I will lead
Mission Libreville to continue advancing key themes of the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit, including supporting peace and security, generating
economic growth, combating climate change, and building healthier
lives.
One of the new commitments the Administration announced
during the ALS is to ``engage with complex political
transitions in Africa and demonstrate U.S. Government support
to governments and civil society at critical moments.''
Question. What role do you envision Mission Libreville playing in
this African Democratic and Political Transitions (ADAPT) initiative,
if any?
Answer. The new ADAPT initiative reaffirms U.S. commitment to
durable democratic political transitions and will work to counter
democratic backsliding in partnership with regional bodies,
governments, and civil society. Pilot countries for ADAPT support are
currently being finalized.
Trade and Investment
Question. How would you practice commercial diplomacy on behalf of
U.S. investments in Gabon?
Answer. With its high per capita GDP, stability, educated
workforce, and the government's commitment to diversifying its economy
away from oil and mineral resource extraction, Gabon presents
opportunities to boost commercial ties. At the same time, however, the
business climate remains challenging due to the need to increase
accountability and transparency, decrease bureaucratic impediments, and
improve the country's infrastructure. As a result, the presence of U.S.
companies is small in the country.
If confirmed, I will engage in commercial diplomacy by meeting with
U.S. businesses to learn about barriers to trade and investment and
working with Embassy Libreville and agencies in Washington as well as
the Foreign Commercial Service representative to identify potential
linkages between U.S. companies and opportunities in Gabon. I will seek
opportunities to build on the March 2023 visit of the Department of
State's Special Representative for Commercial and Business Affairs,
Dilawar Syed, to Gabon. The visit opened new avenues for the embassy
team to pursue.
If confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Libreville draws on the range
of economic tools at our disposal, including Prosper Africa, Power
Africa, DFC, USTDA, the Export-Import Bank, and more. I will also
engage government counterparts to encourage them to remove barriers to
trade and investment and advocate for U.S. companies over our
competitors.
Question. What is your assessment of Gabon's greatest barriers to
increased two-way trade and investment with the United States?
Answer. Gabon's oil-reliant economy recovered significantly in 2022
as world oil prices increased, but minimal diversification, a large and
stifling bureaucracy, and frequent widespread public and private sector
strikes discourage domestic and foreign investment. Corruption is also
a major impediment to increased bilateral trade and investment.
Despite the economic turmoil of the COVID-19 pandemic, Gabon
remains the third highest GDP-per-capita in Africa and presents many
opportunities for growth. If confirmed, I will advocate for increased
commerce between the two nations and engage with government
counterparts about lowering the barriers to investment, including
fighting corruption and promoting good governance, which are key to
laying the groundwork for economic stability and development.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools at your
disposal--including through Prosper Africa--as U.S. Ambassador to
Gabon, if confirmed, to support addressing barriers to trade and
investment in the enabling environment, including the need for economic
and political reforms?
Answer. Increasing U.S. investment in and bilateral trade with
Gabon is a key line of effort in our work to strengthen our partnership
with the country. U.S. companies advance democratic principles, promote
corporate responsibility, provide goods and services that are known for
their excellence, and create jobs both at home and abroad when they
increase invest and trade. The Government of Gabon has repeatedly
expressed an interest in increasing the presence of U.S. companies in
the country.
Prosper Africa is a Presidential-level, national security
initiative that brings together--and enhances--the tools and services
from 17 U.S. Government agencies to help companies and investors do
business in U.S. and African markets. The initiative serves as an entry
point for companies and investors to access the full suite of U.S.
Government trade and investment services.
If confirmed, I will tap expertise within the Department of State,
USAID, the Department of Commerce, and other agencies involved in the
Prosper Africa initiative to address barriers to trade and investment
to create a more enabling environment in Gabon, including the need for
economic and political reforms. I will engage Prosper Africa to
mobilize resources and expertise from across the U.S. Government's
trade and investment agencies, including DFC, USTDA, and the Export-
Import bank, to provide market insights and advisory services to U.S.
companies seeking to invest in Gabon, and more broadly expand two-way
trade and investment between the United States and Gabon. For example,
DFC has expressed interest in pursuing projects in the country.
Foreign Assistance
Question. The USAID/Central Africa Regional Mission in Kinshasa
covers Gabon. How will you approach partnership with the USAID Mission
Director and other USAID colleagues covering Gabon remotely?
Answer. Building on the strong, collegial partnership with the
USAID's West Africa Regional Mission in Accra and USAID's Central
Africa Regional Operating Unit in Kinshasa will be key to my efforts,
if confirmed, to managing USAID equities in Gabon effectively. The U.S.
AID Mission in Kinshasa manages the Central Africa Program for the
Environment (CARPE), which has been in place in the region since 1995
and is the U.S. Government's oldest and largest environmental program
in Africa, with over $650 million invested throughout the region to
date.
If confirmed, I will prioritize building a collegial, and effective
relationship with the USAID/Central Africa Regional Mission in Kinshasa
and will encourage other members of the team to follow suit at the
working level. I will view USAID leadership as an extension of the
embassy's country team though they are physically located in the region
and not in Gabon and will seek consistent, regular exchanges with
USAID's leadership.
A significant portion of the U.S. foreign assistance
portfolio for Gabon is focused on the environment and
biodiversity, including through the Central Africa Regional
Program for the Environment (CARPE).
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Gabon, if confirmed, how will you
engage with USAID and its implementing partners to ensure adequate and
appropriate in-country oversight of CARPE programs?
Answer. If confirmed, I will draw from my experience as the
Director of the Office of Assistance to Africa in the State
Department's Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) when
engaging with USAID and its implementing partners who work on CARPE
programs. At PRM, we must maintain close contact with our Regional
Refugee Coordinators on the continent. Our partnership with them relies
on constant and consistent communication, our joint monitoring and
evaluation of projects, and our shared responsibility to engage
partners and highlight challenges and ways to resolve them.
If confirmed, I will ensure that we encourage visits in country by
USAID colleagues, ensure regular communication between USAID, its
partners, and Embassy Libreville, request that the embassy be briefed
about the performance evaluations of programming in Gabon, and seek
USAID colleagues' input in the embassy's review of our Integrated
Country Strategy.
Question. How can you, as U.S. Ambassador to Gabon, if confirmed,
improve efforts to communicate the work of the United States to support
Gabon to preserve its natural resources and biodiversity, including as
part of U.S. efforts to counter Chinese influence and China's
extractive relationship with Gabon?
Answer. The Administration has been clear that the Peoples Republic
of China (PRC) is the most consequential geopolitical challenge facing
the United States, and that the United States is committed to working
to strengthen our partners in the region. Gabon and the United States
have an excellent, longstanding cooperative relationship on issues
involving the biodiversity and natural resources, which we will
continue to grow. If confirmed, I will continue to highlight the
benefits of partnering with the United States to my Gabonese government
counterparts through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements,
public diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Gabonese
ties. I will work closely with the embassy's Public Affairs Section to
review the mission's media strategy to determine how we can best build
on the embassy's efforts to bolster the U.S. Government's public
profile in Gabon and implement aa plan of action accordingly.
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Gabon remained on Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to meet the
minimum standards but incrementally improving its' anti-
trafficking capacity.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Gabon operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Libreville's ongoing
efforts working with the Gabonese government. Post is engaging the
government in many areas and has provided a number of recommendations,
including: resource and implement the National Action Plan on TIP;
formally convene the national inter-ministerial anti-trafficking
commission to coordinate government efforts; increase efforts to
proactively identify adult and child victims of trafficking, including
among key sectors such as domestic service, markets, and individuals in
commercial sex, and refer trafficking victims to care; increase efforts
to investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes, including those
involving complicit officials, and adequately sentence convicted
traffickers; provide training for law enforcement officers,
prosecutors, and judges on the penal code and victim-centered, trauma-
informed investigations; and, increase financial or in-kind support to
government- and NGO-run shelters.
If confirmed, I will take various steps to encourage the Government
of Gabon to increase its efforts to counter trafficking in persons.
This would include raising the issue early on in meetings with all
relevant senior-level government officials, ensuring continuous
meetings at all levels of the government responsible for addressing the
issue, ensuring that the embassy attends public events to highlight
support for trafficking in persons including at the Chief of Mission
level, and meeting with representatives of civil society that are
engaged in the fight against trafficking in persons, among other
actions.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation in Gabon in the country narrative of the
annual Trafficking in Persons report?
Answer. Yes, I do. The Department has consistently raised concerns
in both Libreville and Washington regarding the challenges related to
human trafficking, and I will not hesitate to report the situation on
the ground in a comprehensive and authentic manner. I have worked on
the fight against Trafficking in Persons for years, and if confirmed,
look forward to engaging on the issue in Gabon.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Gabon was noted for having great societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom, but more work can
be done to better bolster this important internationally-
recognized human right.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Gabonese constitution prohibits religious
discrimination and provides for freedom of conscience, the free
practice of religion, and the right to form religious communities that
may govern and manage their affairs independently, consistent with
public order. It grants religious groups autonomy and the right to
provide religious instruction. U.S. embassy staff meet with senior
Gabonese officials, NGOs, civil society, and local religious leaders to
encourage continued respect for religious freedom and interreligious
dialogue and activities.
If confirmed, I will continue these efforts and will maintain an
open dialogue with the Department of State's Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to personally engaging with civil society on
a wide range of human rights issues, including freedom of religion or
belief.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Gabon increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support Embassy Libreville's efforts
to work with the Government of Gabon on this issue. Post regularly
engages with religious communities to listen to their concerns and
solicit their input on how best to improve society and government
respect for religious freedom. If confirmed, I will work closely with
the government, religious leaders, and people of all beliefs to promote
respect for and the right to freedom of religion or belief for all.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Gabon was
listed as having a litany of significant human rights abuses,
including political prisoners, child labor, corruption, and
more.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. While the Government of Gabon has taken some steps to
identify, investigate, and prosecute officials for human rights
violations and abuses as well as corruption, impunity remains a serious
problem. The government has made significant efforts over the past year
to reduce cases of security forces harassing or extorting refugees and
noncitizen Africans. They have also made some progress related to
violence against women and women's rights writ large; however, legal,
and cultural obstacles continue to dissuade women from reporting cases
to authorities, and concerns persist related to child marriage in
Gabon.
If confirmed, the Embassy staff and I will continue to work closely
with the government, NGOs, civil society, religious leaders, and people
of all beliefs to promote respect for human rights for all people. I
will also support efforts to increase the capacity of civil society
organizations to better position them to advocate for an improvement of
Gabon's human rights record.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to personally engaging with civil society on
a wide range of human rights issues. Civil society organizations play a
key role in promoting respect for human rights, including freedom of
expression, and advancing democracy and good governance. If confirmed,
I will engage closely with civil society stakeholders to listen to
their experiences and concerns, to identify areas of cooperation, and
to advance U.S. priorities with regard to human rights.
International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. The Bureau of African Affairs works closely with IO and
USUN on shared priorities and on all campaigns and hiring initiatives
involving qualified American candidates for the U.N. system. If
confirmed, I will continue to elevate these efforts in multilateral
fora and with our partners in the region and in my engagements with
U.S. citizens. My background working in the Bureau of Population,
Refugees and Migration (PRM), which requires significant diplomatic
engagement with a number of U.N. agencies which PRM funds, has prepared
me well for understanding the nuances of the U.N. system, and the
importance of strong U.S. leadership role in advancing strategic
priorities related to U.N. reform and oversight.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with USUN and IO colleagues to
advance the United States' affirmative agenda for the U.N. and
strengthen partnerships with traditional and non-traditional partners,
including in specialized and technical agencies. U.S. re-engagement at
the U.N. system is critical to reasserting U.S. leadership, including
by working with our partners and allies to promote initiatives that
advance shared priorities on technical matters.
If confirmed, I will draw from my experience in PRM and with the
U.N. system and as DCM and Charge d'Affaires in Cameroon as well as
communication with colleagues at USUN and IO to advocate for the
Government of Gabon's support for U.S. initiatives at the U.N. I would
have periodic consultations with IO and USUN colleagues to keep abreast
of the trendlines of Gabon's voting patterns on specific votes and more
generally the engagements that secure Gabon's support for U.S. or
likeminded initiatives at the U.N.
According to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal, there are 108 open allegations of sexual exploitation
and abuse by the country's peacekeepers deployed to U.N.
peacekeeping missions, in cases dating back to 2020.
Question. How will you engage with the Gabonese government to
ensure that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse from U.N.
peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. The United States continues to be a resolute supporter of
the full implementation of the Secretary-General's policy of zero-
tolerance for Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) across the United
Nations system, including in U.N. peacekeeping operations. Embassy
Libreville has had frank discussions with the Government of Gabon on
sexual abuse allegations levied against Gabonese peacekeepers, which
resulted in the U.N. repatriating the entirety of Gabon's 450-strong
contingent from the U.N. Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization
Force Mission in the CAR (MINUSCA) in September 2021.
If confirmed, I will continue to engage the Gabonese Government to
carry out credible investigations of all allegations and bring any
cases to conclusion with appropriate action.
State Management and Oversight
Question. How do you intend to work with senior leadership at the
State Department to address acute staffing challenges at Mission
Libreville?
Answer. The challenge of filling positions in historically
difficult to staff posts, of which those in Africa comprise more than
half, is one that the Department is deeply committed to resolving.
Insufficient infrastructure, inadequate schools, health care
challenges, and the remote nature of many postings in Africa are
inherent impediments to getting our posts to full staffing.
I believe the Department is working to address these challenges,
and if confirmed, I commit to maintaining a focus on finding specific
solutions for Mission Gabon. I would ask the Deputy Chief of Mission,
the Management Officer, and the Human Resources Officer to review our
existing approach and determine what additional steps we can take to
fill positions. I believe that the embassy's leadership has an
important role to play in filling positions and would personally
participate in outreach to prospective bidders.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last several years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Libreville?
Answer. I understand that morale at Embassy Libreville is good.
This is despite the stresses of living in a country with poor
(transportation, communication, and health) infrastructure, and staff
vacancies. The embassy team knows what the priorities are and is
working as a unified mission to achieve them.
As was the case everywhere, COVID-19 was a challenge for Mission
Libreville, but the strong community within the mission helped manage
the challenging times. With most positions filled at the Embassy, a
strong sense of community, and an inspired team of American officers
and locally employed staff, morale is higher at Mission Libreville than
it has been in a long time.
If confirmed, I pledge to support the Embassy community in every
way possible. The work is challenging, and the city offers some
entertainment, in particular access to beautiful beaches. However, it
can be isolating as well. I will encourage the team to get away--
whether to another country or within Gabon to enjoy its natural beauty.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Libreville?
Answer. Maintaining and improving morale at any post is essential
to ensuring that the mission advances U.S. national foreign policy
interests effectively and to building the ``esprit de corps'' of the
embassy team. If confirmed, I will convey my top priorities to the
embassy team and the milestones reached in advancing them. I will also
set the tone at the top to ensure that everyone knows that I expect
that all members of our team treat each other with respect,
professionalism, and collegiality, and I will model that behavior.
Other key elements of improving morale include ensuring that
colleagues have the opportunity to convey their concerns, are briefed
on the steps we are taking to address these needs and understand what
we can and cannot do. This includes addressing issues such as schools,
Eligible Family Member employment, or housing and health care concerns.
It is important we hear the concerns of our locally employed staff, who
are often raise issues related to pay, health insurance, and hiring
practices. It will also be important to encourage supervisors to reward
their subordinates for good work but also to address any performance or
conduct issues, as failure to do so would decrease morale.
I will seek information from the Deputy Chief of Mission about
efforts to conduct surveys and use of the resources available to us
including our Community Liaison Officer, our Regional Medical Officer
Psychologist, and those offered by the Department of State and other
agencies to assist the embassy team.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Libreville?
Answer. Creating a unified mission and vision is absolutely
essential for any Chief of Mission. If confirmed, I would create a
unified mission and vision at Mission Libreville by laying out my
priorities on day one to the entire embassy community. Working with the
Deputy Chief of Mission, I would convene regularly scheduled town halls
to ensure that the Mission is aware of the successes we have had toward
these priorities and will conduct reviews of the mission's efforts to
implement the Integrated Country Strategy. I will also encourage the
effective functioning of embassy working groups that share information
and promote synergies so that members are leveraging each other's
knowledge and resources.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as nurturing and
empowering. I believe in setting colleagues up for success and meeting
them where they are as everyone brings different skills and experiences
to a job. I firmly believe in mentoring and coaching and would help
colleagues develop new skills. I also believe it is important to stress
to colleagues that everyone makes mistakes and will encourage them to
see mistakes as opportunities to grow. I also create a nurturing
environment by encouraging the sharing of best practices so that my
team can learn from each other.
I am an inclusive, approachable manager who seeks all viewpoints,
including dissenting opinions and the questioning of underlying
assumptions. I would take the time to explain my decisions, especially
on delicate issues. I would also encourage colleagues to take leave and
to de-prioritize tasks when needed so that they can stay focused on the
most important priorities and reduce the risk of burn out. I will also
make known my expectation that I expect managers to reward their
subordinates for their work but also to address conduct and performance
issues early. If confirmed, I will work with the Deputy Chief of
Mission to create an environment in which colleagues feel appreciated
and valued at the Embassy and are committed to maintaining a collegial
environment.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates either in public or in private. If I have a concern about
a subordinate's actions, I will raise the issue with that individual in
private using a respectful tone and would demonstrate respect and
professionalism in dealing with the issue. Everyone makes mistakes.
What is important is what a leader does to help a subordinate learn
from the experience and grow. If confirmed, I would create a nurturing
environment that allows colleagues to make mistakes and learn from
them.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having an effective, productive, and collegial relationship
between the Ambassador and the Deputy Chief of Mission is absolutely
vital to the success of an Embassy. If confirmed, I will draw on my own
experience as a DCM and would establish a close relationship with the
DCM. I will look to capitalize on our collective but diverse skills and
experiences. I would encourage him to give me his frank or dissenting
opinions behind closed doors which I would take into account when
making decisions. If we have differing opinions on an issue, I would
ensure that we present a united front to the embassy team.
I will make clear to the team that the DCM speaks for me when I am
not around and ask that they follow the chain of command and discuss
issues with the DCM before coming to me, recognizing that there may be
rare instances in which that is not possible. I will also make sure
that the DCM is aware of and briefed on communication and developments
so that he can seamlessly act in my stead at any moment, including when
he is Charge d'Affaires. In addition, I will convey to the DCM my
commitment to help him in his professional development and success and
will ensure that he is recognized for his and our collective success.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I see the Deputy Chief of Mission role, which is probably
the hardest job at any mission, as the embassy's Chief Operating
Officer. If confirmed, I will empower the DCM to fully own this space
and to ensure that we have effective oversight of U.S. Government
resources and assistance and are careful stewards of U.S. taxpayer
dollars. I would also rely on the DCM toensure we have strong internal
controls, run an effective International Cooperative Administrative
Services process, ensure that the various boards and committees within
the embassy run well, continue mentoring first and second tour officers
as well as mid-level officers and assist me in breaking down barriers
between American and locally employed staff.
I will encourage the DCM to engage in foreign policy discussions,
include the DCM on messages to Washington, and have meetings with
Gabonese Government officials and other diplomatic engagements. It will
be important for him to be kept abreast of all policy discussions and
for him to provide me with recommendations and analysis. I would also
ensure the DCM has a sufficient budget to host representational events,
encourage him to engage in public affairs programming, and travel
around the country.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports
(EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though
often lacking
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is vital that all managers, including the
Chief of Mission, provide employees with accurate, constructive
feedback on their performance in order to encourage improvement and
reward those who must succeed in their roles.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. It is essential for all managers, including the Chief
of Mission, to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback to
employees in order to improve performance and reward high achievers. If
confirmed, I would model this behavior. I regularly highlight the great
work done by specific members of the team in staff meetings and have
instituted a weekly award both at Embassy Yaounde in Cameroon where I
was the Deputy Chief of Mission and at the Office of Assistance in the
Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, where I am currently the
Director. I prepare award nominations for colleagues who have done
great work and encourage other managers to take the time to reward
their employees. If confirmed, I would continue to follow these
practices.
I act decisively to address conduct and performance issues and
encourage managers to do the same, including by reaching out to the
Human Resource Officer at Post. I encourage managers to see addressing
conduct and performance issues as an opportunity to be a leader and to
show others on the team their willingness to address these issues
especially as failure to do so would undermine the confidence of the
team in the manager.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and local citizens.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. In my experience, diplomats get outside of embassy walls to
fully accomplish their missions. Getting outside of embassy walls is a
core mandate of diplomatic work. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Cameroon
as well as in other leadership roles in Washington, I have encouraged
colleagues to travel to and within posts, including outside of the
capital to other major cities as well as to rural areas. It is crucial
to get a wide variety of views from different segment of the
population.
In the past several years, diplomats have, however, had to change
the way they do contact work during COVID, in a field where person to
person contact is essential. Working during the outbreak and height of
the pandemic was more difficult given the need to follow Centers for
Disease Control guidelines, including in countries in Africa where many
people did not wear masks, were often in close contact with each other,
and did not have access to the vaccines, and when they did, did not
take the vaccines for a variety of reasons. Even with this difficulty,
diplomats and locally employed staff got the work done, relying on the
strength of existing relationships.
The other constraint diplomats face is security. I believe it is
important to support the work of the Regional Security Office (RSO) and
to follow the professional advice of RSO colleagues on all matters
dealing with security and to fight for the resources they need to do
their jobs. For example, while I was the Deputy Chief of Mission in
Cameroon, I supported efforts to obtain a second Assistant Regional
Security Officer, which were successful. In Cameroon, we had some
travel restrictions in place in parts of the country and followed the
RSO guidelines about travel there. I also encouraged the embassy team
to be cognizant of RSO requirements and the timeframes required to get
the proper preparations in place to support travel outside of the
capital.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage embassy colleagues to meet
diverse contacts at all levels of the government and society both
within and outside of Libreville, the capital, while maintaining ties
with longtime Embassy contacts. I would stress the importance of
determining whose opinion or perspective we are missing. I would also
encourage American colleagues to get involved in public diplomacy
outreach programs, any Ambassador Self-Help Fund or the Ambassador's
Fund for Cultural Preservation programming, or any embassy supported
English Language programs. If confirmed, I would encourage American
colleagues to engage in social activities, such as sports or the arts,
that target a wide swath of the Gabonese population both in urban and
rural settings. I firmly believe that every diplomat is an ambassador
of American culture regardless of position or rank. I would also
encourage projects that demonstrate our care for the well-being of the
Gabonese people. For example, the embassy team recently participated in
a blood drive. I would encourage the continuation of such projects.
Question. The U.S. Embassy in Libreville is a small post with
limited presence by USAID and other U.S. federal agencies and
departments. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, approach
recruitment of staff and maintaining morale in Gabon?
Answer. I believe that the recruitment of staff and the maintaining
of morale in is an all-embassy effort and that the Ambassador and
Deputy Chief of Mission must articulate and visibly support the
importance they attach to these objectives and ensure that these
objectives are enshrined in the Integrated Country Strategy.
If confirmed, I would ask the Deputy Chief of Mission and the
Management Section to assess what more can we do, using best practices
from other posts and working with the Africa Bureau and Global Talent
Management colleagues, to recruit staff for vacancies and proactively
pursue top prospective bidders. I would personally engage in outreach
to bidders to advocate for post. I would also support post's efforts
for incentives and other benefits to encourage bidders' interest in
Gabon.
On maintaining morale, I would support efforts to address the
concerns of the Embassy team, both American and Locally Employed Staff,
by ensuring that we are communicating the steps being taken to address
them. I would ensure that we conduct climate surveys and reach out to
the various communities within the embassy team, such as Eligible
Family members, Marines, single employees, the Locally Employed Staff
Association, etc. to make certain that we are addressing their needs. I
would also support the work done by the Community Liaison Officer,
ensuring that she has regular interaction with the embassy's leadership
team. I would also support the embassy's award program including by
encouraging managers to write awards for their subordinates but also
mentor colleagues and take steps to address conduct or performance
issues. In addition, I would encourage colleagues to take leave and to
take care of their mental health.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Vernelle Trim FitzPatrtick by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. Just this week, reporting
indicates that the Chinese are planning a training facility that could
put People's Liberation Army troops within 100 miles of the United
States. With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry,
the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so
choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The Biden administration has stated that China is the most
important geopolitical challenge to the United States. Earlier this
year, the Director of National Intelligence testified that ``the CCP
represents both the leading and most consequential threat to U.S.
national security and leadership globally.'' Under President Xi
Jinping, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more aggressive
abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and alliances. If confirmed,
I will advance U.S. national security interests and push back against
People's Republic of China (PRC) efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Gabonese ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration has stated that China remains the United
States' biggest geopolitical challenge. Secretary Blinken has said the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has become more repressive at home and
more aggressive abroad. Moreover, according to the Office of the
Director of National Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the
CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between
Washington and its partners, and foster some norms that favor its
authoritarian system.''
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to counter China's
influence, including by highlighting to the Government the threat China
poses to Gabon. We have already seen that Chinese entities engage in
illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing and in illegal logging in
Gabon despite the Gabonese Government's commitment to protect the
country's environment. If confirmed, I will also advocate for: the
improvement of the business climate to attract U.S. companies to Gabon;
U.S. firms over Chinese companies; and Gabon's support for the U.S.
position on issues before the U.N.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith? If so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the People's
Republic of China (PRC), the United States manages this competition
responsibly so that competition does not veer into conflict. The United
States will work with the PRC to address transnational challenges--such
as global health and the environment--when it is in our interest to do
so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to us or anyone else,
and never in exchange for walking away from our principles. If
confirmed, I will work with the Department of State's new Office of
China Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful
behavior by the PRC and other actors in Gabon and the Gulf of Guinea
region.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Gabon and countering efforts by our strategic and
regional competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration
has been clear that the People's Republic of China (PRC) is the most
consequential geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that
the United States is committed to working to strengthen our
partnerships in the region. If confirmed, I will work closely with
Department of State and interagency colleagues and Congress to address
China's efforts to expand its influence in Gabon and the Central Africa
region. I would consult closely with the Department of State on any
other aspect of engagement with China, namely the need to address
transnational challenges, such as the environment and global health.
Question. U.S. aid and relations are limited with Gabon. While oil-
rich, Gabon is sparsely populated and has a history of authoritarian
rule with limited political rights and civil liberties. Gabon enjoys a
close relationship with its former colonial power, France, in the oil
sector and hosts French military bases. China is the largest importer
of Gabonese products, with petroleum and critical minerals being the
top export products. China has also funded several road and bridge
infrastructure projects in Gabon. While the State Department lists the
relations between the U.S. and Gabon as excellent, trade has plummeted
in the past decade and in 2019 Gabonese officials cut off high-level
contacts with the U.S. at the Embassy. What is your characterization of
the existing relationship between the U.S. and Gabon?
Answer. The United States and Gabon have had a strong relationship
for over sixty years characterized by our enduring commitment to trade,
investment, security, and environmental protection.
The United States and Gabon share the priority of combatting
climate change and conserving the natural environment. The United
States continues to support Gabon's efforts to end wildlife and timber
trafficking, preserve and manage the Congo Basin rainforest, and access
global finance that supports carbon sequestration and emissions
reductions in Gabon's forests. If confirmed. I will continue to support
these efforts, in addition to continuing to seek ways to increase
security cooperation in areas such as maritime security, institution
building, and exchange programs.
If confirmed, I will work to advance several agreements that we
hope to sign with Gabon that will anchor our bilateral cooperation.
These include a Defense Cooperation Agreement, a USAID Bilateral
Framework Agreement, and cooperation agreements with the U.S. Forest
Service and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. I will also advance the
Initiative for Atlantic Cooperation with the Gabonese Government. Gabon
has welcomed the initiative and has pledged to engage in it as it
develops.
Question. If confirmed, how will you seek to bolster trade between
Gabon and the U.S.?
Answer. Gabon's economy relies on oil and gas exports. Besides
being a major oil exporter, Gabon is also one of the world's leaders in
exporting manganese and is the largest exporter of manganese to the
United States. Gabon also has significant timber resources and is
seeking to add value and create jobs with exports in this sector.
While the Government recognizes that it must diversify its economy,
it is trying to increase the extraction of oil and ore to finance its
economic recovery. Despite the economic turmoil of the COVID-19
pandemic, Gabon remains the third highest GDP-per-capita in Africa, and
there are opportunities to expand our trade relationship beyond the
U.S. energy firms who produce and explore offshore oil and gas products
or provide services, which I will support if confirmed. If confirmed, I
will build on the visit by the U.S. Special Representative for
Commercial and Business Affairs, Dilawar Syed, who visited Gabon in
March 2023. This trip highlighted how interested Gabon is in creating
stronger commercial ties with the United States, especially U.S.
investment in Gabon. The engagement opened several avenues for Embassy
Libreville and the Gabonese Government to forge stronger commercial
ties going forward.
In November 2022, Gabon released its first-ever national African
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) strategy, which may signal Gabon is
serious about expanding trade through AGOA with the United States. If
confirmed, I will capitalize on the momentum and work with the Gabonese
Government, the business sector, and the U.S. interagency to support
Gabon's efforts to increase its exports to the United States through
AGOA. More broadly, if confirmed, I will also encourage the Government
of Gabon to take tangible steps to improve the business climate
especially as in the 2020 Ease of Doing Business Index (the most
recent), Gabon ranked 169th out of 190 countries.
Question. Are there any specific DFC opportunities you would work
on with Gabonese officials if confirmed?
Answer. I understand DFC is working to build a pipeline of projects
in Gabon. If confirmed, I would look forward to helping grow DFC's
investments by working with the Gabonese Government and the private
sector to advance these investments, I would also work to with the
Government, the business sector, and other key actors such as
international financial institutions to improve the country's overall
business climate.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between China and Gabon?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) provides Gabon with
significant political support and direct assistance. Gabon and the PRC
have a long history, with Gabon having established diplomatic relations
with the PRC in 1974. Gabon has supported the PRC in international
fora, including in the UNSC. The PRC is now Gabon's largest trading
partner. In 2022, Gabon exported close to $4 billion worth of
commodities to the PRC, accounting for over half of its total exports.
The PRC is aggressively courting Gabon. President Bongo visited the
PRC this past April, during which he and President Xi upgraded their
relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership and
signed cooperation agreements in the sectors of agriculture,
investment, housing and urban construction, and climate change. This
was Bongo's fifth visit since he took office in 2009.
The Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most
consequential geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that
the United States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in
the region. If confirmed, I will continue to highlight to my Gabonese
Government counterparts the benefits of partnering with the United
States as demonstrated by our support of Gabon's efforts to protect its
biodiversity and advance its conservation efforts, further
professionalize its security forces, and strengthen its maritime
security posture.
Question. Some of Gabon's neighbors are confronting violent
extremism and other threats. What security threats, if any, does Gabon
face?
Answer. Gabon has recognized the regional threat that piracy in the
Gulf of Guinea poses to all the nations along Africa's Atlantic coast
through their willingness to partner with us on the Initiative for
Atlantic Cooperation.
External threats to Gabon include wildlife and timber trafficking,
and illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. U.S. efforts
have focused on building capacities primarily through the U.S. Forest
Service, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, USAID, and the Department
of Defense to counter these threats. Gabon has been a mostly willing
and able long-time partner in this area and is strongly interested in
continued U.S. assistance and partnership. If confirmed, I will
continue to support and work to further develop Gabon's capabilities as
part of the effort to counter malign actors in the region.
Question. If confirmed, will you promote an LGBT agenda in Gabon,
whose population is overwhelmingly religious?
Answer. Promoting respect for the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons
is a U.S. foreign policy priority. Democracies are stronger when they
celebrate the human rights and value of all persons, without
discrimination. In January 2023, in Geneva, Switzerland, the U.N. Human
Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (UPR) working group reviewed
the human rights record of Gabon. During the review, the United States
commended Gabon for the decriminalization of same-sex relations between
consenting adults, while the Gabonese representative claimed that its
``culture of tolerance'' would never encourage discrimination and that
this tolerance resulted in Gabon's recent decriminalization of same-sex
relations.
As elsewhere, religious communities in Gabon have long been our
partners in advancing human dignity for all. If confirmed, I will
actively reach out to the Gabonese Government, multilateral
institutions, the business community, and civil society, including
religious communities, faith-based organizations, and people of all
beliefs, to ensure that our messaging and programming advances respect
for the human rights of the people of Gabon--including LGBTQI+
individuals--as well as other individuals within the country's borders.
It is important that our efforts are informed by the community's
priorities.
Question. Should an LGBT agenda come before national security or
American prosperity in diplomacy?
Answer. Advancing respect for human rights undergirds our national
security and economic prosperity. Democracies are more peaceful, more
stable, and more prosperous than their authoritarian counterparts. The
strongest democracies are those that protect the human rights of all
individuals, regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity or
expression, or sex characteristics. Promoting respect for the rights of
every individual--including LGBTQI+ persons--is a key element of U.S.
foreign policy as well as promoting American security and prosperity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Lisa Peterson by Senator James E.Risch
Bilateral Relations
Question. In your view, what are the top three priorities for the
U.S. bilateral relationship with Burundi that you will advance or
maintain as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support Burundi's reengagement with
the international community, including regional bodies; promote
political pluralism, good governance and respect for human rights and
the rule of law; and support continued political and economic progress
to reduce the likelihood that Burundi will again become a source of
regional instability and generate refugee outflows.
The Biden Administration has taken a number of steps to build the
U.S.-Burundi relationship under President Ndayishimiye, including
allowing the Burundi Sanctions Program to expire, and the re-start of
some security assistance.
Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.-Burundi relationship?
Answer. The U.S.-Burundi bilateral relationship has improved
greatly since President Evariste Ndayishimiye assumed office in June
2020 and began to implement reforms across multiple sectors and
reengage with its neighbors, the international community, and financial
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to support the
people of Burundi in their goals of long-term stability, prosperity,
economic growth, and the expansion of respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. I will relentlessly highlight the benefits of
partnering with the United States to my government counterparts.
Question. Has sufficient progress been made by President
Ndayishimiye and the ruling CNDD-FDD in implementing reforms to warrant
the overtures made?
Answer. Since President Ndayishimiye assumed office in June 2020,
he has implemented reforms across multiple sectors and reengaged with
the international community and international financial institutions.
The decision to terminate the national emergency reflected the fact
that political conditions in Burundi had changed since 2015. The
termination did not mean that human rights were no longer a concern in
Burundi. The Department of State has continued to watch this space
carefully and subsequently designated a formerly sanctioned official
for his involvement in a gross violation of human rights.
The decision to restart limited security assistance for Burundian
troops in Somalia was made in consultation with Congressional staff and
reflects the understanding that Burundian troops serving in ATMIS will
be more effective with resumed but limited support.
follow-up question
You note in your response that ``the Department of State has
subsequently designated a formerly sanctioned official for his
involvement in a gross violation of human rights.'' This
individual is former minister of public security (2015-2020)
and prime minister (June 2020-September 2022) Alain Guillaume
Bunyoni. He was designated under Section 7031(c), which was
announced on December 9, 2022. Bunyoni was arrested on April
21, 2023 and remains in detention.
Question. Do you think the use of travel sanctions,
particularly against someone in detention, are a sufficiently
useful accountability mechanism?
Answer. Visa restrictions under Section 7031(c) promote
accountability and send a clear message of support for the
victims of gross violations of human rights. While Bunyoni may
not be able to travel now, his designation under Section
7031(c) is a lifetime designation with no possibility for
delisting and includes the lifetime designation of his
immediate family members, including his wife Hyacinthe
Niyonkuru. Bunyoni's designation sends an important message
about our support for accountability for human rights
violations and abuses in Burundi.
Question. Does the Administration's posture toward Burundi align
with President Biden's commitment that ``human rights will be the
center of our foreign policy''?
Answer. The United States encourages the Government of Burundi
(GOB) to continue progress and deepen reforms, especially in the area
of human rights. While we welcome and commend the Government for the
liberalization measures made to date, true democratic reforms must
embrace inclusive political processes and respect for human rights of
all individuals.
Messaging and engagements by senior U.S. officials in Bujumbura and
Washington, interventions and support for resolutions at the U.N. Human
Rights Council, and most recently, the publication of the 2022 Human
Rights Report demonstrate our concerns about reported human rights
violations and abuses. If confirmed, I will continue to press the
Government of Burundi to ensure accountability for human rights
violations and abuses and respect for human rights, even as we engage
in other areas to advance government reforms.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the people of Burundi?
Answer. The U.S. Government supports political pluralism as a
critical pillar for any diverse, vibrant democracy. If confirmed, I
will share with government contacts the U.S. perspective that inclusion
of diverse political views is essential to the stability of the
country. I will encourage Burundian-led efforts toward political
pluralism, and I will meet with the full spectrum of political actors.
follow-up question
Question. To confirm, the way you feel that the U.S. can
better support the democratic aspirations of the people of
Burundi is by sharing the U.S. perspective on inclusion of
diverse political views. In your meetings with government
contacts? Is this sufficient? Are there any other ways the U.S.
can better support the democratic aspirations of the people of
Burundi?
Answer. Sharing the U.S. perspective on best practices and
standards for thriving, functioning democracies--including
political plurality--is one of several ways we can support the
democratic aspirations of Burundians. If confirmed, I will use
our full toolkit--including diplomatic engagement and foreign
assistance--to encourage our Burundian counterparts to move
towards an inclusive, diverse democracy with open civic and
public space.
Africa Leaders Summit
Question. What is your understanding of the deliverables from the
U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit (ALS) broadly targeting the African
continent?
Answer. The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit demonstrated our renewed
commitment to partnerships between the United States and African
countries, institutions, and people. We remain focused on what we will
do with African nations and people, not for African nations and people
as we deepen and expand our partnerships, amplify African voices, and
support the empowerment of Africans.
At the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, leaders shared their commitment
to championing democracy, good governance, and respect for human
rights; advancing trade and investment; progressing climate innovation;
improving health and food security; strengthening peace and security;
and supporting the African diaspora. We are proud of the private sector
commitments made as well as the Administration's continuation of high-
level engagements with countries on the continent. Further, the
President's Advisory Council on African Diaspora Engagement in the
United States (PAC-ADE) was established on June 9th and will advise the
President on strengthening relationships between the United States,
African communities, and the African Diaspora.
Question. What is your understanding of specific deliverables from
ALS to Burundi?
Answer. The programs and projects outlined during ALS differ from
country to country--whether it is for public health, democracy and
governance, infrastructure development, education, security assistance,
or the environment. The $55 billion commitment announced at the Summit
includes funding for new programming, including the President's
Advisory Council on African Diaspora Engagement, the U.S.-AU Joint
Partnership on Food Security, Digital Transformation with Africa (DTA),
the African Democratic and Political Transitions (ADAPT) initiative,
and the 21st Century Partnership for African Security (21PAS). It also
includes plans for new investments in existing programs such as Prosper
and Power Africa, Feed the Future, the U.S. President's Emergency Plan
for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), and the Adaptation Fund.
follow-up question
Question. Please describe your understanding of specific ALS
deliverables to Burundi. If there weren't any, please confirm
that is the case.
Answer. Many of the announcements at the U.S.-Africa Leaders
Summit relate to programming that already has a proven track
record. The $55 billion commitment from ALS includes funding to
continue programs in north and sub-Saharan Africa, including
Burundi, such as agriculture, nutrition, HIV/AIDS, malaria,
maternal and child health, pandemic influenza and other
emerging threats (PIOET), and rule of law and human rights
programming.
Question. Has Mission Bujumbura received specific guidance from the
Administration in messaging and implementing ALS deliverables?
Answer. Yes, our Embassy in Bujumbura received cable guidance on
U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit implementation areas and the Digital
Transformation with Africa initiative. Details on announced commitments
and talking points were provided.
Question. What feedback have you received from Burundi's delegation
to ALS? What is its understanding of ALS deliverables and next steps?
Answer. As the nominee, I have not met with the Government of
Burundi; however, I understand the Burundian delegation was pleased
with their experience at ALS. Officials noted with appreciation the
U.S. commitment to expanding and deepening partnership with African
countries, institutions, and peoples. If confirmed, I look forward to
engaging with government counterparts on implementation of the U.S.-
Africa Leaders Summit deliverables.
Question. How does Mission Bujumbura plan to support the
implementation of ALS deliverables in Burundi?
Answer. As part of a whole-of-government effort, Mission Bujumbura
is supportive of the launch of the President's Advisory Council on
African Diaspora Engagement, the half a billion dollar rise in
investment value of deals committed through the U.S. Africa Business
Forum from $15.7 billion to $16.2 billion, the implementation of
signature initiatives, including the Digital Transformation with Africa
and investments under the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and
Investment (PGII), and elevating African voices. Mission Bujumbura has
engaged with Burundian officials on ways to move forward with the
various action items associated with ALS. If confirmed, I will be a
strong advocate for greater collaboration between Burundi and the U.S.
Government in all these areas.
During the ALS, President Biden, African Union Chair and
President of Senegal Macky Sall, and African Union Commission
Chair Moussa Faki Mahamat issued a joint ``Vision Statement''
pledging to ``deepen our collaboration to solve global problems
and shape the rules of the road for technology, space,
cybersecurity, trade, environmental protection, and
economics.''
Question. How do you conceive of Mission Bujumbura's role in
implementing this vision?
Answer. Since President Ndayishimiye assumed office in 2020,
Burundi has reengaged with the international community and regional
organizations; for example, Burundi has served as the chair of the East
African Community for the last year and has played a role in mediating
the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. If confirmed,
I will encourage government counterparts to increase collaboration on
global problems and play a part in ``shaping the rules of the road'' in
critical areas.
The Administration pledged, during the ALS, among other
things, to expand U.S. support for leadership training,
economic and trade integration, digital access and literacy,
health system capacity, food security, climate adaptation, and
security sector reform in Africa.
Question. How does Mission Bujumbura plan to support these
objectives in concrete terms?
Answer. The United States addresses many of these key issues
through U.S. foreign assistance to Burundi. In the past year, the U.S.
Department of Agriculture (USDA) included Burundi in the Food for
Education and Food for Progress programs, which will help combat
malnutrition and provide vital assistance to Burundi's coffee sector.
Through programs that support the Government of Burundi's efforts to
strengthen health systems, improve health outcomes, and strengthen
global health security, the United States and Burundi have worked
together to combat HIV/AIDS and malaria, improve maternal and child
health, and reduce the high rate of chronic malnutrition. Burundi was
also named as a new President's Malaria Initiative (PMI) partner
country and selected as a U.S. Government Global Health Security
intensive support partner country (GHS); this initiative strengthens
multi-sectoral capacities at the global and national level to prevent,
detect, and respond to human and animal infectious diseases. If
confirmed, I will lead my team in seeking opportunities to address
other key areas wherever feasible.
Question. How, and according to what benchmarks, will Post be
assessed in terms of achievement of these objectives?
Answer. Many of the commitments announced at the U.S. Africa
Leaders Summit relate to programming that already has a proven track
record. If confirmed, I will lead Mission Bujumbura to continue
advancing key themes of the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, including
supporting peace and security, generating economic growth, combating
climate change, and building healthier lives. Burundi's effort to
become the first francophone African country declared as achieving HIV/
AIDS epidemic control is an example of a possible benchmark.
One of the new commitments the Administration announced
during the ALS is to ``engage with complex political
transitions in Africa and demonstrate U.S. Government support
to governments and civil society at critical moments.''
Question. What role do you envision Mission Bujumbura playing in
this African Democratic and Political Transitions (ADAPT) initiative,
if any?
Answer. The new ADAPT initiative reaffirms U.S. commitment to
durable democratic political transitions and will work to counter
democratic backsliding in partnership with regional bodies,
governments, and civil society. Pilot countries for ADAPT support are
currently being finalized.
Trade and Investment
Question. How would you practice commercial diplomacy on behalf of
U.S. investments in Burundi?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with U.S. businesses to learn
about barriers to trade and investment, and work with Embassy
Bujumbura's Deal Team to identify potential linkages between U.S.
companies and opportunities in Burundi. I will ensure Embassy Bujumbura
draws on the range of economic tools at our disposal, including Prosper
Africa, Power Africa, the DFC, USTDA, the Export-Import Bank, and more.
If confirmed, I will also engage government counterparts to encourage
them to remove barriers to trade and investment and advocate for U.S.
companies over our competitors.
Question. What is your assessment of Burundi's greatest barriers to
increased two-way trade and investment with the United States?
Answer. Trade is an area with a huge potential for growth between
the United States and Burundi with $12.8 million in bilateral trade in
2022. U.S. businesses seeking to invest in Burundi face significant
barriers, including corruption and weak institutional capacity, lack of
respect for contracts, poor infrastructure, currency instability, and a
low-skilled workforce. The Government of Burundi has repeatedly
indicated its interest in attracting foreign investment. If confirmed,
I will advocate for increased commerce between the two nations, and I
will continue to engage with government counterparts about lowering the
barriers to investment, including fighting corruption and promoting
good governance, which are keys to laying the groundwork for economic
stability and development.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools at your
disposal--including through Prosper Africa--as U.S. Ambassador to
Burundi, if confirmed, to support addressing barriers to trade and
investment in the enabling environment, including the need for economic
and political reforms?
Answer. If confirmed, I will tap expertise within the Department of
State, USAID, the Department of Commerce, and other agencies in the
Prosper Africa initiative to address barriers to trade and investment
in the enabling environment, including the need for economic and
political reforms. If confirmed, I will engage Prosper Africa to
mobilize resources and expertise from the U.S. Government's trade and
investment agencies, including DFC, USTDA, Power Africa, and the
Export-Import bank, to provide assistance to U.S. companies seeking to
invest in Burundi.
Foreign Assistance
Question. The USAID Mission in Kigali covers Burundi. How will you
approach partnership with the USAID Mission Director and other USAID
colleagues covering Burundi remotely?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage strong communication between
the two posts and regular visits to Burundi by the USAID Mission
Director and other USAID colleagues covering Burundi in order to
continue USAID's critical work improving the health status of the
Burundian population and responding to urgent humanitarian needs.
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Burundi remained on Tier 2. What actionable items did the
Burundian Government undertake to support this? What tangible,
measurable items is JTIP and the Government of Burundi using to
gauge anti-trafficking capacity and progress?
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Burundi operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be fully committed to advancing
progress on the Prioritized Recommendations emerging from the annual
TIP Report and will support the Government of Burundi's efforts in this
area. Our work will include supporting efforts to promote
accountability: the Government of Burundi has made significant efforts
to investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers, and refer victims
to assistance in the last few years. Investigations, prosecutions, and
convictions are up 200-300 percent year-over-year every year since
2020. We commend the Government of Burundi for its intensive efforts in
this area--however, there is still much more to be done.
follow-up question
As was discussed in your meeting with my staff on June 20, to
our knowledge, Post relies on the Government of Burundi for the
statistics on the number of investigations, prosecutions, and
convictions for TIP cases, which you note are up 200-300
percent year-over-year every year since 2020.
Question. Does the State Department have details on any of
these cases to verify that they happened, that they were in
fact TIP cases, that the prosecutions were not used to
prosecute political or other opponents of the Government or
ruling party, and that they were conducted in way that
respected due process and other standards for legitimate
judicial proceedings? If yes, please share this information. If
no, please explain how this data can be used to support
Burundi's Tier 2 TIP ranking.
Answer. U.S. diplomatic posts report on the human trafficking
situation and governmental action to fight trafficking based on
thorough research that includes meetings with a wide variety of
government officials, local and international NGO
representatives, officials of international organizations,
journalists, academics, and survivors. They also utilize local
media reporting. In 2021, the Government of Burundi, with
technical support from an international organization and civil
society organizations, implemented a centralized law
enforcement database containing information from courts,
magistrates, and prosecutors from all 18 provinces over the
past six years. In order to inform this year's TIP report,
Embassy Bujumbura worked closely with the Anti-TIP commission,
the Burundian National Police, the Ministry of the Interior,
and the Ministry of Justice to obtain information on law
enforcement efforts to combat human trafficking. Embassy staff
then worked with the International Organization for Migration
(IOM) to verify the information supplied by the Government of
Burundi. Burundi maintained its Tier 2 ranking due to overall
increasing efforts compared with the previous reporting period.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation on the ground in the next year's country
narrative as a part of the Trafficking in Persons report?
Answer. Yes. The Department has consistently raised with Burundian
officials in both Bujumbura and Washington concerns regarding the
challenges related to human trafficking, and I will not hesitate to
report the situation in a comprehensive and accurate manner, reflective
of the realities on the ground.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that Burundi's
TIP ranking is justified with verifiable information regarding
Burundi's anti-trafficking progress, to include specific information
related to the prosecution and conviction on human traffickers, and
that evidence to justify its TIP ranking is not limited to undetailed
statistics provided by the Government of Burundi?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring Burundi's TIP ranking is
reflective of the actual progress in all three areas laid out in the
Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA), namely
prosecutions, protection, and prevention.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Burundi was noted for generally lacking
societal and governmental respect for religious freedom.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority. The
Department continues to closely monitor respect for freedom of religion
or belief in Burundi and the region. In Burundi, the constitution
defines the state as secular, prohibits religious discrimination, and
provides for freedom of conscience and religion. Religious leaders in
Burundi have noted positive relations between the Government of Burundi
and religious organizations since President Ndayishimiye took office in
2020. If confirmed, I will support the Embassy's ongoing efforts, in
close coordination with the Office of International Religious Freedom
and the Ambassador at Large, to engage with the Burundian Government on
these issues and promote protections for freedom of religion or belief.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to personally engaging with civil society on
a wide range of human rights issues, including freedom of religion or
belief. Civil society organizations play a key role in promoting
respect for human rights, including freedom of expression, and
advancing progress across a multitude of sectors, including good
governance, economic growth, and public health. I visited Burundi in
March 2022 as Acting Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor. During that visit, I was pleased to meet with
civil society organizations and individuals working on human rights to
discuss a range of topics. If confirmed, I will continue to engage
closely with civil society, to better understand their interests and
concerns, and to advance U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Burundi increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support Embassy Bujumbura's efforts to
engage the Government of Burundi on this issue. Post regularly engages
with religious communities to listen to their concerns and solicit
their input on how best to improve society and government respect for
religious freedom. If confirmed, I will work closely with the
Government, religious communities, and people of all beliefs to promote
respect for freedom of religion or belief.
Human Rights
The State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report for Burundi
details a bleak situation in the country, with continued
unlawful or arbitrary killings, forced disappearance, torture,
arbitrary arrest or detention, serious restrictions on freedom
of expression and media, and restrictions on the ability of
civil society and the political operation to organize and
fulfill their roles.
Question. How will you bring your perspective as the Principal
Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and
Labor to your role as U.S. Ambassador to Burundi, if confirmed?
Answer. The Department has consistently raised our concerns in both
Bujumbura and Washington about ongoing allegations of human rights
violations and abuses, the space for civil society, media freedom, and
cooperation with international human rights mechanisms. We have also
raised concerns over the arrest and detention of members of the LGBTQI+
community participating in economic empowerment activities and of human
rights defenders and journalists. We have urged the Government of
Burundi to carefully assess the validity of any charges and release any
unjustly detained individuals.
I visited Burundi in March 2022 as Acting Assistant Secretary for
the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. During that visit, I
raised these issues directly with government interlocutors and met with
civil society organizations and individuals working on good governance
and human rights. State Department colleagues, including Assistant
Secretary Molly Phee and Ambassador Melanie Higgins, have continued to
raise these issues with Burundian officials. If confirmed, I will not
hesitate to raise human rights concerns with Burundian counterparts.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Mission to continue the
strong work they are already doing to support civil society and promote
democracy, respect for human rights, and good governance. Civil society
organizations play a key role in promoting respect for human rights,
advancing progress, and promoting freedom of expression. I will press
the Government of Burundi to provide civil society ample space to
survive and thrive.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to personally engaging on human rights issues
with civil society. I visited Burundi in March 2022 as Acting Assistant
Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. During
that visit, I was pleased to meet with civil society organizations and
individuals working on human rights, discussing a range of topics. If
confirmed, I will continue to engage closely with civil society, to
better understand their interests and concerns, and to advance U.S.
interests.
International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the UN system.
Answer. The Bureau of African Affairs works closely with IO and
USUN on shared priorities and on all campaigns and hiring initiatives
involving qualified American candidates for the UN system. If
confirmed, I will continue to elevate these efforts in multilateral
fora and with our partners in the region and in my engagements with
U.S. citizens.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the UN system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with USUN and IO colleagues to
advance the United States' affirmative agenda for the UN and strengthen
partnerships with traditional and non-traditional partners, including
in specialized and technical agencies. U.S. re-engagement at the UN
system is critical to reasserting U.S. leadership, including by working
with our partners and allies to promote initiatives that advance shared
priorities on technical matters.
According to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal, there are 12 open allegations of sexual exploitation
and abuse by the country's peacekeepers deployed to UN
peacekeeping missions, in cases beginning in 2015.
Question. How will you engage with the Burundian Government to
ensure that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse from UN
peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. The U.S. Government has zero tolerance for sexual
exploitation and abuse and sexual harassment (SEAH), including zero
tolerance for inaction in response to allegations, across the
international system. I understand many of the allegations of sexual
exploitation and abuse against Burundian peacekeepers have been
credibly investigated by the Government of Burundi, African Union, and/
or the UN. If confirmed, I will continue to engage the Burundian
Government to credibly investigate all allegations and bring the cases
to conclusion with appropriate action.
State Management and Oversight
Question. How do you intend to work with senior leadership at the
State Department to address acute staffing challenges at Mission
Bujumbura?
Answer. The Department is deeply committed to resolving the
challenge of filling positions in historically difficult to staff
posts, of which those in Africa comprise more than half. Insufficient
infrastructure, inadequate schools, health care challenges, and the
remote nature of many postings in Africa are inherent impediments to
getting our posts to full staffing. I believe the Department is working
to address these challenges, and if confirmed, I commit to maintaining
a focus on finding specific solutions for Mission Bujumbura. I am happy
to report that, presently, State Department positions at the mission
are fully staffed.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Bujumbura?
Answer. Morale was undeniably low in the wake of the 2015 civil
unrest and post's two successive evacuations. Since 2021, however,
there has been a marked improvement in morale as relations warmed and
families were allowed back to post for the first time in six years.
Post was finally able to fill staffing gaps and have a full complement
of U.S. direct hire employees just this year, which has drastically
improved morale. My understanding, talking to Ambassador Higgins and
the team at Embassy Bujumbura, is that morale right now is actually
very good. If confirmed, I will work hard to keep it that way.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bujumbura?
Answer. Much of post's prior morale problems came from numerous
long-term staffing gaps. By working to attract top talent to Mission
Bujumbura, ensuring all positions are filled, and continuing to improve
the infrastructure for families at post, I hope to maintain high morale
and even improve it.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bujumbura?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use everything from regular staff
meetings and strategic planning processes to off-site sessions to
ensure that the Mission is moving forward on its goals in a cohesive
and integrated manner.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe firmly in collaboration. I also believe in
providing people the space they need to get a job done in the manner
that works best for them, with regular check-ins to assess progress or
provide guidance. I try to create a safe space for committing errors,
as I see these as opportunities to learn. I try not to insert myself
into a process unless needed, but I am prepared to make the definitive
call on an issue if it cannot be resolved at other levels.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. I believe it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates in any setting.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. My relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission will be
the most important in the Mission. If confirmed, I anticipate daily
scheduled check-ins as well as informal consultations as the need
arises. I will be counting on the DCM to bring me dissenting opinions,
either their own or on behalf of others in the Mission, to ensure that
we are considering all possible approaches to a situation.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend for the Deputy Chief of Mission to
fill the role of chief operations officer while also keeping abreast of
policy priorities. I would expect the DCM to play a critical role in
helping me ensure cohesion across offices and agencies in the Mission.
I will rely on the DCM to play a leadership role in emergency
preparedness in the Mission.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports
(EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though
often lacking.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. I believe accurate, constructive feedback is important both
in regular contact and in the formal evaluation process.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and local citizens.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. In my experience, U.S. diplomats do get out of the Embassy
to build the contacts and connections, as well as understand local
context, in order to fully accomplish their missions, although local
security conditions or specific portfolio requirements (such as visa
work) may limit the amount of work officers can conduct outside the
Embassy.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Connecting with local populations is key to the success of
overall U.S. engagement. In the time following the 2015-2016 turmoil,
security conditions in Burundi had a negative impact on the ability of
Mission personnel to access a wide array of local communities. However,
improvements in the security situation since 2021 have allowed for
greater freedom of movement for diplomatic personnel in Burundi. If
confirmed, I will work with the Regional Security Office to
continuously assess security conditions, with an eye to further opening
areas for Mission travel. I will also encourage all personnel to tap
into public diplomacy or other activities that provide the opportunity
to engage with populations outside the capital.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Lisa Peterson by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. Just this week, reporting
indicates that the Chinese are planning a training facility that could
put People's Liberation Army troops within 100 miles of the United
States. With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry,
the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so
choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Burundi ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith? If so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the Great Lakes region.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Burundi and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to
expand its influence in Burundi and the region.
Question. Burundi is one of the poorest countries on the planet and
U.S. relations with Burundi have traditionally involved issues
regarding political instability, ethnic violence, and human rights
abuses. Burundi has garnered new U.S. interest given its strategic
value in competition with China and its improved regional relations
with Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). What is
your characterization of the existing relationship between the U.S. and
Burundi?
Answer. The U.S.-Burundi bilateral relationship has improved
greatly since President Evariste Ndayishimiye assumed office in June
2020 and began to implement reforms across multiple sectors and
reengage with its neighbors, the international community, and financial
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to support the
people of Burundi in their goals of long-term stability, prosperity,
economic growth, and the expansion of respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. I will relentlessly highlight the benefits of
partnering with the United States to my government counterparts.
Question. If confirmed, how will you seek to bolster trade between
Burundi and the U.S.?
Answer. Trade is an area with a huge potential for growth between
the United States and Burundi with $12.8 million in bilateral trade in
2022. If confirmed, I will advocate for increased commerce between the
two nations. The United States primarily exports agricultural products
such as rice and flour to Burundi and Burundi exports specialty coffee
and metal ores to the United States. The United States is supporting
Burundi's coffee sector through a USDA Food for Progress grant, to be
implemented over the next five years, which will increase productivity
and boost Burundi's coffee exports.
Question. Are there any specific DFC opportunities you would work
on with Burundi officials if confirmed?
Answer. Embassy Bujumbura hosted DFC visitors on four separate
occasions in the last year. If confirmed, I plan to continue to
advocate for DFC opportunities in Burundi, particularly in the sectors
of clean energy and entrepreneurship that demonstrate strong corporate
social responsibility (CSR), and support for women's empowerment.
Question. Burundi has been identified to contain significant
amounts of rare earth critical minerals, but suspended rare earth
mining projects with Western companies, including a Florida sub-
contractor, over a revenue sharing dispute. Are you aware of this
dispute and the companies involved?
Answer. Yes, I am aware of the dispute between the Government of
Burundi and Rainbow Rare Earths/Rainbow Mining Burundi.
Question. If so, how will you assist these companies and Burundi to
come to an amicable resolution?
Answer. Ambassador Higgins and other Embassy Bujumbura officials
have engaged with the Government of Burundi repeatedly over the last
few years to encourage them to resolve the mining sector dispute and
resume operations. State Department officials have also met with
Rainbow Rare Earths executives in Bujumbura and Washington. If
confirmed, I will continue to engage the Government of Burundi to
eliminate barriers to trade and investment and resolve existing
conflicts.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between China and Burundi?
Answer. The People's Republic of China provides Burundi with
significant political support and direct assistance, which was
particularly impactful during U.S. and EU sanctions from 2016 - 2021.
In turn, Burundi has supported the PRC in international fora, including
the United Nations. Although PRC officials state they see limited
opportunities for commercial ventures and have noted the difficulties
of working in Burundi, economic and political ties are increasing, and
PRC companies have completed a number of needed roadworks projects. If
confirmed, I will highlight the benefits of partnering with the United
States to my government counterparts.
Question. Given China is Burundi's top importer and the CCP has
financed a number of projects, including infrastructure, do you believe
the CCP controlled entities could supplant Western mining companies for
critical minerals in Burundi? If so, how will you prevent that from
occurring?
Answer. In May, Burundi's Council of Ministers approved a draft
bill revising the mining code, which could soon lead to reopening of
the mining sector to private companies after nearly two years. However,
the revised code contains provisions that appear difficult or
impossible to meet, and it is unclear whether foreign companies,
especially U.S. companies, will be interested in pursuing mining
opportunities in Burundi going forward. If confirmed, I will continue
to encourage the Government of Burundi to adopt a mining code that, in
addition to attracting international investors, formalizes artisanal
mining, invests in energy infrastructure, and implements good
governance and anticorruption measures.
Question. If confirmed, will you promote an LGBT agenda upon
Burundi, whose population is overwhelmingly religious?
Answer. The policy of the Biden Administration is to promote
respect for the human rights of all individuals, including those of
LGBTQI+ persons. Religious communities have long been our partners in
advancing human dignity for all. We will work closely with local
religious and traditional leaders, community partners, and the LGBTQI+
community to ensure that our messaging and programming advances respect
for the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons and is informed by the
community's priorities. When the human rights of all persons are
respected and protected, everyone is freer.
Question. Should an LGBT agenda come before national security or
American prosperity in diplomacy?
Answer. Advancing human rights undergirds our national security and
economic prosperity. Democracies are more peaceful, more stable, and
more prosperous than their authoritarian counterparts, and the
strongest democracies are those that protect the human rights of all
their citizens. Promoting respect for the rights of every individual--
including LGBTQI+ persons--is critical to promoting American security
and prosperity.
__________
Correspondence Submitted to Senator Coons Supporting the Nomination of
Hon. Jack A. Markell to be Ambassador to the Italian Republic and the
Republic of San Marino
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 26, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:36 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tammy
Duckworth presiding.
Present: Senators Duckworth [presiding], Menendez, Shaheen,
Kaine, Van Hollen, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY DUCKWORTH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS
Senator Duckworth. Good afternoon, everyone. The
nominations hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
will come to order.
I want to offer my congratulations to each of you on your
nominations and express my appreciation for your willingness to
serve.
In the interest of time and getting to hearing from each of
you and beginning questions quickly I am going to forego an
opening statement today.
Senator Hagerty, would you like to make an opening
statement before introductions or should we proceed?
Senator Hagerty. I would make an opening statement, if I
might.
Senator Duckworth. You are recognized.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Likewise, I would like to congratulate the
nominees. Thank you for being here today. It is an exceptional
honor to be in the position that you are in, and for those of
you that are going to be confirmed I think you have a unique
opportunity ahead of you to serve the most exceptional nation
in the world. So I know you will take that to heart.
I would like to start with the nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs. It is
going to be a critical role here that you have got in terms of
helping the administration navigate the Ukraine crisis.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine spurred the largest conflict
in Europe since World War II and it continues to pose an
enormous strategic challenge for the United States. Yet, many
Americans are weary of our administration's less than clear
strategy in Ukraine.
They are concerned about the growing cost of U.S.
involvement and they want to see all European nations--not just
Britain, not just those that are more proximate to Ukraine--
share the burdens of the alliance.
The Biden administration needs to provide the American
people a clear, realistic plan for victory in Ukraine--we have
asked for it from this committee before--a plan that offers not
only lasting solutions to the long-term security problems that
we have in the region but also one that protects Americans'
interest.
I would like to turn to the nominee to be Ambassador to
Croatia. The United States has played a key role in fostering
Croatia's growth as a democratic, secure, and market-oriented
society. We recognize Croatia is a dependable partner within
the Euro-Atlantic institutions and we greatly appreciate its
constructive and stabilizing influence in the region.
As a NATO ally since 2009, Croatia has partnered with the
United States in operations in Afghanistan, Kosovo, Libya, and
elsewhere. Croatia has also played a critical role in energy
security through its LNG import terminal, which has helped to
minimize Europe's dependence on Russian oil, the dependence
that has fueled Russia's war machine.
Next, I would like to turn to the nominee to be the
Ambassador to Haiti. Haiti is facing a seemingly intractable
political and security crisis. The humanitarian catastrophe
there has fueled massive migration from the country.
The Biden administration will have to continue working
closely with the international community to support Haitian
efforts to restore security, the rule of law, and economic and
social stability.
And then last but certainly not least, I would like to
focus on the nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Guatemala. From
its recognition of Taiwan, its solidarity with Ukraine, its
opposition to the Maduro regime in Venezuela, and its close
ties to Israel to its cooperation on trade, migration, and
security, Guatemala has long been a critical U.S. ally in Latin
America and more specifically in the critical Northern Triangle
region.
I traveled to Guatemala on my first official trip as a
United States Senator and I had the pleasure of meeting
Guatemalan President Giammattei. He is a great friend of the
United States. President Giammattei noted how waves of illegal
migration pose demographic, economic, and social problems
within his country. His own nation's sovereignty is under
siege.
He told me that thanks to the flood of humanity responding
to the open border migration here in the United States he has
lost control of his own southern border. His nation's loss of
stability is furthering a brain drain. It is disrupting
families and local communities and it is depriving his nation
of foreign investment, modern infrastructure, and economic
growth.
All of this feeds a vicious cycle that engenders yet more
mass migration and creates favorable conditions for
transnational drug cartels.
It allows them to exploit and traffic vulnerable migrants
and smuggle deadly fentanyl and other drugs into our country.
While concerns about corruption and election integrity are
understandable, if you are confirmed I hope you recognize that
Guatemala's critical importance for U.S. interests and work to
maintain the United States' longstanding partnership with which
whichever candidate wins Guatemala's August presidential runoff
election will be important.
Again, to all of our nominees thank you for serving our
nation and for answering the questions of the committee today.
I look forward to hearing your testimony. Thank you.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
Now, I know several of my colleagues wanted to share
introductions of some of our panel and, as usual, we have--we
all have tricky schedules, given everything that is happening
in the Senate today.
Chairman Menendez, I can turn it over to you first.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. Thank you, Madam Chair, to you and Senator
Hagerty for conducting the hearing. One of our roles as members
of the committee is the responsibility to conduct nomination
hearings so I very much appreciate both of your taking time
from your incredible schedules to do this.
I want to congratulate all of the nominees and their
families and thank you for your willingness to serve our
country. I mention the families as well because this is a
family affair. The reality is is that when you are called to
serve abroad, your family has sacrifices as well. So, I want to
acknowledge them.
I want to take a moment to say that it is my distinct
pleasure to introduce Nathalie Rayes, the nominee to be the
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia. Today, with
dictators and autocrats working to undermine peace and freedom
around the world, our nation needs to fill our diplomatic posts
with leaders who are committed to protecting democracy and
human rights.
I believe that Nathalie Rayes' dedication to the defense of
these basic universal principles is what the United States
needs from our next Ambassador in Zagreb. Nathalie was born in
a small town in Venezuela and came to the United States when
she was just nine years old.
She did not speak a word of English but her mother, like my
own mother, made tremendous sacrifices so that her daughter
could get an education and thrive here in America, and with her
support Nathalie not only went on to UCLA where she got her
bachelor's and master's degree, she built an impressive and
distinguished career as a leader, as a consensus builder, and
an advocate.
As the president and CEO of Latino Victory, President
Biden's appointee to the board of the United States Institute
of Peace, she has been an influential voice fighting to make
the world a better place.
She is no stranger to public service. She has served as
deputy chief of staff of the mayor of Los Angeles where she
managed the office of intergovernmental relations,
international trade and protocol.
She established L.A.'s first office of immigrant affairs.
She formed sister cities with San Salvador, Beirut, and Ischia
in Italy, and she served as President Obama's appointee on the
board of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
Her experience, her record of leadership, and her strong
people-to-people skills makes her the right candidate for this
post.
If confirmed, we can rest assured that Nathalie will stand
up for her values and be a tireless advocate for democracy and
human rights. So it is my pleasure to support the nomination of
my good friend, Nathalie Rayes, as U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Croatia. I do not always come to the committee to
introduce people but in this case it is compelling to do so.
Before I close I would like to note, Madam Chair, that I
have received multiple letters in support of Ms. Rayes'
nomination including from former Congressman Lincoln Diaz-
Balart, the chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Leadership
Institute, the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, the Aspen
Institute, Latinos in Society Program, among others. I asked
unanimous consent these letters be included in the record.
Senator Duckworth. Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
The Chairman. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Padilla, I will turn it over to you next.
STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA
Senator Padilla. Thank you Madam Chair, Chairman Menendez,
and Ranking Member Risch.
Today, I am also proud to introduce my friend, Nathalie
Rayes, as President Biden's nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador
to the Republic of Croatia.
As you heard from Chairman Menendez--I will try not to be
too repetitive--but I do think it is important to underscore
and emphasize she is the proud daughter of Venezuelan and
Lebanese parents as an immigrant herself.
Ms. Rayes' career has been defined by an unwavering
commitment to public service, a drive to diversify the highest
levels of leadership in our nation, and a fundamental
understanding of the hope and stability America's leadership
brings to the world stage.
But before it all Ms. Rayes started off as a student in Los
Angeles where she earned her bachelor's degree in sociology and
a master's degree in public policy with concentrations in
international relations and education at UCLA.
Nathalie and I first crossed paths when I served on the Los
Angeles City Council and she served as deputy chief of staff
for then Los Angeles Mayor James Hahn. There she managed the
office of intergovernmental relations, international trade and
protocol, and established, as you just heard, Los Angeles'
first ever Office of Immigrant Affairs.
Ms. Rayes went on to serve as vice president of public
affairs for Grupo Salinas in the United States and as executive
director of Fundacion Azteca America. She currently serves as
the president and CEO of the Latino Victory Fund where she
works to increase Latino representation at every level of
government.
Last year the Senate confirmed Ms. Rayes to serve as
President Biden's appointee to the board of the United States
Institute of Peace. At a time with increased conflict around
the world we can assure you somebody who represents, embodies,
and advances peace through diplomacy.
In an effort to increase Latina representation in the field
of international relations Ms. Rayes founded and now chairs the
Hope Binational Advisory Group and created the binational
fellowship to train 20 Latinas here in the United States and
Mexico.
She has not only brought more opportunities to diverse
communities but she has also simultaneously strengthened our
foreign policy workforce by bringing new ideas and new
perspectives to challenge conventional thought and America
today is stronger for her service.
Colleagues, since President Biden first took office so much
of the Senate's work to advise and consent to the President's
nominees have seen the fundamental shift as we are finally
confirming nominees who better reflect the diversity of the
country they serve and represent.
But that diversity of backgrounds and of thought should not
end with judicial nominees or cabinet officials. It must extend
to those representing our nation on the world stage because how
we present ourselves to the world and who we entrust with our
nation's image and diplomatic duties abroad matters.
I have seen Ms. Rayes' leadership up close from her time
with the city of Los Angeles to her work nationally for a more
inclusive democracy. She has the intellect, the expertise, and
the commitment to do the job, not to mention the fundamental
understanding of America's potential that will serve us well as
U.S. Ambassador to Croatia.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting her swift
confirmation and I thank you.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Senator Padilla.
I would also like to briefly introduce the other nominees
on the panel today.
Ambassador Dennis Hankins has been nominated to serve as
Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti. Ambassador Hankins is a
career member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently
serves as the foreign policy adviser to the National Guard
Bureau at the Pentagon.
He has previously served as Ambassador to Guinea and to
Mali and he has had a lengthy career in public service at the
State Department and has included postings in Brazil, Sudan,
Saudi Arabia, Thailand, and Haiti, to name just a few.
Welcome, Ambassador Hankins, and we look forward to your
testimony once all of the other introductions are complete.
Next, let me introduce James O'Brien. Mr. O'Brien has been
nominated to be Assistant Secretary of State for European and
Eurasian Affairs. He is currently serving as the head of Office
of Sanctions Coordination at the State Department and he has
previously served as the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage
Affairs and as Special Presidential Envoy for the Balkans,
among many other roles across both public and private sectors.
Mr. O'Brien, welcome, and we look forward to your testimony
very shortly.
Finally, I am pleased to introduce Tobin John Bradley, who
has been nominated to serve as Ambassador to the Republic of
Guatemala. Mr. Bradley is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service and currently serves as deputy assistant secretary of
state in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs.
His time in public service has also taken him to posts in
Mexico, England, Jordan, and Iraq, in roles supporting our
embassies and consulates as well as with the NSC and our
mission to NATO. Welcome, Mr. Bradley.
I will now turn it over to each of you to share your
testimonies, beginning with Ambassador Hankins.
STATEMENT OF HON. DENNIS B. HANKINS, OF MINNESOTA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF HAITI
Mr. Hankins. Thank you very much.
Madam Chairman, ranking member, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you
today and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti.
I want to thank my wife, Mira, and my son, Navy Lieutenant
Commander Danu Hankins, for their encouragement, sacrifice, and
support throughout the years.
As diplomacy is inherently about relationships, my wife of
more than 40 years has always been my better three-quarters and
the reason for whatever success I have had as a diplomat.
I am particularly honored that today's chairwoman and
ranking member have separate titles of former public service
near and dear to my heart, that of lieutenant colonel in the
Army National Guard and of Ambassador to Japan.
It has been an honor to serve in challenging assignments
around the world for these last 39 years. Many of these
assignments have been in countries in crisis including Haiti.
These posts have offered me the opportunity to make real impact
on lives.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other
members of Congress to advance U.S. American interests in
Haiti. If confirmed, I would draw upon my existing and new
relationships with key U.S., international, and Haitian
interlocutors to deepen the bilateral ties, protect my American
and Haitian colleagues who work tirelessly at the U.S. mission
in Haiti, to continue our work combating insecurity and
lawlessness, restoring stability, fostering inclusive
democratic governance, bolstering economic growth, and meeting
basic humanitarian needs.
Of course, an Ambassador has no higher responsibility than
the safety and security of American citizens abroad and that
will always be my top priority.
Haiti faces multiple and competing crises, all of which are
exacerbated by gang-led activities in and around Port-au-Prince
and other parts of the country. Gang activity has seriously
severely impacted the economy and security of the entire
country.
Gangs also hamper the Haitian Government's limited ability
to provide public services and the ability of international
partners to distribute humanitarian assistance.
If confirmed, I am committed to supporting the Haitian
National Police, the HNP, and its efforts to combat gang
influence, maintain basic security, and institute community-
based prevention efforts.
I want to ensure that HNP members receive extensive and
practical human rights training to minimize the risk of abuses.
In addition to meeting immediate security needs I will work to
address the underlying drivers of violence and instability in
Haiti through the U.S. strategy to prevent conflict and promote
stability.
This 10-year plan will improve coordination between U.S.,
Haitian, and external partners to build inclusive and
sustainable foundations for long-term security, stability, and
democratic governance.
In October 2022 Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry
requested an international force after gangs blocked access to
Haiti's port and main fuel terminal, paralyzing the country,
including the cholera response.
The United States and our international partners support
this request. What other--whatever forms such a force takes it
can give Haitians the space they need to address the many
challenges they face. But it is incumbent on them to do so.
Organized criminal group activity continues to exacerbate
humanitarian needs and displacement throughout Haiti.
Approximately 4.9 million people, nearly half the country's
population, will likely require emergency food assistance over
the summer. If confirmed, I will work to address with national
and international partners the urgent needs of the most
vulnerable Haitians.
While we fund humanitarian and security efforts to save
lives our collective attention must focus on emerging Haitian
solutions to Haiti's political crisis.
Since January there have been no elected officials in Haiti
with a current mandate. We have seen important steps to enlarge
political consensus since then but there is much to be done to
help return the country to democratic order.
Neighboring countries through CARICOM are also deeply
engaged in promoting a return to uncontested political
legitimacy. If confirmed, I will urge all political parties,
indeed, all players in Haitian society to come forward,
compromise, and create the conditions for a transparent and
inclusive electoral process where all parties can compete for
Haitian votes.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
would be honored to respond to any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hankins follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Dennis B. Hankins
Madam Chairwoman, ranking member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today, and grateful
to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have
placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti.
I want to thank my wife Mira, and my son, Navy Lieutenant Commander
Danu Hankins, for their encouragement, sacrifice, and support
throughout the years. As diplomacy is inherently about relationships,
my wife of more than 40 years has always been my better three-quarters
and the reason for whatever success I have had as a diplomat.
I am particularly honored that today's Chairwoman and ranking
member hold separate titles of former public service near and dear to
my heart--that of Lieutenant Colonel in the Army National Guard and of
Ambassador to Japan. It has been an honor to serve in challenging
assignments around the world for the last thirty-nine years. Many of
these assignments have been in countries in crisis--including Haiti.
These posts have offered me the opportunity to make a real impact on
lives. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other
Members of Congress to advance American interests in Haiti.
If confirmed, I would draw upon my existing and new relationships
with key U.S., international, and Haitian interlocutors to deepen
bilateral ties, protect my American and Haitian colleagues who work
tirelessly at the U.S. mission in Haiti, and continue our work
combatting insecurity and lawlessness; restoring stability; fostering
inclusive, democratic governance; bolstering economic growth; and
meeting basic humanitarian needs. Of course, an Ambassador has no
higher responsibility than the safety and security of American citizens
abroad and that will always be my top priority.
Haiti faces multiple and competing crises, all of which are
exacerbated by gang-led activities in and around Port-au-Prince. Gangs
control approximately 30 percent of the capital and are increasingly
able to operate in neighborhoods previously regarded as safe. Gang
activity has severely impacted the economy and security of the entire
country. Gangs also hamper the Haitian Government's limited ability to
deliver public services and the ability of international partner to
distribute humanitarian assistance.
If confirmed, I am committed to supporting the Haitian National
Police (the HNP) in its efforts to combat gang influence, maintain
basic security, and institute community-based prevention efforts. I
want to ensure that HNP members receive extensive and practical human
rights training to minimize the risk of abuses.
In addition to meeting immediate security needs, I will work to
address the underlying drivers of violence and instability in Haiti
through the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability.
This 10-year plan will improve coordination between U.S., Haitian and
external partners to build inclusive and sustainable foundations for
long-term security, stability, and democratic governance.
In October 2022, Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry requested an
international force after gangs blocked access to Haiti's port and main
fuel terminal, paralyzing the country. The United States and our
international partners support this request. Whatever form such a force
takes, it can give Haitians the space they need to address the many
challenges they face--but it is incumbent on them to do so.
Organized criminal group activity continues to exacerbate
humanitarian needs and displacement throughout Haiti. Approximately 4.9
million people--nearly half of the country's population--will likely
require emergency food assistance over the summer. If confirmed, I will
work to address with national and international partners the urgent
needs of the most vulnerable Haitians.
While we fund humanitarian and security efforts to save lives, our
collective attention must focus on emerging Haitian solutions to
Haiti's political crisis. Since January, there have been no elected
officials in Haiti with a current mandate. We have seen Prime Minister
Henry make several significant steps towards creating a path forward
for inclusive elections, by installing the High Transition Council,
reconstituting the Supreme Court, and holding political roundtables
with opposing political parties. Neighboring countries though CARICOM
are also deeply engaged in promoting a return to uncontested political
legitimacy. If confirmed, I will urge all political parties (indeed,
all players in Haitian society) to come forward, compromise, and create
a transparent and inclusive electoral process where all parties can
compete for Haitian votes.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would
be honored to respond to any questions.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Wow. You landed that on a
dime to the second.
No pressure, Mr. O'Brien. Your testimony, please.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES C. O'BRIEN, OF NEBRASKA, NOMINATED TO
BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN
AFFAIRS)
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Madam Chairman, Senator Hagerty,
Senator Menendez, other members of the committee. I am honored
to have been nominated for this position and that you are
considering me for it.
I have submitted written testimony with some extensive
remarks on the region. Fundamentally, the job is to promote
American security, prosperity, and values by working with,
sometimes on, our strongest partners across Europe and Eurasia.
That is the global platform that makes Americans more
prosperous and secure. I could do this work only with the
support of my family, my wife, Mary, my children, Jamie and
Sean, my father-in-law, John O'Donnell, and my sisters Meghan
and Nan, and my father, James O'Brien.
I was talking to him this morning and he reminded me of a
story that captures the themes in my testimony. A few years ago
as my mom was succumbing to the disease that killed her she
said she wanted to go see the place where her father died in
World War II. He was a private in the U.S. Army in the Hurtgen
Forest.
Now, this was the single event in my mom's life. She went
from being as, in her words, daddy's girl living a middle class
life in the Bay Area and then had to move cross country, kind
of live hand to mouth in what she called a house of widows with
her grandmother, mother, little sisters, and some aunts.
For the first time she wanted to go here because she knew
she was nearing the end. So we drove around Belgium where her
father had written extensively, and Western Germany, through as
much of the Hurtgen Forest as she could manage and finally to
the town that was the object of the campaign where he died.
And as we walked around she looked and she said, this place
is beautiful--I had only ever seen it in the black and white
photos that showed the battle damage of 1944 and 1945 and I
knew it would not be that way but I could not understand how
well off and beautiful it is.
And then she got very quiet and then she got mad and she
asked us to drive her out of the town. And as we drove her out
of town she kept saying, those people have normal lives. I did
not get the life that was the normal I thought I was going to
get and I just wish they knew.
And then we visited one of the U.S. military cemeteries
nearby where many of the soldiers killed with my grandfather
had been handled to be brought home. She broke down in tears.
She said, you know, I am so proud of what he gave because
this area we drive across borders nobody stops us. It is well
off. It is prosperous. People are peaceful. There is no chance
of war and so I am so proud of that. I wish I could ask him if
he was proud.
Now, why do I talk about this? It is not because it is a
unique story but it has been on my mind a lot. Tens of millions
of people can tell a similar story and those of you who served
as you have, Madam Chair, can tell much more personalized
stories about the trauma of war.
But I think it captures two themes that are very important
as we look to go forward. One of them is we are talking about
human pain that will live on for decades. What Russia has
unleashed in Ukraine is going to stay with us for generations
and the same is true of people who have been surviving conflict
left over from the Western Balkans in the 1990s where I was
proud to serve the country, through those southern Caucasus
where several of you, Chairman Menendez, have been very vocal
advocates for the victims of those conflicts.
We have to remember that this is not just geopolitics. It
is about humans and how they recover.
The second thing we can learn is that we know how to
succeed. Senator Hagerty, you asked what is the plan--what is
the way forward. I look forward to working with you on that.
But we do have models where we can integrate economies like
Ukraine's into more wealthy economies and lift up the people of
that region. The same is possible for the people of the
southern Caucasus around the Black Sea and through the Western
Balkans if we handle the next year or two properly.
We know how to go from the black and white photos of the
war damage of 1945 to the beautiful little town that I took my
mother to eight years ago.
Now, what do we need in order to do that? I think there are
two things I would love to work with this committee on as we go
forward. One is a very strong platform in the EUR Bureau. It is
12,000 people, produces almost two-thirds of the action items
the secretary operates on. They need the resources and support
to be great at their job because they are creative and they are
wonderful.
The second thing is cooperation with the committee and I
look forward to that on both sides of the aisle. Our opponents
say America cannot be relied on. We will have an election and
we are going to reverse course.
If we all stand together to say America stands for what
works then I know we will succeed, and I look forward to
working with you on that and I look forward to answering
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. O'Brien follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. James C. O'Brien
Chair Duckworth, Ranking Member Hagerty, members of the committee,
I am honored to have been nominated to be Assistant Secretary of State
for European and Eurasian Affairs. Thank you for the opportunity to
appear today.
I am here because of the support of my family--my wife Mary, our
children Sean and Jamie, Mary's father John O'Donnell, and my father
Jim and sisters Meghan and Nan. I grew up in Nebraska, and my family
still live in Omaha. My mother, Jane, who died early in 2021, instilled
a love of community and public service that has shaped my life.
The job of our diplomats is to promote American security,
prosperity, and values. Today that mission addresses war in Europe and
the rise of China.
First, Russia's further invasion of Ukraine touches every aspect of
Europe and Eurasia. Ukraine, which continues to fight courageously and
successfully, draws on a coalition led by the United States comprising
dozens of countries, including most in this region. Together, we
provide Ukraine with the security assistance to defend itself and the
humanitarian and economic support to respond and rebuild in the face of
continuing Russian attacks. We are also working together to restrict
the Kremlin's access to resources necessary to wage its unjustified war
and diminish Russia's future destabilizing capabilities. The
coalition's strength is critical, and we must work to keep it powerful,
aligned, and up to date. The number of elections across the coalition
in the next 16 months means that this will require active diplomacy.
For many countries in the region the next period will be pivotal.
Ukraine knows from this month's Vilnius Summit and announcements by the
European Union that its future lies in the transatlantic security and
economic space. Moldova, too, has never had a clearer path to its EU
future. These European nations need to show their own people, and ours,
that their societies will be more prosperous and free--and their
democratic and economic institutions stronger--as the region emerges
from this hot war. Our assistance and experience--especially that of
our private sector--will be essential.
The six states of the western Balkans should be given renewed clear
requirements, and incentives, to reform as they make their way toward
the European Union. Georgia and countries across the Caucasus to the
Caspian will have opportunities to build new relationships to Europe
and global trade routes. U.S. engagement will define the choices before
each country.
In short, the next year can set the template for a deeper, stronger
rules-based community of freedom across this region, touching the
Arctic, the Atlantic, the Adriatic, the Black Sea, and the steppes of
central Asia. This is the fabric that our citizens depend on every day
to keep them safe and create more economic opportunity.
One aspect of this work deserves special focus. The U.S. leads a
global alliance network--rooted in Europe and NATO--that no other
country can match. We must ensure that this framework is fit for
purpose going forward. Next year's 75th anniversary NATO summit here in
Washington will let us reinforce key elements: an iron-clad Article 5;
our enduring commitment to each other to spend at least 2 percent of
GDP on defense investment; a NATO with deeper links to the Indo-
Pacific; and growing Alliance of 31--and, with Sweden, 32 members--with
an unwavering open-door policy.
We must also work to strengthen the commitment of all countries
across the region to democracy and the rule of law.
Third, I will focus on our country's prosperity. Our society is
starting to see huge technological leaps in artificial intelligence,
energy production, and medicine. Over the next decades, these advances
can make us, especially our middle class, richer and more secure or
lead to new battles over emerging technology. We should work with our
closest partners to share approaches and agree on the risks posed by
alternative systems. Wherever possible we should agree on the
approaches to critical minerals, supply chains, the uses of new
technologies, and the protection of our critical infrastructure
including from cyberattacks. Working with the EU is key--including
through the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council (TTC) and U.S.-EU
China Dialogue. A new European Commission will take office in 2024; the
agenda it sets for its five-year term will be important for the next
two U.S. administrations.
Madam Chair and ranking member, it would be a privilege to join the
12,000 hard-working, dedicated men and women of our State Department
EUR community. This team has done extraordinary work to sustain an
America that is more secure and more prosperous because Europe is whole
and free. I look forward to working together with them to develop plans
of action to realize the objectives laid out here over the next 6, 12,
18 months.
I also look forward to working with the Members of this Committee.
Over the next 18 months, our adversaries will be questioning
whether the promises America makes are ones we will keep. Our work will
be much more effective when others hear our shared commitment to an
America that is stronger with a Europe whole and free.
Thank you and I welcome your questions.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Very moving and insightful.
Thank you, Mr. O'Brien.
Ms. Rayes
STATEMENT OF NATHALIE RAYES, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA
Ms. Rayes. Madam Chair Duckworth, Ranking Member Hagerty,
and distinguished members of this committee, I am honored for
the privilege of speaking with you today as the President's
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the Republic
of Croatia.
Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Senator Padilla, for your
kind words of introduction. I am grateful to President Biden
and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in my ability to
serve in this role and represent the interests of the American
people.
If confirmed, serving as Ambassador will be my greatest
honor and I pledge to work with this committee and Congress to
advance U.S. interests and priorities in Croatia.
I am here today thanks to the love and support of my family
and friends. My husband, Tarek Samad, devotes his time to
family and finding cures for brain diseases. We are blessed
with two boys here with me today, Julian and Alexander. Both
are kind and respectful--and they asked me not to cry--and I am
proud to be their mother.
I also have my mother and my wise older sister here with me
today and my father watching from above. I am also thankful to
my friends and family and my friends here and those who are
watching from home.
I have dedicated my career to international relations,
cultural exchanges, and civic engagement in the public,
private, and nonprofit spheres. I have come full circle from a
young fellow at the United States Embassy in Cairo where I
first was exposed to the world of diplomacy to have proudly
served for over six years on the board of the Woodrow Wilson
Center and now as of 2022 on the Senate-confirmed board of the
U.S. Institute of Peace.
I embody the American dream. Following the footsteps of my
immigrant parents, from them I learned discipline, dedication,
hard work, and the endless possibilities of our United States
of America.
I began my career in Los Angeles, the world's twentieth
largest economy and where one of the biggest Croatian diasporas
has flourished in San Pedro since the late 1800s.
I created the Law Center's Office of Immigrant Affairs,
manage intergovernmental relations, trade, protocol, and
champions civic partnerships by establishing international
alliances in sister cities with San Salvador, with Ischia, with
Beirut and Yerevan.
I also created powerful coalitions in the private sector
that improves civil society and strengthened bridges between
the United States and Mexico. I am very proud of spearheading
several initiatives to promote open and nonpartisan dialogue
between the United States and Mexico.
My nonprofit sector experience has cemented my belief that
transparency, accountability, and representation safeguard a
safe democracy, which we are so fortunate to have in our great
nation.
Most importantly, I have learned the power to convene and
that success is reached by building trustworthy partnerships.
If confirmed, I will use these skills to advance United States
interests and values in Croatia.
Croatia and the United States have strong security,
economic, and cultural ties. Croatia embraces transatlantic
cooperation and shares our commitment to safeguarding
democracy, the rule of law, and human rights.
As a close NATO ally Croatia is a strong advocate of many
joint issues and, if confirmed, I will work to deepen our
defense and security cooperation and continue to build a
bilateral relationship based on our common values.
If confirmed, my number-one priority will be the safety and
security of Americans in Croatia.
Second, I will work with Croatia to strengthen
transatlantic security in countering Russia's war in Ukraine
and malign influence in the region.
Third, as Croatia is poised to be an energy exporter I will
work with Croatia to expand its role in advancing energy
security and diversification.
Fourth, I will leverage our strong partnership to advance
EU accession for all Western Balkan countries, which includes
promoting respect for democracy and increasing U.S. trade and
investment.
Fifth, I will deepen the connection between our two nations
by increasing cultural exchanges, youth-focused initiatives,
and cooperation between academic institutions to engage
scholars, students, and teachers.
In July 2013 Croatia became the latest member of the
European Union and at the beginning of this year Croatia
adopted the euro and became a member of the border-free
Schengen Area.
If confirmed, my goal is to inform the American private
that Croatia is open for U.S. business. I will work with
Croatia to help advance joint U.S.-EU priorities and encourage
Croatia to help its neighbors pursue their own EU accession
aspirations.
I believe that accession reforms are as much an economic
incentive as a democracy-building project driving prosperity
and trade.
If confirmed, I will proudly serve the United States of
America with empathy, with humility, and with integrity. Thank
you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
am happy to answer any of your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Rayes follows:]
Prepared Statement of Nathalie Rayes
Madam Chair Duckworth, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished
members of the committee, I am grateful for the privilege of speaking
with you today as the President's nominee to be the next United States
Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and
Senator Padilla, for your kind words of support.
I am thankful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in my ability to serve in this role and represent the
interests of the American people. If confirmed, serving as Ambassador
would be a great honor, and I pledge to work with this committee and
Congress to advance U.S. interests and priorities in Croatia.
I am here today due to the love and support of my family. My
husband, Tarek Samad, devotes his time to family and to finding cures
for brain diseases. We are blessed with two boys here with me today,
Julian and Alexander. Both are kind and respectful, and I am proud to
be their mother. I also have my mother and my wise older sister here
today and my father watching from above. I am also thankful to my
friends who are here and those that are watching from home.
I have dedicated my career to international relations, cultural
exchange, and civic engagement, in public, private and nonprofit
spheres. I have come full circle from a young fellow at the United
States Embassy in Cairo, where I was first exposed to the world of
diplomacy to have proudly served for over six years on the board of the
Woodrow Wilson Center and, as of 2022, on the Senate-confirmed board of
the United States Institute of Peace.
I embody the American dream, having followed in the footsteps of my
immigrant parents. From them, I learned discipline, dedication, hard
work, and the endless possibilities of our United States of America.
I began my career in Los Angeles, the world's 20th largest economy,
where one of the biggest Croatian diasporas has flourished in San Pedro
since the late 1800s. I created Los Angeles's first Office of Immigrant
Affairs, managed intergovernmental relations, trade, and protocol and
championed civic partnerships by establishing international alliances
and Sister Cities with San Salvador, Ischia, Beirut, and Yerevan.
I also created powerful coalitions in the private sector that
improved civil society and strengthened the bridges between the United
States and Mexico. I am very proud of spearheading several initiatives
to promote open and nonpartisan dialogue between the United States and
Mexico.
My nonprofit sector experience has cemented my belief that
transparency, accountability, and representation safeguard a stable
democracy, which we are fortunate to have in our great nation. Most
importantly, I have learned the power to convene, and that success is
reached by building trustworthy partnerships. If confirmed, I will use
these skills to advance United States interests and values in Croatia.
Croatia and the United States have strong security, economic, and
cultural ties. Croatia embraces transatlantic cooperation and shares
our commitment to safeguarding democracy, the rule of law, and human
rights.
As a close NATO Ally, Croatia is a strong advocate on many joint
issues, and if confirmed, I will work to deepen our defense and
security cooperation and continue to build a bilateral relationship
based on our common values.
If confirmed, my number one priority will be the safety and
security of Americans in Croatia. Second, I will work with Croatia to
strengthen transatlantic security, counter Russia's war against
Ukraine, and combat malign activities and corrosive investment in the
region. Third, as Croatia is poised to be an energy exporter, I will
work with Croatia to expand its role in advancing energy security and
diversification. Fourth, I will leverage our strong partnership to
advance EU accession for all Western Balkan countries, which includes
promoting respect for democracy and human rights and increasing U.S.
trade and investment. Fifth, I will deepen the connection between our
two nations by increasing cultural exchanges, youth-focused
initiatives, and cooperation between academic institutions to engage
scholars, students, and teachers.
In July 2013, Croatia became the latest member of the European
Union, and at the beginning of this year, Croatia adopted the euro and
became a member of the border-free Schengen Area. If confirmed, my goal
is to inform the American private sector that Croatia is open for U.S.
business. I will work with Croatia to help advance joint U.S.-EU
priorities and encourage Croatia to help its neighbors pursue their own
EU accession aspirations. I believe that accession reforms are as much
an economic incentive as a democracy-building project, driving
prosperity and trade.
If confirmed, I will proudly serve the United States with empathy,
humility, and integrity.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I am happy to answer your questions.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Ms. Rayes.
Mr. Bradley?
STATEMENT OF TOBIN JOHN BRADLEY, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA
Mr. Bradley. Chairwoman Duckworth, Chairman Menendez,
Ranking Member Hagerty, distinguished members of the committee,
I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Guatemala.
I would like to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for the confidence they have shown in me and the privilege and
responsibility to be considered for this position.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and the
Congress more broadly to advance U.S. interests in Guatemala.
In over 25 years as a career Foreign Service officer I have
had the honor to represent the United States and Latin America,
the Near East, Europe, as well as multiple postings here in
Washington including service at the National Security Council
under two presidents.
Whether supporting the first democratic elections in post-
war Iraq, strengthening the NATO alliance, protecting American
citizens in Matamoros, or building partner capabilities in
dozens of countries to combat drugs and transnational crime I
have dedicated my career to advancing U.S. security and
democratic values.
I have also sought to cultivate innovation and apply
creative problem solving to the challenges that face us and our
partners.
I would like to acknowledge my family today. They are here.
They have inspired and anchored me on this journey. Following
his father's sacrifice in World War II, my father served with
distinction as a city manager for 45 years.
My mother was a teacher, a church volunteer, and a medical
service provider helping thousands. My partner, a proud
immigrant who has stood with me for 25 years through war zones
and late night shifts, dedicated years as a D.C. public school
teacher.
My sister, who represents all my siblings, is a part of a
proud Navy family that has deployed around the world in service
to our nation. They have taught me anything is possible with
education, determination, and hard work.
Finally, I know my uncle, Charlie Ward, who has served this
Senate for 25 years as chief of staff to Speaker Carl Albert
and Senator Boren, would be so proud to see me appear before
you today.
In addition to its rich culture, significant World Heritage
Sites, and abundant biodiversity, Guatemala's role in the
region and beyond is vital. Guatemala has the largest economy
in Central America. It is a critical transit node for people as
well as licit and illicit goods. It has a strong and vibrant
civil society.
Guatemala's diplomatic ties with Taiwan, support for
Israel, and condemnation of Russia's illegal war in Ukraine
provide a foundation to advanced broader strategic interests.
Our geography and strong family bonds between our two
countries make our paths inextricably shared. We have much to
gain from cooperation that supports our security and regional
prosperity. Thanks to strong U.S. congressional support U.S.
foreign assistance is advancing that vision. If confirmed, I
will be a conscientious steward of U.S. taxpayer money.
I will endeavor with this committee, the current and
incoming Guatemalan Government, civil society, and the private
sector to address root causes of irregular migration, violence,
corruption, poverty, and malnutrition.
I will also promote inclusive economic opportunity and a
level playing field for U.S. businesses so that Americans and
Guatemalans can prosper together.
The United States and our international partners are
closely monitoring Guatemala's runoff presidential election on
August 20th. A leader chosen freely and fairly in accordance
with Guatemala's constitution would have the mandate of the
Guatemalan people and, in turn, be an effective partner to the
United States.
While there are many challenges, Guatemala's close
cooperation on key issues provides opportunities. Guatemala is
implementing the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and
Protection and cooperating to strengthen reintegration services
for returned unaccompanied children and families.
Guatemala works with U.S. law enforcement to stem violence,
combat transnational crime, and convict human traffickers under
new laws.
If confirmed, I will work to help Guatemala strengthen its
own border against illicit trafficking and continue to advance
safe, lawful, and humane migration management.
I will also support Guatemalan authorities and civil
society to strengthen Guatemala's democratic and legal
institutions needed to sustain the peace that ended 36 years of
conflict.
The embassy in Guatemala is one of the largest in the
hemisphere with a talented and committed team of U.S. and local
staff. If confirmed, I would be honored to lead them.
My utmost priority will be to protect the safety and
security of the embassy team and of U.S. citizens who live in
and visit Guatemala. I will be thrilled to return to this
vibrant region and to work to harness our collective strengths
to advance U.S. interests.
To members of this committee, if confirmed I look forward
to partnering with each of you to further strengthen the U.S.-
Guatemala relationship.
Thank you for the opportunity and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Bradley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Tobin John Bradley
Chairwoman Duckworth, Ranking Member Hagerty, distinguished members
of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Guatemala.
I would like to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have shown in me and the privilege and responsibility
to be considered for this position. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with you and the Congress more broadly to advance U.S.
interests in Guatemala.
In over 25 years as a career Foreign Service Officer, I have had
the honor to represent the United States in Latin America, the Near
East, and Europe, as well as multiple postings here in Washington,
including service at the National Security Council under two
presidents. Whether supporting the first democratic elections in post-
war Iraq, strengthening the NATO alliance, protecting American citizens
in Matamoros, or building partner capabilities in dozens of countries
to combat drugs and transnational crime, I have dedicated my career to
advancing U.S. security and democratic values. I have also sought to
cultivate innovation and apply creative problem solving to the
challenges that face us and our partners.
I would like to acknowledge my family here with me today. They have
inspired and anchored me on this journey. Following his father's
sacrifice in World War II, my father served with distinction as a city
manager for 45 years; my mother was a teacher, church volunteer, and
medical service provider helping thousands; my partner, a proud
immigrant who has stood with me for 25 years through warzones and
overnight shifts, dedicated years as a D.C. public schoolteacher. My
sister, who represents all my siblings, is a part of a proud Navy
family that has deployed around the world in service to our nation.
They have taught me anything is possible with education, determination,
and hard work. Finally, I know my Uncle Charlie Ward, who served the
Senate for 25 years as Chief of Staff to Speaker Carl Albert and
Senator Boren, would be so proud to see me appear before you today.
In addition to its rich culture, significant world heritage sites,
and abundant biodiversity, Guatemala's role in the region and beyond is
vital. Guatemala has the largest economy in Central America. It is a
critical transit node for people, as well as licit and illicit goods.
It has a strong and vibrant civil society. Guatemala's diplomatic ties
with Taiwan, support for Israel, and condemnation of Russia's illegal
war in Ukraine provide a foundation to advance broader strategic
interests. Our geography and strong family bonds between our two
countries make our paths inextricably shared.
We have much to gain from cooperation that supports our security
and regional prosperity. Thanks to strong U.S. congressional support,
U.S. foreign assistance is advancing that vision. If confirmed, I will
be a conscientious steward of U.S. taxpayer money. I will endeavor with
this committee, the current and incoming Guatemalan Government, civil
society, and the private sector to address root causes of irregular
migration--violence, corruption, poverty, and malnutrition. I will also
promote inclusive economic opportunity and a level playing field for
U.S. businesses so that Americans and Guatemalans can prosper together.
The United States and our international partners are closely
monitoring Guatemala's runoff presidential election on August 20. A
leader chosen freely and fairly, in accordance with Guatemala's
constitution, would have the mandate of the Guatemalan people, and in
turn, be an effective partner for the United States. While there are
many challenges, Guatemala's close cooperation on key issues provides
opportunities. Guatemala is implementing the Los Angeles Declaration on
Migration and Protection and cooperating to strengthen reintegration
services for returned unaccompanied children and families. Guatemala
works with U.S. law enforcement to stem violence, combat transnational
crime, and convict human traffickers under new laws. If confirmed, I
will work to help Guatemala strengthen its own border against illicit
trafficking and continue to advance safe, lawful, and humane migration
management. I will also support Guatemalan authorities and civil
society to strengthen Guatemala's democratic and legal institutions
needed to sustain the peace that ended 36 years of conflict.
The U.S. Embassy in Guatemala is one of the largest in the
hemisphere, with a talented and committed team of U.S. and local staff.
If confirmed, I would be honored to lead them. My utmost priority will
be to protect the safety and security of the Embassy team and of U.S.
citizens who live in and visit Guatemala. I would be thrilled to return
to this vibrant region and work to harness our collective strengths to
champion U.S. interests.
Chairwoman Duckworth, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished
members of the committee, if confirmed, I look forward to partnering
with you to further strengthen the U.S.-Guatemalan relationship. Thank
you for the opportunity, and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Bradley, and thank all of
you for your testimony. We will start a period of questions
now.
First, I have a few questions that speak to the importance
that this committee places on responsiveness by all officials
in the executive branch. I would ask each of you to provide
just a verbal yes or no to this series of questions.
First, do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Duckworth. Do you commit to keeping this committee
fully and currently informed about the activities under your
purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Duckworth. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notifications after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. And, finally, do you commit
to promptly responding to requests for briefings and
information requested by the committee and its designated
staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Now, on to other questions.
Chairman Menendez will be returning but I will begin with the
first line of questions.
Mr. O'Brien, you come to this position during the biggest
security crisis that Europe has faced in a generation and at a
transformative moment in U.S.-Europe relations.
While European unity has shown tremendous resilience in the
face of Russian aggression, it remains to be seen how it will
weather what increasingly appears to be a years-long fight for
Ukrainian sovereignty.
Mr. O'Brien, in the wake of both the aborted mutiny of the
Wagner Group and an ongoing Ukrainian counter offensive how do
you assess, on the one hand, the ability of Russia to sustain
the war effort and maintain the gains it made last year and, on
the other, the ability of our NATO allies to maintain the level
of support they have been able to provide thus far?
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Madam Chair.
First, I look forward to working on these issues with all
the members who are interested. I think the willingness of our
coalition to stay together depends in large part on their sense
of the solidity and sustainability of American leadership in
the effort and that needs to come from both sides of the aisle.
I feel at this moment I would much rather be in our
coalition supporting Ukraine than on the Russian side, largely,
alone. On Russia, I will not speculate about what is happening
within. Secretary Blinken has spoken about the difficulty of
understanding the internal dynamics but, clearly, there has
been some fracturing.
But from the posture of my current job managing the
sanctions side we do see Russia facing some constraints. It is
building its indigenous capacity to create certain weapons but
it is less and less able to source key components from many
economies abroad.
That puts a limit on its ability to wage a modern war.
Instead, you see them waging static warfare, attacking civilian
targets including economic targets over the last week or so,
not able to work with modern communications, rapid movement,
precision munitions, et cetera.
We also see real constraints on the Russian economy. They
are--it is a deep economy. It was one of the largest 10 in the
world at the start of this war. So they will be able to sustain
themselves for quite a while. We do not see a collapse.
But they are going to be forced to make difficult choices.
They began the war with probably $850 billion U.S. in sort of
ready cash. Now it is probably about $250 billion. We think
there will be some choices facing it over the next several
years. In the longer term, we think its economy will shrink
considerably.
We expect by the end of the decade Russia will be 20
percent smaller than it would have been if it had not waged
this war. That makes it a less attractive partner less able to
sustain this conflict at the rate that they think that they
can.
On the other side, our coalition has been remarkably stable
and I think what we are seeing right now is that Russia is
committing outrages in order to try to hasten some progress in
this war and instead it is isolating itself.
Its attack on the global food system by taking more than 30
million tons of Ukrainian grain out of the global food supply
that strips the Global South of about 24 million tons.
That is food for tens of millions of people, and Russia
cannot replace that. So now it is facing a lot more isolation.
So I would rather be where we are. The work that we do to keep
people unified is important.
And I will just close with one last note. Senator Hagerty
talked about the importance of burden sharing and I completely
agree. We are now in a position where U.S. contributions are
largely matched by what is coming from the rest of the
coalition. That includes specialized contributions.
We are thirteenth in terms of GDP on the amount of security
assistance we are providing. So I think we are in a place now
where everyone knows they have to put their shoulder to the
wheel in support of this effort because we are all going to
benefit when Ukraine wins.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Ms. Rayes, I would like to start with you. First, thank you
for being here. You have long been a critic of the brutal
Chavez-Maduro regimes in Venezuela. I agree with you.
The Maduro regime today has provided a beachhead for malign
activity in the Western Hemisphere for China, for Iran, for
Russia. They have extended a lifeline to Cuba and, frankly,
they support illicit drug smuggling and money laundering
throughout the region. Those concerns are very significant.
I understand that you hold dual citizenship as a Venezuelan
citizen and as an American citizen, and if you are confirmed I
want to ask you on the record for myself and for the committee
will you agree to renounce your Venezuelan citizenship?
Ms. Rayes. Well, thank you very much, Senator Hagerty, for
that question. Yes, I do also renounce--denounce, I should
say--I would denounce my Venezuelan citizenship, yes.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you. I appreciate that.
One of my concerns has been with this administration's
foreign policy and its tendency to moralize on issues that may
have great political interest but are not directly at our
national security and economic interest.
And you have served on the board of Planned Parenthood
Action Fund. Planned Parenthood Action Fund advocates for some
very divisive policies, for example, expanding the Supreme
Court, taking away the Helms Amendment--dispensing with the
Helms amendment--even advocating for so-called gender affirming
care.
As you mentioned in your opening testimony, if you are
confirmed to be U.S. Ambassador it will be your highest honor,
but it will also be your great responsibility and I would like
to know, first, do you agree with the positions of Planned
Parenthood Action Fund?
Ms. Rayes. If confirmed, my sole focus will be representing
the American people and the American interests in Croatia.
Senator Hagerty. Well, you did a good job of articulating
your plans there. I want to encourage you strongly to stick to
those plans, please, and please commit to us that you will not
use this as a platform in any way to advocate for these other
policies.
Ms. Rayes. Senator, you have my full assurance that I am
there to represent the American people and the American
interest.
Senator Hagerty. Great. Thank you very much.
I would like to turn my next question, if I might, to you,
Mr. Bradley.
I appreciate your recognition of Guatemala's strategic
importance to the United States. You did a good job of that in
your opening statement. As you know, no partner is perfect.
Guatemala, though, has long faced difficult challenges of
combating public corruption like many nations in the Western
region--the Western Hemisphere, I am sorry.
I am concerned, however, that the Biden administration has
created the perception that it is picking sides in Guatemala's
presidential election, and so my question of you is if you will
commit to this committee that you will respect the outcome of
Guatemala's August presidential election regardless of who
wins.
Mr. Bradley. Yes, Senator. Thank you for the question. You
have my commitment that I will respect the outcome of the
Guatemalan election. That is, we will work with anyin
Guatemala. As I have discussed, our future is shared and there
are so many issues that we need to work on together. The
Guatemalan people are at a democratic milestone and that they
have an opportunity to freely elect a leader. This----
Senator Hagerty [continuing]. Yeah. My point is that we
need to respect that and not be perceived as being in any way
meddling with it, and so I hope that you will certainly follow
up on that perception.
Mr. Bradley. I will work with----
Senator Hagerty [continuing]. I appreciate that.
When I met with President Giammattei, as I mentioned
earlier, he correctly, I think, identified Guatemala as a choke
point for illegal migration from Central America.
He talked to me about the national security crisis that
presents for his nation as well as for the United States, and
during the previous administration Guatemala was a key partner
for the United States in countering the crisis. They signed an
asylum cooperation agreement that helped stem the flow of
illegal immigrants.
But since January of 2021 that flow has exploded, and it
has created numerous problems not only here in America but also
in Guatemala, and during our meeting President Giammattei
advised me that technical assistance--training, equipment--that
that type of activity would be far more effective, in his mind,
to help counter illegal migration flows, illegal drug flows. He
felt that that would be far more effective than increasing
funding for nongovernmental organizations. Do you agree with
President Giammattei's perspective?
Mr. Bradley. Thank you, Senator. I believe that we should
use every tool that the embassy has to reduce the pressure on
our Southwest border and to support humane and orderly
migration and direct----
Senator Hagerty [continuing]. Would you give some
perspective on what you would do--I am sorry.
Mr. Bradley [continuing]. And direct support to the
Government.
Senator Hagerty. I am just interested your perspective on
what we could do to help support strengthening the rule of law
in Guatemala to help them enhance border security and deepen
our economic ties.
Mr. Bradley. Senator Hagerty, border security has been a
focus of my career over 10 years. Through my management of the
INL program in Mexico City we incubated new technologies and
innovative approaches for the betterment of both of our
countries and one of those innovations is actually currently
being piloted at the border in Matamoras in Brownsville and I
helped to pioneer that with my team.
So we worked with the CBP, Sandia National Laboratories to
actually show that you can increase dramatically border
security while decreasing wait times for licit travel.
And so I understand the interconnected interdisciplinary
nature of the border challenge and I believe I can bring those
lessons learned and the things we are actually piloting now to
Guatemala to help them protect their own border. They want to
protect their own border too, as President Giammattei has said,
and that means that Guatemalan border security is our security.
Senator Hagerty. I agree. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Duckworth. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Madam Chair, and
congratulations to each of our nominees. Thank you for your
willingness to continue to serve the country.
Because I chair the European Affairs Subcommittee I am
going to focus my questions on you, Ambassador O'Brien and Ms.
Rayes.
And, Ambassador O'Brien, I understand that you were in
Tbilisi recently to look at the sanctions implementation. Can
you give us an update on what is happening currently in Georgia
with respect to the Russia sanctions?
Mr. O'Brien. Yes, and I look forward to working with you on
this issue and other issues in Georgia and around the region. I
really appreciate your leadership and it will be very important
as we go forward.
I was in Tbilisi along with my EU and U.K. counterparts so
we presented a united front. I think there is some very
encouraging news in that the Georgian customs authorities are
taking real steps to restrict the most battlefield relevant
items from being transshipped to Russia.
What we want to do is make sure that they have complete
control over movements across the Georgian border whether it is
by airfields or by the road border, and so that is continuing
work and there is a lot of assistance being provided to that.
But they have been good partners at being transparent about
what they see and the question now is can we get better data
going forward and can we have a clear eye on what is happening
with the air flights that have resumed recently between Georgia
and Russia.
Senator Shaheen. So the resumption of those flights--are we
concerned that that is going to have--provide an ability to
evade sanctions?
Mr. O'Brien. I would not say concerned but it is clearly a
possibility and so we want to make sure we know what is going
on those planes on their way back to Russia.
Senator Shaheen. And ahead of the elections next year what
can be done to engage the Georgian Government further to
strengthen their institutions?
Mr. O'Brien. Yeah, it is a great--it is a great question.
So, as you know, the U.S. designated a set of judges who
were notorious within Georgia for control of the judicial
system. This is one of the first requirements for Georgia to
make progress toward its European perspective.
So we are working closely with the European Union and have
made clear to the Georgian Government that improvements on the
appointment, disciplining, and monitoring of judges is a key
area for making progress.
More broadly, I met this week with a group of civil society
activists from Georgia. It is one of the most vibrant groups in
the world. I am sure you all saw the same set of people. They
make--they embody the commitment of the Georgian people. More
than 90 percent of the Georgian people say they want to be part
of Europe. There is no polarization on that.
And what has to happen is the group of economic interests
behind the Government need to be made aware that the reforms
necessary to join Europe are in fact where the country is
moving.
So we are working with our European colleagues to make
clear that the conditions they have set are also reflected in
our assistance and in our conditions and that we need to see
progress on these over the next month. The fall will be
critical because of the report that will come from the European
Council.
Senator Shaheen. That is a mixed report but has some
encouraging news in there.
I want to go--move to the Balkans now because as you
pointed out you did a lot of work in Bosnia-Herzegovina in
particular and I wonder if, given Milorad Dodik's increased
level of rhetoric against a united country, are we concerned
that that will endanger the renewal of EUFOR at the United
Nations and what more can we do to address what Dodik is doing?
Mr. O'Brien. I think--and this is something we should
discuss in another setting as well--but Milorad Dodik controls
the Government in a part of Bosnia. He wants to control the
resources and all of the patronage that flow from those
resources in that area.
So we have the ability to reduce his control over the
money. That is partly what is causing him to challenge the
state processes. I think with our European colleagues, with the
High Representative for Dayton implementation, we are making
clear to him that what he is doing is unacceptable, that there
will be clear consequences for it, and that he needs to start
stepping back from these postures.
The military force that is there is critical for security.
I think we have made clear throughout that it is there under
EUFOR or as NATO. It is there in some capacity no matter what
and its presence is essential.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Madam Chair, can I ask one more
question of Ms. Rayes?
Croatia is one of the--or is one of three constituent
peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia plays an
important role, I think, in sustaining peace in the country.
Can you discuss how you would work with the Croatian
Government to encourage a continued positive force in terms of
what happens in Bosnia-Herzegovina?
Ms. Rayes. Well, I appreciate that question, Senator.
The U.S. remains committed, as you know, to the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina and, obviously,
to the Dayton Accord framework of one country, two entities,
and three constituencies and if confirmed I will work with the
Croatian Government to engage Bosnian and Croats and their
counterparts to support their governance reforms.
So I would be that conduit between the Croatian Government
and the Croats in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Mr. Bradley, I am the chair of the Americas Subcommittee
here, and while Guatemala has been a really important partner
for us for a long time I have also been very disappointed in
recent years with the efforts to chase anti-corruption
prosecutors out of the country.
Judges who have focused on corruption have been targeted.
Journalists have been targeted. A number of them now live in
Virginia. They would rather be back in Guatemala. I was even
visiting with some last night.
And so I think the work of the embassy and the work of the
Ambassador, should you be confirmed and I am confident you will
be, upholding democracy and anti-corruption standards is going
to be a really important thing.
I am sure most of you know that we are in the last weeks of
a runoff election for president. The two candidates who
prevailed in the first round there was an effort by the
existing government to block one of the two successful
candidates from moving forward in the election.
It is really important--we do not have a favorite in this
but it is really important that Guatemala not disable a
democracy from working. My understanding is the United States
is going to host both of the two finalist candidates here to
show that we want to continue to work with whoever the
Guatemalan people pick as its next president.
But I just really hope, whether it is press freedom or
anti-corruption efforts, our support for NGOs. Guatemala passes
an NGO registration law, which we see happening in other
nations like Nicaragua, which force NGOs to register or be
dissolved. That registration is often a precursor to a
shrinking of civilian space.
I hope I have your commitment--from your background I
suspect I do--that should you be confirmed you will work very,
very hard to encourage progress in these important human rights
areas.
Mr. Bradley. Absolutely, Senator. You have my commitment,
and thank you for your voice and the role of this committee and
the bipartisan, bicameral statement on the election issue
that--with Chairman McCaul.
I have worked on democracy and human rights for a long
time. I helped set up some of the first elections in Iraq and I
know firsthand how important it is that the citizenry believe
in the election process, that they have faith in the results,
and that they have the right to choose their preferred
candidate under the law.
And so, Senator, you absolutely have my commitment to do
that, and in terms of the anti-corruption side of the house, if
confirmed, I support the use of all the tools that Congress has
provided us to hold corrupt actors accountable, whether that is
the Section 353 of the Engel list or Section 7031(c) for visa
restrictions or financial sanctions as appropriate. I will use
all of those.
Senator Kaine. Excellent. Excellent. Thank you.
Ambassador Hankins, thank you for your willingness to
serve. Service to Haiti is going to be one of the toughest
challenges in the world right now, and you have served in Haiti
before so you go in with a love for the country and a love for
the Haitian people and an understanding for some of the
challenges as we--we are going to have a hearing in our
committee tomorrow on Haiti where Secretary Nichols and others
will be here on behalf of the administration and others who
care a lot about Haiti.
The consensus seems to be as I travel in the region that
security is the first priority but it is very difficult to
assemble a security initiative unless a nation has stepped
forward to lead it and there is a whole lot of reasons why the
nations that might be asked to lead it--legitimate reasons--why
they have been reluctant.
The United States--we have a history with Haiti that might
not make us the most credible leader. France has a history that
might not make it the most credible leader. Dominican Republic
should play a role. They could not be the most credible leader.
We all need to be involved but as of yet we have not found
the right lead nation to help us provide security assistance
and that is a big, big issue that would be not just the
Ambassador's work but I know that is something you would focus
on.
Let me ask you this. From your experience in living in
Haiti and then you are following it to now, how much of a
concern in the Haitian security situation has been the extent
of arms trafficking of guns from the United States that are
purchased illegally often through straw purchases and then sold
in Haiti to kind of back up these gangs and escalate violence?
Mr. Hankins. Thank you very much, Senator.
And you are correct, the flow of weapons going into Haiti
allows a situation where often then the criminal gangs are
better armed, outnumber then the Haitian National Police.
The most recent session of the Security Council asked the
Secretary General to outline three options: more support to
Haitian National Police, a multinational force outside of the
U.N. structure, or a new U.N. peacekeeping mission, and we have
been working with a number of countries to see if somebody
would lead or participate.
Those negotiations--those discussions are ongoing to
support the Secretary General's effort. Clearly, what we see in
the situation is right now the security situation blocks
progress whether it is on humanitarian or political.
To your question, most recently this institution passed the
bipartisan Safer Communities Act, which then gave more teeth to
the trafficking in weapons and many of these weapons do come.
We have seen Department of Justice has now created a new
special prosecutor looking at weapons trafficking towards the
Caribbean. So you have, in fact, given us one of the tools that
can help us work with that.
We look at trafficking in both directions, whether it be
trafficking of human beings to the United States. But, clearly,
there is a problem with trafficking of weapons from the United
States to Haiti.
Senator Kaine. I have exceeded my time. But if I could just
say, Madam Chair, I asked the question about arms because
sometimes when we see a situation, particularly in our
hemisphere, where there is violence or chaos we kind of wonder,
well, what why do we need to get involved in this--why does the
United States need to be a problem solver in Haiti or why are
folks from Central America coming to our shores as if we are
not connected to the misery in those countries.
And there is a pretty significant connection, whether it is
U.S. arms trafficking into Haiti that increase violence or
whether it is the demand for illegal drugs in the United States
that send cash and guns south that turn neighborhoods in
Honduras and Guatemala or Salvador into dangerous places that
people then want to flee.
We often find that our miseries are very connected and that
makes the work of this committee and the work of Congress in
diplomacy and stronger international relations so very
important.
It is not just about others. It is about others and the
lives they lead, which are often very connected to some of the
challenges we ourselves have.
Thank you, and I yield back.
Senator Duckworth. Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Chair. Congratulations
to all of you on your nominations.
Ambassador O'Brien, a couple questions about Turkey. I
think all of us here in the Senate were pleased to see
President Erdogan finally drop his opposition to Sweden's entry
into NATO, although we are still monitoring the situation
closely regarding the ratification.
But beyond the fact that President Erdogan was blocking
Turkey's entry--excuse me, Sweden's entry into NATO a number of
us had other concerns. Did you see a report last Friday about
Turkish F-16s violating Greek airspace?
Mr. O'Brien. No.
Senator Van Hollen. There was--there were some reports
just--and we are trying to verify them but last Thursday or
Friday--about an incursion, which was a little surprising since
there has been a period of relative quiet and calm. So we would
like to get back to----
Mr. O'Brien. I will look into this and come back to you
with what I find.
Senator Van Hollen [continuing]. Right. Because, I mean,
you would agree, would you not, that as a NATO ally Turkey
should not be using its F-16s to violate the airspace of Greece
or any other NATO ally, right?
Mr. O'Brien. Yes, and, I mean, as you pointed out, I think
we are at a moment when--the two leaders met just last month.
They have set up a regular cycle of their meetings.
The foreign ministers--I know their advisors are often in
contact. So I think we are in a place where the two governments
can manage the relationship well. But let me look into this
incident and come back to you.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I am--I have been also heartened by
some of the change there, a lot less so with respect to
Turkey's conduct vis-a-vis our Syrian Kurdish allies, which has
been another concern many of us have voiced for a long time.
You would agree, would you not, that the Syrian Kurds were
really the tip of our spear in the fight against ISIS?
Mr. O'Brien. And I know a number of my colleagues have--not
on this panel but elsewhere were intimately involved in that,
so yes.
Senator Van Hollen. Yes, indeed, and ISIS, as a large-scale
institution it has clearly been somewhat quashed but it is not
altogether gone. There was--I am just reading ``U.S. airstrike
targets ISIS leader in eastern Syria.'' This was July 9th so
just a little while ago.
And yet, Turkey continues to target Syrian Kurdish leaders
who are with us in the fight against ISIS. You would agree,
would you not, that it is against U.S. national security
interests for Turkey to be targeting our Syrian Kurdish allies?
Mr. O'Brien. Yes, and I think this is a topic that will be
a regular focus of discussion and I look forward to working
with you as well to make sure that you see where we are going
on the issues.
Senator Van Hollen. Good. Well, I appreciate that because
obviously Turkey has requested a fresh round of upgraded F-16s
and we are, again, watching the ratification of Sweden's
admission into NATO by Turkey.
But these other issues are really important and it seems to
me there are only two ways to get at them. One is to get
assurances--U.S. Government getting assurances from Turkey that
it will not use these F-16s in violation of the airspace of
Greece or any NATO--other NATO ally, and that they will not use
them to attack our Syrian Kurdish partners. Would you agree
those are reasonable requests to make of Turkey?
Mr. O'Brien. I think--I think, Senator, the clarity of
views coming from the Congress has been very helpful as we
navigate these issues with our Turkish allies. So I think if we
can continue in communication on this we can make sure that the
points are raised.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that because I think you
will continue to see that reinforcement from the Congress and
there are two ways to do it. I would like to see both ways.
One is some assurances from Turkey in some form. The other,
of course, is the Biden administration giving members of
Congress assurances that if Turkey were to violate those
conditions that there would be consequences.
Mr. O'Brien. So let us find a way to keep working on it
together. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Ambassador Hankins, let me just follow up briefly on
Senator Kaine's question. I want to thank Senator Kaine for his
longtime and deep interest both in Haiti and Central and Latin
America more broadly.
I know one of you mentioned a couple of countries we have
been approaching regarding providing a role as some kind of
guarantor of support in Haiti. One of them, I know, was Canada.
Are those conversations still ongoing or what is--what is your
sense of where we are there?
Mr. Hankins. Thank you, Senator. I know we have approached
some of the larger countries that would have the normal
military capability and previous history with Haiti that could
be logical players.
So far none of them have come forward wanting to be the
lead. Does not mean they might not support some future
operation but not wanting to be the lead for their own domestic
reasons.
We do look far afield. There are a number of countries that
have very strong histories in international peacekeeping,
whether they be in Asia or Africa. We are looking at some of
those options and also looking at what kind of support the
United States would have to provide if you find a country
willing to lead that may not necessarily have the wherewithal
to do that.
It is not yet determined on which option one might go with.
We noted in the most recent Security Council resolution it was
unanimous. So both Russia and China were willing to at least
discuss the possibility of a peacekeeping operation, which
previously was not understood.
But I think it is clear without some kind of international
force it is very difficult to look at how Haitians can regain
control of their country in the short term.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Look, it is a
desperate situation which has dragged on for a long, long time
and we look forward to working with you, if confirmed, on these
issues and I do support the nominations of this entire
impressive roster.
So I look forward to working with you. Thank you.
Senator Duckworth. Chairman Menendez?
The Chairman. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Ambassador Hankins, let me ask you a few questions because
I think we have really not engaged in Haiti the way we need to.
I had the Secretary General of the United Nations in a
meeting with me and I said to him unless we have a
multinational force to ultimately provide for security we
cannot do all the rest.
We cannot have a political development unless there is
security. We cannot make economic development which Haiti
desperately needs unless we have security. We--and we cannot
have security for so long as the gangs are the ones controlling
it as well as the fact that the elite that uses the gangs to
perpetuate their interests.
So I would just like to get your sense--I may have missed
it because I had a markup in the Finance Committee. But is that
something that--am I off base here? Is that something we are in
comity with? What can you speak to me on that?
Mr. Hankins. Haiti is--by its nature it is a complicated
country where lots of crises affects everyone else. We have a
very dedicated team and we have a great deal of, whether it be
from the Senate, the House, or from the administration, a lot
of engagement. But it is hard to find good lasting solutions.
I agree with you, Senator, that without some kind of force,
whether that be a multinational force or a U.N. peacekeeping
mission, it is very difficult for basic human security to be
guaranteed for the Haitians to have the space they need to
proceed on political resolution or to ensure the security of
Haitians as well as the many American citizens who live in
Haiti.
I would be engaged with all partners, whether it be then
major countries like Canada and France, which have long-lasting
history, but as well with the bordering countries whether it be
Dominican Republic, Jamaica, the countries that also see the
impact of the instability in terms of irregular migration for
their countries.
The Chairman. Yeah, and that is a challenge. I was with the
president of the Dominican Republic and he said to me, we are
trying to be good neighbors. But when 50 or 60 percent of the
hospital beds in the maternity ward are delivering babies of
Haitian mothers and Dominican mothers cannot get in to go ahead
and deliver their babies that is a problem and that is one of
the many dimensional elements of the Haiti problem.
Next thing is we will see people on boats to the shores of
the United States. We talk about migration. So this is a
cauldron ready to explode and I am--I am hopeful that your
presence there will help us find a pathway forward.
On a specific thing, I introduced bipartisan legislation,
Haiti Criminal Collusion and Transparency Act, which has the
support of over a dozen Haitian civil society diaspora groups
to expose the links between the elites and the Haitian gangs
and sponsors that--and sponsors and target them for economic
sanctions and visa restrictions. Is that something I can get
your commitment to work with us on if you are confirmed?
Mr. Hankins. Absolutely, sir. Again, it is another tool it
gives us in our diplomacy of dealing with then corrupt links
between political and gangs.
I do not have my experience on the ground to understand
whether the causality is politicians who control criminal gangs
or criminal gangs that control politicians. But, obviously, we
see that there are linkages between the two.
So it is important to break those linkages so that violence
is not used as a way of avoiding a political and social
process.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. O'Brien, I want to echo what Senator Van Hollen said
about our--the administration's consideration of F-16s to
Turkey. It is not surprising Sweden still has not received a
vote from Turkey even though Erdogan said yes, okay, Sweden
should be in.
He could have called the parliament. He could have had the
vote. He has not had it, and we cannot have belligerence in the
eastern Mediterranean. We have another NATO ally, Greece, for
which we not only have Souda Bay long-standing, but we have
Alexandropoulos, which has become the Souda Bay of the north
and a major energy center and a NATO center for transshipment.
Now, how does it work for us to have one NATO ally be
belligerent to another and somehow sell them F-16s? So I hope
that this will be one of the things that if this is still
pending upon your confirmation that you will be focused on and
I hope that we can be an advocate for greater stability in the
eastern Mediterranean because it is incredibly important.
I hope that we will work on the 3+1 process in a way that
will strengthen the relationships between Israel, Cyprus,
Greece, and the United States.
Mr. O'Brien. Absolutely, and, Mr. Chairman, I think the
clear messages coming from this committee are incredibly
helpful as we try to navigate through the relations.
The Chairman. And I have one specific thing and then I will
submit the rest of my questions in writing so that the
committee can move on.
On June the 20th the Albanian Government rated Camp Ashraf
3 where they have been hosting Iranian refugees for many years.
I salute the Albanians for doing that.
However, there was a recent raid and there are differing
accounts. It seems that one person died during or after the
raid and that both residents of the camp and police officers
were injured. Can you commit to advocating for the fundamental
rights and freedoms of the residents of Camp Ashraf?
Mr. O'Brien. Absolutely.
The Chairman. It is important because if you seek refuge
you ultimately have to be in a position to know that that
refuge is secure, and we moved these residents into Camp Ashraf
from their previous location and I support the--I appreciate
the Albanians having made that possible. We need a continuing
guarantee of security.
Mr. O'Brien. I join you in the appreciation of Albania,
which has been a very important place of refuge for a number of
people seeking asylum. I will look into this incident. I am
very sorry for the family of the person who died. I will report
to you what I find out----
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. O'Brien [continuing]. And we will work together, going
forward.
The Chairman. Thank you, and I will submit the rest of my
questions for the record.
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
I am going to begin a second round of questions. I just
have another additional question and I know Senator Hagerty has
indicated he wants to do a little follow-up as well.
With that, Mr. O'Brien, the NATO pivot towards a more
cautious approach to the PRC in recent years has been a welcome
change. At the same time, we have seen a reluctance by some
partners to set up a more formal presence in the Indo-Pacific.
How do you assess Europe's current postures towards Asia
and the PRC in particular and what role should our Indo-Pacific
strategy play into our outreach to our European allies?
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you for the question and, obviously, it
is an essay question in itself. I think our--a lot of our work
over the last year or two, some of which I have seen in the
sanctions discussion, has led to a convergence of views between
our European allies and ourself about the importance of having
a united approach to China.
I think at the recent Vilnius Summit there were several of
our most important Asian allies there and were as honored
guests.
Although some of the formal mechanisms may not have been
established I think what we are on now is a track for great
communication and security channels as well the work that is
being done across the Indo-Pacific to beef up the U.S. presence
and our allied presence, I think, sends a very strong message
that we are working to create a global rule-abiding community.
The goal of that community is security and prosperity for
our citizens as well as the citizens of our partners. So it is
an ongoing very important topic and we will keep working it in
every channel that we have.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. If I might, Madam Chair, can stay on this
topic. I appreciate your raising it.
But I would like to come to the other side of it, too, and
I share your concerns about having deeper involvement in the
Indo-Pacific and anything that we can do to be helpful and
supportive there, Mr. O'Brien, we want to do that.
I would also be very interested in your perspective on how
we work toward a unified approach with our allies in the EU to
push back against the intellectual property theft, the forced
technology transfer, and basically the predatory behavior of
China as they look at the EU.
The EU is wide open and vulnerable, and I feel like there
is much more that we could be doing together. I would be
interested in your thoughts on how we move forward there.
Mr. O'Brien. Yeah. Thank you for that and thank you for the
intellectual leadership on the issues.
I know Under Secretary Fernandez testified this morning--I
believe, Chairman Menendez, you were there--about the measures
we are taking to enhance our economic resilience along with our
partners on issues like critical minerals, broader supply
chains, also to address Chinese coercion.
So where China attempted to intimidate Lithuania we were
able to step in and provide alternative financing, find markets
for Lithuanian goods, and otherwise work to demonstrate that
coherence within our alliance lets each one of us stand up for
what we know to be right.
We have active discussions with our European colleagues and
one point on which I really look forward to working with the
committee is through the mechanisms that have been established
like the Trade and Technology Council, the EU-U.S. Dialogue.
Those sound like boring bureaucratic measures but they are
where we are going to start establishing the rules of the road
for technologies like artificial intelligence, like many of the
technologies emerging from the energy transition--biomedical
innovation.
These are the things that will help make our people richer
over the next generation. We need to do those in a way that is
aligned with our European allies, not allow China to set the
rules of the road, not allow China to steal the technology. By
laying this groundwork together now we will be much better
suited for addressing the challenges in the----
Senator Hagerty. I would just interject that our national
security interests need to be first and foremost in your mind
as you think about this----
Mr. O'Brien [continuing]. Absolutely.
Senator Hagerty [continuing]. Sort of cooperative approach.
And I want to key off of something that you said about China's
coercion, turning back to you, Mr. Bradley.
As you know, Guatemala remains an ally of Taiwan. They are
under a great deal of pressure from the CCP as a result of
that.
I have met on multiple occasions with the U.S.-Guatemala
Business Council. They would love to work with us on
nearshoring opportunities, ways to make our supply chains more
secure and I think that from the perspective of an American
businessman, which is what I have done my entire life before
coming here, it should be a great opportunity for us as well to
de-risk our supply chains and bring them closer to home.
I am fighting hard to get every job I can back to
Tennessee. Please understand that. But to the extent they do
not come back to Tennessee, partnering with countries like
Guatemala with businesses there should be a great opportunity.
I would look forward to introducing you to some of the
people that I have met. McKinsey has done a great study there
talking about where these opportunities exist but I see a huge
opportunity there and I would be interested in your thoughts.
Mr. Bradley. Thank you, Senator, for your question and
offering to connect me to some of your colleagues.
Taiwan has been a reliable partner to Guatemala and--since
1933 and Guatemalan people have had sustainable benefits
because of it.
So I will certainly want to raise with an incoming
administration, whether that is with Sandra Torres of the UNE
Party or Bernardo Arevalo of the Semilla Party, that it is very
important that they maintain this close relationship with
Taiwan and there is representation of the Taiwanese in
Guatemala, and I look forward to working with the colleagues
there as well on these ideas.
It will not only potentially provide opportunities to U.S.
businesses but also help us provide job opportunities and
attack some of the root causes of irregular migration that puts
the pressure on our border.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Duckworth. Well, thank you again to all the
nominees for your willingness to serve and your answers today.
The record for this hearing will remain open until close of
business on Thursday, July 27th, 2023. Please ensure that
questions for the record are submitted by no later than close
of business Thursday.
With that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:55 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Correspondence Received in Support of the Nomination of Nathalie Rayes
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Dennis B. Hankins by Senator Robert Menendez
Diaspora Community
As you know, we have a vibrant Haitian diaspora community in
our country closely attuned to developments affecting their
loved ones in Haiti, including in my home state of New Jersey.
Over the past two years, members of this community have
tirelessly sounded the alarm about the political, security, and
humanitarian crises facing the Haitian people. I hear from them
on a regular basis, and know that they seek greater engagement
with the Biden administration on the development of policy
towards Haiti:
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly consult and
engage with members of the Haitian American diaspora as an essential
stakeholder in regards to the stability and future well-being of Haiti?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to regularly consult and engage
with the Haitian-American diaspora regarding the stability and future
well-being of Haiti. I confirm my oral commitment to your staff to, if
confirmed, visit Haitian diaspora representatives in New Jersey within
four months of my arrival in Haiti.
Multinational Force
For almost a year, the Biden administration has been in
discussions with partner countries to rally support for a
multinational force to address the security crisis engulfing
one of our closest neighbors. I strongly believe that the
gravity of the security challenges facing the Haitian people,
and the extent to which such challenges have hindered the
distribution of humanitarian assistance, urgently warrants an
international response to help stabilize the country. The
international community has failed to come to Haiti's aid in
the past. We cannot afford to fail again.
Question. If such a force comes to fruition, how will you work to
ensure it has broad credibility and support among the Haitian people
and leads to sustainable peace and security in the country?
Answer. I am very encouraged that Kenya is ``positively
considering'' leading a multinational force to support the Haitian
National Police (HNP), responding directly to Haitian requests. The
vast majority of Haitians support multinational assistance to the HNP.
This sentiment is conveyed in Haitian television, radio, and media
stories; social media commentaries; and individual conversations. Few
public opinion polls exist in Haiti, but in polls taken in January
2023, approximately 70 percent of the Haitian population said that they
did not believe the Haitian police had the capacity to tackle Haiti's
severe gang problem on their own. An equal number supported
international assistance to the HNP. Haitian public support for
international security assistance has grown since that time as the
security situation has continued to decline. While there have been a
few public statements against multinational support to the police,
these tend to come from a small number of vocal, well-connected
individuals whose positions on a potential MNF are motivated more by
their political positions than by the extreme security needs of
everyday Haitians.
To maximize the ability of an MNF to pave the way towards
sustainable peace and security and in order to maintain credibility and
popular support, we are drawing from lessons from prior international
efforts in Haiti to avoid repeating mistakes. In addition, we will also
use the upcoming United Nations Secretary General's report outlining
the full range of support options the United Nations can provide to
enhance the security situation to help guide development of the MNF.
Like the Administration, I believe an MNF could assist the HNP in
securing critical infrastructure sites and better enable it to curtail
lawlessness and stop rampant gang violence. Continuing to support the
growth of the HNP also will play a critical role in ensuring a positive
outcome in Haiti.
Democracy Speech
Given the current challenges of democratic backsliding and
rising authoritarianism occurring around the world, it is
imperative that U.S. representatives shine a public light on
these issues:
Question. To that end, can I get your commitment that you will
deliver a public speech open to the press at a venue in Haiti within
your first six months on the importance of democracy and human rights
in the Caribbean and that you will specifically raise democracy and
human rights in your interactions with the Haitian Government?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to spread awareness on the
importance of democracy and human rights in both my public comments and
private interactions with the Haitian Government. I will call on all
players in Haitian society to come together to build a sustainable,
long-lasting democratic government. I will urge stakeholders from all
sectors of society, including the Haitian Government, to foster a broad
and inclusive leadership infrastructure that will serve as a foundation
for the rule of law and the protection of human rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Dennis B. Hankins by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Is Haiti a failed state? Please explain.
Answer. Haiti is not a failed state, although the Government's
ability to provide security and governance for all its citizens is
highly strained. Haiti faces multiple and competing crises, all of
which are exacerbated by gang violence in and around the capital city
of Port-au-Prince. Gangs control a significant part of metropolitan
Port-au-Prince and are increasingly able to operate in neighborhoods
previously regarded as safe. Port-au-Prince's gang activity has
severely impacted the entire country, exacerbating challenges in
transporting goods throughout the country, shortages of key fuel, and
dwindling access to medical care. Gang activity also hampers the
Haitian Government's limited ability to deliver public services and
limits our ability--and the ability of our international partners--to
distribute humanitarian assistance. It is my understanding that INL and
USAID work closely with the Haitian National Police and civil society
organizations, respectively, to build institutional police capacity and
provide humanitarian relief. Nonetheless, the Government still provides
services within its limited capacity throughout much of the country and
has, for instance, made progress in financial management as recently
acknowledged by the International Monetary Fund.
Question. In your opinion, are the security, humanitarian, and
governability conditions in Haiti today better than they were in
January 2021? Please explain.
Answer. Haiti has suffered immensely since January 2021; the
positive effects of U.S. and international disaster and humanitarian
support are offset by the increasing influence of armed gangs. Already
in a political impasse and suffering from poverty and gang violence,
the July 7, 2021, assassination of President Moise and August 14, 2021,
earthquake worsened already difficult conditions in Haiti. Since those
events, the United States increased its critical efforts across Haiti
to improve the humanitarian, security, political, and economic
situation and to help prevent further deterioration. Thanks to USAID
support, under-five mortality rates have decreased by 20 percent in the
last ten years. USAID's food assistance reaches hundreds of thousands
of people per month and has helped to bring nearly 20,000 people out of
famine-like conditions. USAID funding supports over 160 health clinics
located throughout Haiti; one in every two fully vaccinated children in
Haiti were vaccinated with USAID support. In addition, the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs' critical support
is helping the Haitian National Police address gang violence to reduce
insecurity, which is needed to help Haiti move toward democratic
elections. It is my understanding that Prime Minister Henry has made
several significant steps towards creating a path forward for inclusive
elections, including installing the High Transition Council,
reconstituting the supreme court, and holding political roundtables
with opposing political parties.
follow-up question
Question. In your opinion, are the security, humanitarian,
and governability conditions in Haiti today better than they
were in January 2021?
Answer. No, while we can point to a few positive
developments, any objective analysis of the situation in Haiti
would have to see conditions as worse than they were in January
2021.
Haiti has suffered immensely since January 2021; the positive
effects of U.S. and international disaster and humanitarian
support are offset by the increasing influence of armed gangs.
Already in a political impasse and suffering from poverty and
gang violence, the July 7, 2021, assassination of President
Moise and August 14, 2021, earthquake worsened already
difficult conditions in Haiti. Since those events, the United
States increased its critical efforts across Haiti to improve
the humanitarian, security, political, and economic situation
and to help prevent further deterioration. Thanks to USAID
support, under-five mortality rates have decreased by 20
percent in the last ten years. USAID's food assistance reaches
hundreds of thousands of people per month and has helped to
bring nearly 20,000 people out of famine-like conditions. USAID
funding supports over 160 health clinics located throughout
Haiti; one in every two fully vaccinated children in Haiti were
vaccinated with USAID support. In addition, the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs' critical
support is helping the Haitian National Police address gang
violence to reduce insecurity, which is needed to help Haiti
move toward democratic elections. It is my understanding that
Prime Minister Henry has made several significant steps towards
creating a path forward for inclusive elections, including
installing the High Transition Council, reconstituting the
supreme court, and holding political roundtables with opposing
political parties.
Question. How confident are you that current U.S. policies will
improve security, humanitarian, and governability conditions in Haiti
in the next 120 days?
Answer. I believe U.S. leadership and collaboration with Haitian
stakeholders and the international community has set in motion a number
of positive initiatives that are bearing fruit in Haiti and will
continue to do so. Haiti's security situation remains dire and is a top
priority for the Department of State. Following my hearing, I learned
Kenya is ``positively considering'' leading a multinational force to
support the Haitian National Police (HNP), which responds to requests
directly from the Haitian Government. Upcoming deliberations within the
United Nations Security Council and coordination among potential
contributors for a security force for Haiti will determine how quickly
security support can be fielded and begin to have a positive impact. In
addition, on a bilateral basis, the Department has allocated $122
million to strengthen HNP capacity since July 2021.
The United States remains closely engaged in ongoing dialogue
between the Haitian Government, opposition political parties, and civil
society that show some signs of progress in reaching a consensus
leading to new interim governance mechanisms and new elections.
The United States' financial sanctions and visa restrictions--
rolled out at an unprecedented pace--have placed significant pressure
on political and economic elites who finance gang leaders and foment
the ongoing crises in Haiti. Since October 2022, the United States has
designated more than 50 individuals involved in street gangs, other
Haitian criminal organizations, drug trafficking, significant
corruption, or gross violations of human rights. In fall 2022, the
United States also secured unanimous approval for the first ever U.N.
sanctions regime in the Western Hemisphere and persuaded partners like
Canada and--following my hearing--the EU to create their own Haiti
sanctions program.
The United States also supports the Haitian people as they forge a
path forward for their country's democratic governance and development,
including through the Global Fragility Act. The act allows us to build
long term solutions with Haitians while we address today's acute,
multidimensional crises. We encourage Haiti's political, economic,
religious, and civil society actors to work together to resolve Haiti's
political and security challenges.
Question. Please provide your assessment of the current security
situation in Haiti.
Answer. Haiti faces multiple and competing crises, all of which are
exacerbated by gang violence in and around the capital city of Port-au-
Prince. Gangs control significant portions of greater Port-au-Prince
and are increasingly able to operate in neighborhoods previously
regarded as safe. With most national highways passing through the city,
Port-au-Prince's gang activity has severely impacted the entire
country, exacerbating challenges in transporting goods throughout the
country, shortages of key fuel, and dwindling access to medical care.
Gang activity also hampers the Haitian Government's ability to deliver
public services and limits our ability--and the ability of our
international partners--to distribute humanitarian assistance.
Previously, gangs were largely dependent on relationships with
corrupt political and economic elites and often received payment from
them, for example, in exchange for mobilizing paid protesters against
political opponents. Today, gangs are much more independent, deriving
much of their income from kidnappings for ransom and sometimes even
challenging political figures for political power.
Question. Please explain your views on whether a multinational
specialized force in Haiti should include a peacekeeping process.
Answer. My understanding is that the tasks of the multinational
force will initially be limited to static security for critical
infrastructure points. However, given the multiplicity of security
challenges in Haiti, it is critical to keep our options open for future
security support. In this context, the re-authorization of the United
Nations Integrated Office in Haiti includes a tasking to the United
Nations Secretary-General to submit a written report to the Security
Council, in consultation with Haiti, outlining the full range of
support options the United Nations can provide to enhance the security
situation, including a possible peacekeeping operation.
Question. Should a multinational force be deployed, what type of
training, equipment, and logistical support would the United States
provide for that force?
Answer. I am encouraged that, following my hearing, Kenya announced
its intention to ``positively consider'' leading a multinational force.
The United States welcomes this announcement and eagerly awaits the
results of Kenya's August assessment visit. I understand the United
States stands ready to provide support to an MNF where it would be most
effective, potentially including funding, training, logistics, and
equipment. If confirmed, I will also work closely with Haiti as well as
Department of State and interagency colleagues to engage the
international community to fund and equip such a force.
Question. Should this multinational force be approved by a U.N.
Security Council Resolution?
Answer. As I understand it, we would plan to pursue a U.N. Security
Council Resolution authorizing the multinational force.
Question. Should this multinational force use assessed
contributions from the U.N. Peacekeeping Budget?
Answer. Discussions in New York are trending towards a non-U.N.
multinational force. Such a non-U.N. force would not be funded through
U.N. assessed contributions. It is my understanding that countries not
contributing personnel or equipment to this effort could contribute
funds voluntarily.
Question. How should the United States and the international
community respond to vigilante violence?
Answer. Vigilante violence is a serious concern for the Department
of State. Vigilantism occurs when local citizens do not believe that
their police forces have the capacity to protect them or hold alleged
criminals accountable. The vigilante movement expresses the depth of
Haitian public resistance to the criminal gangs that have made daily
life unbearable. Therefore, the United States and the international
community should continue to their bilateral support to the Haitian
National Police (HNP) including efforts to enhance community policing.
Since July 2021, the Department of State has allocated $122 million to
strengthen HNP capacity through recruitment and training, technical
assistance, and equipment. This funding also supports community
policing programs to build the community's trust in the HNP so reports
of criminal activity can be handled in a lawful manner.
Additionally, a multinational force--which Kenya has since my
hearing said it was ``positively considering'' leading--would also help
support the HNP, thereby increasing the confidence of Haitians in
official security services and reducing vigilantism.
Question. As you may know, a number of Haiti-specific trade
preference programs are set to expire in 2025. The political situation
in Haiti is causing U.S. companies difficulty in meeting the
requirement to obtain a visa for their products to receive duty-free
treatment in the United States. Please explain your views on whether
Congress should re-evaluate the need for the visa as it considers the
expiring Haiti-specific trade preference programs.
Answer. I defer to Customs and Border Protection on questions
regarding the visa requirements for products made in Haiti and eligible
for Haiti-specific trade preference programs. Like the Administration,
I strongly support the extension of the HOPE, HOPE II, and HELP trade
preferences program for Haiti. At this critical time, it is important
that producers and investors in Haiti, those they do business with, and
the workers upon whom they rely, have certainty about the uninterrupted
continuation of the Haiti-specific trade preference programs. In 2022,
the garment sector--created largely thanks to the HOPE and HELP Acts--
accounted for approximately 90 percent of Haiti's exports, employed
more than 34,000 Haitians, and financially supported more than 200,000
Haitians. But in the past year, some garment manufacturers have closed
their factories and laid off workers--decisions made in part because of
uncertainty about whether Haiti will continue to enjoy those
preferences. We must continue to support economic growth, job creation,
and investment where possible to maintain those investment gains and
job growth.
Question. According to the World Food Programme, Haiti currently
faces the second worst food emergency crisis in the world, second only
to South Sudan. WFP was unable to feed 100,000 people this month due to
insufficient funding and the deteriorating security situation across
the country. In your opinion, are current U.S. efforts to improve the
capacity of the Haitian National Police likely to improve security
conditions in the next 90 to 120 days?
Answer. I believe U.S. leadership and collaboration with Haitian
stakeholders and the international community has set in motion a number
of positive initiatives that are bearing fruit in Haiti and will
continue to do so. Haiti's security situation remains dire and is a top
priority for the Department of State. I am very encouraged that Kenya
is ``positively considering'' leading a multinational force to support
the Haitian National Police (HNP), which would respond directly to
requests from the Haitian Government. We believe that such a force
would help to free critical infrastructure and intersections from gang
control, thereby facilitating the flow of food, water, humanitarian
supplies, other goods, and people throughout the country.
The United States will continue current efforts to support the
Haitian National Police including through the more than $122 million
allocated to strengthen police capacity since July 2021. This funding
will strengthen the Haitian National Police's counter-gang capacity
through recruitment and training, technical assistance, and equipment.
The Department of State is also working with DHS to establish a
Transnational Criminal Investigative Unit within the police to partner
better with Haiti to investigate and prosecute transnational crimes
with a U.S. nexus.
Finally, the United States is the largest humanitarian aid donor to
Haiti. USAID's food assistance reaches hundreds of thousands of people
per month and has helped to bring nearly 20,000 people out of famine-
like conditions. One of USAID's major partners is the U.N. World Food
Programme. The United States will continue our work to reduce food
insecurity in Haiti and will continue to call on the international
community to increase their contributions to this effort.
Question. What is your assessment of the implementation of the
National Consensus for an Inclusive Transition and Transparent
Elections in Haiti?
Answer. The National Consensus for an Inclusive Transition and
Transparent Elections, also known as the December 21st accord, is a
positive step towards resolving Haiti's political impasse. This accord
has broader support than previous efforts. Since the signing of the
December 21st accord, Prime Minister Henry has taken several
significant steps towards creating a path forward for inclusive
elections, including by installing the High Transition Council,
reconstituting the supreme court, and holding political roundtables
with opposing political parties. More must be done and urgently. A
broader and more inclusive leadership structure will provide greater
confidence to all Haitians.
Question. What actions are needed to reestablish and maintain
security and stability in Haiti to allow the conduct of free and fair
presidential and legislative elections in 2024?
Answer. The first and most urgent action needed is to improve
security, especially in Port-au-Prince. I am very encouraged that Kenya
is ``positively considering'' leading a multinational force to support
the Haitian National Police (HNP), which responds directly to Haitian
requests. Creating a multinational force, in combination with the
United States' substantial on-going capacity building support to the
HNP, will improve security. Improved security is a pre-condition for
elections and necessary for election officials to make logistical
arrangements, candidates to campaign, and citizens to vote.
Haitian stakeholders have also made important progress on the
political processes necessary for elections. The National Consensus for
an Inclusive Transition and Transparent Elections in Haiti, also known
as the December 21st accord, is a positive step towards resolving
Haiti's political impasse and has broader support than other efforts.
The installation of the High Transition Council, reconstitution of the
supreme court, and political roundtables with opposing political
parties have been key milestones in the path towards elections. Now
Haitian stakeholders must reach a compromise on remaining steps towards
elections, which will include naming members of the Provisional
Electoral Council, logistics around identifying polling places,
updating voter lists, and issuing voter registration cards.
Question. Please provide an assessment of the most promising areas
in which the United States can cooperate with Taiwan to improve
conditions in Haiti.
Answer. The United States has a robust unofficial relationship with
Taiwan. As a leading democracy and technological powerhouse, Taiwan is
a key U.S. partner and a reliable partner to countries in the Americas,
including in Haiti. I understand Taiwan maintains several initiatives
in Haiti, including infrastructure construction, scholarship programs,
as well as a key role in Haiti's garment manufacturing sector. I would
seek opportunities to align Taiwanese efforts with our own in Haiti.
Question. Please explain how you intend to engage with the Haitian
people and government about the concerns regarding PRC practices.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Haitian people
and government, as well as Department of State and interagency
colleagues and Congress, to address the PRC's efforts to expand its
influence in Haiti and the region. If confirmed, I will prioritize
advancing U.S. national security interests in Haiti and countering
efforts by our strategic and regional competitors to undermine those
interests. The Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most
consequential geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that
the United States is committed to working to strengthen our
partnerships in the region.
Question. How will your experiences with the Wagner Group in Mali
inform your work in Haiti?
Answer. Over the past several years, we have seen Russia--including
through the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group and other Yevgeniy Prigozhin-
linked entities--exploit insecurity as a catalyst to expand its
destabilizing presence and profiteering on the African continent.
Wagner serves as one of Moscow's most prominent tools to gain
influence. It is a transnational criminal organization that exploits
African mineral wealth and weakens governance institutions by
undermining accountability and rule of law as well as co-opting
ministries for its own illicit ends.
If confirmed, I will use my experience countering these threats in
Mali to be alert for any potential Wagner activity in Haiti and, more
broadly, to support U.S. objectives in Haiti.
Question. How will your experiences with Russian activities in
Africa inform your work in Haiti?
Answer. Disinformation is one of the Kremlin's most important and
far-reaching tools to destabilize and influence other countries,
including in Africa. The Kremlin creates and spreads disinformation in
attempts to sway public opinion, create political instability,
undermine democratic values, discredit the West, meddle in elections,
and influence people to support the Kremlin's objectives in Africa.
This includes attempts to spread lies, use social media platforms via
fake and compromised accounts, while also soliciting content from local
journalists, to meddle in African elections, and influence African
politics with false and biased narratives.
While Russia is not very active in Haiti, if confirmed, I will
apply my experience countering Russian disinformation in Mali, whenever
possible, to advance U.S. policy objectives in Haiti.
Question. Please provide your assessment of current U.S.-Haiti
cooperation to curb illegal migration and steps that you would take to
support these efforts if confirmed.
Answer. The United States works closely with the Government of
Haiti to curb irregular migration. If confirmed, I would support these
efforts by continuing engagement with the Haitian Government and other
countries in the region to address the root causes of migration.
On January 5, 2023, the Department of Homeland Security announced
the extension of the Venezuela parole process and its expansion to
nationals of Nicaragua, Haiti, and Cuba. Through this safe and lawful
migration pathway, up to a total of 30,000 individuals per month from
these four countries, can come to the United States for a period of two
years and apply for work authorization. Individuals must demonstrate
that they who have an eligible supporter in the United States and pass
vetting and background checks before they are admitted to the United
States.
This process has significantly reduced irregular entries at our
border, showing that when there is a lawful and orderly migration
pathway, people will be less inclined to put their lives in the hands
of smugglers. The Department of State proactively informs potential
migrants throughout the region of relevant U.S. policy. Mission Port-
au-Prince engages with the Haitian Government and media to highlight
opportunities for safe, orderly, and humane migration, while cautioning
against the dangers and consequences of irregular migration.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Haiti operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Haitian Government to
continue to make progress on the prioritized recommendations in the
areas of prosecution, protection, and prevention. We remain very
concerned by the overall trafficking situation in Haiti, hence its
ranking as a Tier 2 watch list country. Nonetheless, we are encouraged
by efforts the Haitian Government has made over the past year,
including creating a written plan to address recommendations in the
most recent TIP report. If confirmed, I will work with my Embassy team
and DC-based interagency colleagues to facilitate Haitian Government
implementation of this plan. For example, we have already invited
Haitian officials to participate in a U.S.-funded September 2023
regional training for police on investigative techniques and
prosecutors on elements of a successful prosecution.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation on the ground in Haiti in the annual
trafficking in persons report?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to continuing the Embassy's
accurate and thorough reporting regarding human trafficking in Haiti
via the annual trafficking in persons report.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador at large for
international religious freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Haiti's 1987 constitution provides for the free exercise of
all religions within Haiti, the certification of clergy credentials all
denominations, and authorizes religious operations in the country. As
described in the latest State Department report on international
religious freedom, leaders representing the Catholic, Protestant,
Muslim, Vodou, and Jewish communities reported that the Government did
not restrict their religious freedom. However, government's inability
to maintain security and order hampered their communities' abilities to
practice their religions freely.
If confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador at large for
international religious freedom to protect and support the right of all
individuals within Haiti to exercise their freedom of religion or
belief; change their faith as they choose; express their religion or
belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observation; or practice no
faith at all. I recognize the critical role that religious
organizations play in peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and
mitigation in Haiti and look forward to productive dialogues with
diverse religious groups.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging personally with
civil society on any concerns regarding religious freedom in Haiti.
In the past several months, religious organizations in Haiti have
started playing ever-more important roles in negotiating a way out of
political gridlock, building peace in gang-controlled communities, and
spreading lifesaving public health messaging across Haiti. Haitian
civil society actors and religious leaders remain some of our most
effective partners globally across a variety of diplomatic and foreign
policy objectives, and if confirmed, I commit to working alongside them
at the crossroads of religious freedom, security, and other key issues.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Haiti increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. As described previous answers and in the latest State
Department report on international religious freedom, leaders
representing the Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, Vodou, and Jewish
communities reported that the Government did not restrict their
religious freedom. However, government's inability to maintain security
and order hampered their communities' abilities to practice their
religions freely.
Given this feedback directly from religious leaders, I believe
support for an MNF and continued support for the Haitian National
Police will be a critical component creating more space for religious
groups throughout Haiti to practice their religions freely. If
confirmed, my team and I would work closely with civil society, Haitian
political leaders, diaspora communities, U.S. leaders, and multilateral
institutions to address laws and policies that impact Haitians'
religious freedom. I believe engaging religious organizations across
all faith backgrounds, including often stigmatized groups like Vodou,
is of particular importance to ensure religious freedom for all
Haitians.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to support and facilitate
these important relationships. Through our regular outreach to civil
society groups, including specifically those specializing in human
rights, and also through the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and
Promote Stability and the 10-year plan for Haiti, I will work to build
inclusive and sustainable foundations for long-term security,
stability, and democratic governance, including ensuring the protection
and promotion of human rights. We will utilize our strong existing
relationships with civil society organizations, local governments, and
community leaders to implement the plan.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will engage personally with Haitian
civil society on human rights issues.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with all
stakeholders to promote the employment of U.S. citizens in the U.N.
system to help advance American priorities such as innovation, ethical
standards, transparency, and accountability at international
organizations, while bringing important skills and specializations. I
would also support our continued collaboration with stakeholders to
develop and execute strategies for high-priority electoral campaigns
for U.S. officials in multilateral agencies and coordinate with
partners on likeminded, qualified, and independent candidates.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with USUN and IO colleagues to
advance the United States' affirmative agenda for the U.N. and
strengthen partnerships with traditional and non-traditional partners,
including in specialized and technical agencies. U.S. engagement at the
U.N. system is critical to asserting U.S. leadership, including by
working with our partners and allies to promote initiatives that
advance shared priorities on technical matters.
Question. How will you engage with the Haitian Government to ensure
that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) from U.N.
personnel are held accountable?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure our Embassy regularly engages
with the Haitian Government on SEA accountability as well as demand
strong action on SEA prevention and accountability throughout all U.N.
fora.
The United States endorses measures by the U.N. Secretary-General
to prevent and combat SEA consistent with U.N. Security Council
Resolution 2272. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the
Secretary-General's zero tolerance policy and accountability by urging
the Special Coordinator for Improving Response to SEA to share more
information through the ``Conduct in U.N. Field Missions'' database and
to expand prevention and accountability efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Dennis B. Hankins by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. This week was yet another reminder
of the pervasive power the CCP wields over Chinese society, as all
evidence of former Foreign Minister Qin Gang's career and presence are
being wiped from the Chinese ministry's webpage. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of
these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Haiti ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters
with U.S. representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If
so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in Haiti.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or areas in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Haiti and countering efforts by our strategic and
regional competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration
has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical
challenge facing the United States, and that the United States is
committed to working to strengthen our partners in the region. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and interagency
colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to expand its
influence in Haiti and the region.
Question. Despite substantial international support for Haiti, its
institutions remain crippled, poverty is widespread, large economic
disparities exist, and both human-made and natural disasters compound
the country's miserable situation. Haiti lacks any elected officials
while organized gangs and associated violence and kidnapping have
skyrocketed. As the security and humanitarian situation continue to
worsen, we are seeing increased illegal immigration to Florida via
dangerous sea voyages. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between the U.S. and Haiti?
Answer. The United States works closely with many Haitian
interlocutors--government officials; political and economic
stakeholders; and religious and civil society leaders. The United
States is committed to helping the Haitian people build a better
future, and this support makes a real difference in the lives of
Haitians every day. When Haiti is more prosperous, secure, and firmly
rooted in democracy, both Haitians and Americans benefit. The United
States is the single largest donor of humanitarian assistance to Haiti
and provides long-term development and support to strengthen Haitian
institutions. With a large Haitian diaspora in communities throughout
the United States, millions of individual bonds unite our populations.
The United States works closely with the Government of Haiti to
curb irregular migration. On January 5, 2023, the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS) announced the extension of the Venezuela parole
process and its expansion to nationals of Nicaragua, Haiti, and Cuba.
Through this safe and lawful migration pathway, up to a total of 30,000
individuals per month from these four countries can come to the United
States for a period of two years and apply for work authorization.
Individuals must demonstrate that they have an eligible supporter in
the United States and pass vetting and background checks before they
are admitted to the United States. This process has significantly
reduced irregular entries at our border, showing that when there is a
lawful and orderly migration pathway, people will be less inclined to
put their lives in the hands of smugglers.
Question. If confirmed, what will your policy priorities be?
Answer. Given the dire security situation in Haiti, strengthening
the Haitian National Police (HNP) would be a top priority, so that the
state has a monopoly on the use of force. Supporting the Haitian people
in developing an inclusive, broad-based consensus on a way forward for
democratic governance and development is also of paramount importance.
If confirmed, I would work with a broad group of Haitian leaders,
partners in the United States, and international stakeholders to ensure
Haiti has a path toward greater security, stability, and free and fair
elections. Finally, if confirmed, I would work with Haitian and
international partners to help meet the humanitarian needs of the most
vulnerable Haitians.
All of these efforts would be in addition to my primary
responsibility, if confirmed, which is the safety of mission personnel
as well as the welfare of American citizen residents of Haiti.
Question. Why have past international aid and U.S. support been
unable to improve the situation of Haitian citizens or governance
capabilities?
Answer. Past international aid and U.S. support have achieved
successes and sometimes encountered difficulties. U.S. assistance--and
trade preference legislation--helped to create a new garment industry
in Haiti. The garment sector accounts for approximately 90 percent of
Haiti's exports, employs more than 34,000 Haitians, and financially
supports more than 200,000 Haitians. After the 2010 earthquake in Port-
au-Prince, emergency medical assistance saved countless Haitian lives.
In 2022, expert advice from on-the-ground INL police experts--plus air
transportation provided by the U.S. and Canadian militaries--brought
expertise and equipment together to support the HNP in ending a two-
month-long gang seizure of Haiti's principal fuel terminal and port.
At the same time, the United States and the international community
have learned important lessons from past assistance efforts, and we
apply these to our current planning. For example, while the MINUSTAH
U.N. peacekeeping operation restored stability in Haiti, public support
for the mission waned after Nepali peacekeepers inadvertently
introduced cholera into the country and allegations of sexual assault
committed by Sri Lankan peacekeepers emerged. As a result, current
discussions about future international engagement in Haiti include
training for foreign personnel to prevent sexual assault or other human
rights abuses, plans for wastewater treatment and sanitation, and
accountability mechanisms. Similarly, we have also learned that
reconstruction assistance following the post-2010 earthquake relied too
heavily on U.S. and other foreign-based organizations, and Haitian
stakeholders did not have enough input into decisions. Thus, in our
planning for a multinational force and other international engagement
in Haiti we prioritize Haitian leadership and input and look to include
local organizations as much as possible.
Question. Have U.S. immigration parole programs for Haitians
impacted emigration from Haiti?
Answer. On January 5, 2023, the Department of Homeland Security
(DHS) announced the extension of the Venezuela parole process and its
expansion to nationals of Nicaragua, Haiti, and Cuba. Through this safe
and lawful migration pathway, up to a total of 30,000 individuals total
per month from these four countries can come to the United States for a
period of two years and apply for work authorization. Individuals must
demonstrate that they have an eligible supporter in the United States
and pass vetting and background checks before they are admitted to the
United States.
This process has significantly reduced irregular entries at our
border, showing that when there is a lawful and orderly migration
pathway, people will be less inclined to put their lives in the hands
of smugglers. The Department of State proactively informs potential
migrants throughout the region of relevant U.S. policy. Mission Port-
au-Prince engages with the Haitian Government and media to highlight
opportunities for safe, orderly, and humane migration, while cautioning
against the dangers and consequences of irregular migration.
Question. For more than twelve years in the early 2000s, the U.N.
provided a peacekeeping force whose mission was to restore order,
improve the capabilities of the Haitian National Police and helped with
earthquake recovery. Not only was their mission a failure, the
peacekeeping force introduced cholera to the country and committed
human rights and sexual abuses which has sullied the view by some
Haitians regarding foreign peacekeeping forces. If confirmed, what
immediate security assistance is needed to provide stability?
Answer. Continued support to the HNP, in combination with a
multinational force, is essential to provide stability in Haiti. If
confirmed, I will remain fully committed to supporting the HNP in its
efforts to combat gang influence, maintain basic security, support
repatriation operations, and institute longer-term community violence
prevention efforts. I look forward to supporting my colleagues in our
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL),
who have allocated $122 million since July 2021 to equip, train, and
support programs that develop the HNP counter-gang intervention unit,
specialized border unit, counternarcotics unit, and overall
institutional capacity.
The security and humanitarian situation in Haiti deteriorates
daily. The conditions on the ground will not improve without
significant security support from international partners. Gang violence
has led to large-scale internal displacement in gang-controlled areas
and hampers Haiti's ability to address continuing food insecurity. An
MNF would prioritize security at key sites in Port-au-Prince, thus
enabling the HNP to focus on combatting serious gang violence, which
includes kidnapping, hijacking, extortion, murders, and sexual assault.
Question. Given past international interventions in Haiti, what
lessons should inform another multinational force deployment?
Answer. We will draw lessons from the past, including MINUSTAH, as
well as from a forthcoming report by the U.N. Secretary General that
will outline the full range of support options the U.N. can provide to
enhance the security situation in Haiti. Like the Administration, I
believe an MNF with a narrow security scope and a small footprint would
assist the HNP to secure critical infrastructure sites and enable the
HNP to focus on curtailing gangs' use of kidnapping, hijacking,
extortion, murder, and sexual violence.
Question. How would the type of training and equipment provided
vary from failed past efforts by multination forces?
Answer. It is my understanding that the proposed MNF will be narrow
in scope, coordinated with the HNP, and focus on static security
operations at key infrastructure sites. A small footprint is a
different approach from previous engagements by the international
community. Training and equipment will be tailored to this new,
narrower scope.
Question. What makes you believe the outcomes will be different?
Answer. As discussed in other responses, the MNF will occur in
combination with continued INL assistance to the HNP and will benefit
from lessons learned from prior international engagement in Haiti.
Lessons learned include the importance of Haitian input and
consultation; working through local organizations as much as possible;
human rights training and accountability mechanisms for foreign
personnel; and the need to address sanitation and wastewater treatment.
A small footprint with greater Haitian buy-in is a different
approach than previous engagements by the international community. It
is my understanding that the proposed MNF will provide static security
at key infrastructure sites, better enabling and empowering the HNP to
focus on anti-gang operations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. James C. O'Brien by Senator Robert Menendez
Degrading Russia's War Machine
You have been at the helm of implementing sanctions to target
Russia's war machine.
Question. Have we been effective?
Answer. Sanctions and export controls are one component of our
strategy to deny Russia benefit from its aggression. Sanctions impede
Russia's military campaign and deny resources used to fuel that
campaign. Sanctions and export controls reduce Russia's access to the
electronics and other components it needs to run its war machine. There
is much more to do in reducing Russian access to these materials, and
we work every day with our coalition partners to deny Russia items
useful for its military. Combined with military support, sanctions and
export controls provide Ukraine with a qualitative edge on the
battlefield.
In 2023, Russia's export earnings are approximately half what they
were in 2022. Due to sanctions and trade measures, more than half the
savings it had on hand at the start of the war are immobilized, spent,
or in currency or gold not widely able to finance the trade it needs
for military and civilian purposes. Sanctions and import bans have cost
Russia its most lucrative trading partners, especially in energy
markets.
As a result, Russia will face financial constraints over the next
several years and will need to make choices between civilian and
military needs. Over the long term, Russia's economy will be less
resilient and smaller than it would have been, perhaps as much as 20
percent smaller by 2030, making it less able to threaten its neighbors
or to influence global markets.
Question. What more do we need to do to most effectively cut off
Putin's access to resources that are fueling his brutal assault on
Ukraine?
Answer. We are continually seeking opportunities to tighten our
sanctions and export controls in order to restrict further Russia's
ability to wage war. With our G7 partners we are reducing Russia's
access to G7 components that might be useful on the battlefield. This
involves intensifying our work with countries that have been transit
points for goods entering Russia. We are also reducing Russia's trading
opportunities and access to lucrative markets.
Black Sea Grain Initiative
Russia's refusal to extend the Black Sea Grain Initiative and
recent attacks on Ukraine's grain infrastructure have made it
very clear that Putin aims to cause a renewed global food
crisis in order to extract concessions from the international
community.
Question. How do you propose we address this latest atrocity and
get Russia to re-enter the grain deal?
Answer. The United States condemns Russia's attacks on critical
Ukrainian infrastructure, its unilateral withdrawal from the Black Sea
Grain Initiative (BSGI), and its plans to blockade Ukraine's Black Sea
ports, which are responsible for exporting 95% of Ukraine's grain.
Countries throughout the world without regard to geography have
condemned Russia's unilateral withdrawal and demanded that Russia stop
using food as a weapon and return to the BSGI. With our allies and
partners, we are developing alternative export routes for Ukrainian
grain, supplying global markets and reducing Russia's leverage. The
United States will continue to work with the United Nations, Turkey,
and affected countries so that Russia stops attacking global food
supplies.
Question. Will you commit to supporting the people of Ukraine as
they continue to fight against Putin's invasion, and will you commit to
working with Congress and international partners to continue planning
for Ukraine's reconstruction?
Answer. Yes. As the President and Secretary have stated, the United
States will continue to support Ukraine for as long as it takes. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and international
partners as we continue planning for Ukraine's reconstruction.
Question. Will you commit to working with the committee to find
ways to continue supporting Cyprus' further integration into security
agreements in the Eastern Mediterranean?
Answer. Yes, the United States is committed to working with our
partner the Republic of Cyprus toward an Eastern Mediterranean region
that is free, peaceful, prosperous, and stable. Since signing the
Statement of Intent on Bilateral Security Cooperation in 2018, our
bilateral security cooperation has expanded significantly. In April
2022 we jointly established the Cyprus Center for Land, Open-seas, and
Post Security (CYCLOPS), a state-of-the art training facility that
serves as a regional hub for building border and maritime security
training and targeting capabilities. In September 2022 the United
States, for the first time, lifted the defense trade restrictions under
the ITAR for the Republic of Cyprus, and most recently in July 2023 the
New Jersey National Guard hosted the Republic of Cyprus National Guard
for an orientation program to begin to operationalize their new State
Partnership relationship.
Question. I'm also, as you probably know, an enthusiast of the 3+1
Format--how can we better leverage that format to advance our interests
and those of Cyprus, Greece, and Israel?
Answer. Our cooperation in multilateral fora, including the 3+1
format, plays an important role in promoting regional cooperation on a
broad range of issues. In order to build momentum and support U.S.
policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Department has sent a set of
proposals for 3+1 engagement to the three partners, and they are
currently reviewing. The Department of State continues to see the 3+1
as a valuable format and welcomes the opportunity to work with the
three partners to engage in future discussions, workshops, exchanges,
and meetings on energy, economic issues, and other topics of mutual
consensus and concern. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our efforts
in these fields and seek opportunities to expand it into others.
Question. I've been disappointed in the U.S.'s disproportionate
pressure on Kosovo as we continue to support efforts to find a long-
term peace between Kosovo and Serbia. Kosovo is a democratic ally,
while earlier this year we all read detailed reporting on Vucic [VOO-
chich]'s connection to hooligans and autocratic tendencies. How do we
change the calculus in the minds of the leaders of these countries so
that they behave in ways that promote long-term stability?
Answer. Together with European partners, we will continue to urge
the leaders of both Serbia and Kosovo to implement the normalization
agreement in order to unlock its benefits, including regional stability
and security and durable economic growth. Kosovo is an independent,
sovereign state, and we will continue to support Kosovo's full
international integration. We want Serbia to be a constructive regional
and trans-Atlantic partner. It is incumbent upon the leaders of the two
countries to take actions that demonstrate their stated desire to
pursue a European future for their people. As we engage leaders, we
will also continue to encourage democratic reforms and improvements to
the rule of law, both of which will help limit foreign harmful
influence and will contribute to these countries' advancement on their
European paths.
Question. What role will you play in countering Dodik's
destabilizing actions?
Answer. Mr. Dodik's secessionist rhetoric and attacks on human
rights and fundamental freedoms lead down a dangerous, authoritarian
path toward isolation. Mr. Dodik says that he supports the Dayton
Constitution but misinterprets it for his partisan purposes, something
I know and can speak credibly to as a result of my role at Dayton. More
broadly, we are pursuing a strategy to deter and constrain Dodik's
destabilizing actions through the proper interpretation of Dayton, U.S.
sanctions designations, support for the High Representative and his use
of the Bonn Powers, strengthening the international military presence
in Bosnia and Herzegovina (now EUFOR Althea), enhancing U.S. mil-to-mil
engagements, and working with our international partners.
Question. How would you engage to get Bosnia to move toward greater
stability?
Answer. The United States is committed to the sovereignty,
territorial integrity, and multiethnic character of BiH and supports
BiH's integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. We are working in
BiH to strengthen the country's democracy, enhance the rule of law and
the fight against corruption, support civil society, advance reforms
necessary for private sector-led economic growth, and strengthen the
country's multiethnic armed forces. As I said in my testimony, some of
BiH's political leaders have found ways to support their political
networks through the misuse of public resources; this impedes
democratic competition and prevents public institutions from working
well. These patronage systems will be a major point of focus, as they
were in my time as US special envoy. When appropriate, we will act to
hold accountable individuals who undermine the Dayton Peace Agreement
or threaten BiH's democracy.
Question. Will you commit to seriously reviewing the Department's
habit of renewing the waiver of Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act
and providing security assistance to Azerbaijan even as Aliyev
continues to threaten Armenia?
Answer. Administrations of both parties have renewed the section
907 waiver of the FREEDOM Support Act annually since 2002 to enable
U.S. security assistance to Azerbaijan that promotes U.S. national
security interests, including counterterrorism, combating the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, securing critical energy
infrastructure, addressing the 475-mile border with Iran, and combating
narcotics trafficking and human trafficking. If confirmed, I commit to
closely reviewing the Department's process for determining whether to
recommend a waiver of section 907 to ensure it meets the interests and
goals of the United States in Azerbaijan and in the region - and that
it would have no negative effect on efforts to find a durable and
dignified settlement in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Question. Will you commit to prioritizing the safety and security
of all Armenians and ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh as
negotiations continue?
Answer. Yes. As Armenia and Azerbaijan work to conclude a peace
agreement, I know the State Department prioritizes the rights and
security for the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh at every level of
engagement with the Azerbaijan Government--including with President
Aliyev. If confirmed, I will reinforce our focus on this critical
aspect of a just and durable peace.
Question. Though there has a been a bit of movement forward in the
recent past, I am very concerned that China will be able to
successfully play on divisions in Europe to continue on its path of
undermining international norms and institutions. The stark differences
between the treatment of Emmanuel Macron and Ursula Van der Leyen
during their visits to Beijing point to this strategy. What would you
do, concretely, to ensure China cannot divide and conquer our European
partners as we seek to limit China's malign behavior?
Answer. As I said in my hearing, U.S. and European views on China
are converging. This reflects continual efforts across the
Administration and Congress to engage our European partners on China.
If confirmed, I will emphasize that the United States and Europe
share common values; a realization that the standards and materials
central to future economic growth are being decided soon; and a
willingness to work together in new structures, such as the U.S.-EU
Trade and Technology Council (TTC); in existing institutions that set
global standards; and through the many channels of communication where
we take up issues related to China.
For instance, in the U.S.-EU Dialogue on China, we are working with
our European partners to strengthen our economic resilience, diversify
our supply chains, and de-risk our economies, including by pressing
China and working with our Allies and partners to ensure a level-
playing field for U.S. trade and investment. We also discuss the risks
of global stability posed by China's trade that supports Russia's war
against Ukraine. We are also working with European allies to reduce
risks of excessive dependence on China in key sectors such as critical
minerals. Similarly, working through the TTC, we are developing secure
and resilient supply chains in semiconductors, countering the PRC's use
of non-market policies and economic coercion, and expanding U.S.-EU
cooperation on cyber, digital, and emerging technology issues.
Question. Do you think sanctions would be impactful to support
Georgia's process of de-oligarchization, a priority identified by the
European Union?
Answer. Sanctions remain one of the key foreign policy tools we
have at our disposal, among others. If confirmed, I will continue to
work with Department and interagency colleagues, as well as foreign
partners, including the European Union, to utilize all tools at our
disposal to promote accountability and support democratic renewal and
rule of law efforts globally. The United States continues to promote
accountability for those who abuse public power for personal gain.
Question. Will you commit to assessing whether economic actors in
Georgia are using their influence to re-orient Georgia's foreign
policy, and whether these actors have committed sanctionable conduct?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to evaluate Georgia's
cooperation on implementing Western sanctions and export controls. This
includes reviewing the conduct of specific economic actors as well.
This is a priority issue for our Embassy, the Department, and for me in
my current role as Special Coordinator for Sanctions. I have worked
closely with both the EU and G7 partners on ensuring cooperation with
our sanctions in countries like Georgia, and I visited Georgia in June
with my UK and EU counterparts to reinforce this message to the
Government.
Question. Will you commit to raising the importance of regional
stability--specifically not threatening other NATO allied countries and
other neighbors like Greece? Will you raise serious concerns about
democratic values, human rights, and our own embassy staff?
Answer. Yes. The current positive atmosphere between Greece and
Turkey is deeply beneficial to NATO and broader U.S. interests in the
region. If I am confirmed, I will continue the bureau's efforts to
encourage further productive engagement and dialogue between our NATO
Allies in Greece and Turkey.
Yes. Though Turkey is a longstanding NATO Ally with which we
cooperate on shared interests, we have concerns regarding democratic
backsliding and human rights in the country. If confirmed, I will make
all appropriate efforts to address these important issues with Turkey
and in the region.
Question. Given the current challenges of democratic backsliding
and rising authoritarianism occurring around the world, it is
imperative that U.S. representatives shine a public light on these
issues.
To that end, can I get your commitment that you will deliver a
public speech open to the press within your first six months on the
importance of democracy and human rights in Europe and that you will
specifically raise democracy and human rights in your interactions with
European partners?
Answer. With some exceptions, the Europe and Eurasia region has
experienced democratic backsliding for well over a decade. Particularly
in the wake of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the protection
and promotion of human rights and democratic institutions in the region
is critical. If confirmed, I will ensure that upholding human rights
and democratic governance is an important part of our bilateral
interactions and policy agenda, consistent with the President's
commitment to putting these issues at the center of U.S. foreign
policy. If confirmed, I also commit to publicly raising human rights
and democratic backsliding at appropriate times and venues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. James C. O'Brien by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. This week was yet another reminder
of the pervasive power the CCP wields over Chinese society, as all
evidence of former Foreign Minister Qin Gang's career and presence are
being wiped from the Chinese ministry's webpage. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of
these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its malign
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-European and
Eurasian ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters
with U.S. representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If
so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, we
seek to manage this competition responsibly so that competition does
not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC to
address transnational challenges, such as climate change,
counternarcotics, and public health, when it is in our interest to do
so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to anyone else, and
never in exchange for walking away from our principles. If confirmed, I
will work with Departments and Agencies across the U.S. Government as
well as with Congress to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful
behavior by the PRC and other actors in Europe.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or areas in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be to advance U.S. interests
in the European and Eurasian regions and countering efforts by our
strategic and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partnerships in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department and
interagency colleagues across the U.S. Government, as well as Congress
to counter the PRC's efforts to expand its influence in Europe and the
Eurasian region.
The U.S. has supported and enjoyed a close transatlantic
relationship with Europe since the end of World War II. The
relationship, anchored by NATO and EU cooperation, has helped European
allies as much as it has advanced U.S. foreign and security policies.
However, it is clear that since the end of the Cold War, many of our
European allies have not stepped up to the plate in terms of adequately
shoring up their own defense.
Question. Successive administrations have voiced criticism that
European burden sharing of NATO has been insufficient, even after
Moscow invaded Ukraine. What is your characterization of the existing
transatlantic relationship?
Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized placing our
alliances, especially NATO, at the center of U.S. foreign policy. NATO,
and the existing transatlantic relationship, is stronger and more
united than it has been in decades. NATO is as critical to ensuring the
security of our citizens today as at any time since its founding nearly
75 years ago, including as Russia continues its unprovoked and
unjustified war against Ukraine.
Question. Only seven allies met NATO's 2 percent GDP target in
2022. If confirmed, how will you convince the other NATO partners to
meet the 2 percent GDP defense spending?
Answer. At the Vilnius Summit July 11-12, Allies built on the Wales
Defense Investment Pledge by making 2 percent of GDP a floor for
defense spending and by affirming that in many cases, expenditure
beyond 2 percent of GDP will be needed. Eighteen Allies will exceed, or
have a credible plan to meet, 2 percent by next year. The
Administration is committed to ensuring Allies equitably share the
responsibility of NATO's collective security by investing in the
capabilities, readiness, and force-generation needed to maintain a
credible deterrence and defense posture and fulfill NATO missions and
operations. We will continue consulting with Allies and with Congress
to ensure NATO has sufficient, capable, and ready forces required to
realize these commitments.
Question. Should U.S. assistance through Foreign Military Financing
or prioritization in the U.S. foreign military sales process be
conditioned upon a country meeting its 2 percent threshold? If not,
why?
Answer. NATO Allies agreed at the Vilnius Summit this July that in
the current contested global environment the 2 percent target should be
a floor, not a goal. Eighteen Allies will exceed, or have a credible
plan to meet, 2 percent by next year, already up from the seven
mentioned in the question. If confirmed, I will work to see that every
Ally meets or exceeds the 2 percent level or has a plan to do so.
Foreign Military Financing (FMF) is only one part of our
relationship with our Allies, and it serves our security interests now
even while countries work on the agreed timeline and independently of
the broader goals. Our ability to meet those goals should not be
limited by a condition tied to NATO's Defense Investment Pledge. FMF
serves security goals critical for U.S. interests that complement but
are independent of the threshold. FMF strengthens self-defense
capabilities, enhances standardization and interoperability, and allows
burden-sharing, all of which deter Russian aggression. By increasing
demand for U.S. systems, FMF also contributes to a strong U.S. defense
industrial base, reducing costs for Department of Defense acquisitions
and securing more jobs for American workers. Allied purchases through
Foreign Military Sales also contribute to Allied defense spending in
support of Defense Investment Pledge commitments.
Question. There is bipartisan agreement in this country on the need
to address the threat of the Chinese Communist Party, though we may
debate on how we do so and to what extent. Europe, on the contrary, is
still far behind on coming to a consensus on China. Some countries,
like Lithuania, have not been shy about the threat posed by an
authoritarian communist regime to the free and open system enjoyed by
democratic governments and free. Others, like Hungary and Serbia,
champion the CCP's talking points. What is your assessment of the scope
of China's economic and other ties to European countries?
Answer. The United States and our European partners share concerns
about the threat posed by a range of non-market policies and practices
of third countries. We have seen Beijing move to weaponize economic
dependencies with European countries and to deter countries from taking
actions in their own best interests. The United States has an interest
in ensuring countries make their own sovereign decisions free from
coercion and work with our Allies and partners to offer concrete
economic alternatives for these countries. Since 2021, we have engaged
with the European Union through U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council
(TTC) to partner on trade, technology, and innovation, while advancing
our shared values and promoting shared approaches to strengthen our
collective economic security. We have also engaged European countries
bilaterally and through the U.S.-EU China Dialogue on the need to
strengthen economic resilience, including through work on de-risking,
establishing a level-playing field for trade and investment, and
efforts to reduce risks from excessive dependencies in sectors such as
critical minerals needed for secure energy transition.
Question. How can the U.S. assist European partners in building the
political will to decouple their supply chains and critical industries
from the CCP?
Answer. We are supporting our European partners through strategic
dialogue and our commitment to sharing our assessments on the risks
posed by the PRC's use of economic coercion, nonmarket policies and
practices, and dominance of certain critical supply chains vital to our
economic security. European Union leaders, along with an increasing
number of EU member states, have publicly pledged to reduce their
critical dependencies and vulnerabilities, including in supply chains,
and to de-risk and diversify where necessary and appropriate. At the
recent U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council ministerial meeting in
Sweden, we reiterated our commitment to secure our high technology and
critical minerals supply chains, address non-market policies and
practices designed to reinforce dependencies, and increase our mutual
collective preparedness, resilience, and deterrence to economic
coercion.
Question. Should an LGBT agenda come before national security or
American prosperity when engaging with European partners?
Answer. Euro-Atlantic treaty alliances and partnerships are the
bedrock of our national security. President Biden directed all agencies
engaged abroad to ensure U.S. diplomacy promotes and protects human
rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex, plus
(LGBTQI+) persons. It is a U.S. foreign policy priority and EUR, like
other bureaus, advances this policy. Helping to ensure everyone has a
voice in their democratic society and governance--promotes global
peace, security, and prosperity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. James C. O'Brien by Senator Christopher A. Coons
Question. Earlier this month, five former U.S. Ambassadors to
Georgia urged that former president Saakashvili be released from prison
to receive critical medical care. Do you believe such action would be
appropriate?
Answer. We have carefully reviewed the assessments of the Public
Defender's Office from December of last year and more recent
statements, which indicated that former President Saakashvili was not
receiving the treatment he needs. If confirmed, I will continue to
monitor the treatment of former president Mikheil Saakashvili very
closely. I will stress it is the responsibility of the Georgian
Government to ensure Mr. Saakashvili's medical and psychological health
is protected and his human rights are respected. We will continue to
press for the authorities to take appropriate steps to ensure he
receives the care that he needs for his health, dignity, and wellbeing,
based on the recommendations of the Public Defender's medical experts.
Question. As head of the State Department Office of Sanctions, you
oversaw the implementation of sanctions against four Georgian judges.
Do you believe that those sanctions have proven effective, and would
additional sanctions incentivize further reforms?
Answer. Sanctions remain one of the key foreign policy tools we
have at our disposal, among others. Georgia's adherence to
international sanctions and export controls against Russia is a
priority issue for our Embassy, the Department, and for me in my role
as Special Coordinator for Sanctions. I have worked closely with both
the EU and G7 partners on enforcement of our sanctions in countries
like Georgia, and I visited Georgia in June with my UK and EU
counterparts to reinforce this message to the Government.
While these judges were designated under Section 7031(c) of the FY
2023 Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs
Appropriations Act, and not a financial sanctions authority, these visa
restrictions demonstrate the importance of accountability tools. If
confirmed, I will continue to work with Department and interagency
colleagues, as well as foreign partners, to utilize all tools at our
disposal to promote accountability for corruption across the region.
The United States continues to stand with all Georgians in support of
democracy and the rule of law and will continue to promote
accountability for those who abuse public power for personal gain. We
stand with all judges who have the integrity and courage to act
impartially and independently.
Question. In recent months, there has been an increase in violent
attacks against members of the Georgian media and other critical voices
of the Government. What can the State Department do to protect
democratic institutions in Georgia and support freedom of the press and
an independent media?
Answer. I share your concerns about political violence against
journalists and other critical voices in Georgia, and I agree this is a
critical issue moving forward to safeguard Georgia's Euro-Atlantic
future.
On June 23, 2022, the EU identified 12 priority areas for reform
for Georgia to implement before receiving candidate status. One of
these was to improve the environment for media freedom, notably by
``ensuring that criminal procedures brought against media owners
fulfill the highest legal standards.'' Achieving candidate status is a
top priority for the Georgian Government and the people of Georgia. If
confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government to help strengthen
its democratic institutions and media environment in line with its own
aspirations and goals.
The people of Georgia have shown time and time again their
commitment to the principles of democracy and the rule of law, and
their conviction that Georgia's future is with the West and Europe. The
United States will continue to stand with them in pursuit of this
vision.
Question. How do you assess the increasing anti-western rhetoric by
leaders of the Georgian Government, as well as moves to criminalize
civil society organization through legislation such as the ``Foreign
Agents'' bill that sparked mass protests in the spring?
Answer. Georgia's proposed Kremlin-inspired ``Foreign Agents'' law
was designed to stigmatize and silence independent voices and citizens
of Georgia who are dedicated to building a better future for their own
communities; if passed, it would have jeopardized Georgia's Euro-
Atlantic future. With the protests against the draft law in March, led
by students and other young people, the people of Georgia once again
spoke clearly that the only choice for Georgia is a secure and
prosperous European future. We welcomed Georgian Dream's decision to
withdraw both draft laws on ``foreign influence,'' which are
incompatible with Georgian and European values and the protection of
fundamental freedoms.
Now is a time when we should all be working to strengthen the
resilience of our democracies, embrace rule of law, and combat
corruption, especially as Russia wages its unprovoked war against
Ukraine and occupies 20 percent of Georgia's territory. If confirmed, I
would focus on helping Georgia strengthen the independence of its
institutions as a bulwark against malign Russian influence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Nathalie Rayes by Senator Robert Menendez
Priorities
Croatia occupies a critical space in the Western Balkans as
both a NATO and EU member.
Question. How do you assess current U.S.-Croatia relations? As
Ambassador, what would be your priorities for the relationship?
Answer. Croatia is a close NATO Ally and like-minded partner, and
our bilateral relationship has yielded many recent successes. Croatia
entered the Visa Waiver Program in 2021; we concluded negotiations on a
double taxation avoidance treaty in 2022; Croatia entered the Global
Entry program in 2023; and our bilateral Extradition Treaty and Mutual
Legal Assistance Treaty recently entered into force. If confirmed, I
pledge to deepen and expand our close partnership with Croatia.
If confirmed, my number one priority will be the safety and
security of Americans in Croatia. Second, I will work with Croatia to
strengthen Transatlantic security in countering Russia's war against
Ukraine and malign influence in the region. Third, as Croatia is poised
to be an energy exporter, I will work with Croatia to expand its role
in advancing energy security and diversification. Fourth, I will
leverage our strong partnership to support EU accession for all Western
Balkan countries, promoting respect for democracy, advancing
transparency and anti-corruption measures, and increasing U.S. trade
and investment. Fifth, I will deepen the connection between our two
nations by increasing cultural exchanges, youth-focused initiatives,
and cooperation between academic institutions to engage scholars,
students, and teachers.
Chinese Influence
As you know, China is increasingly seeking to integrate
itself within European markets.
Question. How can we effectively ensure that Croatia remains
economically oriented toward the United States despite China's
deceptively cheap infrastructure projects?
Answer. The Government of Croatia understands the importance of
ensuring national assets and critical industries are not vulnerable to
malign actors. If confirmed, I will engage U.S. investors and partners
to make concrete deals with long-term value to Croatia and the region.
The United States also supports Croatia's ongoing efforts to adopt
rigorous investment screening and public procurement reform, which
protects against malign actors that pursue policies counter to U.S. and
Croatian interests including unfair economic practices, human rights
abuses, disregard for international law, aggressive and coercive
behavior, and political intimidation.
Ukraine
Russia's war on Ukraine has posed challenges for countries
across Europe.
Question. How do you assess Croatia's response to Russia's ongoing
war on Ukraine?
Answer. Croatia has been an ardent, steadfast supporter of
Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Croatia has provided
=190 million in humanitarian and security assistance. Croatia is the
second largest donor of military helicopters to Ukraine. Croatia hosts
more than 23,000 Ukrainian refugees. Croatia is providing expert
guidance on demining, veteran trauma treatment, cultural preservation
in war torn areas, and two prosecutors are helping to guide Ukraine's
war crimes prosecutions. Croatia co-hosted the First Parliamentary
Summit of the International Crimea Platform.
Trade and Investment
Croatia's Government hopes to attract greater foreign direct
investment.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you support Croatia as it
addresses these challenges such as higher energy prices that have
stemmed from the war?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Croatia to expand its role
in advancing energy security and diversification in the region. In
2021, Croatia launched the Krk LNG terminal, replacing Russian gas on
Croatia's domestic market with U.S. LNG. Croatia is doubling Krk's
capacity to 6.1 billion cubic meters, allowing future exports to the
region. Croatia can be a clean net energy exporter. It also has
significant geothermal energy resources and is pursuing hydrogen and
carbon capture and storage.
Question. As Ambassador, how you would you promote U.S. investment
and business in the country?
Answer. U.S.-Croatia bilateral trade continues to grow. Bilateral
goods trade in 2022 totaled more than $2.5 billion; U.S. exports to
Croatia amounted to $1.77 billion; and U.S. imports from Croatia
totaled $861 million. If confirmed, I will work with other EU partners
to upgrade Croatia's energy infrastructure and accelerate clean energy
production, providing more opportunities for U.S. energy companies,
particularly as Croatia becomes a regional energy hub and net energy
exporter to its neighbors. In July 2013, Croatia became the latest
member of the European Union and at the beginning of this year, Croatia
adopted the euro and became a member of the border-free Schengen area.
Croatia entered the Visa Waiver Program in 2021, entered the Global
Entry Program in 2023 and we concluded negotiations on a Double
Taxation Avoidance Treaty in 2022. All good news for American business
and investment. If confirmed, my goal is to inform the American private
sector that Croatia is open for U.S. business and expand our close
partnership.
Democracy Speech
Given the current challenges of democratic backsliding and
rising authoritarianism occurring around the world, it is
imperative that U.S. representatives shine a public light on
these issues.
Question. To that end, can I get your commitment that you will
deliver a public speech open to the press at a venue in Croatia within
your first six months on the importance of democracy and human rights
in the Balkans and that you will specifically raise democracy and human
rights in your interactions with the Croatian Government?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will deliver a public speech open to
the press on the importance of democracy and human rights in the
Balkans within my first six months. I will leverage our strong
partnership to advance shared priorities including strengthening
democratic institutions and promoting respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. I will work publicly and privately with Croatia
to ensure continued commitment to its Summit for Democracy goal to
advance human rights by eliminating sexual violence and harassment and
promoting full and equitable access, safety, and equal participation of
all persons, including members of marginalized and underrepresented
populations in Croatia. If confirmed, I would regularly and
consistently engage media to communicate the importance of a strong
democracy and respect for human rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathalia Rayes by Senator James E. Risch
Croatia and Ukraine
Question. Do you believe that Croatia has done all it can to help
Ukraine and participate in the international coalition to support
Ukraine against Russia's invasion? If no, what else do you believe that
Croatia could do to support Ukraine?
Answer. Croatia has been an ardent, steadfast supporter of
Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Croatia has provided
=190 million in humanitarian and security assistance. For example,
Croatia is the second largest donor of military helicopters to Ukraine.
Croatia hosts more than 23,000 Ukrainian refugees. Croatia is providing
expert guidance on demining, veteran trauma treatment, cultural
preservation in war torn areas, and two Croatian prosecutors are
helping to guide Ukraine's war crimes prosecutions. Further, Croatia
co-hosted the First Parliamentary Summit of the International Crimea
Platform.
revised response
Answer. No. However, Croatia has done a lot to support
Ukraine. We are continuously working with our European partners
and NATO Allies to contribute more to Ukraine and there is
always more to be done. Croatia is already making significant
contributions to Ukraine given its relative size and GDP, but
the Croatian Government could still do more to provide timely
lethal support that meets the requirements of an evolving
operational environment in Ukraine. We will continue to push
our Croatian partners to increase their security and
humanitarian contributions to Ukraine. One specific area where
Croatia could do more is in de-mining, and Croatia plans to co-
host the International Donors' Conference on Humanitarian
Demining in Ukraine this October.
Croatia has provided =256 million in humanitarian and
security assistance to Ukraine thus far. Croatia is the second
largest donor of military helicopters to Ukraine. Croatia also
hosts more than 23,000 Ukrainian refugees and provides free
medical support to 19 wounded Ukrainian soldiers. Croatia is
providing expert guidance on demining, veteran trauma
treatment, and cultural preservation in war torn areas.
Notably, Croatia, as the only other country to have gone
through the EU accession process while prosecuting war crimes,
is providing pertinent training to Ukraine's Ministry of
Justice on the investigation and prosecution of war crimes. In
June, Croatia hosted a workshop on war crimes prosecutions for
30 prosecutors, the Prosecutor General, and the Minister of
Justice from Ukraine. The trainings will continue this fall,
and Croatia also contributes two prosecutors to the Atrocities
and Crimes Advisory Group in Ukraine. Further, Croatia co-
hosted the First Parliamentary Summit of the International
Crimea Platform last October.
Croatia and NATO
Question. Croatia has never attained its stated goal of spending 2
percent of its GDP on defense. All NATO members have pledged to reach
that number, but Croatia in 2023 will spend only 1.79 percent. If
confirmed, do you commit to continuing to urge the Government of
Croatia to fulfill its pledge?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Croatia to
reach its Vilnius Defense Investment Pledge commitments. Croatia
currently spends 1.82 percent of GDP on defense. Planned acquisitions
and defense budget increases next year should put Croatia over the 2
percent mark. The Administration is committed to ensuring Allies
equitably share the responsibility of NATO's collective security by
investing in the capabilities, readiness, and force-generation needed
to maintain a credible deterrence and defense posture and fulfill NATO
missions and operations.
Energy
Question. What more do you believe that Croatia needs to do to
diversify its energy mix? Do you believe that the United States can
help Croatia diversify its energy mix? If so, what mechanisms would you
use to do that?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Croatia to help it
completely phase out coal and diversify its clean energy sources. The
United States supports public-private clean energy investments working
closely with international financial institutions to catalyze the
Western Balkans' energy transition. The Department supports the EU's
Green Agenda for the Western Balkans, welcomes the EU's deployment of
its Global Gateway, further financing through RepowerEU, and efforts
that accelerate U.S. private sector financing for clean energy
developments in Croatia.
Balkans
Question. Croatia is one of the most stable nations in the Balkans,
and the only country that was involved in the Balkan Wars of the 1990s
that has succeeded in joining the European Union. What lessons do you
think other Balkan nations could draw from Croatia's experience? How
will you help Croatia use its role in the EU to encourage progress
toward broader transatlantic integration in the region?
Answer. Stability and economic progress in the region directly
benefit Croatia. As the most recent country to join the European Union
and Western Balkan neighbor, Croatia plays an important role supporting
the region, especially its aspirations to join the EU. Croatia can
support EU enlargement goals through political support for the
aspirants within the EU and providing technical and policy expertise to
Western Balkan aspirants.
Question. Next door in Bosnia & Herzegovina the situation remains
volatile. Ethnic Croats make up around 15 percent of the total
population of Bosnia, and the Government of Croatia is often accused of
meddling in Bosnian politics by influencing that group. Do you believe
that Croatia's influence in Bosnia is productive? Why or why not?If
confirmed as Ambassador, how would you confront instances where
Croatia's actions in Bosnia harmed the goals of US policy in Bosnia &
Herzegovina?
Answer. Croatia has an enduring interest in Bosnia and
Herzegovina's security, stability and Euro-Atlantic integration. The
best counter to secessionist efforts is a functional Federation. BiH
Croats play a key role in the Federation's governance, and Croatia can
support these efforts. If confirmed, I would engage Croatia's
Government to urge constructive cooperation among BiH officials to
advance reforms that benefit all BiH citizens, including the
construction of the Southern Gas Interconnection that would reduce
dependence on Russian energy.
China
Question. Every summer, the Government of Croatia allows China to
send Chinese police officers to major tourist hubs to help police
Chinese tourists. What is your opinion of such programs? Do you think
their expansion in Croatia would be a good or bad idea?
Answer. The United States will continue to voice concerns regarding
the PRC's reach outside its borders to harass, intimidate, and threaten
into silence individuals who are critical of the PRC Government. The
Department remains concerned about the PRC's use of transnational
repression, including through overseas police service stations. There
is a robust bilateral partnership between the United States and
Croatia's police forces on a broad range of long-term law enforcement
cooperation. If confirmed, I will continue close work with our partners
and Allies to address and counter the PRC's transnational repression
efforts.
Question. China and Chinese-owned entities have been buying up
ports and related infrastructure throughout the Mediterranean. It has
been reported that the United States pressured Croatia to not allow a
Chinese consortium to win the tender to build a new container terminal
at the Port of Rijeka. Instead, the contract was cancelled and a new
group, with European participants, will undertake the project
instead.If confirmed, do you commit to encouraging the Croatian
Government to reject Chinese proposals and instead work with companies
and contractors that meet EU and NATO standards for security?
Answer. The Government of Croatia understands the importance of
ensuring national assets and critical industries are not vulnerable to
malign actors. If confirmed, I will engage U.S. investors and partners
to make concrete deals with long-term value that meet EU and
international standards for Croatia and the region. The United States
also supports Croatia's ongoing efforts to adopt rigorous investment
screening and public procurement reform, which protects against malign
actors working counter to shared U.S. and Croatian interests.
Question. Despite the European Union having called upon its members
to implement a Foreign Investment Screening regimen, Croatia has not
yet done so.If confirmed, will you pledge to encourage and assist the
Government of Croatia in creating a strong system for screening out
foreign investments that may pose a threat to the security of Croatia,
as well as to the European Union and NATO?
Answer. Croatia understands the importance of establishing a
national security screening mechanism for high-risk investments - not
only to protect its own national security, but also the security of
NATO and EU partners. The United States and Croatia are cooperating
closely with the EU and OECD on best practices, standards, and model
legislation to bring this priority to reality in the near future. If
confirmed, I will encourage Croatia to adopt legislation and implement
a mechanism to evaluate foreign direct investments on the basis of
national security concerns.
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Croatia was listed as Tier 2 for convicting more traffickers
but gaps still remain in its anti-trafficking work.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Croatia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Croatia to strengthen
training for judges and prosecutors on trafficking, victim rights, and
victim-centered approaches. I will encourage the Government of Croatia
to make significant efforts to convict more traffickers and identify
more victims.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation on the ground in Croatia through the annual
Trafficking in Persons report?
Answer. I do.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Croatia generally lacks respect for religious
freedom.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The State Department and U.S. Embassy Zagreb has strongly
promoted religious freedom in Croatia, and Croatia has made strong
progress. If confirmed, I will continue these efforts by urging the
Government's further progress on resolving Holocaust and post
Holocaust-era legacy issues, such as the restitution of private,
heirless, and communal property and fostering Holocaust remembrance. I
will raise with representatives of the Croatian Government and civil
society the status and treatment of religious or belief minorities,
antisemitism, and Holocaust revisionism. I will encourage Croatia's
continued involvement in the International Religious Freedom or Belief
Alliance. I will dedicate Embassy resources to attending, supporting,
and organizing events on Holocaust remembrance, tolerance, diversity,
and interreligious dialogue, including through Public Affairs' small
grants programs.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will raise with representatives of the
Croatian Government and civil society the status and treatment of
religious or belief minorities, antisemitism, and Holocaust
revisionism. I will encourage Croatia's continued involvement in the
International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Croatia increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will dedicate Embassy resources to
attending, supporting, and organizing events on Holocaust remembrance,
tolerance, diversity, and interreligious dialogue, including through
Public Affairs' small grants programs.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Croatia
was noted as having government censorship and intimidation of
reporters, among other human rights issues.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage our strong partnership to
advance shared priorities - including promoting respect for democracy
and human rights, including related to media freedom. I will work
publicly and privately with Croatia to ensure continued commitment to
its Summit for Democracy goal to advance human rights by eliminating
sexual violence and harassment and to promote full and equitable
access, safety, and equal participation of all persons, including
members of marginalized and underrepresented populations in Croatia.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will personally and regularly engage civil
society organizations to strengthen democracy and human rights.
Question. Croatia has been criticized for its regular efforts to
push back and expel migrants, refugees and asylum seekers at its
borders. How will you work with Croatia to address the increasing
migration flows coming into Europe?
Answer. The European Commission, UNHCR, and others in the
international community (including the United States) pushed Croatia to
establish an Independent Monitoring Mechanism (IMM) for border police.
The Ministry of Interior established the mechanism in June 2021, and
evaluations of the mechanism have included recommendations to
strengthen the border police and improve accountability using GPS
tracking of police patrols to inform after-action investigations;
consolidating case files; collecting biometrics from all border
crossers, whether applying for asylum or not; and improving information
sharing between police stations. If confirmed, I will continue the work
with the Croatian Government to strengthen the IMM and to partner with
the United States and EU to share best practices to ensure lawful
treatment of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers.
International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. Ensuring that the United States and our like-minded allies
and partners do not cede influence in the U.N. system to those who do
not share our values and who are not committed to the foundational
principles of the U.N. is of vital importance to U.S. foreign policy
and national security interests. If confirmed, I will work directly
with the International Organizations Bureau, the Government of Croatia,
and other stakeholders to augment the number of Americans while also
encouraging citizens of likeminded nations to work throughout the U.N.
system.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. Croatia is closely aligned with the United States across
the spectrum of foreign policy, national security, and economic issues,
and if confirmed, I will take full advantage of this close alignment to
advance U.S. and shared interests. I will ensure that my team and I
maintain regular contact with host government counterparts to ensure
maximum coordination on upcoming U.N. votes and other actions in the
U.N. and other multilateral bodies, including actions to support
Ukraine and further isolate Russia in the international system.
Question. How will you engage with the Croatian Government to
ensure that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse from U.N.
missions and U.N. peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. The United States remains a strong supporter of holding
U.N. peacekeepers accountable for SEA to include advocacy to end
impunity for the commission of SEA-related crimes both by troops and
U.N. personnel working in overseas missions. In 2022, we strongly
supported the U.N. General Assembly's annual resolution on ``Criminal
Accountability of United Nations Officials and Experts on Mission,''
which urges all member states to consider establishing jurisdiction
over crimes committed by their nationals while serving abroad with the
U.N. We further urged the Special Coordinator for Improving Response to
SEA to share more information through the ``Conduct in U.N. Field
Missions'' database and to expand prevention and accountability
efforts. If confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Zagreb continues to engage
the Croatian Government on SEA accountability as well as demand strong
action on SEA prevention and accountability throughout all peacekeeping
mandate renewals, annual mission monitoring and evaluation visits, and
peacekeeping-related U.N. Security Council products.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathalie Rayes by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. This week was yet another
reminder of the pervasive power the CCP wields over Chinese
society, as all evidence of former Foreign Minister Qin Gang's
career and presence are being wiped from the Chinese ministry's
webpage. With their absolute control of Chinese society and
industry, the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions
tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Croatia ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party that would constructively work with the United
States in good faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters
with U.S. representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If
so, please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is in our national interest. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in Croatia and the region.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or areas in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Croatia and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to counter China's efforts to
expand its influence in Croatia and the region.
U.S.-Croatia relations have been described as positive since
Croatia gained independence in 1991. Croatia sought, and
quickly gained, accession to NATO and the EU after independence
and consistently maintained defense spending close to or over
NATO's 2 percent spending target. They are also a party to the
U.S. Visa Waiver and Global Entry programs which expedite
international travel between our countries.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between the U.S. and Croatia?
Answer. Croatia is a close NATO Ally and like-minded partner. The
bilateral relationship is built on common values and shared priorities.
These strong ties have produced a range of recent successes: Croatia
entered the Visa Waiver Program in 2021, we signed an income tax treaty
in 2022, and Croatia entered the Global Entry program in 2023--all good
news for American business and investment. Further, the Senate recently
gave its advice and consent to an Extradition Treaty and a Mutual Legal
Assistance Treaty to bring our law enforcement partnership into the
21st century. If confirmed, I pledge to deepen and expand our close
partnership with Croatia.
Question. If confirmed, how would you support Croatia as it
addresses energy and security issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Croatia to expand its role
in advancing energy security and diversification in the region. In 2021
Croatia launched the Krk LNG terminal, replacing Russian gas with
largely U.S. LNG. Croatia is doubling Krk's capacity to 6.1 billion
cubic meters, allowing future exports. Croatia, with its significant
geothermal energy resources, can also be a clean energy net exporter.
Croatia is a member of NATO and the Adriatic Five (A5) Charter, a forum
to prepare regional partners for NATO membership. If confirmed, I will
encourage Croatia to continue its contributions to international peace
and security.
Question. If confirmed, which specific programs and offices of the
State Department would you utilize to combat corruption and rule-of-law
concerns that remain in Croatia?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the State Department's
Bureaus of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs and
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to help Croatia combat corruption
and strengthen the rule of law. Croatia remains committed to its Summit
for Democracy goal to advance human rights. I will work with Croatia on
its National Plan for the Elimination of Sexual Violence, which
includes law enforcement training. I will also work with Croatia to
promote full and equitable access, safety, and equal participation for
national minorities, and I will support Croatia's Anti-Corruption
Action Plan to increase government and legislative transparency and
improve public procurement oversight.
The CIA World Factbook notes that over 86 percent of Croatian
citizens identify as Roman Catholic. I note that you have
limited overseas experience leading diplomatic engagements, are
the President and CEO of a progressive Democrat party advocacy
group, and a Board Member of Planned Parenthood.
Question. If confirmed, can you assure this committee that you will
actively oppose all efforts to advance a pro-abortion policy in
Croatia?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of law,
including those restricting the use of Department of State funds to
lobby for or against abortion. My intention is to focus on the mandate
and priorities of the Embassy to support women's and girls' economic
security, prevention and protection from gender-based violence, and
their meaningful participation in political and security decision-
making in Croatia.
Question. Will you promote a change to Croatia's constitution to
allow marriage between same-sex couples?
Answer. If confirmed, I will follow State Department policy and
U.S. law. The United States will continue to promote respect for the
human rights of all persons, including LGBTQI+ persons, globally.
Question. Should the United States promote an interpretation of
transgenderism--that is only supported by a small minority of
Americans--in Croatia at the risk of alienating socially conservative
Croatians?
Answer. If confirmed, I will follow State Department policy and
U.S. law. The Department's actions bolster inclusive democracy, advance
human rights, and promote global peace, security, and prosperity by
helping ensure everyone has a voice in their democratic society and
governance. The United States will continue to promote respect for the
human rights of all persons, including LGBTQI+ persons, globally.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathalie Rayes by Senator Ted Cruz
On Sept. 20, 2022, I spoke on the Senate floor about my
opposition to the President's nomination of Leopoldo Martinez
Nucete to be United States executive director of the Inter-
American Development Bank. I said that Mr. Martinez Nucete was
``socialist congressman in Venezuela'' during the Venezuelan
regime of Hugo Chavez and that he had expressed hostility to
the role played in international development by faith-based
organizations. I specifically cited answers by Mr. Martinez
Nucete to questions I had asked, in which he said that ``the
key to development'' was ``not faith'' and that the role of
faith-based organizations should be limited because ``there
should be no entanglement between government and religion.''
You subsequently told reporters that ``Senator Ted Cruz's
mischaracterization of Leopoldo Martinez is nothing but an
outright lie.'' In your testimony to the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, you ``pledge[d] to work with this
committee and Congress to advance U.S. interests.'' I am
concerned that your comments are in tension with this
commitment.
Question. Which characterizations in my speech do you believe to
have been mischaracterizations?
Answer. I regret the tone of my statement. It was a poor choice of
words and I have relayed the sentiment to your staff. The advice and
consent power of the U.S. Senate underpins American representative
democracy, and if confirmed I commit to working closely and
transparently with you and all members of Congress to ensure U.S.
policy toward Croatia reflects Administration priorities and the will
of Congress.
I have known Leopoldo Martinez for eleven years and can say with
confidence that he, along with many other migrants like myself, share a
deep and abiding love and respect for the democratic principles
enshrined in the Constitution of the United States. Unfortunately, the
rights and freedoms to which all Americans are entitled are not
afforded to the people of Venezuela, who under Nicolas Maduro face
political oppression, the closure of the democratic space, and one of
the hemisphere's worst humanitarian crises. Venezuela's democratic
opposition, among them Accion Democratica, stand in defiance of Maduro
and are working in unity toward the restoration of free and fair
elections that will allow the people of Venezuela to determine their
own futures.
Question. Do you acknowledge that Mr. Martinez Nucete was a member
of Accion Democratica (AD), a political party that is an affiliate of
Socialist International?
Answer. Yes, I acknowledge that Mr. Martinez Nucete was a member of
Accion Democratica, a center-left political party that has been a
member of the Socialist International since the 1980s. It should also
be noted that AD opposed communist Cuba, Hugo Chavez, and Nicolas
Maduro, and currently holds membership in the Venezuelan opposition's
Unitary Platform seeking a democratic solution.
In your testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on July 26, you committed to renounce your Venezuelan
citizenship should you be confirmed. The process for doing so
is outlined in the Venezuelan constitution. I would like to ask
you to clarify the process you envision implementing should be
you confirmed.
Question. What type of consular services will you use, in what
country, and in what timeline?
Answer. The United States does not recognize the regime of Nicolas
Maduro, but instead recognizes the 2015 National Assembly as the
Government of Venezuela. I have, therefore, provided my petition of
renunciation of citizenship to the recognized Presidential Commissioner
for Foreign Relations of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela resident
in Washington, DC.
Question. Do you anticipate providing the committee with the
Certificate of Renunciation of Venezuelan Nationality, issued by
Venezuelan authorities pursuant to the Venezuelan constitution?
Answer. I will provide the committee with any documentation readily
available to me associated with my petition for renunciation of my
Venezuelan citizenship.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:33 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L.
Cardin, Chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Menendez, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Merkley, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen,
Duckworth, Risch, Rubio, Romney, Young, Barrasso, Cruz,
Hagerty, and Scott.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
The Chairman. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
Today's hearing carries great importance for the United
States, for Israel, and the region. The attacks by Hamas just
over ten days ago in Israel mark the deadliest day for Jews
since the Holocaust.
Abducting elderly in wheelchairs, burning people alive,
killing babies in front of parents--it was not only horrific
and barbaric but methodically planned and carried out.
Hamas has started a war. Given the dangerous state of
emergency that Israel faces the United States needs a confirmed
U.S. Ambassador in Jerusalem.
We need someone there to reinforce the message that the
United States stands shoulder to shoulder with the state of
Israel as a response to the unprecedented terrorist attack.
We need someone to lead the remarkable, selfless U.S.
personnel who have been working nonstop at mission Israel. We
need an Ambassador who can work with our Israeli partners and
help provide services to over 600,000 American citizens here.
So, Secretary Lew, it was with great urgency that we hold
this nomination hearing today. I am committed to getting you in
place in Israel as soon as possible. I want to thank Senator
Risch for working with me so we could expedite this hearing
today. I thank him for that.
I think we both agree that speed is of the essence in
having a confirmed Ambassador to Israel. So I am going to ask
the cooperation of our colleagues.
I am going to ask that questions for the record be
submitted by close of business today and we will make every
effort to make sure we get those responses to you by this
weekend.
We have scheduled a business meeting for next week for the
vote on this nomination. I ask the committee's cooperation
because of the urgency of voting on a confirmed Ambassador for
the state of Israel.
Since October 7th Hamas has killed more than 1,000 innocent
people and injured thousands more. They have viciously killed
hostages and are still holding others, including American
citizens.
I cannot overstate the urgency for the United States to
have a confirmed Ambassador on the ground to help deliver U.S.
support for Israel, to deal with the hostage situation, to deal
with the humanitarian needs that we know exist.
We need an Ambassador who at this critical and delicate
time can speak with authority and engage diplomatically in the
region at the highest level.
Secretary Lew's experience, gravitas, and political acumen
makes him eminently qualified to serve as the U.S. Ambassador
to Israel. I have seen firsthand Jack Lew's commitment to
public service, his integrity, his dedication to American
values, his understanding of the United States' national
security needs, and his deep understanding and respect for the
legislative branch of government. I also know his effectiveness
in crafting solutions to very difficult problems.
I want to thank Secretary Lew for his service to our
country and your willingness to continue that service in this
critically important position as Ambassador to Israel and I
want to thank your family because we know this is a family
sacrifice. Thank you once again for understanding the need for
Jack's service to our nation.
The last time Secretary Lew was before the Senate as a
nominee he was confirmed by an overwhelming majority of 71 to
26.
Now is not the time to play political games. We need to
make sure that the other nations and terrorist groups do not--
--
[Disturbance in hearing room.]
The Chairman. The committee will be in order.
As I said, now is not the time to play political games. We
need to make sure that other nations and terrorist groups do
not exploit the crisis and open new fronts in the conflict.
We need to be clear with everyone from Hezbollah in Lebanon
to the regime in Iran, to Assad in Syria, and even Putin in
Russia: Do not even think about joining or expanding the war.
To that end, we also need to confirm Ambassadors to other
critical posts in the region. Doing so would allow Ambassador
Lew to work with Senate-confirmed counterparts in Oman, Beirut,
and Cairo to make sure Americans throughout the region are safe
and our interests are represented to the fullest extent.
Secretary Lew, there is clearly no shortages of challenges
facing you in this post. I look forward to hearing how you plan
to address them and what Congress can do to support that. We
need your eyes and ears to better understand what is going on
in Jerusalem and Ramallah.
We need you to keep pushing forward on normalization
agreements between Israel and Saudi Arabia. We need you to make
it clear to our allies and enemies that when our friends are in
trouble the United States has their back. But most importantly
of all we need you confirmed.
Without objection I will enter into the record the letters
of support for Secretary Lew including from the American Jewish
Committee and the Anti-Defamation League.
Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
The Chairman. At this time let me turn to our very
distinguished ranking member, Senator Risch.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you
for consulting with me as we have over the past week to get to
where we are today. We are here today to support Israel by
filling a vacancy in the position for Ambassador to Israel.
We have an acting charge there in Stephanie Hallett. She is
doing a great job. When I visited with the prime minister
earlier this year she was very helpful to me, meeting that--
many other officials I met with. So we do have things being
done there on the ground.
I agree with you. We need this thing filled. The problem I
have is it needs to be filled with the right person.
The only thing worse than having it empty would be having
the wrong person there and I have some issues in that regard
which we are going to talk about and hopefully clear the air
today one way or another.
Eighteen years ago Israel took the brave step of
dismantling Israeli settlements in Gaza and----
[Disturbance in hearing room.]
The Chairman. The committee will be in order.
[Disturbance in hearing room.]
Senator Risch [continuing]. Eighteen years ago Israel took
the brave step of dismantling Israeli settlements in Gaza,
handing the territory over to the Palestinian Authority.
This good faith effort has been a disaster for the people
of Gaza and for Israel as well. Now Israel faces an
unprecedented crisis on the scale of the September 11th attacks
against the United States.
Masked gunmen killed entire families in their homes,
massacred babies, beheaded some and the elderly, and dragged
hostages across the border to Gaza. These attacks were brutal
and horrific. We mourn the loss of over 1,400 Israelis and 31
Americans and people from numerous other countries.
As Israel rightly responds to safeguard its citizens it is
absolutely imperative that Israel has the freedom to act until
they get the job done. This happened to us in--and to Europe in
World War II.
The Nazis had taken over Germany and were marching across
Europe. We made the decision, our allies made the decision,
that the organization--the Nazis--could not exist any further,
and we did not just go to battle to defeat Germany on the
battlefield. We went to war to defeat and dismantle and
eliminate the Nazis.
We did that. It was difficult. We eliminated the Nazis as a
military, as a political force, as a cultural force, and
everything else. The Israelis are attempting to do the same
thing now with Hamas, who richly deserve it.
Almost immediately after----
[Disturbance in hearing room.]
The Chairman. The committee will come to order.
Let me make it clear we will not tolerate interruptions in
our hearing. You see what is going to be happening. We ask that
those that have strong views there is a place to express but it
is not to disrupt this hearing. I will not tolerate that.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch [continuing]. Almost immediately after the
attacks on Israel we saw calls for a ceasefire and mediation.
These calls are misguided, dangerous, and fail to recognize
Israel's legitimate right to protect its people and restore
deterrence.
What happened in Gaza is directly linked to Iran. That is
so important. What happened in Gaza is directly linked to Iran.
The Biden administration cannot wish away the Iranian
threat or appease the Iranian regime with promises of unfrozen
funds and sanctions relief. The attacks in Israel and
reoccurring attacks against our partners, troops, and diplomats
are proof of a failed Iran policy.
Iran is the supporter of Hamas, which is impotent without
Iran. Unfortunately, the fact of the matter is that Iran has
more resources to support terrorism today than it did in 2019.
U.S. sanctions enforcement under this administration have been
utterly lacking.
Iran has earned a shocking $80 billion in oil revenue since
the Biden administration took office. Iran's oil economy, once
hobbled at 250,000 barrels a day, is now selling almost 2
million barrels of oil every day, mostly to China. We know
where that money is going.
Iran's Ghost Fleet used to evade U.S. sanctions has grown
from 70 vessels to over 300 during the Biden administration.
The unfreezing of funds first in Iraq and now the whopping $6
billion from South Korea are completely unacceptable and it
makes Americans and our partners less safe.
It should come as no surprise that these attacks occurred
immediately after the Biden administration unfroze the $6
billion and also gave $75 million directly to UNRWA, over my
strenuous objections, by the way.
On Palestinian policy the Biden administration argued that
restoring funding, that I objected to, would give the
Palestinian Authority the leverage to promote moderate
Palestinian voices and reform organizations like UNRWA. Two
years later we have seen no reform.
Violence is at record levels, pay for slay is active, and
many Palestinians identify with terror groups to meet their
aspirations. Like Iran policy, it is time for a wholesale
reevaluation of Palestinian policy.
So today we are here to help Israel. We are here to look at
the vacancy that exists, the nominee that has been put before
us. We are here to help Israel, to not hurt it.
Secretary Lew, I have reservations on your appointment as
America's Ambassador to Israel. Not only will you need to
support Israel as it responds to these attacks but also as it
contends with the enduring and, indeed, existential Iranian
threat, which I think is an underlying and foundational issue
here.
I have reservations about your ability to do that. You
played a key role in supporting the Obama administration's
nuclear negotiations and I have had long-standing concerns over
a lack of transparency before Congress on the transfers of cash
to the regime.
You have publicly insisted that transfers of cash do not
free up Iranian resources for terror activities. I
fundamentally agree with that assessment. Really importantly,
it is alleged that you lied or at least misled us, this very
committee.
On that I have three items I want to insert in the record
and I will, Mr. Chairman. Two of them are opinion pieces from
the Washington Post and the third one is a report by the
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations which has been
authored and I would like to enter those at this time.
The Chairman. Without objection they will be included in
the record.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Risch. So I am going to have some questions for you
about the--your activities in what I think was a backhanded way
of supporting Iran, and with that I am going to yield back.
I am here to support Israel today, help every way I can.
But I said it is important we get the right person in this
position.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
We will now hear from Secretary Lew. Your full statement
will be made part of the record and you may proceed as you
wish.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. JACOB J. LEW, OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF ISRAEL
Mr. Lew. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Risch, members of the
committee, I am honored to appear as the President's nominee to
serve as U.S. Ambassador to the state of Israel.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the trust and confidence that they have shown in me at this
critical moment. If confirmed I look forward to working closely
with you and other members of Congress to advance U.S. and
Israeli interests.
Joining me today are my wife, Ruth, and our children. They
supported this mission when the immediate focus was to expand
the Abraham Accords by further integrating Israel into the
Middle East region and they remain supportive as Israel in the
midst of a war with the dream of working towards more peaceful
days.
As always, knowing that they are behind me is at the core
of my ability to serve. I cannot remember a time when Israel's
struggle for security was not at the forefront of my mind. I
came of age in a family that combined belief in religious
Zionism and labor Zionism.
When I was 12, the age of my oldest grandchild now, we
followed daily reports of the Six-Day War as closely as you
could with four daily newspapers and broadcast news. In 1973,
the year I came to Washington as a young man, I learned of the
Yom Kippur War at synagogue on our most solemn day of prayer
and I worried deeply about the survival of the state of Israel.
The horrific and murderous terrorist attacks just days ago
shattered another holy day, and learning again of an attack on
Israel at a prayer service was an experience that I had hoped
never to repeat.
At this moment there is no greater mission than to be asked
to strengthen the ties between the United States and Israel, to
work toward peace in a region that has known so much war and
destruction.
The savage attack demands the condemnation of the world and
President Biden has made clear that the United States stands
with Israel in its efforts to defend itself. I will do my
utmost to end the horrific attacks by Hamas and ensure that
Israel has what it needs to defend itself and I will spare no
effort in working to help American citizens now captive to
return home safely, and I will work to root out payments to
terrorists and their families as rewards for their heinous
crimes.
If confirmed I will work to prevent other state or nonstate
actors from expanding this conflict to new fronts and I will
coordinate with the international community to address the
humanitarian crisis facing innocent civilians in Gaza who are
being used as human shields by Hamas.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I want to be clear.
Iran is a threat to regional stability and to Israel's
existence.
If confirmed, I will uphold President Biden's commitment to
deny Iran a nuclear weapon and warning to the region that
anyone who is thinking of taking advantage of the current
crisis do not.
I will work to strengthen Israel's security. Israel is our
closest partner in the region and its security is paramount.
The President has been clear. The U.S. commitment to Israel is
ironclad, demonstrated in part by our $38 billion memorandum of
understanding.
In the midst of war our long-term strategic objectives must
also remain clear. If confirmed, I will work to advance
comprehensive and lasting peace through a negotiated two-state
solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and more broadly
to build upon the Abraham Accords and promote more integration,
normalization, and cooperation across the region with Israel as
a fully recognized partner.
I look forward to deepening economic and commercial
relationships, enhancing cooperation and economic security in
sectors such as cybersecurity, artificial intelligence,
transportation, smart agricultural technologies, and clean
energy. And as Israel's economy grows and diversifies the U.S.
and Israel must enhance our close cooperation on foreign
investment risk management.
If confirmed, I will continue to oppose all efforts to
isolate and delegitimize Israel internationally and support the
global fight against anti-Semitism. I will advance the tireless
work of this administration to firmly reject the boycott,
divestment, and sanctions movement while respecting the rights
of all Americans to free speech.
I will work to reinforce collective efforts to combat anti-
Semitism, building on President Biden's national strategy to
counter anti-Semitism including the abhorrent incidents in the
wake of the Hamas attacks on October 7th.
More broadly, if confirmed I will work to further
strengthen our 75-year-old partnership with Israel and deepen
the bonds between our people.
Finally, as someone who has dedicated much of my life to
public service I want to thank the talented and committed
Foreign Service officers, civil services, and foreign nationals
who are doing an extraordinary job at a time of violence and
war representing the United States in Washington and abroad.
Just watching this morning our able DCM standing beside the
President knowing that her family and the families of all of
our people who are over there have been shaken by the last 10
days.
As a citizen I have personal appreciation for their
dedication, courage, and I think that their service deserves
the admiration and respect of all of us and all of the American
people.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, thank you for the
opportunity to testify here today and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Lew follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jacob J. Lew
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, I
am honored to appear as the President's nominee to serve as the U.S.
Ambassador to the State of Israel, and grateful to President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence at this critical
moment. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you and
other members of Congress to advance U.S. and Israeli interests.
Joining me today are my wife Ruth and our children. They supported
this mission when the immediate focus was to expand the Abraham Accords
by further integrating Israel into the Middle East region, and they
remain supportive as Israel is in the midst of conflict, with the dream
of working toward more peaceful days. As always, knowing they are
behind me is at the core of my ability to serve.
I cannot remember a time when Israel's struggle for security was
not at the forefront of my mind. I came of age in a family that
combined belief in religious Zionism and labor Zionism. When I was 12,
the age of my oldest grandchild today, we followed daily reports of the
Six-Day War with as close to real-time information as four daily papers
and broadcast news would provide. In 1973, the year I came to
Washington as a young man, I learned of the Yom Kippur War at synagogue
on our most solemn day of prayer, and I worried deeply about the
survival of the State of Israel. The horrific and murderous terrorist
attacks just days ago shattered another holy day, and learning again of
an attack on Israel while at a prayer service was an experience I had
hoped never to repeat.
At this moment, there is no greater mission than to be asked to
strengthen the ties between the United States and the State of Israel
and to work toward peace in a region that has known so much war and
destruction.
This savage attack demands the condemnation of the world, and
President Biden has made clear that the United States stands with
Israel in its efforts to defend itself.
I will do my utmost to end the horrific attacks by Hamas and ensure
Israel has what it needs to defend itself. And I will spare no effort
in working to help American citizens now captive to return home safely.
And I will work to root out payments to terrorists and their families
as rewards for their heinous crimes.
If confirmed, I will work to prevent other state or non-state
actors from expanding this conflict to new fronts. And I will
coordinate with the international community to address the humanitarian
crisis facing innocent civilians in Gaza who are being used as human
shields by Hamas.
And Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I want to be clear:
Iran is a threat to regional stability and to Israel's existence. If
confirmed, I will uphold President Biden's warning to anyone in the
region who might try to take advantage of the current crisis: Don't.
I will work to strengthen Israel's security. Israel is our closest
partner in the region, and its security is paramount. The President has
been clear, the U.S. commitment to Israel is ironclad, demonstrated, in
part, by our 38-billion-dollar Memorandum of Understanding covering FY
2019-FY 2028.
In the midst of war, our long-term strategic objectives must also
remain clear. If confirmed, I will work to advance comprehensive and
lasting peace through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, and, more broadly, to build upon the Abraham
Accords and promote more integration, normalization, and cooperation
across the region, with Israel as a fully recognized partner.
I look forward to deepening economic and commercial relationships,
enhancing cooperation and economic security in sectors such as
cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, transportation, smart
agricultural technologies, and clean energy.
And as Israel's economy grows and diversifies, the U.S. and Israel
must enhance our close cooperation on foreign investment risk
management.
If confirmed, I will continue to oppose all efforts to isolate and
delegitimize Israel internationally and support the global fight
against antisemitism. I will advance the tireless work of this
Administration to firmly reject the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions
movement, while respecting the rights of all Americans to free speech.
I will work to reinforce collective efforts to combat antisemitism--
building on President Biden's National Strategy to Counter
Antisemitism--including the abhorrent incidents in the wake of the
Hamas attacks on October 7.
More broadly, if confirmed, I will work to further strengthen our
75-year-old partnership with Israel and deepen the bonds between our
people.
Finally, as someone who has dedicated much of my life to public
service, I want to thank the talented and committed foreign service
officers, civil servants and foreign nationals who are doing an
extraordinary job at a time of violence and war to represent the United
States in Washington and abroad. Their dedication and courage deserve
our admiration and appreciation.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, thank you for the opportunity
to testify and I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Secretary Lew.
Before we start the five-minute rounds I have the
obligatory questions that we ask all nominees that should be
answered by either a yes or no.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Mr. Lew. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Lew. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Mr. Lew. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Lew. Yes.
The Chairman. You answered all of those questions
correctly. Thank you very much.
Mr. Lew. I have done it before, Mr. Chairman.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. We are off to a good start. We will now start
five-minute rounds.
Let me ask you a question about your view of the U.S.-
Israel relations. In 1948 President Truman did something that
the State Department quite frankly did not recommend that he
do.
He did that because of his belief that Israel shared the
same values of the United States in a part of the world where
we had no other country that shared those values, and that
relationship has grown over that period of time, as you pointed
out, including the memorandum of understanding, the billions of
dollars of aid, the development of Iron Dome, and the list goes
on and on--shared intelligence information and technology.
So I would just like to get your view as to that
relationship, why it is special and what you have done in your
public life to help strengthen the ties between Israel and the
United States.
Mr. Lew. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
It will come as no surprise to you that I grew up believing
Harry Truman was a hero, that he did not have to do what he did
and the state of Israel may not have come into existence and
lasted had he not done that.
I think the relationship between the United States and
Israel is special because we share values and because, as the
President said as recently as this morning, the United States
understands that without the state of Israel it is not just the
people of Israel who are not safe but Jews around the world are
not safe without a state of Israel.
So the relationship between the United States and Israel is
at the core of who I am and what I believe is important for us,
having an ally in the region that we can count on.
And while my career has not for the most part been in
foreign policy, foreign policy has been integrated into many of
the roles I have played, as the director of OMB, as the chief
of staff, as the Secretary of the Treasury.
I was the OMB director who helped design the first MOU to
make a multi-year commitment of security assistance to Israel.
I was the Deputy Secretary of State who helped Israel become a
member of the OECD, which is the membership organization of the
developed nations of the world that Israel desperately wanted
at a time when it was being marginalized and being thrown out
of some international bodies.
I was the OMB director who helped fund Israel's missile
defense on multiple occasions and not without concerns about
its cost and some concerns about the scope of our commitments,
and I have not shied away from expressing my views when the
position of the United States and the position of Israel
require public officials who represent our government to do so.
I am happy to discuss those matters. But I believe that my
reputation as somebody who stands with Israel is beyond
question. I think the Government of Israel has made that clear
in things that they have said, even since my nomination.
The Chairman. Well, the immediate need for the United
States is to help Israel deal with this war, providing the
support it needs, dealing with hostage relief, dealing with the
potential escalation and preventing that from happening. That
is going to be the immediate concern.
But looking beyond that--and you mentioned the Abraham
Accords and normalization--one of Hamas' objectives was to
derail the normalization discussions that are taking place in
the Middle East with the most visible being between the United
States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia.
So tell me a little bit about your view as to how you keep
these normalization discussions alive during a time of war.
Mr. Lew. Mr. Chairman, it is going to be challenge until
this war ends for people there or here to focus on the day
after. But I deeply believe that those of us who have
responsibility in this area if I--as I will if I am confirmed
have to keep our eye on the strategic objectives.
Because you look at the question of negotiations between
Israel and Saudi Arabia--if it was in the national interest of
Israel and Saudi Arabia two weeks ago it is in the interest of
Israel and Saudi Arabia when this war ends, and we are a
critical part of that conversation.
I have had extensive dealings with many of the governments
in the region. I would pledge my utmost support to making that
conversation one that can get back on track. As I said in my
opening remarks, it was the mission I thought I was going over
to start with. I dearly pray that we get back to that mission
soon.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And first of all, let me say that I agree with virtually
everything that you have said, particularly as the underlying
issue here, which I think is the warming relations that were
happening between Saudi Arabia and Israel.
I think those were probably the precipitating factor that
caused Iran to pull the trigger, and Iran did pull the trigger,
in my judgment, got the people who are Arabs to rise up against
Israel, knowing exactly what the consequences would be and then
attempting to, and successfully in many instances, turn the
world against Israel for responding as they did.
I think you have got that called just right. I think that
that is what has happened. Like you I pray that when this is
over that we can continue on, and a number of us are meeting
with the Saudi officials to urge that.
My problem, of course, goes back to your performance
previously, and to quote from the Washington Post opinion
piece, it says ``Lew must explain why in 2015 he promised the
same committee that he would not allow Iran access to the U.S.
financial system under the recently announced nuclear deal with
Iran, yet secretly tried to do just that by working to turn
$5.7 billion in Iranian assets into easily-convertible currency
via U.S. banks.''
So I am going to pursue that line at this point. I want to
ask you, first of all, if you recall sitting in that very chair
in July of 2015 and stating, quote, ``We will continue--under
the JCPOA Iran will continue to be denied access to U.S.
financial and commercial markets.''
Do you recall stating----
Mr. Lew. Mr. Chairman, I remember that testimony well and I
believe that we kept Iran from becoming part of the U.S.
financial system, and I am happy to discuss the implementation
of the JCPOA.
I know you and I may not agree on the policy of----
Senator Risch. That is an understatement.
Mr. Lew [continuing). The JCPOA, but what we did was we
implemented a policy that was transparent that I testified
before this committee on in terms of what was being done.
We negotiated with Iran to have them roll back their
nuclear program in exchange for which they would get access to
money that was their money that we had frozen. All we did was
facilitate that transaction. So we did not welcome them back
into the U.S. financial system.
Senator Risch. Did you on February 24th, 2016, issue a
specific license to Bank Muscat authorizing Iranian assets
worth roughly $5.7 billion to flow through the United States
financial system?
Mr. Lew. We did issue licenses. I do not recall----
Senator Risch. That is a yes?
Mr. Lew [continuing). I do not recall whether those
licenses were the vehicle through which funds moved. I do not
believe they were. But the concern was we had made an agreement
to return money transparently in this committee and returning
that money was the bargain for our nuclear deal. That is all we
did.
Senator Risch. Are you telling us you notified us that on
February 24th, 2016, you had authorized that specific license
to Bank Muscat?
Mr. Lew. Mr. Chairman, that was a specific license and
there is not a practice of notifying specific licenses. General
licenses are published. Specific licenses are not.
Senator Risch. I want to quote one of the executives from
Bank Muscat when they said there was a gigantic breakthrough
which has assured Iran of almost full global financial
inclusion, and that was in response to the license that you
issued on February 24th, 2016.
Mr. Lew. Well, Mr. Chairman, I cannot speak to what someone
at the Bank of Muscat said. What I can tell you is the
Government of Iran believed that we did not give them what they
expected, which was full access to the world financial system.
They complained that my actions were what kept them from
getting full access to the world financial system. I know that
some of you are going to ask me questions about what my team
said when they went around the world.
My team went around the world telling banks all over the
world we did not lift the sanctions on terrorism, we did not
lift the sanctions on human rights violations, we did not lift
the sanctions on regional destabilization.
Be careful, and Iran thought that kept them from getting
what they thought they should get. We did the letter of the
agreement, gave them what was agreed to in the JCPOA. Nothing
more.
Senator Risch. Well, my time is almost up. I have to tell
you that this is something we knew nothing about at the time
that you issued that license and we believe that that was a
direct contravention of what you told us here in this committee
in July of 2015, and to be honest with you I am deeply
disappointed with that.
As I said, to me this whole thing is about Iran and holding
hands with Iran under the table does not work for me, and I am
deeply disappointed that you issued that license, deeply
disappointed that you did not tell us about it, deeply
disappointed that you misled us in July when you--when we had
that meeting.
My time is up, Mr. Chairman. I yield, underwhelmed and
unpersuaded. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Mr. Secretary, congratulations on your
nomination. It comes at an incredibly critical time in the
U.S.-Israel relationship.
I want to try to go through some--a few things in the five
minutes I have. Do you agree with me that Iran is an
existential threat to the state of Israel?
Mr. Lew. Yes, I do, Senator.
Senator Menendez. And do you agree with me that their
nuclear program, where their enrichment is beyond any
commercial grade purpose, if continued is an existential threat
to the state of Israel?
Mr. Lew. I have believed that the enrichment of uranium in
Iran is a threat to Israel in the world and that was why I
supported the JCPOA because it created a bigger wall of time.
I think we are closer to that now because since the JCPOA
has been ended in terms of our participation they have enriched
more.
Senator Menendez. You are aware that there are many efforts
to delegitimize the state of Israel, particularly at the United
Nations.
In 2016 the Obama administration, to my disappointment
which I expressed at the time, failed to veto a resolution that
did, from my perspective, exactly that, make an attempt to
delegitimize the state of Israel at the United Nations.
If you were to be confirmed under these present
circumstances and assuming that it was such a resolution, would
you recommend that the President vetoe similar resolutions that
single out Israel, delegitimizes actions of self-defense, and
play down the role of Hamas and other organizations that
undermine the prospects for peace?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I believe deeply that the U.N. needs to
be fair and not condemn Israel and ignore the actions of
terrorist organizations like Hamas.
I do not believe it is right for the U.N. to adopt
resolutions that single Israel out, and I have always believed
that the U.N. needs to be more even handed.
I cannot comment on a hypothetical resolution. I would only
note that when that decision was made it was made by President
Obama after a very, very much worse resolution had been
substantially modified and that was the----
Senator Menendez. A worse resolution does not make a bad
resolution any better.
Mr. Lew. No. No. I understand that. But there is always a
dynamic in the United Nations on that support.
Senator Menendez. The point is that at the U.N., Israel is
constantly vilified. It is constantly made the central focus
when other countries in the world who have significant human
rights violations go untouched.
And so you are not going to be at the U.N.
Mr. Lew. No, I----
Senator Menendez. But you are going to be part of a
national security tree as the Ambassador to Israel that is
going to have input in an administration and so I am trying to
understand where you will come from at that point.
Mr. Lew. Well, I can say that if I am confirmed to be
Ambassador to Israel I will have a single focus on how I
approach these questions that is different from the focus that
you have in other roles.
I will be an advocate for doing the things the United
States should do to protect Israel including at the U.N.
Senator Menendez. Thank you. Let me ask you, what do you
see your role, if confirmed, as it relates to the challenges of
the Palestinian people?
Hamas is a terrorist organization. They are barbaric. There
is no question about that. And Israel must do what is necessary
to wipe them off the face of the earth.
Having said that, the Palestinian people in and of
themselves are not Hamas. So what do you see your role as the
U.S. Ambassador as it relates to finding a better future for
them?
Mr. Lew. Senator, as I said in my opening remarks, I am
keeping focused not just on today but on where we go after the
conflict--the war ends and I think we have to be back in a
place where questions are being asked about how do you have a
sustainable peace, how do you have security for Israeli and
Palestinian citizens.
My heart goes out to innocent civilians who were injured,
whether it was the gruesome atrocities on that Saturday or
innocent civilians who were living in areas where Hamas is
hiding and they get killed because of collateral damage.
This has to end, but it has to end with Israel's security
being guaranteed, and it is a very difficult moment to remember
that we are going to get beyond this current state of affairs
and hopefully, hopefully, coming out of this there will be some
more willingness and parties able to have conversations about
building a better future.
We need to worry about refugees. I have been heartened by
some of the progress I have read about in the last 24 hours on
humanitarian corridors, on getting food and water to people.
I think Hamas is using Palestinian citizens to make their
cause public but they are hurting those people.
Senator Menendez. Thank you for your responses.
The Chairman. Senator Rubio?
Senator Rubio. Thank you for being here today, for your
willingness to serve but I do need to touch on this.
You said, and the testimony is now on the record, you have
acknowledged that in your testimony both written and verbal in
this committee in 2015 in July you said that Iran would not
have access to U.S. financial institutions.
You have also said that there was a special license, which
I think is well documented in the report that is now in the
record, to allow Iran access to U.S. financial institutions.
In particular was a specific license to a bank in Oman
allowing access to U.S. dollars in New York to convert about
$5.7 billion worth of Omani rials into Iranian accounts and
into euros.
The report that is also on the record also found that OFAC
under your leadership the Treasury instituted about 200 road
shows. Well, first of all, OFAC actually encouraged U.S. banks
to convert these funds. That is what the report found.
The two banks decided not to do so. But, nonetheless, the
U.S. Treasury actively encouraged two banks to do this. Then
Treasury, through OFAC, put on over 200 road shows across the
world encouraging U.S. banks to do business with Iran and also
telling members of the international banking community not to--
downplaying basically potential future penalties or fines,
stating that 95 percent of the time OFAC sends a warning letter
or takes no action.
In fact, there is one--the report found that at least one
European regulator who attended one of these road shows
commented that foreign financial institutions felt political
pressure to conduct business with Iran and Iranian companies
and, in fact, the report also found that Treasury Department
officials--while you were Secretary of the Treasury officials
proactively contacted foreign financial institutions to provide
information about the JCPOA sanction relief.
In one example a compliance officer proactively contacted a
foreign financial institution to make sure they understood Iran
sanctions relief and this left the foreign financial
institution confused since they had no business with Iran up
until that point.
So we send you a letter Senator--then-Senator Kirk and I on
March 30th, 2016--asking you about all this. We asked you about
specific licenses and U-turn transactions and we also asked
assurances that the United States will not work on behalf of
Iran to enable Iranian access to U.S. dollars elsewhere in the
international financial system including assisting them to gain
access to dollar payments outside the U.S.
We asked you this in a letter on March 30th, 2016, and
which I ask that be entered into the record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Rubio. You responded on May 11th of 2016 in which
you said we are not planning to reinstate U-turn and we will
continue to vigorously enforce the many sanctions that remain
against Iran including our primary sanctions that generally
prohibit Iranian banks from clearing U.S. dollars through the
U.S. financial system or holding correspondent account
relations in the U.S.
That was your response, and I ask that the May 11th, 2016,
letter be entered.
The Chairman. Without objection it will be included in the
record.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Rubio. So we wrote you back in May I guess three--
two or three days later after this letter, a week after.
We said, we are disappointed that you ignored the request
in our March 30th letter providing assurances that the United
States will not work on behalf of Iran to enable Iranian access
to U.S. dollars elsewhere in the international system, et
cetera, and you responded on June 7th of that year.
I ask that that June 7th response be entered into the
record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Rubio. And this is what it says: ``To be clear, the
Department of Treasury is not working on behalf of Iran to
enable Iranian access to U.S. dollars elsewhere in the
international financial system nor are we assisting Iran in
gaining access to dollar payment assistance outside the U.S.
financial system. The administration has not been and is not
planning to grant Iran access to the U.S. financial system.''
So basically the way I would describe this is your
testimony is we were not providing them access to the U.S.
financial system. You then issued a special license which is
not published--maybe no one was supposed to find out about it--
to help them gain access to the U.S. financial system, then
asked two banks to help convert the funds. They chose not to do
so.
You then put on 200 road shows around the world encouraging
banks around the world to be a part of this and telling them--
this is to your OFAC director--do not worry about sanctions. Do
not worry about penalties. Ninety-five percent of the time it
is just a warning letter or no action at all, and actually
proactively reached out, according to the report, unless you
dispute the report--proactively reached out to a bank and which
said we do not do any business with Iran--I do not know why
they are contacting us. And then when we write you about it not
once but twice you deny or mislead that any of this was
happening.
So these are the facts as I have outlined it. Do you
dispute any of these facts as they are outlined? And I
understand your point that general licenses, specific
licenses--the bottom line is this license was issued.
It did exactly what you said we are not supposed to do.
Then you guys did the road show. You even had people in the
State Department saying--and the report found this too.
This is not a partisan report. This report was put together
by that--by the Oversight Committee. It found these facts
including emails from people at State Department saying, we are
concerned that this exceeds our power under the deal.
So how are we supposed to see all of that and then somehow
confirm you to this very important post when you deliberately,
in my view, misled me, misled Senator Kirk, misled the Congress
on what was happening behind the scenes with regards to all of
this?
Mr. Lew. Mr. Chairman, may I have a moment just to respond?
Senator Rubio. You may.
Mr. Lew. Senator, I do not think the facts are exactly the
way you describe them and I think it is important to
distinguish between the technical details to facilitate
implementation of JCPOA and more broadly welcoming Iran into
the U.S. financial community.
We did not, and I took no actions that would do that. I do
not think your description of what U.S. and OFAC officials were
doing is the same as my memory of what I had people out there
doing.
I had banks and governments coming to me saying, we want
you to do exactly what you described. We did not do that. What
we did was we said exactly what I said in response to the
ranking member.
We told them what sanctions were lifted, what sanctions
remained in place, and we told them to be careful, and Iran got
from that the message that we were telling people not to do
business with them.
That is why they sanctioned me. That is why I have been
sanctioned for human rights violations in Iran, and I am proud
of it. We gave them nothing more than we promised in the JCPOA.
We can agree or disagree whether that was good policy. But
there are other members of this committee who have been
sanctioned by Iran. I am proud to be among them.
Senator Rubio. Well, I know I am out of time but just for
the record, that is not my allegations of the facts. I am
reading out of the report by the Senate Subcommittee on
Investigations, and I do think this needs to be answered.
The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Secretary Lew, congratulations on this nomination. It is
very important. I want to read some quotes that I found
interesting, reactions from Israeli officials and others to the
news of your nomination.
The current foreign minister Cohen in early September
tweeted out, ``Welcome, Ambassador designee Jacob Lew, as you
have been nominated U.S. Ambassador to Israel, a country you
know so well. We look forward to working with you in the spirit
of our close cooperation and alliance.''
In a follow-up interview he said about you, ``He is a true
friend of Israel and we expect him to work--and we expect to
work with him in the spirit of our alliance that is based on
shared values.''
Many of us know former Ambassador Michael Oren, the Israeli
Ambassador to the United States. When you were being rumored as
a potential nominee he said, ``Jack Lew is reportedly a lead
candidate to be U.S. Ambassador to Israel. He is a true
statesman and a passionate Jew. As Israel's Ambassador to the
U.S. I greatly valued his friendship and his outstanding
defense of the U.S.-Israel alliance, a mensch in every sense of
the word.''
Human rights activist Natan Sharansky in 2015 said this,
``Lew worked days and nights taking families of prisoners of
Zion through all the corridors of power to make sure the Jews
would be released. Many Soviet refuseniks owe their lives to
him and others for the successful efforts to release them.''
Israeli official Yuval Steinitz also in 2015 recalled that
without Lew's help Israel would never have been accepted into
the OECD.
These are comments that are powerful. There is a need for
speed in acting on this nomination. I encourage my colleagues
to do all we can to get it to the floor quickly so that we can
have a confirmed Ambassador to Israel at this most important
moment.
The news this morning is also that the Biden administration
is sending to us a supplemental package that has aid for
Ukraine, aid for Israel, border aid, and also disaster
assistance for states hit by weather emergencies.
I would hope that the Senate could show in a bipartisan
manner that we would support this. I think that would send a
powerful message to Israel as well.
I want to ask about Iran. Look, the most controversial
issue on this committee--I have been on the committee the whole
time--since I came in 2013--was the JCPOA. There are people in
this body, Mr. Lew, who--they are not going to let you out of
the penalty box over that.
There are some who were opposed who can separate their
feeling about the JCPOA from whether you would be a good
Ambassador but there are some--you are not going to get out of
the penalty box with them.
But I do notice something that you just mentioned. I think
four of the members of this committee have been sanctioned by
Iran. Not all of us have been, but you have been sanctioned by
Iran. Tell the committee why Iran sanctioned you.
Mr. Lew. Senator, at the end of the JCPOA negotiation I
think it was Iran's hope that they would get exactly what has
been described here, that they would be welcomed into the world
of nations, and they were profoundly disappointed when that did
not happen.
And they did not think that I kept the bargain. One thing I
will say is a deal is a deal. We made a deal with Iran, if you
want sanctions to work to get sovereign powers to change their
policy, which Iran did in rolling back its nuclear program, you
have to keep your side of the bargain. I did not think we had
to do any more than that.
Senator Kaine. Right. And so the sanctions that were lifted
in that deal were sanctions pertaining to Iran's nuclear
program but we never agreed to lift any other sanction about
human rights problems, development of missile systems,
violation of other U.N. resolutions.
We lifted none of those sanctions and you went around the
world reminding banks and financial institutions if those
sanctions were still in place and if they acted contrary to
them there were negative consequences that they would receive.
Mr. Lew. And we did tell banks that if it is a nuclear
sanction those have been lifted because that is what the deal
was.
Senator Kaine. Well, I think you should be proud of being
sanctioned by Iran and I heard a comment earlier that said
holding hands with them under the table. If that was the case
you would not be on the list of those who were sanctioned by
the nation of Iran.
I was very pleased to see that Ambassador Satterfield will
serve as the special envoy to lead U.S. diplomacy to address
the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. I associate myself with
comments made by Senator Menendez.
Hamas started this horrible war against civilians but all
Palestinians are not Hamas, all Gazans are not Hamas, and a
broader humanitarian challenge in Gaza will serve not Israel's
interests.
It would be detrimental to Palestinians. Will not serve the
regional interest.
We need to do all we can to encourage our ally Israel to
take the fight to the perpetrator and not to those who were not
the perpetrators. We have painful lessons we have learned about
that in the United States.
We took the fight to the perpetrator after 9/11 but as we
broadened it into a global war including a war against Iraq we
lost credibility. We lost support nationally.
We unleashed a set of consequences that probably should not
have been unleashed and so we have our own paid in full
experience of being attacked and then allowing the response to
go beyond those who perpetrated the attack and suffering as a
result and I am hoping that you will work closely together with
Envoy Satterfield on this important humanitarian mission.
Mr. Lew. Senator, I have to say that I do not think I could
have found the words to say as eloquently what the President
has said on multiple occasions over the last week.
Israel not just has a right but a responsibility to defend
itself and what makes our relationship with Israel so special
is that we share a common belief in democracy and in the rule
of law and that includes the law of war.
I think that is what Israel believes and this is not the
time for us to be lecturing Israel on what they have to do to
establish the security that they have a responsibility to
provide and I think they know they have to do it in a way that
is consistent with minimizing the impact on innocent civilians.
As we learned in Fallujah and in Mosul and Ramadi, it is
very hard, very hard, for there not to be collateral damage. So
I do not think the standard can be that that gets to zero and I
do not think that is what the President said. The President
said they have to defend themselves.
The Chairman. Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I, along with a handful of other senators, were in Israel
over the weekend and had the chance to meet with leadership
there, former leadership of the country as well as with
military leaders and with families of hostages, and I know that
your confirmation can be done by one party alone and you are
likely to be confirmed on that basis.
But that being said, there are a few things I would like to
pass along to you assuming that you do become Ambassador.
One is that our Chief of Mission is a highly respected
individual, respected by the Israeli leadership, and is working
in the interests the United States and as someone who we
respect enormously as well.
Meeting with the families of hostages, their stories and
the experiences are heartbreaking--the outrage, the brutality.
The inhumanity of Hamas in the way they took children and
others and grabbed them and took them across the border is hard
to comprehend and we need to do everything within our power to
release--secure the release of those hostages.
I would also note that one of the generals--the leading
general of the Israeli Defense Forces said something that is
very powerful. He said, ``Israel and Jews do not do vengeance.
We are not going to target Palestinians and try and kill a lot
of Palestinians to make up for all the Jews that were killed.
That is not our intent. We will do everything in our power to
avoid civilian casualties among the Palestinian people.
``But they are being used as human shields and in many
cases there will be deaths, but they will be unfortunate and
not part of an effort on the part of Israel to carry out
vengeance.''
I would also note that there is a responsibility that every
government has and the Israeli Government, of course, has this
responsibility as well, to secure the safety and the life of
their citizens and in this case Hamas has made it very clear
that as long as they exist Israeli citizens' lives are going to
be at risk and will be sacrificed, and therefore it is
unacceptable for Hamas to continue to exist, certainly, in
proximity that they have enjoyed from the Gaza Strip.
I would note also that in discussion of what comes next,
what is going to happen after, let us assume that the Israeli
military is successful in rooting out Hamas. What happens after
that?
There was no clear response to that and I did not expect
necessarily a response to that because the Israeli Government
and military is focused on how they are going to be successful
in rooting out Hamas.
That is what comes first. But what comes next is something
which will be of a great priority for the United States
Ambassador there.
I am going to note that I was very troubled by the report
of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations that was
carried under the direction of Senator Portman. I concur in the
questions that were being raised by Senator Rubio.
That is very troubling to me. I wonder how the White House
could have brought forward a nomination given that report and
given the clear indication that Republican members at least
and, hopefully, some Democratic members as well would be
troubled by and moved by the results of that report from the
Subcommittee on Investigations.
Finally, a question and that relates to a tangential issue
but--and that is there is most recently a response or an effort
has been promoted by the administration to provide $6 billion
of Iranian funds to Iran, to release them as part of the
prisoner exchange. That has, obviously, been put on hold.
But I guess I would question--and you have experience in
this regard--the idea that dollars are going to be used for
humanitarian purposes only. I heard the administration say, we
are going to get you your $6 billion back but it has to only be
used for humanitarian purposes.
Now, I know enough about money to know that funds are
fungible and that if we say we are going to give you $6 billion
but you have got to use it for food and hospitals for your
population Iran can say thank you, that is what we use the $6
billion for.
Now we have freed up $6 billion that we otherwise would
have used ourselves for food and hospitals and now we can use
that to build nuclear weapons or provide money to Hezbollah or
Hamas.
And so am I wrong? It strikes me that when we say that we
are going to give you money but only for humanitarian purposes
it is an entirely disingenuous.
It is a way of disguising the fact that we are providing
funds to a state sponsor of terror. It is misleading to the
American people, misleading to the world. Is there any other
way of reading that?
Mr. Lew. Senator, first, I want to agree with you about the
difference between defending a country and vengeance and there
is a difference between anger and fury and vengeance.
If any of us lived in a country where that large a part of
our population had been brutalized in a way that we could not
hardly imagine controlling your fury is almost beyond the
imagination. I believe they are going to do the right thing and
try their best to do it to defend the country, not for
vengeance.
On the question--you did not ask it as a question but the
report of the Special Committee--I have remained close with
Senator Portman even since we both left government. I spoke to
him as recently as last night.
I would just invite anyone who questions whether he thinks
that I am somebody who keeps my word I would just suggest they
talk to Senator Portman.
On the question of fungibility of money, as an economic
matter I have many times made the point that money is fungible.
But when you are dealing with Iran you are not dealing with a
rational economic player. You are dealing with an evil, malign
government that funds its evil and malign activities first.
So when Iran gets access to food and medicine for its
people that is food and medicine they would not otherwise have.
I cannot say that there is no leakage and when I supported the
JCPOA what I said was our intelligence reports suggest that the
vast majority of that money will be used for the neglected
purpose of humanitarian expenses and to the extent that there
is leakage it will not change the thrust of what they do.
Sadly, supporting terrorist organizations like Hamas and
terrorist organizations like Hezbollah is not very expensive.
They are doing that anyway. We are trying--I tried as hard as I
could. Subsequent administrations tried as hard as they could.
Under maximum pressure they still were doing their malign
activities.
So it is not a pure economic question. It is really a
question of who are we dealing with. We are not dealing with
people who trade off guns and butter. Guns come first.
The Chairman. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary, to you and your family for your
willingness to step forward and take on this very challenging
and critical service on behalf of our nation in this difficult
moment.
Like every member of this committee I unequivocally condemn
the invasion and attacks by Hamas against Israel, the slaughter
of innocent people, the taking of hostages, and when you are, I
hope, confirmed by the Senate you will take on representing our
nation in a particularly challenging and fraught moment with a
critical ally.
I am grateful that our President chose to go in person and
I have already been receiving messages from friends in Israel
and throughout the region about what a difference it makes to
them when our national leader shows up.
But we also, frankly, have to sustain that engagement
through a Senate-confirmed Ambassador. It is my hope that we
will also confirm Ambassadors to other countries in the
region--Egypt, Lebanon, the coordinator for counterterrorism--
and that we will continue expediting some of these
confirmations. We have, I believe, just confirmed Ambassadors
to Oman and Kuwait in recent days.
But all of us who serve on this committee and who have
served overseas in different roles know there is a huge
difference between an Ambassador of the United States, and
although there are many talented and qualified career Foreign
Service officers in the current case serving as DCM or a charge
we need an Ambassador. So I hope this committee will take that
very seriously.
If you would, Mr. Secretary, just speak for a moment about
how you would work to limit what I think was the goal of Hamas'
attacks in addition to terrorizing the population to prevent
any reconciliation--any recognition between Israel and Saudi
Arabia and expansion of the Abraham Accords.
How would you sustain that forward movement and how would
you limit these attacks from developing into a wider regional
conflict and how would you work to contain Iran's malign
influence?
Mr. Lew. Senator, first, I said this before but I will say
it again. We have outstanding public servants including our
acting Ambassador who are doing the business and I agree with
you it is important to have confirmed Ambassadors. One does not
contradict the other.
I also agree with the comments that have been made by
several senators that just as an observer from the outside I
think this attack was time to try to undermine the
normalization process and to make it harder.
The way you respond to that is by coming right back as soon
as you can. This is not a moment where people can concentrate
on what the shape of the discussion the day after is.
But my view is the way you prevent a terrorist organization
by winning is you do not get terrorized. You do not run away.
You stick to what is in your national interest and you work
hard at it.
It was always going to be a challenging negotiation to get
a normalization agreement. I think it will clearly now be more
challenging because the public opinion in many places will be
at such a different level after this war, and a role we can
play as the United States and we have often played is to bring
people together to keep that conversation going.
I hope--and this may just be that I am an eternal optimist
because otherwise you give in to the worst of man--I think that
coming out of this there will be an understanding that some of
these issues have to be dealt with and the shape of how they
are dealt with will not be the same as it was before the
conflict.
But it will have to be done in a way that gives Israel the
ability to defend itself, to protect its people from future
attacks like this, and we have to do it with our eyes wide open
about the fact that we do have malign forces like Iran that
want to destroy Israel.
So it is not easy. But I think Saudi Arabia and Israel were
in a place where they had made a decision that this was
something very much worth pursuing and I hope when this is over
we can help get that conversation going again.
Senator Coons. And I hope members of this committee who are
determined to help move that forward will also in a bipartisan
way contribute to it.
Before my time ends I just--my senior senator, Senator
Carper, was the ranking member on the Permanent Subcommittee
for Investigations, and just for those who are pressing you and
troubled by that report he refused to sign it.
He found that its conclusions in his estimation were a
partisan effort at attacking the previous administration's Iran
policy rather than a specific and credible conclusion about you
and your conduct.
I will let Senator Carper's public statements speak for
itself. But for folks who are wrestling with that in any way I
would encourage them to talk to my colleague, Senator Carper,
who I think is as even handed, balanced, and bipartisan a
senator as has served in the modern era. So I do not know if
there is anything you wanted to say in response to that.
Mr. Lew. I appreciate your bringing that to the attention
of the committee. It is a point that Senator Carper has made to
me as well.
Senator Coons. Thank you for your willingness to take on
this important service and it is my hope that we will proceed
quickly with your confirmation.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank
you, Mr. Lew, for being here.
The attacks and atrocities that Hamas committed were one of
the darkest days in Israel's history. We saw reports of babies
and toddlers beheaded. Women were raped and paraded bloody
through the streets.
We have seen kidnappings including of children and this is
not something that is confined to just Israelis. We know there
is--not only 1,400 Israelis have been killed but 31 Americans
have been killed and we are also concerned about the hostages
that include not just Israelis but potentially Americans as
well.
And Hamas continues to block the evacuation routes within
Gaza so they can use Palestinians, children and civilian, in
Gaza as human shields. They force innocents into harm's way for
their twisted propaganda.
Hamas represents the worst of humanity. I believe the U.S.
must stand shoulder to shoulder with the state of Israel. We
need to stand with them in their time as they have declared war
on Hamas to fight this war.
It is in that context that when I hear for calls of
ceasefire or deescalation that is just foolishness. This is a
war that Israel needs to prosecute and we need to give Israel
the weapons they need to be able to do it.
We need to give them interceptors for the Iron Dome,
additional batteries to protect innocent Israelis from these
rocket attacks.
Now, obviously, this was an intelligence failure to detect
this attack and time will come to be able to dig into what
happened there and address it. But even worse, the Biden
administration's failed policy on Iran has enabled Hamas to
make these attacks in the first place.
Iran is the largest state sponsor of terrorism. They
support Hamas. Hamas would not be able to do this without
Iran's support. Since coming to office the Biden administration
has failed to enforce the Iranian oil sanctions--we heard that
from the Chairman or Ranking Member earlier--and that has
provided the regime billions of dollars--tens of billions of
dollars of funding that subsequently could be used for funding
terrorists, especially their proxy Hamas, to attack Israel.
And according to a Wall Street Journal report that while
the IRGC was coordinating an attack with Hamas to kill Israelis
the Biden administration was negotiating a secret deal to be
able to free up $6 billion of money for Iran and that certainly
goes to, if that report is true, how Iran just holds nothing
but contempt for the United States and will deal behind our
back even while trying to negotiate.
These are just mind-boggling decisions. It is a
continuation of the disastrous Obama administration Iran policy
that you, Mr. Lew, helped orchestrate. You were one of the key
implementers of the flawed Iran nuclear deal. Iran wants to
annihilate Israel, wants to wipe them off the face of the
earth.
The Iran deal given its very sunsets would have put Iran on
a path to be able to continue to enrich uranium for a nuclear
weapon, and it is a certain irony that one of those sunsets,
the U.S. prohibition against Iran missile and drone activity
which Iran was already violating, is set to expire today.
The deal to provide Iran with billions of dollars in
sanctions relief that you oversaw, this relief subsidizes
support for Hamas that enabled them to carry out like the ones
we saw 11 days ago.
This deal was so bad that Prime Minister Netanyahu had come
before the Congress to speak out against it and you criticized
that, and we are going to get to that here in just a second.
The barbaric events of October 7th are a referendum on the
disastrous Iran policy started under the Obama administration
and continued under this Biden administration.
The Biden administration needs to complete a complete
overhaul in the way that we see Iran and how we deal with it
and my fear, Mr. Lew, is that you are more simply of the same.
You just represent a continuation of that policy.
So I have some questions and these are yes or no questions.
Just--I want to clarify some of the facts here on what you
believe. Do you believe that the Biden administration should
continue to restart the JCPOA talks?
Mr. Lew. I do not think this is the moment for us to be
negotiating with Iran. I believe deeply that an agreement to
not have nuclear weapons would be a good thing. But this is not
the moment.
Senator Ricketts. Mr. Lew, in 2017 at an event at Columbia
University did you say, quote, ``The personal dynamic between
the President and the prime minister was not as good as one
might have hoped and it was both--in both directions. I mean, I
saw as much provocation coming from the prime minister--I saw
more provocation coming in than I saw going out.''
Is that an accurate quote?
Mr. Lew. I do not remember the exact words but it is
something that I said to a group of students and it was a
balanced statement where even what you read was criticizing my
own president as well. I thought there was blame to go around.
Senator Ricketts. So when Prime Minister Netanyahu came
here in his 2015 speech you--did you criticize it saying it
went beyond the pale of what you just--what you can just ignore
and that it was a huge mistake for Israel?
Mr. Lew. I did think it was a mistake to have something
that would create a partisan division over U.S. support for
Israel, which for 75 years has been bipartisan.
Senator Ricketts. Do you believe Israel should continue to
recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel?
Mr. Lew. Jerusalem is recognized now as the capital of
Jerusalem. There is no discussion of changing that. I, if
confirmed, will be living in Jerusalem and that is the policy
of the United States.
Senator Ricketts. And so you believe we should keep our
Embassy there?
Mr. Lew. We first need to build an Embassy. We have a
presence. But having been deputy secretary of state I know it
takes a long time anywhere to build an Embassy.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
appreciate the extra time.
Mr. Lew. If I can just make one point, Mr. Chairman, if I
can, because you said that this administration was negotiating
to give Iran its money back.
I think what this administration was doing was negotiating
to bring Americans home who were being kept captive in Iran and
they made the judgment that releasing monies that were being
held pursuant to policies of the prior administration could be
moved in a way that Iran could use them as the prior
administration had agreed to.
That is very different from saying we are going to
negotiate to give Iran money.
Senator Ricketts. So do you believe then it was appropriate
then to release these funds to get our hostages----
Mr. Lew. Yes.
Senator Ricketts [continuing]. Or the people Iran was
keeping, basically pay to get those Americans out? Do you
believe that was----
Mr. Lew. I can tell you that bringing Americans home safely
will be one of my highest priorities if I am in Israel, and
there are now Americans being held hostage in Gaza. And I do
not know what it will take to do that but I will wake up every
day asking what can I do to bring Americans home safely.
Senator Ricketts. So but you do believe then it was
appropriate to pay Iran to get the Americans back?
Mr. Lew. To tell you the truth, Senator, I am not deeply
enough familiar with it. I was not in government when the
decision was made. I do not know all the tradeoffs. I do know
the passion that goes behind bringing Americans home safely.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate
your forbearance.
The Chairman. Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I for one am damn glad we have a President who cares about
bringing our hostages home.
One of those individuals was a Connecticut resident with a
lot of family in my home state. Their life has changed knowing
that he is back home and I am thankful we have a President who
cares about that.
I am proud of this committee for showing a real apolitical
demonstration of support for Israel and an equally nonpolitical
condemnation of Hamas' unspeakable acts of brutality.
I want to thank the Chairman and the ranking member for
leading us through the last week and a half and I want to thank
you, Secretary Lew, for your continued deep commitment to your
country and your commitment to serve.
I want to come back to this question of sanctions policy
during the period of time that we were administering the JCPOA
and just to make sure that I have it right. It sounds like
Iranian access to the U.S. financial system was never on the
table as part of any deal and even if it were, frankly, it was
unlikely that any financial institution would have engaged in
these transactions due to the very obvious compliance risk.
Iran was pretty upset about that and I will just enter into
the record if I could three articles from this period of time
entitled, ``Iran-U.S. at odds over nuclear sanctions relief,''
``Rouhani claims the U.S. is violating its commitments under
the nuclear deal,'' ``Iran warns enduring sanctions threaten
the nuclear deal.''
The Chairman. Without objection it will be part of the
record.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Murphy. So my understanding is that U.S. banks
never facilitated transactions over compliance fears and that
the Iranians found this deeply frustrating and in fact
threatened to pull out of their side of the agreement because
they felt that we were being too tough in administering and
holding to nonnuclear sanctions. Is that an accurate
description?
Mr. Lew. It is certainly my recollection.
Senator Murphy. Second, I want to talk to you about what is
happening in the West Bank today. More than 58 Palestinians
have been killed in the West Bank and east Jerusalem since
October 7th.
There has been nightly clashes between security services
and protesters. Settlers have attacked and destroyed
Palestinian homes.
Obviously, our greatest priority is holding Hamas
accountable but a close second is making sure that this crisis
does not spread.
How do you assess the Palestinian Authority's ability to
maintain security in the West Bank? What is the path forward
for the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank in light of its
pretty diminished and shattered credibility, and is it a
continued policy priority for the United States to do the
things necessary to support the administration of justice
inside the West Bank?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I have believed for a long time that if
there is going to be any hope of a two-state solution one of
the foundations of any stable entity is the ability to have a
legal system and a security system in place.
I was proud of the work we did over many years to build the
training and the level of responsibility of Palestinian
security forces and my understanding is that that is resumed
and that there is bipartisan support for that activity.
It is really hard. It is really hard to build a stable
force and it requires sustained engagement, and if I am
confirmed as Ambassador building those institutions is
something that I will pay a great deal of attention to because
I do not think you can have security and stability without a
security force.
Senator Murphy. And I think it will be part of the work of
this committee and this Congress in the coming days as we try
to put in place the prophylactic measures to stop the spread of
this conflict to make sure that we are supporting the
administration of the rule of law in Gaza--excuse me, in the
West Bank.
Finally, I just want to ask you about a breakthrough
agreement that got very little attention in the press, not as
much as it should have, and this was the agreement between
Israel and Lebanon on maritime rights.
Obviously, our top priority now is preventing Hezbollah
from opening up another front. But I just wanted to make sure
that one of your priorities outside of the administration of
this crisis and conflict is going to continue to capitalize on
the progress that has been made--remarkable progress--between
Israel and Lebanon to create this maritime border but to use it
as a foundation to try to continue to ease and normalize
relationships between these two historic adversaries.
Mr. Lew. It is pretty extraordinary that Israel has now
indigenous natural gas resources and that it is a source of
part of the ability to partner with other countries in the
region to be able to help Europe through a crisis because of
Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
And I must say that when I was in government the last time
it was a flicker of a dream to get there. I remember when
Israeli officials came over to observe an energy license
auction and my daughter, who is sitting behind me, was working
at the Department of Interior and helped translate for them
what was being said in English about energy auctions so they
would understand it in Hebrew.
And it is now a real resource. It is being developed. It is
not without its controversy. The borders are controversial.
Maritime issues are not my area of great expertise but I will
get up to speed on them very quickly, if confirmed.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Barrasso?
Senator Barrasso. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
You have heard from everyone here Israel is one of our
nation's strongest allies. Since October 7th the world has seen
the terror and violence inflicted by Hamas and all of us
strongly condemn Hamas' invasion of Israel, which involved
killing and wounding thousands of Israeli civilians.
Americans were also among those injured and killed and
taken hostage by Hamas. As Israel fights these terrorist
attacks the United States remains unwavering--you have heard
that here today as well--in our commitment to Israel's
security.
With the incredible challenges facing Israel it is vital
that we have the right person serving as the U.S. Ambassador to
Israel and I think it is especially true in light of President
Biden's repeated failed policies that I see as failed in the
region.
Today's nominee, I believe, seems to be the wrong person
for this important job and as Secretary of Treasury in the
Obama administration he helped negotiate the disastrous Iranian
nuclear deal.
In fact, he went about bragging about the flawed deal to
American people. As Secretary of Treasury he unlocked a lot of
Iranian assets and let them have their money. He also really
was an ATM to the Iranian ayatollah.
No one are going to forget the pallets of cash going to
Iran, which was the largest state sponsor of terrorism. We know
how they use the money.
As Secretary of Treasury he helped orchestrate $1.7 billion
in cash to be flown in an unmarked cargo plane, cash directly
to Iran. Also oversaw the $400 million ransom payment to Iran
in exchange for American hostages, the massive influx of cash
ultimately a direct deposit into Iran's terrorism account.
Additionally, in 2016 he defended the Obama
administration's unwillingness to veto a U.N. Security Council
resolution that was seen as an anti-Israel resolution.
Congress in a bipartisan way disagreed with that position
of the administration. In fact, we overwhelmingly passed a
bipartisan resolution objecting to it and demanding that it be
repealed.
So here we are. These decisions, these actions, have
serious consequences and I believe they have emboldened
terrorist organizations around the globe and that the American
people and the Israeli people both deserve something different.
So, Mr. Lew, Hamas soldiers have reportedly been found with
documents detailing their plans to target schools, target
civilians.
During the raid another document directed Hamas units to
kill as many as possible as well as capture hostages. Over
4,000 dead, 31 Americans among those killed, others taken
hostage. We have had the debate about how to best get them
home.
In terms of the American citizens who is responsible for
the 32--the 31 Americans who have died in this conflict?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I, as Secretary of the Treasury, also
sanctioned Hamas and took actions to try and stop the flow of
money to Hamas. It is not a new thing that Hamas is a terrorist
organization.
I earlier offered some views that would challenge some of
the characterization you just made of how the JCPOA did or did
not affect Hamas.
The sad reality is Iran was supporting Hamas before JCPOA.
They supported it during the period of maximum pressure. They
will spend their first dollars on evil. They are not going to
stop doing this, and Iran is a malign force.
Iran provided the arms. They provided training. Whether
they were involved in anything more proximate I am not inside
any circles of intelligence to know. Public information
suggests that it may not have been as clear.
If confirmed, I will keep my eye on Iran as a force that is
hostile to Israel's existence. They are--want to push Israel
into the sea and we cannot let that happen.
Senator Barrasso. Well, the interesting point is that the
failure of this administration to enforce the Iranian oil
sanctions helped finance Hamas and other Iranian proxies.
It is how you can stop the money but we have allowed--this
administration has allowed a lot of money to get there. Iran is
the home of the world's third largest reserves of crude oil.
It uses the revenue from its oil exports to support its
repression and terrorist activities. The more money they have
the more activities we are going to see in spite of all efforts
to block it along the way.
I repeatedly raised concerns about the impact of this
administration refusing to enforce existing sanctions on the
energy sector.
In an attempt to convince Iran to rejoin this terrible
Iranian nuclear deal it seems that the President did relax
sanctions enforcement on Iran to the point that Iran generated
about $80 billion in oil revenue under this administration.
Oman and Iran have signed a variety of deals in the oil and
gas sector. China's state-owned refineries and private
companies are buying up 1.2 million barrels of Iranian oil
every day and we are allowing that to happen.
The Iranian regime is getting hundreds of billions of
dollars to fund Hamas, Hezbollah, other terrorist proxies. So
then why has this administration failed to fully enforce
sanctions on entities involved in these illicit transactions
with Iran, given the fact that every dollar they make they are
going to use in a bad way?
Mr. Lew. Well, Senator, first of all, the monies that were
released were subject to being used only for humanitarian
purposes for food and medicine. That was an arrangement reached
in the last administration, not the current administration.
So it is not just a new issue and the intel that I was
privy to back in the day when I had access to internal
discussions suggested very clearly that the unmet needs were
pressing and would need to be met and that if there was leakage
it will be on the margin.
It would not change the direction of Iran's support. That
is not a great answer. I am not happy until they stop
supporting people who commit the acts of butchery that we saw
just days ago, and I have to tell you as somebody who grew--I
am an observant Jew.
I observe our festivals including the sad ones. There is
days of the year when we read dirges about what human beings
can do to each other that I never took literally until this
month.
I have never seen in my lifetime human beings treat other
human beings face to face eyeball to eyeball the way Jews were
slaughtered because they were Jews. That is at my core,
Senator.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Secretary Lew, it is very good to see you here. I was in
Israel when the rocket attacks began and took shelter in the
hotel bomb shelter and had the faces of people observing in
horror all around me who could not check their phones while we
were seeing the dawning reality that this was not just a rocket
attack but the most heinous grotesque attack on Jewish people
since the Holocaust.
It was sobering to understand that not just Hamas being a
terrorist organization but they were attacking other humans in
ways with a barbarity that was just unimaginable.
You know this well. Hamas is an organization that in its
very founding is to kill Jews and they have no consideration
for the obvious, of Israel's strength.
They understood completely that they--as they scurried back
into Gaza that they would put Palestinians' lives at risk and
it is clear from their history they do not care about
Palestinian lives.
They have abducted Palestinians, tortured Palestinians,
killed the Palestinians, all to pursue their terroristic aims
and we know that they have often focused on disrupting efforts
towards peace. After Oslo where Arafat and Rabin came to a
great accord they began immediately attacking Israelis,
attacking civilians, bombing buses, and more.
So I am grateful you are sitting here now. I agree with
many of my colleagues on the urgency to get you confirmed into
the position.
I will tell you, and it has been said by others, bipartisan
leaders are coming about who are talking to your character. I
have rarely had a situation where someone sits before me where
I have had calls from my Republican friends as well as
Democratic friends who will testify.
They may not agree with the policies of the administrations
you have served but they testified to your character and that
to me is a time--at the time that we need principled people
leading in important positions it gives me great solace in this
time of great despair and heartbreak that you will be stepping
forward. I want to thank your family for their commitment and
their sacrifice as well.
I want to start with just simply saying that last night I,
along with Senator Ernst and a bipartisan group of senators,
sent a letter to President Biden urging the administration to
continue their efforts with our regional partners to secure the
release of almost 200 civilian hostages including over a dozen
that are being held by Hamas. I am assuming that that is going
to be one of your first and principal duties.
Mr. Lew. Absolutely, Senator. I do not think any of us can
rest until we know we have done everything we can do to bring
people home safely.
Senator Booker. I am grateful for the President's
leadership at this time. I think he has been extraordinary. He
is another person that I got to know during a presidential
primary of great character.
I am grateful that he is talking also a lot about
humanitarian assistance and the fact that democracies are
strong when they abide by the rule of law and they take into
account humanitarian urgencies amidst the pursuit of war.
Once you are confirmed do you commit to doing everything in
your power to facilitate the flow of humanitarian assistance to
the people of Gaza and ensure that the innocent civilians and
humanitarian aid workers are able to seek shelter and get the
resources they need to help minimize consequences to civilian
life?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I think it is critical that we do
everything we can to help innocent civilians without giving
resources to terrorists who mean to do harm to innocent
Israelis and I will work hard to do that.
Even while we have been sitting here I am told that the
President has committed $100 million in refugee assistance,
that there are negotiations that have been concluded or well
underway to open a humanitarian corridor.
Innocent civilians should not pay the price for terrorists.
Terrorists should not hide behind innocent civilians, and it is
just a necessity that we are in an environment now where it is
very hard, very hard, to separate the two populations. We have
to try.
Senator Booker. I think that not only is it urgent that we
show our resolute, unwavering, unequivocal support for Israel,
I think those principles you just said as well we should give
that resolute commitment.
I want to zoom out real quickly. I am very committed to the
larger--winning the war is what--obviously, there is a lot of
focus on that right now against Hamas, eradicating Hamas, but
winning the peace is critical as well and thinking from a
larger lens.
The United States has been very focused on supporting
Israel as well as supporting the larger regional peace that has
been evolving since the Abraham Accords. I think it is an
incredible sign that there was conversations going on with
Palestinian leaders, with the Saudis.
In fact, their first visit to the West Bank since '67--have
conversations. MBS goes on Fox News and talks about every day
moving closer towards normalization with Israel and how
Palestinians are a center of that.
I talked to U.S. negotiators about that. In fact, one of my
purposes for my trip to Israel was to meet with Palestinian
leaders as well as Israeli leaders about expanding Abraham
Accords and normalizations with Saudi Arabia and the principal
part that the Palestinians would play going back towards a two-
state solution.
Just in closing, could you just give me some affirmation
that that is also a very urgent part of your mission as well?
Mr. Lew. I think it is critical to get back to the business
of addressing the strategic security and growth of the region
and the things you described are right at the core of it and we
have to do it in a way where the lives of Palestinians can
improve and the security of Israel is not put at jeopardy.
I think going back into a serious discussion of expanding
the Abraham Accords, which were very important, to include
Saudi Arabia and Israel normalizing relations is crucial and I
pledge to work with this committee, with Congress, with members
on both sides whether they support my nomination or not to help
that come about.
Senator Booker. I am grateful for you sitting here. I am
grateful for your willingness to serve and simply say [speaks
in Hebrew.] Thank you.
Mr. Lew. As we would say [speaks in Hebrew.] You should be
blessed.
The Chairman. Senator Scott?
Senator Scott. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Lew, thank you
for being here.
Before I start asking questions of you I do want to make a
point that in many ways Israel is now fighting a war on a
different front in addition to the war with Hamas. It is a war
of misinformation.
There is now doubt and, unfortunately, the media carrying
the false narrative regarding the hospital bombing, this
narrative originated with Hamas, the same people who murdered
women and children, the same people who burned babies, who
beheaded little ones. And as a result of that lie carried by
New York Times and the AP and others a summit in Jordan was
canceled.
Other meetings that Biden had scheduled canceled, literally
protests around the globe at our embassies and an attempt--a
very clear and specific attempt--to weaken Israel's position.
Rather than waiting for all the facts they carried the
Hamas narrative. That is dangerous and it could be more costly
in lives than the current conflict and the long-term impact of
a misinformation campaign, frankly, a misinformation of war
could be deadly to the efforts of Israel, deadly to the unified
support coming from our nation, and something that we should
all take very seriously as Americans.
And we certainly do not need members of Congress from the
Squad being a part of the propaganda machine coming out of
Washington, D.C., in support of Hamas. It is very dangerous.
In these times we need the truth. The truth is incredibly
important and getting the facts should be necessary before
reporting on this remarkable, frankly, disgusting war that we
are seeing perpetrated against Israel.
You have heard a number of my colleagues talk about your
role in the previous--the Obama administration and the impact
that your role has had on resources being released through the
JCPOA for Iran and, frankly, I think many of the questions are
fair and your commentary is necessary.
Iran policy is without question Israel policy. They are the
greatest enemy that Israel faces and, frankly, the greatest
funders of terrorism--state funders of terrorism anywhere in
the world and we know that 90 percent of the funds that Hamas
receives comes from Iran and one of the things that we have
debated and we will continue to debate, I am sure, the $6
billion paid for hostages when Obama paid $400 million. I said
then several years ago that that will only raise the price on
an American's head abroad and $6 billion only makes it worse.
I heard you say that the money could only be used for
humanitarian aid. I will just say that Raisi, the president of
Iran, said it very clearly that they will use the money in any
way they want to use the money, period. Beyond the fact that
money is fungible is really important as well.
My question for you, though, is that the administration
assisted the $6 billion transfer is in no way associated with
any efforts to renegotiate the nuclear deal although those
efforts have been going on for--secretly for months.
And so my question to you is do you believe that there
are--that without need to submit the--do you believe that there
are any efforts going forward on a negotiation and if there are
would there be a need for that to be submitted to Congress?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I am not in the administration and I am
not privy to the current state of affairs. I am not aware of
any ongoing negotiations and I said earlier this is not the
moment even if one believes that someday a negotiated solution
may be bright.
And I have to agree with something you said. It should not
be that hard to call out atrocities like we saw two weeks ago--
not even two weeks ago. Some things are just what they are.
Senator Scott. Yes.
Mr. Lew. And butchering almost 1,500 babies, old people,
Holocaust survivors, hand to hand face to face, is barbarism,
and whatever one thinks about the right and wrong of different
positions in this conflict should be easy to call out.
I am proud to see President Biden taking the stand that he
has been taking and even this morning when I heard his comments
on the horrible bombing of a hospital in Gaza he was not giving
in to disinformation. He was shooting straight.
In the fog of the moment you do not have perfect
information and he said from everything he sees it was not
Israel that did it. That is not changing where people out in
the streets in some countries think it is. It is very dangerous
and you have to call out the facts.
Senator Scott. Well, one of the things that you just
reminded me of a scripture that says--Jeremiah 17:9 says that
the heart is deceitful above all things and desperately wicked,
and one of the things that we have seen taken place today, for
the last 10 days or so, is the atrocities and the evil brought
upon the Jewish people again.
I assume that you would say that you had no actual clue
what was happening in the administration so I am not surprised
by that. I would certainly say that some evidence suggests that
their uranium enrichment activities began to taper off this
summer weeks before the transfer was announced.
I know that I am running short on time. It appears that the
five minutes moves faster down here for me. So----
[Laughter.]
Senator Scott. Could I have another 30 seconds?
The Chairman. The Senator may proceed.
Senator Scott. Thank you very much, sir.
Just a really quick thought here, Mr. Lew. You were the OMB
director in 2011. My assumption is that when President Obama
made the decision to strike against Osama bin Laden and his
compound that you thought that was a good deal--good idea?
Mr. Lew. I do not want there to be any confusion. The OMB
director does not participate----
Senator Scott. Of course.
Mr. Lew [continuing]. In a targeting decision like that.
Senator Scott. I have seen you as the Treasury secretary--
--
Mr. Lew. Yeah. Yeah.
Senator Scott [continuing]. In the Finance Committee so I
recognize----
Mr. Lew. I share the feeling that it was a just action to
address an act of terrible murder in my city of New York and in
other places.
Senator Scott. Yeah. Final comment is that the--over the
weekend we saw the IDF say they will hunt down every last man
with the blood of Israel's children on their hands. Would you
support Israel pursuing the perpetrators of this heinous attack
on foreign soil as we did in 2011?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I hesitate to answer a hypothetical
question that I do not know the scope of. What I will say
without condition is that Israel has not just a right but as
the President has said the responsibility to defend its people,
and as we were talking about earlier in this hearing it is not
for revenge. It is for defending your people and I think Israel
has the right to do that and they should do it. They will, by
their basic nature, do it in a way that tries to minimize
collateral damage.
Senator Scott. Well, Chairman, you have been very gracious
with the extension of my five and a half minutes. I really
appreciate that very much, sir.
The Chairman. I got to get your clock there. You have
extended the day. I do not know how you did it.
Senator Scott. It is called football time, sir.
The Chairman. I got it.
Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and ranking member.
Thank you, Mr. Lew, for being here. Thank you to your family.
What does Israel mean to you?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I could answer that question as a former
public official that it is our most important ally in a
critically important region of the world. I could answer it as
somebody who grew up believing that the safety and security of
the state of Israel was nothing less than the safety and
security of Jews all over the world.
So it is not a simple answer of what Israel means to me. I
have not always agreed with the policies of the Government of
Israel and some people have questioned my relationship with
Prime Minister Netanyahu. We have disagreed on many issues; we
have known each other for over three decades. But it has been
with the kind of respect and confidence that each has the
interest of the security of the state of Israel always deep
inside.
Senator Schatz. It is, I think, worth noting that the most
ferocious disagreements regarding Israel happen at family
dinners among Jews and so even now the dialogue in Israel is a
little more cacophonous even than the dialogue in the United
States. Just worth noting.
Can you talk a little bit about the need for a full-fledged
Senate-confirmed Ambassador on the ground? And I know we sort
of gloss over it and say it is important, the charge is doing a
good job but we need a person there. Tell me how as a practical
matter it makes a difference to have a Senate-confirmed
Ambassador on the ground.
Mr. Lew. You know, Senator, it is interesting because a
short period of time has kind of changed how I would answer
that question.
Two weeks ago I would have said with the Middle East not on
the front burner but it remaining a central core issue of
importance having a confirmed Ambassador who clearly
represents--is a representative of the President with the
President's ear, with a history of public service that is well
understood, was critically important because it was not getting
the attention of the President and the Secretary of State the
way it had in previous times when peace talks were the central
focus.
Today, the President is in Israel. The Secretary of State
has been in the region for a week. Clearly, there is an
enormous amount of attention at the very highest level of our
government.
But, God willing, there will be a moment not too far from
now when the war is not the central issue and the future is.
Once the future is the issue again having a confirmed
Ambassador is crucially important and I say that with the
greatest respect for our Foreign Service officers.
I was Deputy Secretary of State. I do not know our current
Charge personally. We have met over Zoom and phone just in
these past weeks. But I have developed the highest regard for
her and have only heard very strong things.
It is not a criticism of the people who step in. It is
actually to their credit. They have the capacity to step in and
step up but it does not mean that you should not have a
confirmed Ambassador.
Senator Schatz. Two more questions specifically about the
West Bank. Just your thoughts on how we prevent this conflict
from metastasizing and, obviously, there are geopolitical
implications and a regional war that we are worried about.
But it seems to me that one of our primary objectives ought
to be to prevent conflict in the West Bank and then we have got
two fronts in this war--in this conflict. I would like your
thoughts on that.
Mr. Lew. So I think preventing this from becoming a multi-
front war is hugely important for Israel, for the region, for
the world.
I think the decision that the President made to dispatch
the aircraft carrier fleet Gerald Ford and now to have a second
aircraft carrier group on the way is a powerful, powerful
message to anyone who thinks that this should be a moment of
opportunity to take advantage of.
I dearly hope that we do not have to use those resources.
You deploy those resources in order not to have to use them but
they demonstrate the capacity should you need to.
Senator Schatz. One comment and then one question. It seems
to me that as some of our colleagues have tried to sort of poke
holes in your resume and justify a no vote that your primary
transgression is that you worked for Democrats in the past.
I mean, that is what this is and I think it is important. I
think it is fair, actually, that if someone disagrees so
vehemently about the JCPOA, fair enough. But to challenge your
character, to say that you lied when you did not, to
characterize a partisan report as a bipartisan report when it
was not, is unfair to you. It is unfair to all public servants
who put themselves at that table.
Final question--I want to take it for the record just to
stay on time. I think Senator Scott's question about the kind
of fog of war and the new information warfare and the
complications of social media and deep fakes and just a toxic
stew especially on the internet there is lots of lying in
warfare in any case but it can be accelerated and it is just
worse than ever.
And I would just like your thoughts for the record later on
what you think the Ambassador can do to be a reliable,
consistent source of information in this Information Age, which
probably means you are looking at three- to four-hour
increments of posting reliable information.
People know I am on Twitter. I have shut down the app
because I cannot find anything that I can rely upon and I think
that is not a small thing if people do not know where to go for
good information.
Mr. Lew. Ironically, Senator, I have never used social
media.
Senator Schatz. Good.
Mr. Lew. I have been told that if confirmed I will have to
learn how.
Senator Schatz. Well, my recommendation is to have someone
do it for you. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Secretary Lew, I would like to turn to an area that you
know well. That is Israel's sworn enemy Iran. I want to ask you
a very simple question. Is the security of America, the
security of Israel, better or worse if Iran has more funds or
less funds?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I think that my actions have demonstrated
that denying Iran funds when they commit malign acts is
something that is in our interest. I have sanctioned Iran, I
have enforced sanctions on Iran, and the fact that in an
agreement to roll back Iran's nuclear program releasing funds
to Iran was part of the bargain is the way sanctions work. You
do not get sovereign countries to change their policy without
some concession on the sanctions.
Senator Hagerty. Well, regarding the concessions, I just
want to say that Iran, as we know, funds its proxies Hamas and
Hezbollah. Biden administration officials have very recently
just admitted this fact.
Last week National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said, and
I quote, ``Iran has provided the lion's share of the funding
for the military wing of Hamas.'' National Security Council
spokesman John Kirby, another quote, ``Hamas would not have
been able to function at all had it not been for propping up by
the Iranian regime.''
Mr. Chairman, I would like to enter both of these quotes
for the record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
The Chairman. I will give the senator the additional time.
If you are showing a poster it would be nice if the committee
could see the poster, just so we know.
Senator Hagerty. Certainly. Certainly. We have a second
one. Can you place that right there, Daniel, in front of the
secretary? The other posters the Chairman would like to be able
to see it, too. Do you not have a second copy of it? Just a
moment, Mr. Chairman.
[Poster is shown.]
Mr. Lew. That is a different poster.
The Chairman. They are different posters.
Senator Hagerty. Sorry. We will turn that--turn that a bit
to show the Chairman. It is a very simple poster.
Mr. Lew. I have to confess, Senator, I cannot read it
either so I do not know exactly----
Senator Hagerty. I will explain what it is, Mr. Secretary.
It is a year by year poster showing the revenues going to
Iran. It shows what happened when the maximum pressure campaign
was imposed. I worked on that maximum pressure campaign
stopping the Japanese from buying Iranian crude. They stopped.
We brought their revenues--Iranian revenues down to below
$8 billion. You will see that in 2020. That is the low point on
this chart. Then in 2021--these are the last two bars--2021 and
2022 you see a dramatic increase in revenues to Iran.
Now, think about this. In 2020 as the maximum pressure
campaign was imposed it was widely reported that Hamas and
Hezbollah were going broke. In 2021 we had the violence from
Gaza into Israel, the 11-Day War. We have seen what has
happened now.
So I am going to come back to my question again and ask
what has changed?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I cannot--since I cannot read it I cannot
comment on the specific numbers there and, candidly, it is
seven years of policy.
Senator Hagerty. I will explain the numbers to you.
Mr. Lew. But I can tell you two things. First, what was
true when I was at the Department of Treasury and what has been
true since even during the period of maximum pressure is that
Iran has put funding malign activities like support for Hamas
terrorism above everything else and it does not cost that much.
So they have been bad actors when they have had a lot of oil
revenue, when they have had less oil revenue.
Senator Hagerty. I do not doubt that. But the effectiveness
of it has been dramatically different based on the impact of
the maximum pressure campaign and, again, you can see the
magnitude of this chart.
Mr. Lew. But I was trying to make a slightly different
point. If I understand what this chart says the funds into Iran
went down. I am saying----
Senator Hagerty. For 2020. Then 2021 and '22 they have gone
up dramatically.
Mr. Lew. I am not aware that funding for Hamas and
Hezbollah went down. I will get briefed on that I am sure.
Senator Hagerty. I think you are aware of the results of
it, Mr. Secretary, and in terms of what has changed I think it
is very obvious what has changed.
Joe Biden was inaugurated in 2021. The maximum pressure
campaign was abandoned and now a policy of appeasement has been
undertaken with Iran. That is what has allowed them to enrich
themselves.
Let me turn to another area of great concern and that is
the special envoy for Iran, Rob Malley. He is now suspended.
His security clearances have been lifted and he is under
federal investigation. Do you know Rob Malley?
Mr. Lew. I have not--yes, I have known him. I have not
talked to him in years.
Senator Hagerty. Did he undertake efforts to quash
sanctions enforcement on Iran?
Mr. Lew. I do not recall Rob Malley having a role in the
enforcement of sanctions.
Senator Hagerty. Well, very obviously something has
dramatically changed here and it is clear to me that the Biden
administration's enforcement of sanctions against Iran is every
bit as ineffective as the Biden administration's enforcement of
our border security. Everything and everyone gets through and
the results have been deadly.
I just want to say this. If you are selected to be chief of
mission your number-one priority is going to be the safety and
security of Americans.
Mr. Lew. Absolutely.
Senator Hagerty. We have already lost 30 American lives.
Thirteen are held hostage. That needs to be your absolute
priority, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. Lew. Senator, I could not agree with you more and I
have said earlier in this hearing there will not be a day when
I wake up where that is not top of mind.
Senator Hagerty. Well, it is clear to me that this
administration does not have our safety and security at
interest because of this enrichment of Iran that has allowed
this type of behavior to happen.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. And the Chair has been very lenient--well,
allowing members to pursue the nuclear issues with Iran. I just
would like to point out we do have a nominee for the Office of
Sanctions Coordinator and I hope that we can get a hearing on
that nominee because I think that would be the appropriate
place to talk about sanctions enforcement and previous policies
concerning sanction enforcement.
So I hope we can get a hearing on that and I think that
would probably be the more appropriate setting for us to deal
with the sanction policies. Just pointing it out to my dear
friend from Tennessee.
Senator Hagerty. Mr. Chairman, and my--and with the deepest
respect, the Chief of Mission will be the President's
representative in Israel.
The Chairman. Oh, I understand the----
Senator Hagerty. And I think the policies are absolutely
critical because Israel is in mortal danger as are Americans
and this funding program that has been allowed to go on is
absolutely critical to Iran's ability to fund their proxies
like Hamas and Hezbollah. We have got to acknowledge this,
recognize it, and deal with it.
Thank you very much, sir.
The Chairman. Senator Merkley?
Senator Merkley. Mr. Secretary, thank you.
We are all aware that Gaza is one of the most densely
populated places in the world--139 square miles, an average of
17,000 people per square mile. If you are confirmed will you
work with Israel--with the Government of Israel to minimize the
harm to civilians?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I think minimizing the harm to civilians
is something that is a moral obligation and I only wish one
could say that there would be no collateral damage. But as we
have learned in war there is, and the goal as you put it is to
minimize it.
Senator Merkley. Will you, if you are confirmed, work with
Israel to make sure that schools and hospitals and power and
water systems are not targeted?
Mr. Lew. Senator, if confirmed I will work with Israel to
underscore what President Biden has I think said very
eloquently, that they have a right and a responsibility to
defend Israel but that what binds us together is a shared
belief in democracy and rule of law including the law of war.
Senator Merkley. Do you agree that schools, hospitals,
power and water systems should not be targeted?
Mr. Lew. So I am unable to answer the hypothetical question
because there are cases where Hamas is hiding behind civilians
with materiel, command centers, leaders, and how you define
something as a school or a command post makes all the
difference in the world.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I will state for
the record that I believe schools and hospitals and power and
water systems should not be targeted.
And, Mr. Chairman, I would like to put into the record, if
there is no objection, an article by Thomas Friedman, ``Why a
Gaza invasion 'once and for all' thinking are wrong for
Israel.'' If no objection.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
Mr. Friedman points out that Iran's number-one strategic
objective with Israel has been to ensure that Israel remains
enmeshed in the West Bank and Iran's most fevered dreams
reoccupies Gaza. Do you agree with Mr. Friedman's analysis?
Mr. Lew. I think Hamas' goal is the elimination of Israel
and they will pursue any strategy that they think advances that
goal.
Senator Merkley. So and I know you are not specifically
responding to Mr. Friedman's quote but could you?
Mr. Lew. I would rather read it, the whole thing, in
context. Tom is a friend of mine. Before I agree or disagree
with something I really would need to read it.
Senator Merkley. Okay. Well, I think it is pretty accurate.
He notes that keeping--Iran's goal to keep Israel enmeshed in
the West Bank and most fevered dream in Gaza does reflect a lot
of intelligence and experience, information over time.
He then lays out that if there is a ground offensive into
Israel it could have numerous impacts including blowing up the
Abraham Accords, destabilizing Egypt and Jordan as key allies,
making normalization of relations between Israel and Saudi
Arabia impossible, and notes that these would be huge strategic
setbacks both for the United States and for Israel. Do you
agree with him?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I think that the task of any nation to
defend its people forces leaders to make very hard decisions. I
cannot sit here today and say I know with precision what it is
that will defend the state of Israel and the people of Israel.
I believe that the Government of Israel will try to make
those decisions in a way that will be successful but not lead
to the kind of long-term entanglement that I believe that that
comment is referred to. At the moment, I am not going to sit
here and prejudge exactly where that line is.
Senator Merkley. Yeah. But the point Mr. Friedman is making
is that these are key strategic objectives of the United
States, that we have stakes in the region, and that there are
huge risks of the entanglement that comes with a ground
offensive and, quite frankly, I think he has pretty accurately
described those risks.
He concludes by noting it will play into Iran's strategy of
sucking Israel into an overstretched situation and weaken the
Jewish democracy from within. I just want to make the point
that we also have important strategies and goals as a nation
that our diplomat, our Ambassador, will bring into the
conversations and that we need to have an Ambassador who is
willing and able to bring that discussion to bear.
And you do have the experience to bring insights on the
potential impacts that affect both Israeli interests and
American interests and I assume you are going to do that as
Ambassador.
Mr. Lew. Senator, I hope I have demonstrated over my career
that I am not shy about sharing what I believe to be the right
policy. I have never been shy to defend the interests of the
United States and I have tried to do it in a way where I can
maintain relations with people I disagree with.
I have had many conversations with the prime minister of
Israel where we have not agreed and we have a relationship
where I believe he has trust in me. So I will be in a position
to raise issues. I just cannot sit here today and say exactly
what the lines will be in the fog of war.Senator Merkley: I am
deeply empathetic with the people of Israel after this horrific
slaughter by Hamas--just shocking and devastating and savage.
I also believe that we have a responsibility to do
everything we can to work with Israel, to defend innocent
Palestinians who are as much victims of Hamas as many others,
and that that needs to be part of the effort that we carry
forward.
Mr. Lew. Absolutely, and as I said earlier, even while we
have been sitting here agreement was reached on humanitarian
corridors. The President committed $100 million to humanitarian
relief. I do not have the details. I just have a note that
those things happened while we have been sitting here and I
think that is crucially important.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen [presiding]. Senator Young?
Senator Young. Mr. Lew, welcome. Congratulations on your
nomination to this important position. Grateful for your desire
to serve the country in this capacity.
But before I begin, thank you for the conversation we had
in my office. It was frank. It was open. I recognize that if
you are confirmed you will be taking a critical role at an
incredibly challenging time.
But it is now even more challenging because of the role
that Iran has been permitted to have in outfitting,
encouraging, and possibly directing--we do not know for sure--
the terrorist acts of its regional proxies.
So we do not know the breadth of some of those directives.
When we spoke we spent quite a bit of time on Iran and your
former role as Treasury secretary. I know that has been subject
of a lot of conversation today including the role that Treasury
played in implementing the financial aspects of the Obama
administration's Iran deal.
I wanted to follow up on some of my questions in the hope
that you have had a chance to review the particulars of our
discussion and Treasury's role.
When Treasury issued specific licenses as opposed to the
general licenses to enable the conversion of Iranian funds into
euros was this transaction directly connected to the financial
relief at the core of the JCPOA and associated U.N. resolutions
or was it connected to so-called side deals, for example,
between Iran and the IAEA that were kept from Congress?
Now, this distinction matters because I believe it lies at
the heart of how Congress was left in the dark before and after
the JCPOA was negotiated and went into effect. Please respond.
Mr. Lew. Senator, I appreciate your taking the time to talk
with me about these issues yesterday and it was a frank and
candid discussion. I am grateful for that. I apologize that I
have not had time.
I have been working nonstop since the meeting I was in with
you and it is not a simple matter to go back and refresh your
memory on details, some of which I might not have even been
aware.
Senator Young. Okay. I will follow up in writing.
Mr. Lew. I would be happy to follow up.
Senator Young. All right. Thank you.
I would like to turn to U.S. assistance to the
Palestinians. The Palestinian Authority to this day maintains a
martyrs fund that subsidizes and incentivizes acts of violence
and terror against the people of Israel.
Given the ongoing conflict and the possibility that
Israel's enemies may seek to expand the assault on Israel we
must impose a higher level of scrutiny on U.S. assistance both
bilateral and through multilateral organizations like the
United Nations to ensure that any future U.S. aid does not
support this reprehensible policy and that no U.S. dollar
support acts of terrorism.
If confirmed, Mr. Lew, how will you use your role including
the role you must exert over U.S. policy towards the
Palestinian leadership and people to ensure that any U.S.
assistance including through multilateral institutions like
UNRWA does not directly or indirectly support terrorist
activities or violate the Taylor Force Act?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I do not believe that there is anything
tolerable about paying people to commit acts of terrorism and
murder and paying families of so-called martyrs to me is just
immoral, and I will do everything I can as Ambassador to bring
that to bear both in our bilateral assistance and in our
engagement with international partners.
If confirmed, it is something that--it is a very difficult
relationship in international organizations and I have engaged
in those conversations before and I have taken tough issues to
international partners before and it would be something that I
would look forward to working with you and this committee on to
make sure that it is center on our attention.
Senator Young. Relatedly--thank you, Mr. Lew--how will you
use your role in conjunction with collaboration with other U.S.
Ambassadors in the region to urge that donors, especially
within the region, both heavily restrict and ensure oversight
over financial support to the Palestinian Authority and to
nominally humanitarian and aid organizations operating in the
West Bank and Gaza?
Mr. Lew. So I have started just reaching out to some of the
other Ambassadors in the region, some of whom I have known and
some of whom I have not. I think it is a responsibility of the
chief of mission in Israel to work closely with Ambassadors in
other countries, to work with the State Department, and I do
not think it is an easy one size fits all answer because there
are different countries with different relationships with
different benefits to the United States involved and they are
not new issues to me.
I have engaged in these conversations from other seats. I
think it is important and it is something that I would be doing
for the first time as chief of mission.
Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Lew. I have no further
questions. I am over my time. And Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Actually, it is Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Mr. Secretary, welcome. Thank you and your family for
taking on this awesome responsibility at this horrible time. I
have known you for a long time. We have not always agreed on
everything although we usually do. I have always known you as a
person of great integrity.
Mr. Lew. Thank you, Senator.GovernmentAs I told you when we
met in my office yesterday I woke up on October 7th to hear the
horrible news of the Hamas terrorist attack and my mind
immediately went to kibbutz Kfar Aza which was a kibbutz that I
had visited in late June.
It is three kilometers from the border with Gaza where 50
residents were murdered including women, children, babies, and
elderly, killed in their homes, people abducted.
So yes, Israel not only has a right but it does have a
responsibility to defend itself and to go after Hamas and end
its operational control in Gaza. I think you would also agree--
I just want to make sure as you take on this position you agree
that it is both in America's interest and Israel's interest
that the war be prosecuted in accordance with international law
and the rules of war.
Mr. Lew. Yes, I do.GovernmentTo that end, I was pleased
that as we are gathered here there was an announcement in
Israel where President Biden said, quote, ``The people of Gaza
need food, water, medicine, and shelter,'' and the report
indicates that we may have some agreement with the Israeli
Government to allow convoys to cross the Gaza-Egyptian border.
It is going to be very important that that work swiftly and
effectively. As I told you yesterday, from reports on the
ground the current rationing of water in Gaza is about a liter
a day, which is not sufficient to sustain human life.
People have already begun drinking farm water, agricultural
water. There is a great fear from all the humanitarian
specialists on the ground about the spread of disease--
waterborne disease.
So it is going to be essential in limiting the harm to
innocent civilians--2 million people in Gaza, half of them
children--that we get this humanitarian corridor opened right
away.
I also hope you will ask the Government of Israel to open
up more of the pipes. There was an announcement the other day
about it opening a pipe by the National Security Adviser.
Turned out it was one pipe and at least initially only three
hours a day.
So that is going to be really important, and it is not only
a moral responsibility for the United States and Israel. It is
also in our interests because the world has embraced Israel in
the moment of horror. But unnecessary human suffering in Gaza
will change people's public perceptions.
Now, you have been nominated by the President of the United
States so I just want to confirm that you agree with some of
the things the commander in chief just said in the last couple
days.
Number one, the vast majority of Palestinians are not Hamas
and Hamas does not represent the Palestinian people. Do you
agree?
Mr. Lew. I do agree with that. I think the vast majority of
the Palestinian people are being used as pawns by Hamas and as
human shields.GovernmentSo--and I agree with you. I ask that
one of the first meetings you undertake if you are nominated is
to meet with our three-star general Fenzel who is the commander
that works with both the Israelis and the Palestinian
Authority. Will you agree to do that?
Mr. Lew. I do not know General Fenzel. But even when I was
Deputy Secretary of State I met with his predecessor on each of
my visits to Israel and, as I said earlier, the mission that
that office has is critical to creating the possibility of
stability in any Palestinian----GovernmentWell, let me just
say, Mr. Secretary, and I mentioned this to you earlier, a lot
of U.S. Government reporting right now has indicated that while
the world is focused on what is happening in Gaza there are
extreme settlers on the West Bank that as we speak are seizing
more and more Palestinian lands in Area C. That will strengthen
Hamas in the West Bank and undermine the legitimate Palestinian
voices.
So I hope you will look into that right away. Let me also
just say, since you opened your testimony with a sort of
looking to the next day, in some spirit of optimism I do hope
that we can expand the Abraham Accords.
I do think we can get back to discussions between--of
normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel.
Twenty senators wrote to the President before this horror
started and said that that agreement will only bring lasting
peace and stability to the Middle East if it addresses the
Palestinian issues--the legitimate Palestinian questions--as
President Biden has said, giving them equal measures of justice
and dignity. Do you agree?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I believed before this war and since that
in order for there to be an agreement there would need to be
attention paid to the Palestinian issues. I think we are at a
moment now where the--in the midst of a war with a country that
is torn apart by grief is probably not the right time to start
that conversation again. But after this war is over it has to
be part of the conversation.GovernmentI raised it, Mr.
Secretary, because you did in your opening comments. So I do
think it is important to look to the day after to see if we can
create any hope in this moment of darkness.
Mr. Lew. I have long believed that the path towards a long-
term stable Middle East and a democratic and Jewish Israel is a
two-state solution. One has to deal with this issue if one is
going to be on that path.GovernmentWe agree. Thank you.
The Chairman [presiding]. Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Mr. Secretary, welcome.
You and I had a vigorous conversation in my office
yesterday. You said at the time nobody could have imagined what
happened in Israel with this terror attack. I have to say I
disagreed then and I disagree now. Many of us not only
imagined, we predicted it.
You were a critical player in the Obama administration's
campaign of appeasement with Iran. You played a pivotal role in
flooding over $100 billion to the Iranian regime. The Biden
administration has continued that policy, flooding nearly an
additional $100 billion to the Iranian regime.
That policy of appeasement, sending hundreds of billions of
dollars to a theocratic, homicidal, genocidal maniac who leads
chants of death to America and death to Israel, has proven
catastrophic.
The death squads in Israel from Hamas are funded in real
and meaningful ways by the billions of dollars the Obama
administration and now the Biden administration has flowed
directly to Iran. That has proven disastrous.
We also have drones. As you know, today the U.N. arms
embargo on Iran expires today, ironically, the day of your
hearing. You were pivotal in advocating for U.N. Resolution
2231, the Iran deal, which is why the arms embargo is expiring
today.
On October 7th Hamas used swarms of sophisticated drones in
their October 7th attack. Do you believe the world is safer
today because of 2231 and the expiration of the arms embargo
allowing Iran now to sell ballistic missiles and long-range
drones?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I think you would have to agree that the
history of the U.S. engagement on JCPOA has changed
substantially since I sat in this room.
Senator Cruz. Do you think the world is better and safer
with the arms embargo expired?
Mr. Lew. But, Senator, if the U.S. was not----
Senator Cruz. Yes or no. Are we safer today with no arms
embargo?
Mr. Lew. I think it is much more complicated than that
because we are not part of JCPOA. Therefore, there was no
extension of the arms embargo. I would have advocated for an
extension of the arms embargo and we might well have----
Senator Cruz. And by the way, the Biden administration has
been in power two and a half--two and a half years. The arms
embargo is expiring today and you were pivotal in that
happening.
Let us shift to another thing. Because the Biden
administration did not just send money to Iran in massive
numbers. It has also sent money to Gaza that went to Hamas, and
at the time I led a coalition of senators urging the Biden
administration do not send money to Gaza because it is
controlled by Hamas. It will be used by Hamas for acts of
terrorism.
We now know that the Biden administration reached the
following determination, and I quote, ``Due to its overall
strength and level of control over Gaza we assess that there is
a high risk Hamas could potentially derive indirect
unintentional benefit from U.S. assistance to Gaza.'' High
risk.
Now, as Treasury secretary you are familiar with these
determinations. Under ordinary anti-terrorism laws you cannot
send money where there is a high risk it will be used for
terrorism.
But what did the Biden administration do? It waived our
anti-terrorism law because their political agenda was so
important they were willing to take that high risk.
Was it a mistake to send hundreds of millions of dollars to
Gaza that in a very real and practical way funded the death
squads and funded the rockets that are being used to murder
Israelis?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I was not in government at the time these
decisions were made.
Senator Cruz. Was it a mistake?
Mr. Lew. I am not--I am not familiar with the back and
forth that you are referring to. But my understanding is the
funding that went to Gaza was for things like the hospital and
humanitarian----
Senator Cruz. So was OFAC wrong when it concluded there is
a high risk that Hamas could derive benefits?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I would have to look at the document to--
--
Senator Cruz. You are one of few people that has the
expertise to do this.
Mr. Lew. Yeah. I have high regard for OFAC. I just am not
familiar with the document.
Senator Cruz. So is the world safer or less safe because
hundreds of millions of dollars were sent to Gaza when it is
controlled by Hamas?
Mr. Lew. Senator, Hamas' activities have proven how evil
they are and how important it is to deny them resources.
Senator Cruz. Okay. So you are not answering that question.
Let me ask this question.
Mr. Lew. But I will say this, Senator.
Senator Cruz. The Biden administration, the Biden State
Department----
Mr. Lew. As secretary of the Treasury----
Senator Cruz.--has repeatedly undermined Israel as this
attack was ongoing. Within hours of the attack commencing the
State Department sent out a tweet from the Office of
Palestinian Affairs, an office that would report to you if you
are confirmed, that said ``We unequivocally condemn the attack
of Hamas terrorists and the loss of life that has incurred. We
urge all sides to refrain from violence and retaliatory
attacks. Terror and violence solve nothing.'' Do you agree with
this tweet that was sent by the Biden State Department?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I would have to read it. I am not
familiar with it.
Senator Cruz. You are not familiar with it?
Mr. Lew. I want--I want to go back to the last point that
you made.
Senator Cruz. Hold on a second. You are not familiar with
this tweet. They sent it out at 3:00 in the morning while the
attacks were unfolding. I blasted it at 3:00 in the morning and
they deleted it within the hour because it was shameful: They
were telling Israel, do not respond while your citizens are
being murdered, and by the way----
Mr. Lew. The President of the United States has stated
clearly the policy of the United States. I agree--I agree with
the President.
Senator Cruz [continuing]. I understand--Mr. Lew, I
understand but at the same time this administration repeatedly
walks back what he says.
So here is another tweet sent from the State Department.
``Turkish foreign minister and I spoke''--this is from
Secretary Blinken--``spoke further on Hamas' terrorist attack
on Israel. I encouraged Turkey's advocacy for a ceasefire and
the release of all hostages held by Hamas immediately.'' Do you
agree with this tweet from the Secretary of State calling for a
ceasefire immediately after this attack began?
Mr. Lew. I think the President and the Secretary of State
have made clear that Israel has a right and a responsibility to
defend itself.
Senator Cruz. Do you agree with this tweet from the State
Department?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I cannot respond to tweets that you are
reading to me.
Senator Cruz. Why? Are you not familiar with it?
Mr. Lew. I am telling you the----
Senator Cruz. You have not followed what the administration
has said on this? By the way, they deleted this tweet as well.
Day after day after day this administration has
systematically undermined Israel. And, finally, you advocated
for U.N. Resolution 2334, which declared much of Israel
illegally occupied territory including the Jewish Quarter in
Jerusalem and the Western Wall.
Do you believe the Jewish Quarter and the Western Wall are
illegally occupied territory?
Mr. Lew. Senator, I do not believe that it is illegally
occupied territory. But I----
Senator Cruz. Then why did you support a U.N. resolution
saying that it is?
Mr. Lew. I think the--we could have a conversation about
that but it is going to take me more than 10 seconds to respond
to it, which I would be happy to do.
Senator Cruz. All the time you like.
The Chairman. Allow the witness to respond. If you will
allow the witness to respond.
Mr. Lew. So, first, if I can respond. You have said a lot
of things that you have not given me a chance to respond to. I
sanctioned Hamas in 2015. Hamas was sanctioned again today. So
I do not think it was a fair characterization of either what I
did or this administration.
Second of all, the issue of a U.N. resolution is it was a
U.N. resolution that all the parties had to agree to that was
negotiated to take out the most offensive provisions.
Whether it was a good or a bad resolution in the end, the
President decided to abstain rather than have a worse
resolution come out. You can agree or disagree with that----
Senator Cruz. He could have vetoed it.
Mr. Lew. But he was trying to prevent a worse resolution.
Senator Cruz. He could have vetoed it.
The Chairman. The time has expired.
Senator Duckworth?
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for
being here, Secretary Lew.
Who walked away from the JCPOA? Which administration?
Mr. Lew. It was the last administration.
Senator Duckworth. That is what I thought. Thank you for
your willingness to serve once again.
I just need to pause here and take a moment to say that my
heart is hurting. Ever since October 7th I have been thinking
endlessly of the children--the innocent children, Israeli,
Palestinian, and even Illinoisan--whose lives have been upended
or tragically ended during these devastating days.
Every night I go home and I hug my two little girls close,
haunted by the suffering of the innocents. They are too young--
my girls--to understand why I am so upset and why I am holding
them so tightly. But there are countless families who will not
get the chance to hug their children close any longer and my
heart breaks for all of them.
Of those Americans presumed to be held hostage by Hamas
many have ties to my home state of Illinois whether themselves
being Illinoisans or by a family member or friend who has
reached out to my office asking for help.
Their families and friends are advocating tirelessly for
their release, for their access to basic medical care, and for
information about their loved ones.
At the same time, Jewish and Muslim communities around the
world are feeling deep emotional wounds from the violence. We
are sadly already seeing hate crimes spring up in the wake of
the war like this past weekend's horrific fatal stabbing of an
innocent six-year-old Palestinian American, Wadea Al-Fayoume,
in Plainfield, Illinois.
This shocking and tragic murder is a painful reminder that
we must confront and reject any Islamophobic rhetoric that
seeks to conflate the evils of Hamas with the Palestinian
people or with any--with a vast majority of Muslim people just
as we must confront and reject the anti-Semitic rhetoric that
seeks to draw a false equivalence between the democratically-
elected government of Israel and the terrorist organization of
Hamas.
As Ambassador you would play a critical role in helping to
strike the right tone for these very difficult and complex
conversations while demonstrating the United States' long-term
resolve and right commitment to support our Israeli allies.
I believe that you will serve and represent our interests
well as a voice for democratic values that reject hate and
discrimination on the basis of race, religion, or ethnicity,
and ground us in our shared rights to live in peace and build a
better future together but also in Israel's right to defend
herself.
Secretary Lew, I want to invite you to reflect on that work
and the role you hope to play if confirmed to be our
Ambassador.
Mr. Lew. Senator, I find acts and beliefs of bias and
hatred against people because of who they are or what they are
just totally unacceptable and when it is manifested in acts of
violence, whether it is against a Jew or a Muslim, it is
equally horrible.
What I have said about the attacks in Israel is that almost
1,500 people were killed because they were Jewish. If it had
been 1,500 Muslims who were killed because they were Muslims
that would be a problem, too.
We have to try and humanize these issues and understand
that it is Hamas that is the enemy. It is not Palestinians who
are the enemy.
Now, Hamas hides behind Palestinians. It creates terrible,
terrible choices in terms of how you defend yourself. But at
the core there has to be mutual respect and, hopefully, more
than respect if we can get to a better place.
Senator Duckworth. Do you agree that Israel has the right
to defend herself?
Mr. Lew. Absolutely.
Senator Duckworth. Do you agree that the core tenet of--one
of the core tenets of Hamas--is to destroy Israel?
Mr. Lew. Absolutely.
Senator Duckworth. Do you agree that the innocents in Gaza
deserve to have access to secure humanitarian corridors so that
there is access----
Mr. Lew. Yes, and I am pleased that even this morning
progress has been made on that front.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
If confirmed, can you commit to working to address both the
urgent and underlying humanitarian needs in Gaza including
establishing secure humanitarian corridors, access for key
medical workers like the Red Cross and access to food, water,
and sanitation for the people in Gaza?
Mr. Lew. I think we must continue to do that and if
confirmed that will be part of my mission and it will have to
be done in a way that respects the security of Israel and the
two do not have to be inconsistent.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. I yield back. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen? The very patient Senator
Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr.--well, thank you, Mr.
Chairman, and thank you, Secretary Lew, for your willingness to
come back in and serve the Government particularly at this
difficult time, and I know that your nomination occurred before
this horrible tragedy in Israel and in the Middle East and so
it is a very different situation than the one you were
nominated for.
I think the anger and outrage that you have heard reflected
on the committee is a reflection of how people are feeling
worldwide towards what is happening both in terms of the
horrific attack in Israel by Hamas but also the concern about
the innocent Palestinians and Israelis who have been killed.
I do appreciate what I have seen coming out of Israel in
terms of the country coming together and I appreciated both the
Chairman and ranking member's statements, which I think reflect
the committee's concern.
I hope that this will not be used as an opportunity to sow
partisan divides here in the United States and in Congress
because I think that is the wrong response.
What we should be talking about is how we can support
Israel, how we can address the humanitarian needs of the
Palestinians, how we can get the hostages back, and I hope that
is going to be the focus of the discussion and, as you said,
that you will get up every day thinking about how we return the
hostages to America--the Americans who are held--I think is
reassuring.
Mr. Lew. And, Senator, I could not agree more that this
should be a moment where we try our best to rise above
partisanship and talk about what is in the interest of the
U.S., what is in the interest of Israel, and what is in the
interest of the U.S.-Israel relationship. One of the things
about this relationship is that for 75 years it has been a
bipartisan effort.
Senator Shaheen. Absolutely.
Mr. Lew. I am committed to working with Democrats and
Republicans, people who agree or disagree with me, people who
vote for me and people who vote against me.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I appreciate that and I
know that to be the case based on having worked with you when
you were in the Obama administration.
I do want to raise a couple of issues that I think are
important for you--if you are confirmed as Ambassador--and that
is Senator Murphy talked about the maritime border decision
that had been made between Lebanon and Israel, and we have
heard a lot of discussion in the last week about the potential
for a northern front on Lebanon's border with Israel.
One of the institutions that I think is helpful in that
respect is the Lebanese Armed Forces and their ability to help
keep the lid on in northern Lebanon.
But can you talk about what you as Ambassador could do to
help address that and what would be the impact on Israel's
ability to defend itself in the north if the LAF is not able to
function?
Mr. Lew. Well, Senator, obviously, if confirmed my remit
will be centered in Israel and we, hopefully, will still be
able to have diplomats in Lebanon advancing our interests
there.
I would work with them. I think the President's decision to
deploy two aircraft carrier groups into the Mediterranean sends
a powerful message that does not need a lot of explanation. It
is more armed power than almost any other nation in the world
could bring to bear. I hope that is a deterrent that is heard
and we do not see a multi front war.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I certainly share that.
One of the other issues that we have not yet focused on is
the challenge of the impact on the Defense Industrial Base in
both Israel and the United States, given the--Putin's invasion
of Ukraine.
So if confirmed how will you work with the Department of
Defense, the Israeli Ministry of Defense, and U.S. defense
companies to best support the delivery of military assistance
to Israel?
Mr. Lew. I think that is a hugely important question that
will have a whole different set of considerations than it did
two weeks ago.
Until the inquiry into what happened and how Israel did not
see this and respond more quickly--until that is understood--I
do not know the answer. I do not know if it is things they
need, people they need, strategies they need.
But it is just not acceptable to have an exposed border
like that and I do not think there is probably anyone in Israel
who thinks it is acceptable either. We have a relationship with
Israel in the defense area that is unique in the world.
We have had a history of phasing out a special provision
that allows Israel to spend U.S. defense resources
domestically. I am not yet in a position to have a firm view
and it is not--I have not been briefed in on all the details.
But I think we have to ask questions about is that phase
out the right schedule, is there something at stake here, and
something I mentioned in my testimony which I just want to
underscore.
Israel's role internationally as a defense industry, as a
technology industry provider, is kind of unique. It is a huge
percentage of Israel's economy, much bigger as a percentage of
their economy than it is of ours, and they have a level of
resources, a quality of materials and technology that other
countries want.
And particularly with regard to trade with China, if you
had asked me two weeks ago what one of my big challenges would
be I would have said it would be working with Israel to
understand the need not to give China things that we would not
give China to gain a military advantage.
That is not as easy as just saying do it. They may well
have the view that it is central to the economics of their
industry. I do not know right now.
I hope we are at a point when I am over there, if
confirmed, shortly into my time where you can have those
conversations and ask our closest ally in the region to be
partners with us in limiting some of the spread of advanced
technology.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. At the appropriate time I
hope that you will focus on that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Secretary Lew, first of all, thank you for
your candor and your patience during this hearing. I think you
have the ability to go through long sessions of diplomacy and
you have shown that quite clearly.
I just want to make one response. I think--first of all, I
want to thank the members of our committee. I thought this
hearing has been very helpful and productive, and Iran's
capacity, its nuclear capacity, its funding, is certainly an
issue of grave concern to national security interests of the
United States and to Israel.
So I do not object to the questions that have been asked.
But I do think it is important to clarify I was the ranking
member of this committee when the JCPOA was considered, working
with Senator Corker who was the Chairman of this committee, and
the two of us in a bipartisan way with overwhelming support
from our colleagues on the floor of the United States Senate
developed a review process so that we could have an open review
of the JCPOA before it went into effect.
It delayed the process for a substantial period of time for
congressional input. The transparency of the Obama
administration during that process was unprecedented. We had
more briefings and hearings.
I thought I was qualified as a nuclear physicist listening
to the secretary of energy. It was--we had in-depth discussions
on every aspect of the JCPOA and we had our chance for input
and, in fact, I think our input changed the agreement as it was
being negotiated over that period of time.
That is how we should work in a bipartisan manner. The
review was bipartisan. There were some of us who disagreed with
the final product. We thought, perhaps, it was set up wrong in
the beginning to allow nuclear enrichment in Iran.
I voted against the JCPOA. But I must confess that the
transparency that this administration exercised was
unprecedented. I met with President Obama many times and I just
want to associate myself with Secretary Lew's comments that an
agreement is an agreement and that we had a responsibility to
carry it out and, in fact, we did carry it out.
We were in full compliance until President Trump
unilaterally decided to withdraw, which I think was a mistake.
It not only made the U.S. the violator of the agreement but it
allowed Iran to get closer to a nuclear weapon as they are
today with their enrichment policies.
Now, we are not going to be talking about that during this
hearing. I understand that. This is a member of the Obama
administration and it is fair to question in regards to the
JCPOA.
But I must tell you, I know our nominee and I thank him
again for his public service. At all times he has conducted
himself with the highest degree of integrity. He served
President Obama well, served our nation well, and it was always
open with us in Congress, never, ever held back information
that was properly--should be properly disclosed to us and I
just want that on the record.
And I thank you again for your testimony.
Mr. Lew. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Risch, if you want to make any----
Senator Risch. No.
The Chairman. We will keep the record open for questions
for the record until 1:00 p.m. tomorrow, and that will give you
a couple hours to get them back to us. We know--I hope you were
not planning anything that important over the weekend.
But we will allow you to take a little bit of time off for
prayer on Saturday but then back to work Saturday night.
If there is no further business the committee will stand
adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 1:06 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What should Israel's strategic military end state with
respect to Hamas be?
Answer. I must defer to the Government of Israel to speak to its
own military operations and to any possible military plans Israel may
have. The President has been clear that the United States supports
Israel's right to defend itself, including by taking necessary action
to respond to Hamas' heinous October 7 terrorist attack on Israel and
protect its citizens, consistent with the rule of law and the law of
war. More broadly, there are two paths for the region: One is the way
of greater integration and stability that can provide equal measures of
democracy, opportunity, justice, and dignity to Israelis and
Palestinians alike. The other is Hamas' path of terror, a path that
does nothing to better the lives of Palestinians.
Question. Should Israeli military and diplomatic efforts seek to
destroy, degrade, or simply disrupt Hamas?
Answer. I must defer to the Government of Israel to speak to its
own military operations and to any possible military plans it may have.
The President has been clear that the United States supports Israel's
right to defend itself, including by taking necessary action to respond
to Hamas' heinous October 7 terrorist attack on Israel and protect its
citizens, consistent with the rule of law and the law of war.
Question. What is an appropriate end state that best supports U.S.
national security interests?
Answer. The United States supports Israel taking necessary action
to defend its country and protect its people from Hamas terrorists,
consistent with the rule of law and the law of war. Israel and the
United States should consult closely on potential end states and the
means to achieve them. I believe these horrific attacks were timed to
derail normalization efforts, and we need to support the Israelis--and
the broader region--in upholding their national interests and working
to secure a more stable region. There are two paths for the region: One
is the way of greater integration and stability, which can provide
equal measures of democracy, opportunity, justice, and dignity to
Israelis and Palestinians alike. The other is Hamas' path of terror, a
path that does nothing to better the lives of Palestinians. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Israel on this shared vision
for the future.
Question. What role should the U.S. embassy play to support Israeli
efforts to counter misinformation and disinformation?
Answer. U.S. Embassies regularly engage with our partners on best
practices in countering propaganda and disinformation targeting
overseas audiences. U.S. Embassies also collaborate with our partners
to help build networks of fact-based narrative reporting by
strengthening journalists, local fact checkers, aid organizations/
workers, and content creators to counter information manipulation from
Russia, Iran, or terrorist organizations. The United States is focused
on countering efforts from malign actors such as Russia, Iran, and
foreign terrorist organizations, among others, which are attempting to
use this moment of strife to manipulate information to their advantage
and undermine U.S. interests.
Question. What entity should synchronize whole of U.S. Government
efforts to counter misinformation and preserve Israeli political space
to respond to these attacks?
Answer. The Global Engagement Center (GEC) at the U.S. Department
of State directs, leads, and coordinates efforts of the Federal
Government to recognize, understand, expose, and counter foreign state
and foreign non-state propaganda and disinformation efforts aimed at
undermining or influencing the policies, security, or stability of the
United States, its allies, and partner nations. The information space
is very much at issue during this conflict. The GEC is working with
allies and partners to share best practices for countering
disinformation and to strengthen independent journalism and civil
society in the region to bolster resilience against disinformation
originating from state actors, terrorist groups, and other malign
actors.
As Israel directs citizens to relocate from portions of Gaza
ahead of a military operation, Egypt has refused to take Gazans
into the Sinai. Recently, Egypt threatened to go to war with
Israel should refugees begin movement across the border.
Question. What refugee options will satisfy all actors, to include
Egypt, the U.S. and Israel?
Answer. I understand the Administration is working on establishing
a reliable route to supply humanitarian aid to Gaza while protecting
Israel's security. Recently appointed Special Envoy Satterfield is in
the region coordinating these efforts and working with the Governments
of Egypt and Israel to find a solution to the humanitarian situation in
Gaza.
Question. What efforts are underway to solicit Gulf funding to
address the flow of refugees and immediate needs to complement the
President's announcement of $100M in MRA and IDA funds?
Answer. Senior U.S. officials are engaging Gulf partners to
encourage these governments to provide urgent assistance to benefit the
Palestinian people. On October 17, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
announced $100 million in aid for Gaza. Senior U.S. officials are
following up with appropriate contacts in Gulf Governments to learn
more about this announcement and urge these governments to commit to
providing sustained contributions to the U.N. appeal for Gaza, as well
as coordinating bilateral assistance closely with the U.N.
Question. What specific mechanisms are in place to prevent the
$100M the President announced from providing direct and indirect
benefit to Hamas?
Answer. I understand the Department and the U.S. Agency for
International Development have robust processes in place to mitigate
the risk that U.S. Government assistance could provide material support
to Hamas or any other terrorist group, including vetting implementing
partners and their key personnel, restricting facility names (e.g.,
schools, clinics, etc.) to ensure they do not honor terrorism,
including mandatory anti-terrorism clauses in grants and contracts, and
coordinating with Israeli authorities. The U.S. Government also
requires implementing partners to conduct their own due diligence and
to have their own safeguards and risk mitigation measures in place to
ensure that U.S. funding is used only for intended purposes, consistent
with U.S. law. Our implementing partners must comply with robust
financial and programmatic monitoring, reporting requirements, and
compliance mechanisms. All U.S. assistance in Gaza and the West Bank
remains subject to regular Office of the Inspector General audits and
investigations. Through monitoring and evaluation and regular
consultations with our implementers, we can quickly identify attempted
diversion and suspend or terminate programs if necessary.
Question. In that role did you shape U.S. policy with respect to
Iran or would you characterize your role as executing policies handed
down from higher?
Answer. As the Secretary of the Treasury, I took seriously my
responsibility to help formulate and recommend domestic and
international financial policies and to oversee the activities of the
Treasury Department in carrying out such policies, including those
related to Iran and other matters critical to our national security.
President Obama said of Iran, ``We will extend a hand if you
are willing to unclench your fist.'' In a subsequent speech to
American University, he spoke about the prospect of changing
the regime's conduct and argued that the deal incentivized Iran
to move in a ``quote different, less provocative direction.''
Question. With the benefit of your experience, do you think it's
possible to divorce the regime from its revolutionary ideology?
Answer. The Obama administration saw Iran clearly for what it is:
the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism. President Obama
prioritized ensuring that Iran would not develop a nuclear weapon.
While he made clear that all options were on the table to prevent a
nuclear-armed Iran, he also made clear that his preference was to do so
through diplomacy. The JCPOA was not built on trusting the Iranian
regime, but rather on the strict and intrusive monitoring of Iran's
nuclear program. The Obama administration was clear-eyed in its
assessment that the JCPOA would not resolve all our concerns with Iran,
to include its abhorrent human rights abuses, sponsorship of terrorism
and destabilizing policies around the globe.
Question. Do you think we can usher Iran back into the community of
nations? If not, what is a realistic strategic end state with respect
to the regime--containment?
Answer. The Iranian regime remains one of the most consequential
and persistent threats to U.S. interests and it has yet to demonstrate
to the world that it is willing to take the steps necessary to fully
rejoin the community of nations. It is my understanding that the Biden
administration is currently focused on exerting economic and diplomatic
pressure on the regime in order to deter Iran and contain the range of
threats Iran poses today to regional and international security. As
U.S. presidents across administrations have made clear, we will always
stand with the Iranian people in their quest for democracy and
fundamental human rights.
In 2015 testimony before this committee, you gave your
opinion on Iran sanctions relief stating, ``In gauging the
impact of lifting these restrictions, we should be measured and
realistic . . . We assess that Iran will use the vast majority
to attempt to redress its stark economic needs.''
Question. Do you still believe that to be true? That Iran
prioritized the needs of its people over its defense industry and
proxies?
Answer. Even during periods of its greatest economic stress, Iran
has prioritized funding for its destabilizing activities and support to
terrorism. At the time the JCPOA was reached, Iran's economy was in
dire condition as a result of the crippling sanctions we had imposed.
The Obama administrationassessed that Iran would have to utilize the
vast majority of any potential sanctions relief to address its
immediate and dire domestic economic needs. Wehad serious concerns
about Iran's use of any of these funds to support its destabilizing
activities and continued to vigorously enforce sanctions against such
conduct.
In 2015 testimony, you stated ``The JCPOA is a strong deal--
with phased relief in exchange for Iranian compliance and a
powerful snap-back built in.''
Question. Do you still feel that returning to the JCPOA, now or at
some point in the future, is in U.S. national security interests?
Answer. President Biden has been clear that he is committed to
ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and that he views
diplomacy as the most effective means by which to sustainably address
international concerns regarding Iran's nuclear program. The
administration has also been clear that it remains prepared to use
appropriate measures to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. It is my
understanding that the United States is currently focused on working
closely with our partners and allies to hold Iran to account for its
continued expansion of its nuclear activities and its failure to fully
cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency's ongoing
investigation of possible undeclared nuclear material and activities in
Iran.
Question. Given the advancement in Iran's nuclear program, do you
assess that the JCPOA, as previously agreed to, has a non-proliferation
benefit?
Answer. I have always seen Iran as a threat to regional stability
as well as Israel's existence. That threat clearly exists today. The
JCPOA constrained Iran's nuclear program by limiting their ability to
produce a nuclear weapon. As the United States withdrew from the JCPOA
I can't speak to what might have been. However, some who opposed the
JCPOA a decade ago came to see the advantages when the United States
withdrew. For example, numerous Israeli defense and intelligence
officials have said that withdrawal from the JCPOA gave Iran an excuse
to accelerate its nuclear program and that withdrawal was a net
negative for Israel.
That being said, the Biden administration has clearly stated that
there is no nuclear deal in the offing and reports about a nuclear
deal, interim or otherwise, are false and misleading. Now is not the
time for those discussions. President Biden is committed to ensuring
that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and that he views diplomacy
as the most effective means by which to sustainably address
international concerns regarding Iran's nuclear program. At the same
time, the administration has been clear that it remains prepared to use
all appropriate measures to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. It is my
understanding that the United States is currently focused on working
closely with our partners and allies to hold Iran to account for its
continued expansion of its nuclear activities and its failure to fully
cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency's ongoing
investigation of possible undeclared nuclear material and activities in
Iran.
18 October 2023 marked Transition Day for UNSCR 2231, which
drops restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile and drone
programs. In 2 short years on Termination Day, the U.N. ends
consideration of nuclear matters and snapback ends.
Question. What steps is the United States prepared to make, along
with international partners, to compensate for Transition and
Termination Days?
Answer. I understand the United States has never relied solely on
U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 to restrict Iran's dangerous
development and proliferation of missile related technologies and UAVs,
but rather a comprehensive set of multilateral and domestic tools.
Prior to Transition Day, the same networks and individuals covered by
UNSCR 2231 were already subject to U.S. sanctions authorities. On
Transition Day, the U.S. sanctioned additional targets that have been
enabling Iran's destabilizing ballistic missile and unmanned aerial
vehicle (UAV) programs. The Administration has also coordinated with
our partners in the EU to ensure they maintain Europe's nuclear,
conventional arms, and missile-related restrictions on Iran. As the
President has made clear, the United States is committed to ensuring
Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Question. What is your assessment of the renewed threat to Israeli
security as a result of these sunsets?
Answer. I understand the United States has never relied solely on
U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 to restrict Iran's dangerous
development and proliferation of missile related technologies and UAVs,
but rather a comprehensive set of multilateral and domestic tools. The
United States, the Europeans, and other allies including the UK and
Canada continue to have restrictions on Iran's nuclear, conventional
arms, and missile-related programs under their domestic sanctions
authorities. The United States has already effectively targeted the
same networks and individuals covered by UNSCR 2231 and added more with
our own sanctions authorities. Although we cannot guarantee that Iran
will not find customers for these weapons systems, its missile and UAV
programs continue to remain subject to sanctions under some of the
strongest sanctions frameworks in the world, ours and Europe's, and we
will do everything we can to counter Iran's dangerous proliferation
activities.
Iran's support for terror groups is the regime's most malign
activity. In 2015 you stated that, ``the JCPOA will address the
danger of Iran's nuclear program--lowering the overall threat
posture and freeing us and our allies to check Iran's regional
activities more aggressively, while keeping our sanctions on
support for terrorist activity in place.'' Clearly, Iran
continues to prioritize support for terror proxies.
Question. How can we better disrupt Iran's support for proxies like
Hamas, Hezbollah, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ)?
Answer. I understand the U.S. Government has and will continue to
find ways to disrupt Iran's support for Hamas, Hizballah, and
Palestinian Islamic Jihad. All three groups are designated as terrorist
organizations, and are subject to stringent sanctions, including
restrictions on financial flows. Following the terrorist attack on
Israel, the Treasury Department imposed sanctions on additional Hamas
operatives and financial facilitators, as part of a continuous effort
by the United States to root out Hamas's sources of revenue in the West
Bank and Gaza. We will continue to work with our partners and allies to
identify members of these groups and put pressure on Iran to stop
backing terrorist proxies.
Question. How do you respond to argument that the transfer of funds
to Iran during the Obama administration and the Biden administration
unfreezing of $6B in exchange for wrongfully detained Americans
incentivizes hostage taking and makes Americans abroad less safe?
Answer. I understand that the $6 billion of Iranian funds held in
restricted accounts in Doha may only be used for non-sanctionable,
humanitarian transactions, and that funds would not be moved without
first consulting with the U.S. Government. The State Department has no
higher priority than the safety and security of U.S. nationals
overseas. The United States will do whatever it can to provide all
appropriate support for U.S. nationals unjustly held overseas. Further,
I understand that the Biden Administration is closely coordinating with
like-minded governments to deter the use of arbitrary detention for
political leverage and ultimately to end this cruel practice.
Question. What are the implications of the Biden administration
unfreezing Iranian funds on potential Hamas requests for funds in
exchange for hostages in Gaza?
Answer. My understanding is the arrangement to secure the freedom
of five unjustly detained U.S. citizens from Iran in September has no
connection to Hamas or Hamas's October 7 attacks on Israel. The $6
billion in Iranian funds were transferred from a restricted account in
the Republic of Korea to an even more restricted account in Qatar. None
of this money will reach Iran or its proxies and it may only be used
for approved humanitarian transactions to third party vendors,
consistent with longstanding U.S. law, under rigorous supervision.
Question. While the Biden administration insists funds are for
humanitarian purposes, isn't all money fungible and a net gain for the
regime's terror budget? Please explain in detail.
Answer. These funds were available for purchases of humanitarian
goods when they were in the Republic of Korea, as they are now in
Qatar. Across U.S. administrations it has remained longstanding
policyto ensure our sanctions do not prevent humanitarian goods from
flowing to ordinary people, no matter how objectionable their
governments. The availability of these funds is consistent with that
longstanding policy and U.S. law across sanctions programs,and any
transaction will be subject to rigorous oversight. Not a single penny
of the funds has been spent as of now.
Question. What did you mean when you said you did ``not recall
whether those licenses were the vehicle through which funds moved'' in
response to my question on this topic?
Answer. The United States took a number of steps in order to
fulfill its commitments under the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately
utilized, a specific license was issued by the U.S. Department of the
Treasury to a non-Iranian financial institution in to facilitate a
transaction consistent with our commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S.
primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S.
financial system remained in place under the JCPOA and remain in place
today.
Question. Upon reflection, do you recall the Treasury Department's
approval of the specific license to Bank Muscat on February 24, 2016,
to process this transaction (and future transactions) for the benefit
of the Government of Iran?
Answer. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license
was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
Question. Did that license, in fact, authorize Bank Muscat to
legally convert Omani rials to U.S. dollars, and U.S. dollars into
euros, on behalf of the Iranian Government without violating U.S.
sanctions laws in place at the time?
Answer. The United States took a number of steps in order to
fulfill its commitments under the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately
utilized, a specific license was issued by the U.S. Department of the
Treasury to a non-Iranian financial institution to facilitate a
transaction consistent with our commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S.
primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S.
financial system remained in place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). Did that license, in fact, authorize
Bank Muscat to legally convert Omani rials to U.S. dollars, and
U.S. dollars into euros, on behalf of the Iranian Government
without violating U.S. sanctions laws in place at the time?
Answer. Yes. Although it was not ultimately utilized, the
U.S. Department of the Treasury issued a specific license to
Bank Muscat to authorize a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA.
Under U.S. sanctions laws, such a license was both lawful to
issue and ensured the permissibility of the transaction with
U.S. laws. The use of Treasury's specific licensing authority
did not lift, suspend, or otherwise change our sanctions
architecture, which continues to deny Iran access to the U.S.
financial system.
Question. But for that specific license, would this transaction
have been legal under U.S. sanctions laws at the time? Or, put
differently, would Bank Muscat have been able to process that
transaction without violating U.S. sanctions laws in place at the time?
Answer. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license
was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). But for that specific license, would
this transaction have been legal under U.S. sanctions laws at
the time? Or, put differently, would Bank Muscat have been able
to process that transaction without violating U.S. sanctions
laws in place at the time?
Answer. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific
license was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to
authorize the conversion of Omani rial for the onward movement
of Iranian funds, to the extent a U.S. bank was involved in the
conversion transaction. Treasury assessed that a license would
be required for such a transaction. Under U.S. sanctions laws,
such a license was both lawful to issue and ensured the
permissibility of the transaction with U.S. laws. The use of
Treasury's specific licensing authority did not lift, suspend,
or otherwise change our sanctions architecture, which continues
to deny Iran access to the U.S. financial system.
Question. If not the February 24, 2016 license, was there another
license or mechanism that made the transaction legal under U.S. law at
the time?
Answer. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license
was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). If not the February 24, 2016 license,
was there another license or mechanism that made the
transaction legal under U.S. law at the time?
Answer. Treasury assessed that a license would be needed for
the lawful conversion of Omani rial for the onward movement of
Iranian funds, to the extent a U.S. bank was involved in the
transaction. Absent involvement of a U.S. financial institution
or other U.S. nexus to the transaction, the specific license
was not required.
Question. Why didn't you notify the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee or Congress that such salient specific licenses were being
issued? Would you make the same decision today?
Answer. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee was fully briefed on
the scope of sanctions relief provided to Iran under the JCPOA.
Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license was issued
by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian financial
institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our commitments
under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on
Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in place under the
JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). Why didn't you notify the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee or Congress that such salient
specific licenses were being issued? Would you make the same
decision today?
Answer. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee was fully
briefed on the scope of sanctions relief provided to Iran under
the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific
license was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a
non-Iranian financial institution to facilitate a transaction
consistent with our commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S.
primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's use of the
U.S. financial system remained in place under the JCPOA.
Question. Do you consider authorization to convert currency to or
from U.S. dollars outside the United States to be ``access to the U.S.
financial system''? If not, why not?
Answer. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on
Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in place under the
JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license was
issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). Do you consider authorization to
convert currency to or from U.S. dollars outside the United
States to be ``access to the U.S. financial system''? If not,
why not?
Answer. Since the removal of the so-called U-turn
authorization in 2008, transactions by third-country financial
institutions on behalf of (or involving an interest of) an
Iranian person through the United States are not permissible,
unless licensed or exempt under U.S. sanctions laws. Treasury's
licensing authority is derived from statute and longstanding to
ensure the administrability of sanctions, enabling Treasury to
license transactions in the U.S. national security and foreign
policy interest. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a
specific license was issued by the U.S. Department of the
Treasury to Bank Muscat, to allow access to funds consistent
with our commitments under the JCPOA.
The use of Treasury's specific licensing authority did not
lift, suspend, or otherwise change our sanctions architecture,
which continues to deny Iran access to the U.S. financial
system. Under U.S. sanctions laws, such a license was both
lawful to issue and ensured the permissibility of the
transaction with U.S. laws.
Question. Is it true that Treasury officials under your purview
contacted two U.S. financial institutions to encourage them to convert
the Omani rials? If so, did you direct those officials to contact those
banks?
Answer. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license
was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
Answer. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license
was issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
Question. Do you consider authorization to U.S. financial
institutions to convert currency to or from U.S. dollars for the
benefit of a foreign government to be ``access to the U.S. financial
system''? If not, why not?
Answer. The United States did not allow Iran access to the U.S.
financial system under the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately
utilized, a specific license was issued by the U.S. Department of the
Treasury to a non-Iranian financial institution to facilitate a
transaction consistent with our commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S.
primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S.
financial system remained in place under the JCPOA.
Question. When this license was issued in February 2016, did anyone
at the Treasury Department suggest or discuss revising your previous
testimony to Congress regarding knowledge or efforts to allow Iran
access to the U.S. financial system in order to facilitate transactions
to convert assets on behalf of the Government of Iran?
Answer. I stand by my previous testimony to Congress. The United
States took a number of steps to fulfill its commitments under the
JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license was
issued by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to a non-Iranian
financial institution to facilitate a transaction consistent with our
commitments under the JCPOA. U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). When this license was issued in
February 2016, did anyone at the Treasury Department suggest or
discuss revising your previous testimony to Congress regarding
knowledge or efforts to allow Iran access to the U.S. financial
system in order to facilitate transactions to convert assets on
behalf of the Government of Iran?
Answer. I stand by my previous testimony to Congress. The
United States took a number of steps to fulfill its commitments
under the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a
specific license was issued by the U.S. Department of the
Treasury to a non-Iranian financial institution to facilitate a
transaction consistent with our commitments under the JCPOA.
U.S. primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's use
of the U.S. financial system remained in place under the JCPOA.
Question. What are your views on the Abraham Accords and related
normalization agreements on their impact on U.S. interests in the
region?
Answer. The 2020 Abraham Accords and related normalization
agreements are historic and important contributions to peace and
security in the Middle East. If confirmed, I will work to sustain and
deepen the relationships Israel has established through the Abraham
Accords, and expand regional integration by supporting new countries
normalizing their relations with Israel.
Question. Given the Israel-Gaza war, what specific steps will you
take as ambassador to keep Saudi-Israel normalization on the table as a
viable option?
Answer. I believe the Hamas attacks were designed in part to
undermine the normalization process. The way to respond to that is by
coming right back to focusing on regional integration and advancing the
Abraham Accords, as soon as we can. The way to prevent terrorists from
winning is by not running away and by upholding our national interests.
It was never going to be simple to get an Israeli-Saudi normalization
agreement. But it was in our interests to pursue one before these Hamas
attacks, and it will only be more so after this crisis.
Question. In 2016 John Kerry argued that there would be no
``separate peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the
issue of Palestinian statehood. What are your views on Palestinian
statehood and its ties to additional normalization agreements?
Answer. The Biden Administration remains committed to a two-state
solution as the best way to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
and to achieve equal measures of security, prosperity, freedom, and
democracy for Israelis and Palestinians alike. Normalization between
Israel and Arab states is a hugely positive development, and if
confirmed, I will do everything I can to expand it further. However,
normalization is not a substitute for Israeli-Palestinian peace, though
it can help advance that goal. As the administration has indicated, any
normalization agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia would include
significant components addressing fundamental issues between Israelis
and Palestinians.
Question. Does re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the
peace process hinder prospects of further normalizations with Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to sustain and deepen the
relationships Israel has established through the Abraham Accords, and
expand regional integration by supporting new countries normalizing
their relations with Israel. I also will work to encourage constructive
engagement between Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Palestinians. As the
administration has indicated, any normalization agreement between
Israel and Saudi Arabia, or any other country in the region, would
include significant components dealing with fundamental issues between
Israelis and Palestinians. The Biden Administration remains committed
to a two-state solution as the best way to resolve the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict and achieve equal measures of security,
prosperity, freedom, and democracy for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
Saudi Arabia has reportedly requested Palestinian concessions
in exchange for normalization with Israel, along with changes
to U.S. policy.
Question. What are your views on suitable Palestinian concessions
related to Israel-Saudi normalization, particularly given the current
conflict? Please provide your views on each of the reported Palestinian
concessions below.
a. Transferring Area C in the West Bank to the Palestinian
Authority
b. ``Complete cessation'' of Israeli settlement growth in the
West Bank
c. Resuming Saudi financial support to the PA to $200M per
year
d. Re-opening the U.S. consulate to Palestinians in Jerusalem
e. Resuming U.S.-brokered negotiations between Israel and the
Palestinians.
Answer. As the administration has indicated, any normalization
agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia would include significant
components dealing with fundamental issues between Israelis and
Palestinians. I cannot speak to hypothetical situations, but I continue
to believe that expanding the Abraham Accords is in the best interest
of the United States and the region. If confirmed, I will work to
sustain and deepen the relationships Israel has established through the
Abraham Accords, and expand regional integration by supporting new
countries normalizing their relations with Israel.
Question. Should the Palestinian Authority be required to reform
pay-for-slay before Saudi Arabia resumes financial support to the PA?
Answer. The Palestinian practice of prisoner and ``martyr''
payments is abhorrent and unacceptable. If confirmed, I will do
everything in my power to end this practice in a manner that addresses
longstanding U.S. and international concerns. If confirmed, I would
uphold the provisions of the Taylor Force Act and build on the
sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure exerted thus far,
underscoring that an essential part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian
relationship is seeing reform of this heinous practice.
Question. Alternatively, would you support an independent fund to
receive international donations for the Palestinians that excludes the
Palestinian Authority?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
Congress, as well as our allies and partners, to help garner support to
alleviate the suffering of the Palestinian people, who are also
suffering at the hands of Hamas. All assistance is provided consistent
with U.S. law, including the Taylor Force Act. U.S. support to UNRWA,
which directly supports Palestinians in Gaza as well as in the region,
since 2021 has totaled more than $1 billion. On October 18, the
President announced $100 million in additional humanitarian assistance
for the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. Funding will help
support over a million displaced and conflict-affected people with
clean water, food, hygiene support, medical care, and essential needs.
This assistance will be provided through trusted partners, including
U.N. agencies and international NGOs who have undergone extensive
vetting.
Question. Please provide your views on the relocation of the U.S.
embassy to Jerusalem, recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel
and United States recognition of Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
Heights. What is your view on the reversibility of these U.S. policies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to support the Administration's
policies and to support and strengthen Israel's security. The United
States recognizes Jerusalem as Israel's capital and our Embassy is
there and I understand that President Biden has no intention of
reversing those decisions. There has been no change in U.S. policy on
the Golan Heights, remains of real importance to Israel's security,
since 2019.
Question. Many have argued that the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995,
passed overwhelmingly by the U.S. House and Senate, would prohibit a
consulate for Palestinians in Jerusalem. Do you agree or disagree with
the assessment that a consulate in Jerusalem for Palestinians would
violate the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic
presence in Jerusalem enables our government to carry out a full range
of diplomatic activities. I understand the Administration is committed,
as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the
Consulate General in Jerusalem would not change U.S. recognition of
Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
Question. Early in the Biden administration, there were reports
that the administration was conducting a review with the goal to open a
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) office in the United States,
despite the legal prohibitions under the 1987 Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA)
and the 2019 Promoting Security and Justice for Victims of Terrorism
Act (PSJVTA). Is the opening of a PLO office in the United States
permissible under U.S. law?
Answer. I understand that the issue of the Palestinian presence in
Washington is a complicated one, with a number of legal implications.
If confirmed, I am committed to advocating that all decisions regarding
a PLO office in Washington be consistent both with U.S. interests in
advancing peace and applicable U.S. law.
Palestinian Policy
Since FY 2020, the United States has provided nearly $600
million in aid to Palestinians, including $75 million in FY
2020, $75 million in FY 2021, $219 million in FY 2022, and $225
million in FY 2023. Yet violence is at an all-time high, before
the current conflict terrorists from Gaza were establishing a
foothold in the West Bank, and PA credibility remains at
historic lows.
Question. If confirmed, what safeguards will you put in place to
protect against the diversion of U.S. foreign assistance in Gaza,
including humanitarian assistance, by Hamas?
Answer. I understand the Department and the U.S. Agency for
International Development, as well as our development and humanitarian
implementers in the West Bank and Gaza, have robust vetting processes
and measures in place to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government
assistance could provide material support to Hamas or other terrorist
groups. The Administration provides assistance through vetted and
trusted international and local partners in a manner consistent with
applicable U.S. law. All assistance in Gaza and the West Bank remains
subject to regular Office of Inspector General audits and
investigations.
Question. What specific steps will you take to ensure that United
States foreign assistance in Gaza provides no direct or indirect
benefit to Hamas?
Answer. I understand the U.S. Government works closely with trusted
implementing partners to ensure that funds are used effectively and for
their intended purpose, in accordance with U.S. law. I understand the
U.S. Government is pursuing robust, real-time engagement with trusted
assistance providers to reduce the risk of diversion by Hamas as the
complex situation in Gaza develops. We require all implementers to have
proper safeguards and risk mitigation measures in place to ensure that
humanitarian aid reaches only the intended recipients. For instance,
all U.S. Government humanitarian and non-humanitarian implementers must
comply with robust financial and programmatic monitoring, reporting,
and compliance mechanisms. Through regular monitoring and evaluation,
we can quickly identify attempted diversion and suspend or terminate
programs if necessary. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring these robust
safeguards remain in place.
Question. How does the U.S. intend to link Palestinian assistance
(particularly ESF and INCLE expenditures) to strategic outcomes that
are in U.S. national security interests?
Answer. I understand U.S. foreign assistance for the West Bank and
Gaza serves the strategic U.S. interest of promoting the economic and
security conditions for a peaceful co-existence between Israelis and
Palestinians, with the aim of achieving a two-state solution. U.S.
economic and humanitarian assistance programs in the West Bank and Gaza
are dedicated to improving the lives of millions of Palestinians and
have the effect of bolstering stability for both Palestinians and
Israelis. Security and rule of law programs, through INCLE assistance
in the West Bank, are developed to bolster security for both
Palestinians and Israelis.
Question. Under what conditions, if any, would you support
conditioning U.S. assistance to the West Bank and Gaza?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring U.S. assistance is
well-calibrated and advances U.S. national security interests--and that
it must not end up in the hands of Hamas or any other terrorist
organization. I understand that U.S. assistance provides critical
humanitarian relief to those in great need, fosters economic
development, supports Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding, and security
coordination between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. It also
aligns with the values and interests of the United States and our
allies and partners by supporting the dignity, prosperity, and freedom
of Palestinians.
Question. Despite compliance with the Taylor Force Act, opponents
of continued assistance to the Palestinians argue that all money is
fungible and that ESF to the Palestinian people relieves the
Palestinian Authority of a burden and thus frees up additional funding
for the prisoner and martyr's program Do you believe this to be true?
Please provide a detailed response to this argument.
Answer. The Administration provides assistance to the Palestinian
people in a manner consistent with U.S. law and through experienced,
vetted, and trusted independent partners, who distribute directly to
people in need. Further, I understand the Administration goes to great
lengths to provide assistance based on need and to advance important
U.S. interests, including Israel's security and the welfare of the
Palestinian people.
Question. Despite compliance with the Taylor Force Act, opponents
of continued assistance to the Palestinians argue that all money is
fungible and that ESF to the Palestinian people relieves the
Palestinian Authority of a burden and thus frees up additional funding
for the prisoner and martyr's program Do you believe this to be true?
Please provide a detailed response to this argument.
Answer. The Administration provides assistance to the Palestinian
people in a manner consistent with U.S. law and through experienced,
vetted, and trusted independent partners, who distribute directly to
people in need. Further, I understand the Administration goes to great
lengths to provide assistance based on need and to advance important
U.S. interests, including Israel's security and the welfare of the
Palestinian people.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to end
the horrific ``pay for slay'' program?
Answer. The Palestinian practice of prisoner and ``martyr''
payments is abhorrent and unacceptable. If confirmed, I will do
everything in my power to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
international concerns. If confirmed, I will uphold the provisions of
the Taylor Force Act and build on the sustained diplomatic engagement
and pressure exerted thus far.
Question. How would you define ``humanitarian assistance'' in the
West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.
Answer. U.S. humanitarian assistance includes, but is not limited
to, lifesaving support for conflict-affected people through the
provision of safe water, emergency food, shelter, hygiene support, and
emergency medical services. Humanitarian activities also provide
psychosocial support and protection services for conflict-affected
communities. U.S. economic assistance in the West Bank and Gaza
includes developing scholastic and vocational opportunities for youth,
supporting healthcare initiatives, building the productivity of the
private sector, and other activities focused on medium- to long-term
development.
Question. The Taylor Force Act prohibits assistance that ``directly
benefits'' the Palestinian Authority. What is your interpretation of
``directly benefit''?
Answer. The Department and USAID provide assistance for the West
Bank and Gaza in a manner consistent with U.S. law, including the
Taylor Force Act, and through experienced, vetted, and trusted
implementing partners. The primary aim of such assistance is to support
conditions that advance a two-state solution, bolster the welfare of
the Palestinian people, and promote regional stability. Economic and
humanitarian assistance programs improve the lives of millions of
Palestinians by providing immediate relief and advancing development.
U.S. security assistance supports Israeli-Palestinian security
cooperation, which benefits Israelis and Palestinians alike.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). The Taylor Force Act prohibits
assistance that ``directly benefits'' the Palestinian
Authority. What is your interpretation of ``directly benefit''?
Answer. I understand that the Department and USAID ensure
U.S. assistance for the West Bank and Gaza aligns with the
values and interests of the United States and our allies and
partners, and they apply very strict policies and procedures to
help ensure that our assistance does not benefit terrorist
groups, such as Hamas.
With respect to the Taylor Force Act, I fully support it and
I understand that U.S. Government takes a number of criteria
into account in assessing whether assistance ``directly
benefits'' the Palestinian Authority. This includes whether the
Palestinian Authority is the direct recipient of the
assistance; whether the assistance involves the payment of
Palestinian Authority creditors; the extent of ownership or
control the Palestinian Authority exerts over an entity or
individual that is the primary beneficiary or end user of the
assistance; and whether the assistance or services provided
directly replace assistance or services provided by the
Palestinian Authority.
The Administration provides assistance in a manner consistent
with applicable U.S. law, including the Taylor Force Act, which
restricts the use of Economic Support Funds that directly
benefits the Palestinian Authority, subject to certain
exceptions. Economic and humanitarian assistance programs
improve the lives of millions of Palestinians by providing
immediate relief and advancing development across sectors such
as health, economic growth, and civil society, while security
sector programs support Israeli-Palestinian security
cooperation to enhance the stability of the West Bank.
Question. Do you believe that U.S.-provided Palestinian assistance
replaces PA expenditures and allows the PA to fund prisoner and
martyr's payments at higher levels? Please provide a detailed response
to this argument.
Answer. The Palestinian practice of prisoner and ``martyr''
payments is abhorrent and unacceptable. I understand that U.S.
assistance goes to funding programs that help the Palestinian people in
their everyday lives, such as health services, economic growth,
community development and conflict mitigation, and enhancing security
cooperation between Israel and the PA. The Department and the U.S.
Agency for International Development, as well as our development and
humanitarian implementers in the West Bank and Gaza, have robust
vetting processes in place to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government
assistance could provide material support to Hamas or other terrorist
groups. To my knowledge, the Administration provides assistance through
trusted international and local partners in a manner consistent with
applicable U.S. law, including the Taylor Force Act.
Should I be confirmed, I can assure you of my commitment to work
through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure to end this
heinous practice. I will work to ensure that U.S. foreign assistance
only supports programs consistent with U.S. values and national
security objectives.
Temple Mount
Question. Since 1967, Jordan's custodial role over Temple Mount has
helped maintain peace at one of the region's most contentious and
divisive religious sites. For decades, religious worship at Temple
Mount has been restricted to Muslims but in recent weeks the Israeli
Government has authorized a growing number of Jewish worshippers to
practice there. To what extent do you feel this Israeli shift in policy
threatens to trigger further instability in East Jerusalem?
Answer. The Biden Administration made clear that it stands firmly
for the preservation of the historic status quo regarding holy sites in
Jerusalem, including on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, and it
continues to respect the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, which
recognizes the special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in
Muslim holy shrines in Jerusalem. The Administration has also
consistently said that it is critical to refrain from unilateral steps
that exacerbate tensions, including on the site. If confirmed, I will
uphold U.S. support for the historic status quo at Jerusalem's holy
sites and on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, and to handle all issues
related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. What specific steps would you propose the U.S. takes to
address concerns over worship at Temple Mount? What role should Jordan
play in these discussions?
Answer. The Biden administration has made clear that it stands
firmly for the preservation of the historic status quo regarding holy
sites in Jerusalem, including on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, and
it continues to respect the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, which
recognizes the special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in
Muslim holy shrines in Jerusalem. This Administration has also
consistently said that it is critical to refrain from unilateral steps
that exacerbate tensions, including on the site. Jordan and Israel
continue to cooperate to manage tensions at Haram Al-Sharif/Temple
Mount, including reaffirming the historical status quo, which is in
both of their interests. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing
U.S. support for the historic status quo at Jerusalem's holy sites and
on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount and to handle all issues related to
Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. What role does settler violence play in Israeli
Palestinian tensions and what are your recommendations to address this
issue?
Answer. The Administration has consistently and unequivocally
condemned all acts of terrorism and the targeting of civilians,
including terrorist attacks by Israeli violent extremist settlers in
the West Bank against Palestinians, some of whom are U.S. citizens. If
confirmed, I will press Israel to take measures to prevent such
attacks, intervene in any that take place, protect Palestinians from
such violence, and hold any perpetrators accountable.
Lebanon
Question. To what extent do you feel UNIFIL's current mandate is
sufficient to oversee safety and security along the called Blue Line?
Answer. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) plays
a critical role in ensuring security and stability along the Blue Line,
limiting Hizballah's operations in southern Lebanon, and preventing
escalation between Lebanon and Israel. Specifically, UNIFIL's liaison
activities are crucial to maintaining relative stability in southern
Lebanon. For example, during times of increased tension along the Blue
Line, UNIFIL peacekeepers routinely position themselves between
Lebanese and Israeli soldiers to mediate disputes over the precise
location of the Blue Line and to mitigate escalation. UNIFIL also works
closely with the Lebanese Armed Forces in conducting joint patrols and
coordinating responses to deescalate tensions, which is particularly
critical at this time of heightened tension on Israel's northern
border. These efforts facilitate the Government of Lebanon in extending
state control to southern Lebanon, a goal that would greatly enhance
regional stability and security. However, despite the success that
UNIFIL has had in implementing its mandate to date, Hizballah continues
to impede UNIFIL's access to key points along the Blue Line and openly
flouts the arms embargo established under UNSCR 1701. Every year, the
United States seeks to strengthen UNIFIL's mandate to ensure that it is
best positioned to perform its core functions.
Question. Are there specific reforms to the mandate you feel the
U.S. should pursue to help address Israel's ongoing security concerns?
Should the mandate allow searches of private property without advance
notice?
Answer. Despite the success that UNIFIL has had in implementing its
mandate to date, Hizballah continues to impede UNIFIL's access to key
points along the Blue Line and openly flouts the arms embargo
established under UNSCR 1701. I understand that U.S. officials
repeatedly raise these challenges in meetings with UNIFIL's leadership.
If confirmed, I will work with relevant offices in the Department,
UNIFIL, and international partners to strengthen language in the
mandate that would identify challenges to UNIFIL's freedom of movement
and enable it to fully implement all aspects of that mandate. These
reforms would allow UNIFIL to provide greater security to Lebanon and
Israel.
Question. Hezbollah threatens Israel with precision-guided
munitions often stored in densely packed urban areas. Should the United
States sanction Hezbollah under the Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless
Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Why or why not? How do you address
the PGM threat to Israel?
Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad and,
if confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States uses all the
tools at our disposal to confront security threats to Israel, including
from Hizballah and Hamas. The U.S. Government remains committed to
imposing sanctions on Hizballah and its supporters, supporting the
Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) as a counterweight to Hizballah within
Lebanon, and empowering UNIFIL to fulfill its full mandate along the
Blue Line. I believe the United States' August 16 designation of Green
Without Borders (GWB)--a purported environmental organization that
provides support to and cover for Hizballah--demonstrated the
Administration's commitment to combating the group's destabilizing
activities. If confirmed, I will continue the important work of
containing Hizballah's malign influence in the region and across the
world, consult with Congress on U.S. efforts to counter Hizballah, and
support Israel's right to self-defense, all of which I did as Secretary
of the Treasury. If confirmed, you have my commitment to support and
encourage sanctions against Iran's terrorist activities. I will also
support continued U.S. assistance to Israel's ballistic missile defense
programs.
China
In recent years, commercial ties between Israel and China
have grown significantly, as reflected in the Israeli decision
to award numerous infrastructure projects to Chinese building
conglomerates.
In 2019, in response to U.S. concerns over growing Chinese
investment, Israel announced the establishment of an advisory
committee, led by the Finance Ministry, to oversee and evaluate
foreign investments in Israel. Right now, that committee is an
inadequate mechanism and lacks a broad enough scope to protect
high technology firms. Only foreign investments in the Israeli
financial, communications, infrastructure, transportation, and
energy sectors are subject to regulatory approval. Israel is a
world-leader in high technology industries. Without a mechanism
empowered to review high technology firms, Israel will lack the
ability to ensure controlling and non-controlling investments
in these companies do not disadvantage Israel's national
security.
Question. If confirmed, can you pledge to work with the Government
of Israel to improve oversight of foreign commercial investment in
Israel, particularly as relates to dual use technology and
infrastructure?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I pledge to work with the Government of
Israel to improve its oversight of foreign commercial investment in
Israel, particularly in the areas of dual use technology and
infrastructure. The U.S. has been a leader in this regard, and we'll
continue to work with partners to enhance the effectiveness of
investment screening by warning them of the risks to the United States
and Israel and sharing best practices to enhance oversight.
Question. From your perspective, what specific reforms should the
U.S. seek from Israel to help improve its existing foreign investments
oversight regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with the Government
of Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to
identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment,
including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data,
and critical infrastructure.
Question. Can you commit to working with the Government of Israel
to ensure its investment oversight regime covers high tech industries?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with the Government
of Israel to ensure its investment oversight regime covers high tech
industries.
Question. What are China's interests in its relationship with
Israel?
Answer. The PRC continues to deepen it relationships in the Middle
East. Israel continues to recognize the United States as its close
partner. The PRC enjoys no such special relationship in Israel. As
Israel is a world leader in developing innovative technology with
military, civilian, and dual-use applications, I understand the PRC
attempts to extend influence and acquire dual-use technology through
acquisition and investment in Israel--but we will be blunt and clear
with our ally, Israel, in our assessment of the PRC and its role on the
international stage.
Question. What are China's interests and objectives in the broader
Middle East?
Answer. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State, interagency
colleagues, and Congress to counter China's efforts to expand its
influence in Israel and the region.
Question. To what (if any) extent do U.S. and China's interests
with respect to Israel overlap?
Answer. The United States and the PRC both recognize Israel as a
leader in innovative technology with military, civilian, and dual-use
applications. The PRC seeks to extend influence and acquire those
technologies through predatory acquisitions and investment in Israel,
while the United States views close cooperation with Israel as
important to our security and intelligence partnership and approaches
the relationship with the aim of fostering mutual benefit. In that
spirit, we will make our assessment of the PRC, and the risks it poses
to Israel, crystal clear to our Israeli partners.
Question. To what (if any) extent do U.S. and China's interests
with respect to the Middle East overlap?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC,
the United States manages this competition responsibly. This includes
maintaining openness to cooperation with Beijing where our interests
may overlap and where our cooperation can advance solutions to
transnational challenges, including climate change, global
macroeconomic stability, food security, public health, and counter-
narcotics. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized, however, to
ensure they are neither springboards for narrow PRC economic interests,
nor platforms to create more permissive conditions for its own
authoritarian model.
Question. What are your views on China's reaction to the current
Israel-Hamas conflict?
Answer. As part of the Administration's intensive diplomatic
engagements to stand with Israel and condemn the terrorist attacks by
Hamas, the United States has reiterated to the PRC U.S. support for
Israel's right to defend itself and called for an immediate halt to
Hamas' attacks and the release of all hostages. We have also emphasized
the importance of maintaining stability in the region and discouraging
other parties from entering the conflict.
Question. If confirmed, would you advocate for China's involvement
in Israel-Palestinian issues? Do you think China playing a role is in
U.S. interests?
Answer. The United States has reiterated to the PRC U.S. support
for Israel's right to defend itself and called for an immediate halt to
Hamas' attacks and the release of all hostages. If confirmed, I will
continue to reiterate this support to my Chinese counterpart.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). If confirmed, would you advocate for
China's involvement in Israel-Palestinian issues? Do you think
China playing a role is in U.S. interests?
Answer. The PRC's original statement following Hamas' heinous
October 7 attack on Israel neglected to even mention the loss
of life and devastation inflicted upon Israeli civilians.
Through the subsequent engagement of our U.S. Ambassador in
China who also hosted the Israeli Ambassador to China in the
aftermath of this tragedy, I understand that the Chinese
Foreign Ministry put out a follow-up statement recognizing
civilian suffering. Unfortunately, this came too late for many
in the Israeli Government and population. For this reason, as
well as subsequent actions the PRC took at the U.N. to deny
Israel's right to self-defense, I do not think that the PRC is
acting in the interest of the US.
I also believe that the PRC's own actions and statements have
resulted in the Chinese not being seen as a credible actor in
the region, particularly on this issue. If confirmed, I will
make sure that the United States continues to stand by Israel
during this difficult time. I will reiterate this position to
my PRC counterpartand encourage them (and others) to be more
forward-leaning, particularly in support of Israel's right to
self-defense.
Question. What are your views on China's relationship with Iran?
How will those views shape your approach to China's presence and
influence in Israel?
Answer. The Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most
consequential geopolitical challenge facing the United States and we
have expressed our concerns with the PRC's support for Iran. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and interagency
colleagues and Congress to counter the PRC's efforts to expand its
influence in the region, in particular it's support for Iran. My
priority will be advancing U.S. national security interests in Israel
and countering efforts by strategic and regional competitors including
the PRC and Iran to undermine those interests.
Question. What areas of cooperation will you focus on with respect
to the I2U2?
Answer. I2U2 is a unique grouping that shows the power that
economic integration offers in solving cross cutting issues such as
climate change, food and water insecurity, and adopting advanced
technology. This is demonstrated by the food security and clean energy
projects in India. If confirmed, I will work to promote the benefits of
working with I2U2 to the private sector.
Question. Should United States assistance in the West Bank and Gaza
be branded?
Answer. There are a range of factors to consider including the need
to balance the safety of aid recipients and the critical public
diplomacy benefits for the United States of branding. If confirmed, I
will consult Congress and other entities in the U.S. Government to
weigh the utility of this option.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to combat
incitement in the West Bank and Gaza, including in classrooms and
curriculum?
Answer. I condemn antisemitism and incitement to violence and
terrorism in any form. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in
the State Department, including Ambassador Deborah Lipstadt, and others
to ensure that we fully address such incitement. We must ensure that
students are given the chance to be taught in an environment and with
materials that don't promote hate.
Question. Do you agree that the purpose of U.S. foreign assistance
is to end the need for its existence?
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance serves important U.S. national
security interests, including supporting our unwavering commitment to
Israel's security and priorities such as helping our allies and
partners maintain stability and prosperity.
Question. Under what conditions, if any, would you support
restarting United States non- humanitarian assistance to Gaza, which we
understand has been paused?
Answer. To my knowledge we have not stopped assistance to Gaza.
U.S. foreign assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves important
U.S. interests, including providing critical support to those in great
need, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
Palestinian security coordination through economic, development, and
security sector assistance. Economic and development programs in the
West Bank and Gaza support the development of the Palestinian economy,
civil society, and other institutions to improve the lives of
Palestinians.
The Nita Lowey Partnerships for Peace Act (PPA) authorized
$250 million over five years to support peacebuilding
initiatives between Israelis and Palestinians, including
through a ``People- to-People Partnership for Peace Fund'' at
the U.S. Agency for International Development and a ``Joint
Investment for Peace Initiative'' at the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation (DFC).
Question. If confirmed, how would you measure progress of these
initiatives?
Answer. MEPPA is an important piece of legislation, aimed at
advancing peaceful co-existence between Israelis and Palestinians, in
order to promote a sustainable two-state solution. These programs are
successful when they foster people to people connections, purposeful
conversations, and meaningful dialogues to grow trust. If confirmed, I
will continue to advance the priorities of MEPPA with an eye towards
progress and a more peaceful, stable region.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that all
partners and activities undertaken pursuant to the PPA--including at
the sub-award level--are fully vetted and transparently reported to
Congress?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that all partners and
activities undertaken pursuant to the MEPPA--including at the sub-award
level--are fully vetted and transparently reported to Congress.
Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage co-investment in PPA
activities by Israelis and Palestinians, in addition to generating
support by other donors?
Answer. If confirmed, I will stand by and work with Israelis and
Palestinians who co-invest in PPA activities. I will highlight to the
region the benefits when Israelis and Palestinians work together. These
partnerships are the seeds of peace. If confirmed, I will gladly work
with partners and allies to solicit greater support.
Ukraine
Question. Do you believe that the United States has the ability to
militarily and financially support Ukraine and Israel at the same time?
Please explain the reasoning behind your assessment.
Answer. While I cannot comment on specific needs in both instances,
I am confident the U.S. Government can support both.? We transfer the
vast majority of Israel's defense articles through the Foreign Military
Sales or Direct Commercial Sales systems, whereas Ukraine is primarily
supplied through drawdown or third-party transfer. We are also
fortunate to have a network of staunch allies who are actively
assisting us in support of both conflicts. ? U.S. support for
democratic partners and allies who stand up to terrorism and to those
who violate international norms demonstrates our commitment to global
leadership.
The United States strongly supports both Ukraine and Israel.
Ukraine has made clear that it is interested in deepening its
relationship with Israel, but Israel has not reciprocated that
interest. Israel is seemingly worried about angering Russia,
who it relies on to allow its Air Force to operate over Syria.
Yet, Russia works closely with Iran, meets regularly with
Hamas, and has backed Hamas in the current conflict between
that terrorist group and Israel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encouraging the Government
of Israel to improve its relationship with Ukraine?
Answer. Both Ukraine and Israel are vital partners in the fight
against terrorism and autocracy.? If confirmed, I will strongly
encourage the Government of Israel to continue strengthening its
partnership with Ukraine.
European Engagement
There is significant disagreement between European nations,
and within the European Union, as to whether and how to support
Israel against terrorism and its adversaries.
Question. How will you contribute to U.S. engagement with European
governments and the European Union on assistance to Israel?
Answer. It is critical that the United States and EU work together
to support Israel's right to defend itself within the bounds of the law
of war and to stop the conflict from spreading. I understand the
President and Secretary of State have engaged our European Allies and
partners to encourage support to Israel. If confirmed as Ambassador, I
would further support these efforts.
Question. How will you contribute to U.S. engagement with European
governments and the European Union on the matter of limiting and
monitoring any aid to Palestinians in order to ensure that aid is not
diverted or misused to support terrorism?
Answer. We are working with the Governments of Israel and Egypt as
well as with the U.N. and international partners to provide Palestinian
civilians with lifesaving humanitarian assistance, such as clean water,
food, hygiene support, medical care, and to address other essential
needs.
The United States provides funding for essential and life-saving
humanitarian assistance to Palestinian refugees through vetted
international and non-governmental organizations and in compliance with
applicable U.S. law. The Department and USAID, as well as our
development and humanitarian implementing partners in the West Bank and
Gaza, have robust vetting processes in place to mitigate the risk that
U.S. assistance could provide material support to Hamas or other
terrorist groups.
United Nations
In 2012, a letter was sent to the Senate Appropriations
Committee arguing against efforts to distinguish between
Palestinian displaced by the conflict that led to the creation
of Israel in 1948 and their descendants, who the U.N. currently
classifies as refugees. This distinction would reduce the
number of UNRWA registered refugees from 5 million to 30,000.
Question. Do you still maintain that efforts to limit those who can
claim UNRWA refugee status would undermine U.S. interests in advancing
discussions between Israel and the Palestinian Authority?
Answer. My understanding is that the status of Palestinian refugees
remains a highly sensitive issue among Palestinians and their
supporters, including U.S. regional allies such as Jordan. Refugees is
one of the recognized final-status issues that can only be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.
Question. Who, in your view, should classify as an UNRWA refugee?
Answer. My understanding is that that UNRWA's definition of
``Palestine refugees'' for the purposes of UNRWA's own operations is:
``[P]ersons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the
period of June 1, 1946 to May 15, 1948, and who lost both home and
means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict.'' I understand
descendants of eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are eligible for
registration with UNRWA for the purpose of accessing services. I
understand this approach to including descendants is similar to that
used by UNHCR in other protracted refugee situations, such as those of
Afghan and Somali refugees.
Question. Why does UNWRA require 10,000 more staff to advocate its
regional mission than UNHCR to advance its global mission?
Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is
to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the
five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which delivers most services to
refugees through sub-partners, I understand UNRWA employees include
school teachers and health care workers who provide services directly
to beneficiaries.
Question. Do you believe UNWRA should be absorbed by UNHCR, given
UNHCR's efficiency and infrastructure?
Answer. I understand UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General
Assembly and is to provide essential services directly to Palestinian
refugees in the five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which works to
deliver most services to refugees through sub-partners, I am told that
UNRWA employees include schoolteachers and health care workers who
provide services directly to beneficiaries. UNHCR's mandate focuses on
seeking durable solutions (such as resettlement, repatriation, and
local integration) for refugees, which I understand cannot be
adequately applied in the Palestinian context as these matters are
final-status issues to be negotiated directly between Israel and the
Palestinians.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the
appropriate Congressional committees prior to any consultations related
to new U.S. contributions to UNRWA?
Answer. The President and the Secretary have been clear that the
Administration is committed to working with Congress. I understand the
Department has regularly engaged with Congressional committees since
resuming humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people. If
confirmed, I am committed to supporting the continuation of this
approach.
Question. How do you plan to work with UNRWA to advance reform,
particularly as relates to antisemitic educational content of
textbooks?
Answer. I have always and will always condemn incitement to
terrorism and other violence and antisemitism in any form. I am told
that U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own
curriculum but use the curriculum of host authorities. I understand
that when concepts contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host
governments' education materials, UNRWA provides instructions and
supplementary materials for its staff to address the issue. If
confirmed, I will emphasize and ensure our team is emphasizing the
importance of following humanitarian principles, including neutrality,
in discussions with UNRWA.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring UNRWA agrees and
adheres to strict neutrality rules as set forth by the U.S. and the
U.N.?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that UNRWA
agrees and adheres to strict neutrality rules as set forth by the
United States and the U.N. UNRWA also employs a ``Neutrality
Framework'' that outlines the Agency's standards, practices, and
procedures regarding neutrality to ensure a consistent and coherent
approach to neutrality issues.
Question. Since the U.S. has rejoined the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), what
improvements or reforms have been made to improve Israel's treatment by
UNESCO?
Answer. In re-engaging as a member state, the United States is
better placed to counter any disproportionate focus on Israel and will
continue to work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to prevent
and oppose biased or one-sided resolutions. If confirmed, I look
forward to learning more about reforms to improve Israel's treatment by
UNESCO.
Question. Do you believe this action promotes the Middle East peace
process and serves the needs of the Palestinian people?
Answer. As a member state, the United States can more effectively
partner with likeminded Member States to promote human rights and
education, and ensure responsible development of emerging technologies
through shaping norms and standards--for Israelis, Palestinians, and
others around the world.
Question. In your view, what consequences should the Palestinians
face if they continue to attempt to gain membership in U.N. agencies?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I will
underscore to the Palestinians that unproductive, unilateral steps are
not a shortcut to Palestinian statehood. The Biden Administration
remains committed to a negotiated two-state solution as the best way to
resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I am confident that the
Administration will continue to abide by relevant U.S. laws regarding
Palestinian membership in U.N. specialized agencies.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to prevent the
Palestinian Authorities' pursuit of full membership in U.N. entities?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will underscore to the Palestinian
leadership that unproductive, unilateral steps are not a shortcut to
Palestinian statehood.
Question. In 2018, the Trump administration withdrew from the
United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) citing ``chronic anti-
Israel bias.'' Since, the Biden administration has re-engaged with the
body, claiming U.S. absence did nothing to address its disproportionate
focus on Israel. Do you share the Trump administration's assessment
regarding the UNHRC's reported anti-Israel bias? What steps should the
U.S. take to improve the UNHRC's impartiality?
Answer. For as long as Israel has been a member of the United
Nations, Israel has been treated differently from other nations at the
United Nations. Such unequal treatment not only hurts Israel, but also
undermines the legitimacy of the United Nations itself. If confirmed,
consistent with Administration policy, I will oppose any and all
efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided
resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United Nations,
including the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights
Council, and other bodies. When we have had a seat at the table, we
have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes
like a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel.
Question. If confirmed, will you support any action by the U.N.
Human Rights Council to open a commission of inquiry in the wake of the
horrific attacks by Hamas on October 7, 2023?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support measures to hold Hamas fully
accountable for its horrific terrorist attacks, and work with others in
the Administration to find the means to do so that best advance U.S.
interests, including our interests in the security of Israel.
Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?
Answer. I believe deeply that the United States should engage at
the United Nations to persuade others to improve resolutions and ensure
that Israel is not unfairly singled out or delegitimized. While there
are sometimes dynamics in the U.N. that work against fully meeting that
objective, I will oppose any and all efforts to unfairly single out or
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
actions across the United Nations.
Question. In 2021, International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor
opened an investigation into possible war crimes allegedly committed in
the West Bank and Gaza. Do you believe that the ICC should be
investigating a case involving alleged Israeli actions in the
Palestinian territories? If yes, please explain.
Answer. No. I understand the United States maintains our
longstanding objection to the ICC's investigation into the Palestinian
situation, and if confirmed, I would fully support that position.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to
investigate or bring to trial Israeli service members, officials, or
other Israeli citizens? If yes, please explain.
Answer. No. I understand United States has longstanding objections
to the ICC's jurisdiction over the Palestinian situation, and if
confirmed, I would fully support that position.
Question. Do you believe the ICC's reputation has been diminished
by recent attempts to prosecute United States and Israeli nationals? If
no, please explain.
Answer. I understand the United States has longstanding objections
to the ICC's assertion of jurisdiction over U.S. and Israeli nationals.
I share those objections.
Department of State Management and Oversight
Mission Israel is currently in a war zone and under enormous
stress. Staff are working around the clock and worried about
the safety of their families and friends.
Question. How do you intend to buoy morale across Mission Israel?
Answer. In this time of crisis, it is important to me that the
dedicated professionals at the Mission understand that their safety and
security will always be a priority. If confirmed, I will ensure they
have all the tools and support they need in order to feel valued,
appreciated and secure. As Deputy Secretary for Management and
Resources, I worked closely with our missions in the most adverse
environments, and understand how important it is to lead by example and
listen to the team with total attention. As I said at my hearing, as a
citizen I have great respect for their dedication and courage. If
confirmed, it will be an immense honor to lead them.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Israel?
Answer. The horrific events that have unfolded over the last few
weeks have only underscored what many of you have already seen first-
hand: the team we have in Israel is amongst the best in the world. If
confirmed, it will be my honor to ensure that every member of our
Mission, across every agency, knows that I will support them in every
way possible.Particularly, in this time of uncertainty, it will be one
of my top priorities to ensure that I am in touch with all the members
of team, and they know that their contributions are appreciated and
valued. I value different opinions and have always welcomed the
opportunity to learn from those around me. Should I be confirmed to
lead our Mission in Israel, that will not change.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Throughout my career, my focus has been on supporting
people, being an inclusive leader, and setting a clear vision. I
emphasize teamwork, collaboration, and cooperation to achieve goals. I
prioritize communication and information sharing so that all team
members understand the objectives at hand and the path forward. I
strive to include all voices, model professionalism and respect, and
empower others to progress in their careers and make significant
contributions that move our goals forward.
Question. How do you believe this management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where processes and resources aren't as readily
available as they may be at Main State?
Answer. Having served as the Deputy Secretary of State for
Management and Resources, I understand much of the internal workings of
the State Department and have spent time at countless overseas
embassies and consulates. While serving at an embassy overseas is
different from being at Main State, there are similarities in the
management culture. If confirmed, I will create an inclusive
environment that relies on the expertise and knowledge of our career
diplomats, civil servants, family members, and local staff. We will
work collaboratively together and with Main State and will value all
input in order to further our goals and achieve results.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on the new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Each time I have led federal agencies my goal was to
integrate the political and career teams to work together and support
each other. All chiefs of mission, not just political appointees, must
become part of the Embassy community and ensure they demonstrate
leadership, but also remain accessible to the team. Given the current
crisis situation in Israel, if confirmed, I would plan to meet with the
Embassy community while also focusing on the demands of the crisis. I
believe that under the current circumstances, the Embassy community has
come together. If confirmed, one of the first things I would like to do
is meet with the Embassy community. In this time of uncertainty, it is
important that they understand my commitment to them is as strong as my
commitment to our shared interests--a safer, more stable region. As
circumstances allow in the future, I look forward to meeting with staff
throughout the mission and continuing to strengthen the mission.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is completely unacceptable--in any environment--to
berate anyone, under any circumstances. It is essential that we hold
each other to high standards of behavior and performance, respect each
other and our differences and treat each other with respect and
professionalism.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. As I mentioned at the hearing, and others also noted, CDA
Hallet is serving with great distinction, and we should all be grateful
for her leadership during these horrific events. If confirmed, it is
essential that we have open communication, unfailing trust, and a
shared understanding of U.S. interests and priorities. Having worked in
various roles throughout the U.S. Government, I have consistently built
strong relationships with my deputies and relied on them to partner
with me to carry out the vision and the goals of the mission. The
deputy chief of mission is a vital role within the Embassy community
and if confirmed I look forward to a close relationship.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. The deputy chief of mission role is essential to the
success of the Mission, our community, and our foreign policy. Having
served as both a deputy and as the senior leader, I view the deputy
role as similar to a COO, overseeing the daily operations of the
Mission and focusing on the team's success. And in my experience, when
a principle and a deputy work well together, they can back each other
up when the flow of work requires attending to multiple challenges at
the same time. At the same time, the Ambassador is ultimately
responsible for the Mission. If confirmed, I will work in partnership
with the deputy chief of mission to support and advance our people and
mission.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Secretary Lew, you have a long career in public service
and have had multiple occasions to display your honesty and integrity--
not only in front of the American people, but also in front of this
committee, where you have testified multiple times. Israel is our
country's strongest and closest ally in the Middle East. Our Ambassador
to Israel has the extraordinary responsibility to communicate our
commitment to Israel and Israel's important role to the American
people. Especially now, when Israel is under attack and at war, it is
more important than ever to have an Ambassador in place who
communicates the truth. Have you ever lied to, or deliberately misled,
this Committee or any of its members, regarding your work on behalf of
the U.S. Government in your previous positions?
Answer. I have not ever, nor would I ever, lie to or deliberately
mislead Congress.
Question. In July 2015, you testified before this committee that
Iran ``will continue to be denied access to the largest market.'' At
the same hearing, your written testimony stated ``Iranian Banks will
not be able to clear U.S. dollars through New York, hold correspondent
account relationships with U.S. financial institutions, or enter into
financing arrangements with U.S. Banks.'' Seven months later, in
February 2016, you issued a specific license to Bank Muscat in Oman.
This license allowed Iran access to U.S. dollars in New York to convert
$5.7 billion worth of Omani Rials in an Iranian account to Euros. Not
only did the Treasury Department, under your watch, issue this license,
but it deliberately encouraged U.S. banks to work with Bank Muscat to
convert Iran's funds into Euros. Do you deny that a specific license
was granted to Bank Muscat to allow Iranian funds denominated in Omani
Rials to be converted to dollars and then to euros?
Answer. The United States took a range of steps in order to fulfill
its commitments under the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately
utilized, a specific license was issued by the U.S. Department of the
Treasury to Bank Muscat in order to assist in facilitating the
implementation of certain commitments under the JCPOA. The U.S. primary
sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial
system remained in place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). In July 2015, you testified before
this committee that Iran ``will continue to be denied access to
the largest market.'' At the same hearing, your written
testimony stated ``Iranian Banks will not be able to clear U.S.
dollars through New York, hold correspondent account
relationships with U.S. financial institutions, or enter into
financing arrangements with U.S. Banks.'' Seven months later,
in February 2016, you issued a specific license to Bank Muscat
in Oman. This license allowed Iran access to U.S. dollars in
New York to convert $5.7 billion worth of Omani Rials in an
Iranian account to Euros. Not only did the Treasury Department,
under your watch, issue this license, but it deliberately
encouraged U.S. banks to work with Bank Muscat to convert
Iran's funds into Euros. Do you deny that a specific license
was granted to Bank Muscat to allow Iranian funds denominated
in Omani Rials to be converted to dollars and then to euros?
Answer. The United States took a range of steps consistent
with its commitments under the JCPOA. Although it was not
ultimately utilized, this included the issuance of a specific
license by the U.S. Department of the Treasury to authorize the
conversion of Omani rial for the onward movement of Iranian
funds, to the extent a U.S. bank was involved in the
transaction. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system
remained in place under the JCPOA.
Question. Perhaps the Bank Muscat license issue was an event you
may not have been aware of in 2015, however, when I wrote to you
regarding media reports of the specific license, your office sent a
reply in June 2016, dated after the issuance of the specific license
and after the Department had pushed two U.S. banks to support the
transaction, that said ``The Administration has not been and is not
planning to grant Iran access to the U.S. financial system.'' Why would
your Department tell me that it had not been planning to grant Iran
access to the U.S. financial system when it had done precisely that
with the Bank Muscat specific license?
Answer. The United States fulfilled its commitments under the JCPOA
with respect to this license and nothing more. Although it was not
ultimately utilized, a specific license was issued by the U.S.
Department of the Treasury to Bank Muscat in order to assist with the
facilitation of certain commitments under the JCPOA and nothing
further. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on Iran's
use of the U.S. financial system remained in place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). Perhaps the Bank Muscat license issue
was an event you may not have been aware of in 2015, however,
when I wrote to you regarding media reports of the specific
license, your office sent a reply in June 2016, dated after the
issuance of the specific license and after the Department had
pushed two U.S. banks to support the transaction, that said
``The Administration has not been and is not planning to grant
Iran access to the U.S. financial system.'' Why would your
Department tell me that it had not been planning to grant Iran
access to the U.S. financial system when it had done precisely
that with the Bank Muscat specific license?
Answer. Since the removal of the so-called U-turn
authorization in 2008, transactions by third-country financial
institutions on behalf of (or involving an interest of) an
Iranian person through the United States are not permissible,
unless licensed. Treasury's licensing authority is derived from
statute and longstanding to ensure the administrability of
sanctions, enabling transactions in the U.S. national security
and foreign policy interest. Although it was not ultimately
utilized, a specific license was issued by the U.S. Department
of the Treasury to Bank Muscat to facilitate the onward
movement of Iranian funds, consistent with our commitments
under the JCPOA.
The use of Treasury's specific licensing authority did not
lift, suspend, or otherwise change our sanctions architecture,
which continues to deny Iran access to the U.S. financial
system. Under U.S. sanctions laws, such a license was both
lawful to issue and ensured the permissibility of the
transaction with U.S. laws.
Question. You say that there is a difference between grant we need
to distinguish between ``facilitating implementation of JCPOA and
broadly welcoming Iran into the U.S. financial community.'' But in your
testimony to Congress in 2015 and your letters to me, you did not say
you would work to prevent welcoming Iran into the U.S. financial
community, you said Iranian banks will not be able to clear U.S.
dollars or enter into financing arrangements with U.S. banks. Did
issuing the Bank Muscat specific license contradict the remarks you
made to this committee in July 2015?
Answer. The JCPOA significantly rolled back Iran's nuclear program.
In exchange, Iran was to receive relief from nuclear-related sanctions,
imposed to bring about a diplomatic resolution to the nuclear issue.
The United States took several steps to fulfill its commitments under
the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately utilized, a specific license
was issued by the Treasury to Bank Muscat to facilitate implementation
of certain JCPOA commitments. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and
prohibitions on Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in
place under the JCPOA.
follow-up question
Question (resubmitted). You say that there is a difference
between grant we need to distinguish between ``facilitating
implementation of JCPOA and broadly welcoming Iran into the
U.S. financial community.'' But in your testimony to Congress
in 2015 and your letters to me, you did not say you would work
to prevent welcoming Iran into the U.S. financial community,
you said Iranian banks will not be able to clear U.S. dollars
or enter into financing arrangements with U.S. banks. Did
issuing the Bank Muscat specific license contradict the remarks
you made to this committee in July 2015?
Answer. The JCPOA significantly rolled back Iran's nuclear
program. In exchange, Iran was to receive relief from nuclear-
related sanctions, imposed to bring about a diplomatic
resolution to the nuclear issue. The United States took several
steps consistent with its commitments under the JCPOA. Although
it was not ultimately utilized, the Treasury Department issued
a specific license to authorize Bank Muscat to convert Omani
rial for the onward movement of Iranian funds, to the extent a
U.S. bank was involved in the conversion transaction.
Question. On December 23, 2016, the United Nations Security Council
unanimously passed a resolution that condemned Israel's settlements in
Judaea and Samaria stating they have no legal validity. As a permanent
member of the Security Council, the United States had the ability to
veto this resolution, but the Obama Administration declined to. At the
time, the media reported that you privately lobbied for the
administration to veto this resolution, but you have since publicly
defended the administration's decision as ``simply carrying out U.S.
administration policy opposing settlements.'' The resolution went
further than just condemn settlements, it also labelled Jews' holiest
places, including the Temple Mount, the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem,
the Cave of the Patriarchs, all as ``illegally occupied'' and ``not
part of Israel.'' Please clarify whether or not you agree with UNSC
Resolution 2334, including its description of Jewish holy sites?
Answer. It is important for the United States to engage at the
United Nations to persuade others to improve resolutions and ensure
that Israel is not unfairly singled out or delegitimized. While there
are sometimes dynamics in the U.N. that work against fully meeting that
objective, I will oppose any and all efforts to unfairly single out or
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
actions across the United Nations. The United States stands firmly for
the preservation of the historic status quo at the holy sites,
including the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, in Jerusalem. The United
States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the Jewish
people's ancestral connection to the holy city. Jerusalem also remains
a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinians.
Question. Did you advocate against the Obama Administration's
decision to abstain from the vote to consider UNSC 2334?
Answer. It is important for the United States to engage at the
United Nations to persuade others to improve resolutions and ensure
that Israel is not unfairly singled out or delegitimized. While there
are sometimes dynamics in the U.N. that work against fully meeting that
objective, I will oppose any and all efforts to unfairly single out or
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
actions across the United Nations.
Question. Why did you later publicly defend the administration's
decision?
Answer. It is important for the United States to engage at the
United Nations to persuade others to improve resolutions and ensure
that Israel is not unfairly singled out or delegitimized. While there
are sometimes dynamics in the U.N. that work against fully meeting that
objective, I will oppose any and all efforts to unfairly single out or
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
actions across the United Nations.
Question. Israel's then Ambassador to the United Nations, Danny
Danon, revealed that the Obama Administration not only abstained from
voting, but had helped draft the resolution and encouraged allied
countries to vote for it. Were you aware of and oppose those?
Answer. It is important for the United States to engage at the
United Nations to persuade others to improve resolutions and ensure
that Israel is not unfairly singled out or delegitimized. While there
are sometimes dynamics in the U.N. that work against fully meeting that
objective, I will oppose any and all efforts to unfairly single out or
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
actions across the United Nations.
Question. The Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 made it U.S. policy to
recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and that the U.S. Embassy
to Israel should be in Jerusalem. Successive administrations had
exercised the waiver of that law to keep the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv.
You have defended the exercise of that waiver and criticized the Trump
Administration's decision to finally move the Embassy to Jerusalem. In
May 2022, the previous Ambassador, Tom Nides, finalized this move by
requesting the Israeli Foreign Affairs Ministry recognize his house in
Jerusalem as the Ambassador's official residence, which previously was
located in Tel Aviv. Is Jerusalem the capital of Israel?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as Israel's capital,
and I understand that President Biden has no intention of reversing
former President Trump's decision. If confirmed, I plan to live in
Jerusalem in the official embassy residence.
Question. Do you believe that East Jerusalem is ``illegally
occupied'' and ``not part of Israel?''
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel. Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of Israeli
sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue that must be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I
understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. If confirmed, will you continue to maintain the
Ambassador's official residence in Jerusalem?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, will you advocate to maintain the U.S.
Embassy and all other U.S. offices in Israel, including the Palestinian
Affairs Unit, remain under Chief of Mission authority?
Answer. I understand that the Office of Palestinian Affairs is
under Chief of Mission authority. If confirmed, I look forward to
ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to
carry out a full range of diplomatic activities.
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China (PRC) is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic,
diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the PRC and
has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our
communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. Beijing has also spent the last
week blaming the U.S. and Israel for Hamas' terrorist attack. With
their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could
stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is
the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents the most consequential threat to
U.S. national security and leadership globally.'' Under President Xi,
the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has become more repressive at home
and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Israel ties.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses CCP activities in the context
of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken has said, the CCP has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. According to the
Office of the Director of National Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat
Assessment, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S. influence, drive
wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster some norms that
favor its authoritarian system.'' To compete effectively with China, it
is vital to maintain dialogue with China, and with other countries of
the world about China.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges when it is in our interest to do
so; not as a favor to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for
walking away from our principles, but because working on these issues
is what the world expects. If confirmed, I will work with the
Department of State's Office of China Coordination to advance U.S.
objectives and counter harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in
the Middle East.
Question. Do you think Beijing could be a partner in mediating the
current dispute between Israel and the Palestinians?
Answer. As part of the Administration's intensive diplomatic
engagements to stand with Israel and condemn the terrorist attacks by
Hamas, the United States has reiterated to the PRC U.S. support for
Israel's right to defend itself and called for an immediate halt to
Hamas' attacks and the release of all hostages. The United States has
also emphasized the importance of maintaining stability in the region
and discouraging other parties from entering the conflict.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Israel and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to counter China's efforts to
expand its influence in Israel and the region.
Question. You currently serve as chair of the National Committee on
United States-China Relations, which describes itself as promoting
``understanding and cooperation between the United States and Greater
China.'' This is interesting because the Committee seems most committed
to promoting just the viewpoint of the CCP, and not the views of the
1.1 billion Chinese people that suffer under the Party's authoritarian
rule, or the approximately 300 million that live outside of the PRC. I
have not seen where the National Committee has acknowledged the
genocide that the CCP is committing against the Uyghurs, crimes against
Tibetans, or the continued denial by the CCP of Hongkongers' freedom. I
suppose this makes sense given that some of the National Committee's
members are affiliated with the CCP and its appended bodies, such as
the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, which is part
of the broader United Front system. Do you believe that the CCP is
currently committing a genocide against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang?
Answer. I agree with Congress and the Administration that we must
continue to hold the PRC accountable for its genocide, crimes against
humanity, and other human rights abuses against predominantly Muslim
Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in
Xinjiang. The concerns are expressed directly in dialogues with Chinese
counterparts.
Question. If confirmed, how will you communicate the CCP's role in
Israel?
Answer. Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad. If confirmed, I will continue our work
with Israel to strengthen democratic values and the commitment to a
rules-based international order.
Question. Stephen Orlins, who serves as president of the National
Committee, recently said that the U.S.-China relationship has been
characterized by ``increased securitization'' and that it is not
``healthy'' to ``restrict these technologies [and] goods.'' My
interpretation of Mr. Orlins' statement is that he is advocating for
very little safeguards to be put in place in our economic relationship
with China, even though Beijing has a track record of using all the
tools at its disposal to displace us. Do you agree with Mr. Orlins'
statements?
Answer. It has long been my view that the United States should use
its tools of diplomacy, including economic tools, to protect its
national security interests. This Administration has been careful to
use those tools to protect US interests. The United States views close
cooperation with Israel on a variety of national security topics,
including foreign investment risk management, as important to our
security and intelligence partnership. If confirmed, I will work with
the Government of Israel to enhance its investment screening by sharing
information with Israel of the risks posed by PRC investment practices
and sharing best practices to enhance oversight.
Question. Do you think we should have safeguards in place?
Answer. The Biden Administration remains deeply concerned by
attempts by the People's Republic of China to extend influence and
acquire critical technology through acquisitions and investment. The
Administration welcomes efforts to enhance safeguards for investment
within the confines of strong regulatory structures that ensure all
companies investing in Israel do so in a responsible manner, and does
not undermine Israeli national security.
Question. In the wake of Hamas' brutal attack against Israeli
civilians, neither the CCP nor the PRC foreign ministry have issued a
statement condemning Hamas, though they have cautioned against Israel's
response. If confirmed, will you call on the CCP or the Chinese
Ambassador to Israel, to condemn Hamas' recent attacks?
Answer. The Administration has publicly stated its ironclad support
for Israel's right to defend itself in the wake of Hamas' depraved
terrorist attack. As President Biden has said, Hamas' terrorist acts
are an act of sheer evil. Over 1,000 Israelis were killed in the
deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust. If confirmed, I will call
on the CCP to condemn Hamas' brutal acts of terrorism.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator Rand Paul
Question. What are your views on potential regional escalation
around the Middle-East? With 900 U.S. troops in Syria, 2,500 in Iraq,
and reports of 2,000 to be deployed in Israel, we could unwittingly be
drawn into this conflict or a larger regional conflict. Is that a
concern? How do we mitigate this risk?
Answer. As the President indicated, the United States will deter
threats to regional stability where appropriate. This is necessary to
continue our work to reduce tensions, de-escalate, and end conflicts
through diplomacy. We have robust U.S. defenses in place to empower our
partners and send a clear message of deterrence, which bolsters
regional stability. The U.S. military presence in the Middle East is
intended not only to protect U.S. citizens and facilities, but also to
prevent escalation. By doing so, we create the space to focus on
diplomacy, which is the key to mitigating the spread of conflict. If
confirmed, working to build a more stable region that includes security
for Israel will be one of my top priorities.
Question. Many of my colleagues are calling for a hostile response
to Iran, despite the administration denying there is any clear evidence
linking Iran to this specific attack. I understand that this heinous
terrorist attack has made everyone rightfully angry, however acting in
anger may make the prospects for peace worse. What would you do to
promote peace in the Middle East, particularly in the current
environment in which many state that Iran shares responsibility for the
attack against Israel?
Answer. The President has made clear that our goal is to avoid this
conflict from broadening to a regional war, and deploying two aircraft
carrier groups is a powerful signal to deter Iran and Hezbollah or
other, aligned proxies from expanding the conflict to multiple fronts.
Iran is a malign actor that promotes terrorism in the region and around
the world, and I support the use of sanctions and other economic
measures to counter Iran's destabilizing behavior. I believe the
Administration is focused on building a more peaceful, stable Middle
East through working with our allies and partners to forge coalitions
dedicated to normalization, integration, and cooperation in many
fields. As Secretary Blinken said, we and our partners must be
committed to that path for the region, because the only other path is
the one Hamas and its allies choose, the path of terror and bloodshed.
While normalization may be difficult in the present environment, I know
the Administration remains committed to working to strengthen regional
integration. If confirmed, I look forward to contributing to that
vision of a more peaceful region.
Question. In your former position as Secretary of the Treasury, you
oversaw various global sanctions regimes, what is your view on the
effectiveness of to change behavior? You previously highlighted how
sanctions could change behavior in Sudan, Burma, and Libya. Can you
highlight any specific examples where sanctions effectively altered a
state's behavior to U.S. foreign policy aims? When we impose sanctions
on various entities, should we have a strategy that sets conditions to
remove these sanctions?
Answer. Sanctions are broadly described as tools to effect change
in behavior, and as U.S. foreign policy goals vary across individual
sanctions programs such ``change in behavior'' can take many forms.
Successful sanctions programs have curtailed access to the U.S.
financial system, promoted accountability for atrocities and human
rights violations, and deterred regimes from continuing problematic
behaviors. For example, a major goal of our Burma sanctions program is
to curtail the regime's access to U.S. dollars that it used to procure
weapons and commit violence against Burma's people. Open-source
reporting indicates that our designations of two, key State-owned banks
in Burma have made it much harder for the regime to access foreign
currency and purchase weapons.
Economic sanctions are but one of many foreign policy tools.
Sanctions support other diplomatic efforts. Removal of sanctions, like
their imposition, should be done on a case-by-case basis, according to
the circumstances in the particular sanctions regime and in line with
our foreign policy and national security goals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lews by Senator Brian Schatz
Question. How will you, if confirmed as ambassador, ensure that you
will be a reliable, consistent, and timely source of factual
information given the current challenges posed by wartime
disinformation and misinformation, and their potential for more
bloodshed and even strategic consequences?
Answer. Armed conflicts are fertile ground for information
manipulation. We have witnessed this in the information space after
Hamas's terrorist attacks on Israel. Hamas continues to disseminate
content that portrays its attacks in a heroic light, minimizing or
distorting its atrocities against civilians while threatening the lives
of the hostages it has taken. Following the explosion at Al-Ahli Arab
hospital in Gaza, our intelligence community assessed Israel was not
responsible for the explosion. Instead, the explosion appears to be the
result of an errant rocket fired by a terrorist group in Gaza. I am
saddened by the loss of life that resulted.
It is critical that the public rely on multiple credible
information sources and seek fact-based content. Global publics should
be aware that malign actors are looking to use misinformation and
disinformation to drive social wedges and undermine democratic
governments. The U.S. Government has many resources to identify foreign
state and non-state information manipulation and bring it to light.
If confirmed, providing reliable, consistent, and timely
information will always be a priority for me and the Mission. I will
ensure my team coordinates across the U.S. interagency to relay U.S.
priorities to the public. Of course, we have no higher priority than
the safety and security of U.S. citizens. I look forward to expanding
upon the strong relationship the Embassy enjoys with U.S. citizens in
Israel and working with our Consular Sections and the Bureau of
Consular Affairs to ensure they have the most updated safety and
security information.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator Todd Young
Question. When Treasury issued specific licenses in 2016 to enable
the conversion of Iranian funds into euros, was this transaction
directly connected to the financial relief at the core of the JCPOA and
associated U.N. Resolutions, or was it connected to so-called ``side
deals,'' for example between Iran and the International Atomic Energy
Agency that were kept from Congress?
Answer. The JCPOA significantly rolled back Iran's nuclear program.
In exchange, Iran was to receive relief from nuclear-related sanctions,
originally imposed to help bring about a diplomatic resolution to the
nuclear issue. The United States took a number of steps in order to
fulfill its commitments under the JCPOA. Although it was not ultimately
utilized, a specific license was issued by the Treasury Department to
Bank Muscat to facilitate implementation of certain commitments under
the JCPOA. The U.S. primary sanctions embargo and prohibitions on
Iran's use of the U.S. financial system remained in place under the
JCPOA.
Question. The Biden administration had offered to restart talks
with Iran on the JCPOA, aka Iran Nuclear Deal. This deal undeniably
contributed to the current terrorism campaign against Israel, led by
Hamas and backed by Iran and Hezbollah, either by emboldening Iran, or
alternatively, as you've suggested, angering them that you tricked
them. You've stated that you do not believe now is the time to
negotiate with Iran, but can you now commit that Iran is a non-earnest
negotiator and that any future discussion of resuscitating the JCPOA is
DOA?
Answer. As the President has made clear, the United States is
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. The
Administration has noted that it prefers diplomacy as the best path for
ensuring this and is preparing for all possible contingencies in full
coordination with our partners and allies. My understanding is that
Iran has not currently shown itself to be serious about engaging
diplomatically to address the international community's concerns
regarding its nuclear program. The Administration has made clear that
there is currently no nuclear deal in the offing, interim or otherwise,
and any claims to the contrary are incorrect.
Question. UNRWA's Gaza Director admits that while aid diversion
protections are in place and robust, that is not impossible--and in
fact is probable--that an increasingly desperate Hamas will seek to
commandeer humanitarian relief items to continue their unjust war
against Israel. As the largest UNRWA donor, the U.S. absolutely cannot
turn its eye to this possibility. How will you work to ensure such aid
diversion does not occur and that funds sent to UNRWA do not violate
the Taylor Force Act?
Answer. I fully agree that all efforts must be made to ensure Hamas
is not able to continue their attacks on Israel. U.S. assistance for
UNRWA is already subject to, and provided consistent with, section
301(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act, which requires that UNRWA ``takes
all possible measures to assure that no part of the United States
contribution shall be used to furnish assistance to any refugee who is
receiving military training as a member of the so-called Palestine
Liberation Army or any other guerilla type organization or who has
engaged in any act of terrorism.'' The State Department works closely
with our implementing partners to ensure that these funds are used
effectively; for their intended purpose; and consistent with the law.
Additionally, UNRWA screens all its program participants and staff
every six months against U.N. sanctions lists. UNRWA has committed to
preclude any individuals for whom they have credible information are
members of militant organizations or have committed acts of terrorism
from U.S. funding. UNRWA also employs a ``Neutrality Framework'' that
outlines the Agency's standards, practices, and procedures regarding
neutrality to ensure a consistent and coherent approach to neutrality
issues. If confirmed, I will work with the relevant parts of the State
Department and USAID to ensure that all U.S. assistance is provided
consistent with applicable laws.
Question. How do you intend to respond to the likely many pro-Hamas
voices that will suggest Israel will go too far in retaliation,
including those who say it already has?
Answer. The President has been clear that the United States
supports Israel's right to defend itself, including taking necessary
action to respond to Hamas' heinous October 7 attack on Israel. Indeed,
as I said at the hearing, Israel has not only the right, but a
responsibility, to protect itself. I also believe Israeli leaders know
they must do this in a way that that takes every possible measure to
prevent civilian casualties and civilian harm, and adheres to the rule
of law and to international law. The United States stands unequivocally
for the protection of civilian life during conflicts, and if confirmed,
I will support ongoing efforts to urge all parties to take feasible
precautions to minimize harm to civilian populations.
Question. Jordan's King Abdullah II continues to make the rounds
with our EU allies, calling Israel's actions in self-defense
``genocide'' and ``war crimes.'' How will you engage with the like-
minded diplomatic corps both inside and outside of Israel to combat
this dangerous narrative.
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue the Administration's efforts
to remain in regular communication with allies and partners- including
Jordan--urging they publicly denounce Hamas' terrorist attack and
affirm Israel's right to defend itself. I would also engage regional
partners to work to prevent any further expansion of the conflict,
protect civilians, and coordinate humanitarian assistance. Jordan
remains a stalwart partner in this regard.
Question. The Israel-Lebanon maritime deal from October 2022 now
looms large in Israel's strategic needs to defend its territorial and
existential rights. How will you ensure that the terms of this deal are
honored?
Answer. The historic decision made by Israel and Lebanon to
establish a permanent maritime boundary, facilitated by the United
States, opened the door to benefits for both parties, including
opportunities for energy independence and critical investment for
Lebanon and the protection of Israel's security and economic interests
that are critical to promoting its regional integration. Both parties
have remained committed to the implementation of the agreement under
the spirit it was negotiated. If confirmed, I will work to advance
Israel's national security interests and support Israel's regional
integration, consistent with broader U.S. efforts to support a more
stable, prosperous, and integrated Middle East.
Question. The U.S. has transferred large amounts of technology to
Israel, who has been guilty in the past of transferring technology and
arms to both China and Azerbaijan. These malign actors have been guilty
of perpetuating their own genocidal activities, potentially violating
U.S. law, e.g. Section 907 of the United States Freedom Support Act, in
the process. How will you engage the Government of Israel on this
issue?
Answer. The United States emphasizes to all partners, including
Israel and Azerbaijan, that they must act in accordance with their
obligations and commitments under international law, including
international humanitarian law. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that Israel upholds its commitments. If confirmed, I will also
emphasize U.S. concern about the PRC's predatory trade practices and
disregard for intellectual property. I am confident that Israel
understands it can and should do more to protect U.S. -Israeli shared
interests in key economic and technology sectors. I am confident that,
through engagement with my Israeli interlocutors, we can create
policies that address our concern about PRC influence in Israel and
mutually benefit our two nations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator Chris Van Hollen
Question. What commitments have the Governments of Israel and Egypt
made to facilitate the flow of humanitarian assistance to civilians in
Gaza?
Answer. The United States is working closely with the Governments
of Israel and Egypt to improve humanitarian conditions in Gaza,
including by establishing a mechanism by which humanitarian assistance
can reach Palestinian civilians in Gaza. President Biden appointed
David Satterfield as the Special Envoy for Middle East Humanitarian
Issues to lead these efforts, and he is in the region working this
issue set. If confirmed I will work closely with the Special Envoy on
these critical issues. Palestinian civilians should not suffer for the
barbaric terrorism of Hamas.
Question. Has the Government of Israel agreed to resume the
consistent flow of water through all pipelines from Israel into Gaza?
If not, through which pipelines is Israel currently allowing water to
flow and for how many hours each day? How would you prioritize the
resumption of consistent water flow from Israel into Gaza to meet the
dire humanitarian needs of civilians there?
Answer. The United States is working closely with the Government of
Israel to improve access to water in Gaza. If confirmed, I will
prioritize identifying ways to rapidly improve water access for the
population of Gaza. I understand safe drinking water is an immediate,
life-sustaining need during this crisis. Water supplies running out
risks a massive water-borne epidemic. I understand that thanks to U.S.
diplomatic engagement, Israel has restored one water pipeline to south
Gaza as of October 15, and the Biden Administration is advocating for
the restoration of additional water pipelines.
Question. What steps are needed to establish a sustainable
humanitarian corridor into Gaza? What actions is the Administration
taking to facilitate such a sustainable humanitarian corridor?
Answer. It is my understanding that, during their travels,
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have engaged with our regional
partners with this same question. The United States is pressing all
parties to take all meaningful actions to protect civilians and to
ensure access to humanitarian assistance. President Biden announced
that the United States is providing $100 million in humanitarian
assistance for the Palestinian people. This funding will help support
over a million displaced people with clean water, food, hygiene
support, medical care, and other essential needs. The United States
provides humanitarian assistance through trusted partners. Civilians
are not to blame, and assistance must urgently reach those in need. If
confirmed, I will work closely with our U.N, international non-
governmental, and other humanitarian partners to stress the importance
of upholding international humanitarian law and restoring access to
vital services like water.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator Ted Cruz
UNSCR 2334 Implementation
If confirmed, you would be responsible for implementing
American policy regarding the territories Israel took control
of in June 1967. I would like to ask you some questions about
what you understand those policies to be.
In 2015 you endorsed United Nations Security Council
Resolution 2334, which called on member states ``to
distinguish, in their relevant dealings, between the territory
of the State of Israel and the territories occupied since
1967.'' The phrase ``territories occupied since 1967'' refers
to the Golan Heights and Judea and Samaria, including parts of
Jerusalem.
The Biden administration's policy on the Golan Heights has
become particularly ambiguous. On August 31, the United States
voted in favor of UNSCR 2695, which referred to a part of the
Israeli Golan Heights as occupied, i.e. ``the occupied Shab'a
Farms.'' The language endorses Hezbollah's position and
terminology for the territory. On Sept. 21, Assistant Secretary
of State for Near Eastern Affairs reaffirmed that position: she
was asked if she endorsed the terminology in the resolution,
and linked it to ongoing negotiations over Israel's border with
Lebanon being pushed by the Biden administration. However, the
State Department has subsequently refused to clarify its
policy. Instead, administration spokespeople have said that
U.S. policy hasn't changed, while refusing to specify what that
policy is.
Question. Is it the policy of the United States that Israel has
sovereignty over the Western Wall?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel, and strongly supports the historic status quo at the city's
holy sites. Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of
Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue to be
resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the
Palestinians. I understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem
is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
If confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the
care and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that the Western Wall is part of Israel?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel, and strongly supports the historic status quo at the city's
holy sites. Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of
Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue to be
resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the
Palestinians. I understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem
is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
If confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the
care and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Is it the policy of the United States that Israel has
sovereignty over the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel. Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of Israeli
sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue to be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I
understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem is
part of Israel?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of Israeli
sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue to be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I
understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Is it the policy of the United States that Israel has
sovereignty over Jerusalem?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel, and it is my understanding that President Biden has no
intention of reversing former President Trump's decision on Jerusalem.
Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of Israeli
sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue to be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I
understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that Jerusalem is part of Israel?
Answer. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
Jerusalem itself, including the specific boundaries of Israeli
sovereignty in Jerusalem, is a final status issue to be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I
understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Is it the policy of the United States that Israel has
sovereignty over the entire Israeli Golan Heights, including the Sheba
Farms?
Answer. U.S. policy on the Golan Heights has not changed since
2019. As Secretary Blinken said on February 8, 2021: ``Leaving aside
the legalities of that question, as a practical matter, the Golan is
very important to Israel's security. As long as Assad is in power in
Syria, as long as Iran is present in Syria, militia groups backed by
Iran, the Assad regime itself--all of these pose a significant security
threat to Israel, and as a practical matter, the control of the Golan
in that situation, I think, remains of real importance to Israel's
security.''
Question. Do you believe that the entire Israeli Golan Heights,
including the Sheba Farms, are a part of Israel?
Answer. U.S. policy on the Golan Heights has not changed since
2019. As Secretary Blinken said on February 8, 2021: ``Leaving aside
the legalities of that question, as a practical matter, the Golan is
very important to Israel's security. As long as Assad is in power in
Syria, as long as Iran is present in Syria, militia groups backed by
Iran, the Assad regime itself--all of these pose a significant security
threat to Israel, and as a practical matter, the control of the Golan
in that situation, I think, remains of real importance to Israel's
security.''
Question. Do you believe that allowing the prohibition on Iran's
ballistic missile and drone programs to expire on October 18 was in the
national security interests of the United States?
Answer. Iran's missile program continues to be subject to one of
the strongest sanctions frameworks in the world and if confirmed, I
will continue to undertake coordinated efforts with allies and partners
to strengthen international cooperation to constrain the flow of
components to and from Iran's missile activities.
Question. Please assess the effect you believe the expiration of
the prohibitions will have on Israeli security.
Answer. Ironclad support for Israel's security has been a hallmark
of this administration, and if confirmed, I would remain committed to
working closely with Israel to jointly address the many threats Iran
poses to Israel's interests. The U.S. Government never relied solely on
UNSCR 2231 to restrict Iran's development and proliferation of missile
related technologies, but rather a comprehensive set of multilateral
and domestic tools. Iran's missile program continues to be subject to
one of the strongest sanctions frameworks in the world and, if
confirmed, I will continue to undertake coordinated efforts with allies
and partners to strengthen international cooperation to constrain the
flow of components to and from Iran's missile activities.
Question. What is your view on this policy? Is it a good thing or
bad thing to provide resources to Hamas?
Answer. The United States designated Hamas as a foreign terrorist
organization in 1997. I understand the Administration provides
assistance in a manner consistent with applicable U.S. law and
coordinates closely with other donors to ensure assistance benefits the
Palestinian people and not Hamas or any other terrorist organization.
The Department and USAID, as well as our development and humanitarian
implementing partners, have robust vetting processes in place to
mitigate the risk that U.S. foreign assistance could provide material
support to Hamas or other terrorist groups. U.S. foreign assistance for
the Palestinian people serves important U.S. interests and is done
consistent with American values. The Administration is committed to
ensuring U.S. assistance is well-calibrated to advance U.S. foreign
policy interests, and, if confirmed, I will work to ensure that all
appropriate safeguards remain in place and that U.S. foreign assistance
is used for intended purposes.
Question. Will you commit if confirmed to prevent assistance from
flowing into the Gaza Strip if it may benefit Hamas?
Answer. I understand the Department and the U.S. Agency for
International Development have robust processes in place to mitigate
the risk that U.S. Government assistance could provide material support
to Hamas or any other terrorist group, including vetting implementing
partners and their key personnel, restricting facility names (e.g.,
schools, clinics, etc.) to ensure they do not honor terrorism,
including mandatory anti-terrorism clauses in grants and contracts, and
coordinating with Israeli authorities. The U.S. Government also
requires implementing partners to conduct their own due diligence and
to have their own safeguards and risk mitigation measures in place to
ensure U.S. funding is used only for intended purposes, consistent with
applicable U.S. law. Our implementing partners must comply with robust
financial and programmatic monitoring, reporting requirements, and
compliance mechanisms. Further, all U.S. assistance in Gaza and the
West Bank remains subject to regular Office of the Inspector General
audits and investigations. Through monitoring and evaluation and
regular consultations with our implementers, the U.S. Government can
quickly identify attempted diversion and suspend or terminate programs
if necessary. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring these robust
safeguards remain in place.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jacob J. Lew by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. Although Hamas--a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist
Organization (FTO)--controls Gaza, the United States has continued to
send U.S. foreign assistance to Gaza. For each of the following
appropriations laws, I request the Department of State and United
States Agency for International Development (USAID) to provide the
total amount awarded--directly or indirectly--to any entity in Gaza,
including whether the entity in Gaza was a recipient or sub-recipient:
Amounts provided by Titles III, IV, V, and VI of Division F of
Public Law 116-6,
Amounts provided by Titles III, IV, V, and VI of Division G of
Public Law 116-94,
Amounts provided by Titles III, IV, V, and VI of Division K of
Public Law 116-260,
Amounts provided by Titles III, IV, V, and VI of Division K of
Public Law 117-103, and
Amounts provided by Titles III, IV, V, and VI of Division K of
Public Law 117-328.
Answer. I note that your request for data is correctly directed to
the State Department and USAID, and I have to defer to them in this
regard, since I am not currently an official of either.
If confirmed, I would emphasize, in the strongest terms possible,
the distinction between the people in Gaza and the oppressive terrorist
organization Hamas that exercises de facto control in Gaza. Hamas not
only perpetrates violence against Israelis but also against the
Palestinians who live in the territory under its de facto control. The
United States supports the people in Gaza through programs in areas
such as wastewater management, economic development, and the
strengthening of civil society.
The United States provides assistance through trusted partners
including U.N. agencies, international NGOs, and humanitarian
organizations. I agree it is imperative for the United States to take
steps to ensure that no money or material assistance ends up in the
hands of Hamas or any other terrorist group in Gaza or the West Bank
and if I am confirmed, as ambassador I will do all I can to contribute
to that result. All assistance must be provided consistent with U.S.
law. U.S. support to UNRWA, which directly supports Palestinians in
Gaza as well as in the broader region, since 2021 has totaled more than
$1 billion. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Government continues
its close oversight of UNRWA.
Question. For each award provided--directly or indirectly--to an
entity in Gaza, including whether the entity in Gaza was a recipient or
sub recipient, under the appropriation laws described in question (1),
I request the Department of State and USAID to provide:
the total amount awarded,
the source of the appropriation,
whether the amount has been obligated, and
what amounts remain unexpended.
Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in
a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its
records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional
oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward working with you
to respond to your concerns.
Question. Do you, if confirmed, commit to advocating for a policy
in which the Biden Administration would de-fund the United Nations
Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)
until and unless UNRWA passes regular independent audits verifying that
no anti-Semitism is taught in UNRWA schools?
Answer. I condemn antisemitism and incitement to violence and
terrorism in any form. It is my understanding that U.N. agencies,
including UNRWA, do not develop their own curriculum, but use the
curriculum of host authorities. When concepts contrary to U.N.
principles are identified, UNRWA provides instructions and
supplementary materials to address the issue with its staff. I
understand the United States also funds peace and tolerance education
curriculum in UNRWA schools, programs that would not exist absent U.S.
assistance. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of a policy
that follows humanitarian principles, including neutrality, with UNRWA.
Question. Do you, if confirmed, commit to supporting a policy to
defund UNRWA unless its mandate is changed to integrating populations
in the country in which they live, transitioning responsibility for
those who cannot be integrated to other agencies who serve refugees,
and terminating the organization within five years?
Answer. I believe eliminating funding for UNRWA would be harmful
for the innocent people that live in Gaza, Israel and the broader
region as well as U.S. security interests. UNRWA's mandate was and is
set by the U.N. General Assembly and provides essential services
directly to Palestinian refugees in its five fields, including
stabilizing education, medical care, and other services. If the United
States abandons UNRWA, it will create a vacuum that Hamas or other
malign actors would fill. This would leave the region less secure
threatening the security of both Israel and the United States.
Question. Given that the top responsibility of an Ambassador is to
ensure the safety and security of those living under your Chief of
Mission authority, will you, if confirmed, commit to advocating that
official U.S. policy make any aid to the Palestinian territories
contingent on certification that the Palestinian Authority has
discontinued the ``Pay to Slay'' program?
Answer. To me, the Palestinian practice of prisoner and ``martyr''
payments is abhorrent. I know this Administration continues to be
absolutely committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian
prisoner and ``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses
longstanding U.S. and international concerns. If confirmed, I can
assure you that I would share that commitment and vigorously support
adherence to the provisions of the Taylor Force Act and seek to build
on the important work done thus far.
Question. After President Donald J. Trump fully implemented the
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 (Public Law 104-45)--including by
formally recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel on
December 6, 2017, and by relocating and opening the U.S. Embassy to
Israel in Israel's capital city of Jerusalem on May 14, 2018--his
Administration also closed the U.S. Consulate General for the
Palestinians and merged this Consulate General's functions into Embassy
Jerusalem under the U.S. Ambassador to Israel's Chief of Mission
authority. Do you agree that opening/reopening a U.S. consulate for the
Palestinians in Jerusalem--in particular, after the fact of U.S.
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017--would
constitute a diminution of U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's
capital?
Answer. I understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem
is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I understand the
Administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in
Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem would not
change U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital or the
location of the U.S. Embassy to Israel. If confirmed, I will handle all
issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they
deserve.
Question. Do you also agree that opening/reopening a U.S. consulate
for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in particular, after the fact of
U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017--
would constitute a diminution of Israeli sovereignty? Please begin your
answer with a yes or no.
Answer. No. I understand the Administration recognizes that
Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both Israelis and
Palestinians. The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through
direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I understand
the Administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy
in Jerusalem. Should the Consulate General in Jerusalem be one day
reopened, it would not change U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's
capital or the location of the U.S. Embassy to Israel. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you agree that the United States should neither open
nor reopen a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem if the
Government of Israel continues to oppose it? Please begin your response
with a yes or no.
Answer. The opening of a U.S. consular post is always the subject
of discussion between the United States and the host country
government. I understand the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem
is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
The United States recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I understand the
Administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in
Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem would not
change U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital or the
location of the U.S. Embassy to Israel. If confirmed, I will handle all
issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they
deserve.
__________
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Submission for the Record
by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Correspondence Received from the American Jewish Committee (AJC)
Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Jacob J. Lew to be U.S. Ambassador to
the State of Israel
----------
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Correspondence Received from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL)
Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Jacob J. Lew to be U.S. Ambassador to
the State of Israel
----------
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
A Statement Submitted by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin with a Letter
Written by Salah el Deen Soltan to his Grandson Salah Binyameen
----------
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Submission for the Record
by Senator James E. Risch
Senate Report--Review of U.S. Treasury
Department's License to Convert Iranian
Assets Using the U.S. Financial System
----------
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Submission for the Record
by Senator Christopher Murphy
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Submission for the Record
by Senator Marco Rubio
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Submission for the Record
by Senator Jeff Merkley
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
Submission for the Record
by Senator Bill Hagerty
Comments by Members of the Biden Administration Relating to Iran's
Complicity in the October 7, 2023 Hamas Attacks on Israel
Hamas wouldn't have been able to function at all had it not
been for propping up by the Iranian regime.--NSC Coordinator
for Strategic Communications John Kirby, Press Briefing October
11, 2023.
Iran is complicit in this attack in a broad sense because
they have provided the lion's share of the funding for the
military wing of Hamas, they have provided training, they have
provided capabilities, they have provided support, and they
have had engagement and contact with Hamas over years and
years. And all of that has played a role in contributing to
what we have seen.--National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan,
Press Briefing October 10, 2023.
----------
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 19, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Merkley,
presiding.
Present: Senators Merkley [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, Ricketts,
Young, and Cruz.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF MERKLEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OREGON
Senator Merkley. Good morning. This hearing in the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
Today we will consider the nominations of five highly
qualified individuals for positions of importance and
sensitivity for America's interests at home and abroad: Richard
Riley to be Ambassador to Somalia, Mark Toner to be Ambassador
to Liberia, David White to be Deputy Director of the Peace
Corps, Ambassador Herro Mustafa Garg to be Ambassador to Egypt,
and Paul Martin to be Inspector General at USAID.
Let me express my thanks on behalf of the committee to you,
our nominees, for your dedicated public service and for being
here today. And also thank you to your families. I know they
share in the celebration of this moment just as they share in
the challenges of your service. A grateful nation thanks to you
all.
Before I introduce our nominees I will give a few words
about what it means to fill these posts. Then I will turn that
over to Mr. Young.
In Washington and around the world, including some of the
most diplomatically delicate places critical U.S. posts remain
empty. They sit empty at a time when democracy, freedom, and
rule of law and human rights are under assault by extremists
and authoritarians.
Currently, we have a backlog of at least 23 nominees
pending on the Senate floor and many more in committee. Many of
those nominees are career Foreign Service officers who have
served in both Republican and Democratic administrations.
In the coming weeks and months we will inevitably add to
that list. To give you a sense of the urgency of this backlog
today as conflict engulfs the Middle East the United States
currently does not have confirmed Ambassadors in Lebanon, in
Egypt, and in Israel.
USAID remains without an assistant administrator for the
Middle East and the State Department's coordinator for
counterterrorism still awaits confirmation.
This is unacceptable. The United States cannot expect to
lead the free world if the United States does not even have
someone in the room. If we seek to build lasting peace around
the world then we need talented and experienced public servants
like those with us here today on the job as quickly as
possible.
In these difficult times we must take action to
expeditiously advance nominees for all of our critical national
security posts.
I will now introduce the nominees after which I will
proceed to opening statements from Senator Young and then
testimonies from the nominees.
Richard Riley currently serves as minister-counselor for
economic affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Ottawa, Canada. He is
nominated to be our next Ambassador to Somalia, a country
confronting many challenges but one which also has made fragile
progress over the last decade.
Mark Toner most recently served as a minister-counselor for
public diplomacy at the U.S. Embassy in Paris. Mr. Toner also
serves as Peace Corps volunteer in Liberia--has also served as
a Peace Corps volunteer in Liberia where he is nominated to be
our next Ambassador.
David White currently serves as Special Assistant to the
President in the White House Office of Presidential Personnel.
He has served on the National Security Council where he
facilitated government-wide efforts to resettle nearly 90,000
Afghan allies. He is nominated to be the next Deputy Director
of the Peace Corps.
Ambassador Herro Mustafa Garg has served as a U.S.
Ambassador to Bulgaria and was previously the deputy chief of
mission at the U.S. Embassy in Portugal.
She grew up in North Dakota and speaks Kurdish, Arabic,
Farsi, Greek, Hindi, Bulgarian, Portuguese, and, I am sure,
English. Ambassador Garg is nominated to be our next Ambassador
to Egypt, a critical post in today's turbulent Middle East.
And finally, we will consider Paul Martin, a lifelong
public servant who has served as the Inspector General for NASA
since 2009. He is nominated to be the next Inspector General at
the United States Agency for International Development.
Congratulations again on your nominations and thank you for
joining us today and your service to the nation. With that, let
me turn things over to Senator Young for his opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, I want to thank all of you. I want to thank you for
your service. I want to thank your families for being here for
this important hearing.
The sacrifices you make by accepting these posts are
enormous, I know, and please know that we are grateful for your
continued service.
Today's hearing comes at a time of great uncertainty and
conflict throughout the world. These conflicts are going to
have profound impacts on the posts you will take if confirmed.
In the Sahel and sub-Saharan regions of Africa the danger
that is posed by terrorist groups continues to rise. While
compounded by democratic backsliding, with our help our allies
continue to combat this threat and we must continue to support
them to defeat terrorism at its source.
Of course, the conflict in Israel is on the minds of
everyone in this room. Many of the nominees here today will
have to work with their counterparts to ensure this conflict
does not grow to include other actors.
I hope that I can count on all of you to continue to
support our ally Israel wherever appropriate. It is critical
that we continue to prioritize humanitarian assistance
throughout the world. Our aid has to continue to flow to those
it is intended to reach and stay out of the hands of those who
seek to abuse it.
Especially now we must work to make sure that our programs
continue to be effective in promoting American values. The
positions you are nominated to fill are some of the most
critical we have in supporting U.S. interests abroad.
If confirmed it will be up to all of you to continue to
support those interests. The geopolitical landscape of today is
one of increasing uncertainty and I am confident that all of
you are up to that challenge.
With that, I once again thank our nominees for being here
today. I look forward to our discussion.
Chairman?
Senator Merkley. All nominees will now be offered the
opportunity to provide their testimony. We ask them to be--each
of you to be as brief and concise as possible, to summarize
your statement within five minutes. Your full statements will
be included in the record without objection.
And we will start with Mr. Riley. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD H. RILEY IV, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERAL
REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA
Mr. Riley. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
Senator Young, and distinguished members of the committee.
I am honored to come before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the federal
republic of Somalia.
I am deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken
for their confidence in me. My wonderful wife of 37 years,
Cheryl Wong, my sister and brother Lisa Schwarz and Shawn Riley
and their families are all watching online. I am also very
proud that my beloved daughter Eden Riley is here with me
today. I want to thank all my family for their love and
support.
Mr. Chairman, I have been privileged to have served in the
U.S. Foreign Service for 31 years. I joined in 1986 and have
faithfully served in 12 countries in Asia, Europe, North Africa
and the Middle East, including two tours in Iraq, three tours
in Afghanistan, assistant chief of mission in Kabul, deputy
chief of mission in Yemen, and last year as consul general in
one of our most remote and dangerous posts the U.S. Consulate
General in Peshawar, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
I volunteered for these assignments because I always wanted
to serve where our nation's vital interests are most at stake.
I believe my extensive experience including senior leadership
positions in four Muslim majority countries and four war zones
has allowed me to work very successfully with our U.S.
military, USAID, and other interagency colleagues to fight
against terrorist threats worldwide.
Our work together in all these countries also strengthened
good governance, supported democracy, and brought much needed
humanitarian relief to millions of people. I believe my three
decades of experience has prepared me well to lead our
extraordinary interagency team in Somalia today.
Mr. Chairman, Somalia is making progress on its long road
to recovery from state collapse. Since the May 2022 election of
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud we have seen renewed commitment
on the part of Somali authorities and the Somali people to rid
themselves of al-Shabaab and their extreme ideology.
Local communities supported by the Somali Government,
African Union military forces and other international partners
including, of course, the United States have retaken more
territory in the last 14 months than in the previous several
years combined.
Key transportation corridors have reopened, allowing for
free movement of goods and services and economic
revitalization.
However, al-Shabaab remains a resilient and capable
adversary. Recent setbacks against the group have led the
federal government to request a pause in the ongoing drawdown
of African Union forces scheduled to withdraw completely by the
end of next year.
Sustainable gains require the expansion of governance,
service delivery, and political reconciliation. Fundamental
questions related to federal structures and authorities and the
constitution must be addressed.
Economic growth is also imperative to expand employment
opportunities for the two-thirds of Somalis who are under the
age of 30. Improved oversight of the banking sector, government
revenue generation, public sector financial management are
vital for the Government to access international financial
institutions for lending for infrastructure development and
poverty reduction and promote foreign direct investment.
We are encouraged that the Government in Mogadishu agrees
these are top priorities and is taking action to address them.
If confirmed, I am committed to supporting its efforts to
advance good governance and institution building.
The United States has a stake in Somalia's success. We have
a shared interest in eliminating al-Shabaab and ISIS from
Somalia, which threaten U.S. persons and interests throughout
East Africa.
A stable democratic Somalia would enable the return of
hundreds of thousands of refugees requiring international
assistance. There are strong connections between our peoples
with hundreds of thousands of Somali Americans in communities
across the U.S., many of whom returned to Somalia in recent
years to help rebuild and pursue economic opportunities.
Mr. Chairman, the security challenges in Mogadishu remain
significant. I have dedicated much of my career to advancing
U.S. interest in countries under hazardous conditions and have
always made the safety, security, and morale of my staff, U.S.
personnel, and Americans my top priority.
If confirmed I am committed to ensure appropriate
safeguards are in place to enable our Embassy to accomplish our
mission safely and effectively.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I
thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Riley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Richard H. Riley
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to come before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the Federal Republic
of Somalia. I am deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken
for their confidence in me.
My wonderful wife of 37 years, Cheryl Wong, sister and brother,
Lisa Schwarz and Shawn Riley and their families are all watching
online. I am also very proud that my beloved daughter, Eden Riley is
here with me today. I want to thank all my family for their love and
support.
Mr. Chairman, I've been privileged to serve in the U.S. Foreign
Service for over 31 years. I joined in 1986 and have faithfully served
in twelve countries in Asia, Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East,
including two tours in Iraq, three in Afghanistan, Assistant Chief of
Mission in Kabul, Deputy Chief of Mission for Yemen, and last year as
Consul General in one of our most remote and dangerous posts--U.S.
Consulate General Peshawar, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. I volunteered for these
assignments because I always wanted to serve where our Nation's vital
national interests are most at stake. I believe my extensive
experience, including senior leadership positions in four Muslim-
majority countries in four war zones, has allowed me to work very
successfully with our U.S. Military, USAID, and other interagency
colleagues to fight against terrorist threats worldwide. Our work
together in all these countries also strengthened good governance,
supported democracy, and brought much needed humanitarian relief to
millions. I believe my three decades of experience has prepared me well
to lead our extraordinary interagency team in Somalia today.
Somalia is making progress on its long road to recovery from state
collapse. Since the May 2022 election of President Hassan Sheikh
Mohamud, we have seen renewed commitment on the part of Somali
authorities and the Somali people to rid themselves of al-Shabaab and
their extreme ideology. Local communities supported by the Somali
Government, African Union military forces, and other international
partners, including the United States, have retaken more territory in
the last 14 months than in the previous several years combined. Key
transportation corridors have reopened, allowing for the free movement
of goods and services and economic revitalization. However, al-Shabaab
remains a resilient and capable adversary. Recent setbacks against the
group have led the federal government to request a pause in the ongoing
drawdown of African Union forces, scheduled to withdraw completely by
the end of next year.
Sustainable gains require the expansion of governance, service
delivery, and political reconciliation. Fundamental questions related
to federal structures and authorities and the constitution must be
addressed. Economic growth is also imperative to expand employment
opportunities for the two thirds of Somalis under the age of 30.
Improved oversight of the banking sectors, government revenue
generation, and public sector financial management are vital for the
Government to access international financial institution lending for
infrastructure development and poverty reduction and promote foreign
direct investment. We are encouraged that the current government in
Mogadishu agrees these are top priorities and is taking action to
address them. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting its efforts to
advance good governance and institution building.
The United States has a stake in Somalia's success. We have a
shared interest in eliminating al-Shabaab and ISIS from Somalia, which
threaten U.S. persons and interests throughout East Africa. A stable,
democratic Somalia would enable the return of hundreds of thousands of
refugees requiring international assistance. There are strong
connections between our peoples, with hundreds of thousands of Somali
Americans in communities across the U.S., many of whom have returned to
Somalia in recent years to help rebuild and pursue economic
opportunities.
Somalia also continues to suffer the aftereffects of an historic
drought that has destroyed the lives and livelihoods of thousands of
Somalis. The tremendous generosity of the American people, who have
funded the majority of international relief efforts, helped prevent
famine and far greater death toll. If confirmed, I am committed to
helping to break Somalia's dependency on international humanitarian aid
by building the resilience of the Somali people to withstand natural
disasters as well as the Somali Government's ability to respond.
The security challenges in Mogadishu remain significant. I have
dedicated much of my career to advancing U.S. interests in countries
under hazardous conditions and have always made the safety, security,
and morale of my staff, U.S. personnel, and Americans my top priority.
If confirmed, I am committed to ensure appropriate safeguards are in
place to enable our Embassy to accomplish our mission safely and
effectively.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I thank
you for this opportunity to appear before you. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Mr. Riley.
And Mr. Toner?
STATEMENT OF MARK TONER, OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA
Mr. Toner. Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Young, other
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve as
the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Liberia.
I am grateful for the trust and confidence the President
and Secretary Blinken and placed in me with this nomination and
look forward to work closely with the members of this committee
and with your staffs to promote and protect U.S. interests in
Liberia.
I would like to begin by acknowledging my family, my
friends, my colleagues, all who helped get me here. That
includes my parents, both members of the Greatest Generation,
my siblings--all five of them--my wonderful daughters--all four
of them--my large extended family, but most importantly of all
my wife Mimi who is here with me today. She has never wavered
in her support and her love through all the ups and downs of
foreign service life.
I have a strong personal connection, as you mentioned, Mr.
Chairman, with Liberia having served there as a Peace Corps
volunteer in the late '80s. It was a formative experience that
kindled my desire to become a Foreign Service Officer.
During that time, I had the privilege to work alongside
many dedicated Liberian health professionals, people who showed
up every day to work under difficult circumstances without any
guarantee of a regular paycheck.
These are the people who continue to inspire me through
their commitment, their courage, and their determination.
If confirmed it would be an honor to return now as the next
Ambassador--U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Liberia with
which United States shares a special bond rooted in our deep
historical ties and preserved through our shared commitment to
democracy, human rights, health security, economic prosperity,
and regional stability.
Liberia is also a country shaped by years of conflict,
terror, disease, and hardship. It speaks to the Liberian
people's resilience when in 2017 the country achieved a
significant milestone by carrying out the first peaceful
transition of power between two elected presidents in over 70
years.
The next--that next or the next test is now underway as
Liberians cast their ballots just last week to elect the next
president. President Weah and his challengers pledged to hold
an election that is peaceful, free, and fair and we, the United
States, and our partners are doing everything in our power to
hold them accountable for delivering on that commitment.
The United States is the largest bilateral donor to Liberia
with more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance since 2003.
That assistance has paid concrete dividends in the economic,
education, security, and public health sectors.
But that progress has also been heavily eroded by growing
lawlessness and corruption within the current administration.
If confirmed I will lead our Embassy's efforts to hold corrupt
government officials accountable and keep Liberia on a path to
self-reliance so that ordinary Liberians can see the benefits
of private-sector growth and accountable government and the
country remains the United States' most steadfast partner in
Africa.
If confirmed, my team and I will also work to increase
investment opportunities for U.S. businesses and to promote
inclusive economic development focused on job creation,
providing much needed opportunities for a population in which
the median age is 19 years.
But the onus ultimately is on Liberia's political leaders
to increase transparency and tackle corruption seriously as
both are integral to establishing the conditions necessary to
attract responsible long-term foreign investment.
We must apply the same approach to human rights as
Liberia's justice sector works to address reported cases of
gender-based violence, some of the worst forms of child labor
and human trafficking, as well as the legacy of war crimes.
These abuses must be confronted for their own sake as well
as to ensure a broader system of accountability, good
governance, and rule of law.
If confirmed, I look forward to building on the outstanding
work the previous Ambassador and his excellent team have done
to assist with the many challenges facing Liberia.
I am optimistic the United States can work with its
partners in the Liberian Government and the people to help
strengthen their democracy and secure a brighter, more
prosperous future for the next generation of Liberians.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you for the opportunity to appear
before you and the other members of the committee and I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Toner follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mark Toner
Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Young, and members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
the President's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Liberia. I am grateful for the trust and confidence
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me with this
nomination and look forward to working closely with the members of this
committee and your staff to promote and protect U.S. interests in
Liberia.
I would like to begin by acknowledging my family, friends, and
colleagues who have helped me get here. That includes my parents, both
members of the Greatest Generation; my siblings--all five of them; my
wonderful daughters--all four of them; my large extended family, and,
most important of all, my wife, Mimi, who has never wavered in her
support and love through all the ups and downs of foreign service life.
I have a strong personal connection with Liberia, having served
there as a Peace Corps Volunteer--a formative experience that kindled
my desire to become a Foreign Service Officer. During that time, I had
the privilege to work alongside many dedicated Liberian health
professionals, people who showed up every day to work under difficult
circumstances without any guarantee of a regular paycheck. These are
the people who inspire me to this day through their commitment,
courage, and determination.
If confirmed, it would be an honor to return as the U.S. Ambassador
to the Republic of Liberia, a country with which the United States
shares a special bond rooted in our deep historical ties, and preserved
through our shared commitment to democracy, human rights, health
security, economic prosperity, and regional stability.
Liberia is also a country shaped by years of conflict, terror,
disease, and hardship. It speaks to the Liberian people's resilience
when, in 2017, the country achieved a significant milestone by carrying
out the first peaceful transition of power between two elected
presidents in over 70 years. The next test is now underway, as
Liberians cast their ballots last week to elect their next president.
President Weah and his challengers pledged to hold an election that is
peaceful, free, and fair; and we, the United States, and our partners
are doing everything in our power to hold them accountable for
delivering on that commitment.
The United States is the largest bilateral donor to Liberia, with
more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance since 2003. That
assistance has paid concrete dividends in the economic, education,
security, and public health sectors, but that progress has also been
heavily eroded by growing lawlessness and corruption within the present
administration. If confirmed, I will lead our Embassy's efforts to hold
corrupt government officials accountable and keep Liberia on a path to
self-reliance, so that ordinary Liberians see the benefits of private-
sector growth and accountable government, and the country remains the
United States' most steadfast partner in Africa.
If confirmed, my team and I will also work to increase investment
opportunities for U.S. businesses and promote inclusive economic
development focused on job creation, providing much-needed
opportunities for a population in which the median age is 19 years. But
the onus, ultimately, is on Liberia's political leaders to increase
transparency and tackle corruption, as both are integral to
establishing the conditions necessary to attract responsible foreign
investment.
We must apply this same approach to human rights, as Liberia's
justice sector works to address reported cases of gender-based
violence, forced child labor, and human trafficking, as well as the
legacy of war crimes. These abuses must be confronted for their own
sake, as well as to ensure a broader system of accountability, good
governance, and rule of law.
If confirmed, I look forward to building on the outstanding work
the previous Ambassador and his excellent team have done to assist with
the many challenges facing Liberia. I am optimistic the United States
can work with its partners in the Liberian Government and people to
help strengthen their democracy and secure a brighter, more prosperous
future for the next generation.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you for this opportunity to appear before you
and the other members of the committee, and I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Toner, and I am
sure your experience in the Peace Corps in Liberia will be very
significant and in terms of a foundation for understanding the
issues in Liberia.
And speaking of the Peace Corps we now have Mr. David White
nominated to be Deputy Director of the Peace Corps. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF DAVID E. WHITE, JR., OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE PEACE CORPS
Mr. White. Thank you.
Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Young, and esteemed
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, thank you
for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I want to begin by thanking President Biden for the honor
and privilege of being nominated to serve as Deputy Director of
the Peace Corps. I also want to thank Director Carol Spahn for
her leadership of the agency and her confidence and support
throughout this process.
I am also deeply grateful to the thousands of Peace Corps
volunteers around the world for their service as well as the
dedicated career staff who bring their best each day in support
of those volunteers.
I would not be here without my family. I owe an enormous
debt of gratitude to my parents, David and Kathy White, for
their support, as well as to my wife, Dana McKinney White, for
her partnership and so much more.
I also want to acknowledge my mother, my brother Dan, and
my in-laws Fred and Ivy McKinney, and friends and colleagues
who are in the audience today as well, and I appreciate their
support.
``The Peace Corps represents some, if not all, of the best
virtues in this society. It stands for everything that America
has ever stood for. It stands for everything we believe in and
hope to achieve in the world.'' Those words by Sargent Shriver,
the first director of the Peace Corps, remain as true today as
they were then.
The Peace Corps' commitment to public service is one that I
have long admired and sought to emulate in my own career. I am
a proud third-generation military veteran so perhaps it's no
surprise that at the age of 17, I began my career in public
service as a West Point cadet.
It was there that I deepened my desire to serve something
greater than myself and it's where I learned the values of
``Duty, Honor, Country.''
After graduating from the Academy, I went on to serve as a
cavalry officer in the U.S. Army. I had the immense privilege
of leading women and men in combat in Kandahar, Afghanistan.
Without a doubt, my combat deployment was one of the most
formative leadership tests of my career. Each day, I faced new
challenges spurred by life in a combat zone--balancing our
mission to establish and safeguard a fragile peace with the
safety and wellbeing of my soldiers.
My service in Afghanistan cemented my belief that, despite
our differences, be they language, culture, or beliefs, all
people yearn for the same basic freedoms--that is, safety and
security, economic opportunity, an education for their
children, and the right to exercise their faith free from
persecution.
Of course, this recognition of our common principles is not
unique to my service in Afghanistan. As Peace Corps volunteers
know first-hand, effective service requires a commitment to
move past our differences and reach common ground to achieve a
lasting impact.
This expanded worldview and greater mutual understanding
benefits not only individual volunteers and their host
communities--it benefits all Americans. Over the last 62 years,
nearly a quarter of a million volunteers have partnered with
local communities on development projects that have
substantially improved countless lives.
Their work is evidence of the great importance of pursuing
peace and friendship around the world. Whether it be building
relationships with remote rural communities or partnering to
recover from setbacks caused by COVID-19, the Peace Corps' work
is as crucial as ever to meet the challenges of the day and
prove the value of American leadership in the world.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly with Director Spahn
and my colleagues to achieve the Peace Corps' strategic goals
of strengthening local capacity, sharing America with the
world, and bringing the world back home.
In doing so, we have to recognize that there is more that
we can and must do. We must do more to reimagine our approach
to service so that volunteers and host communities alike are
best matched to make the most lasting impact.
We must do more to build a Peace Corps that draws on the
rich skills and experiences of its dedicated staff and
volunteers to strive for equity and inclusion throughout our
work.
And finally, we must do more to enhance the quality of our
systems that support volunteers and deliver consistently on the
health, safety, and service commitments we make in each
partnership.
In closing, I am deeply grateful for your consideration in
support of my nomination. If confirmed, I pledge to lead with
integrity, compassion, and an unwavering commitment to the
Peace Corps' mission to promote world peace.
Let us extend America's hand in friendship to show our
partners, both old and new, that we are committed to tackling
the world's toughest problems together.
Thank you, and I look forward to any questions that you may
have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. White follows:]
Prepared Statement of David E. White, Jr.
Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Young, and esteemed members of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today.
I want to begin by thanking President Biden for the honor and
privilege of being nominated to serve as Deputy Director of the Peace
Corps. I also want to thank Director Carol Spahn for her leadership of
the agency and her confidence and support throughout this process. I am
also deeply grateful to the thousands of Peace Corps volunteers around
the world for their service as well as the dedicated career staff who
bring their best each day in support of these volunteers.
I would not be here without my family. I owe an enormous debt of
gratitude to my parents, David and Kathy White, for their support, as
well as to my wife, Dana McKinney White, for her partnership and so
much more.
``The Peace Corps represents some, if not all, of the best virtues
in this society. It stands for everything that America has ever stood
for. It stands for everything we believe in and hope to achieve in the
world.''
Those words by Sargent Shriver, the first Director of the Peace
Corps, remain as true today as they were then. The Peace Corps'
commitment to public service is one that I've long admired and sought
to emulate in my own career.
I am a proud third-generation military veteran, so perhaps it's no
surprise that at the age of seventeen, I began my career in public
service as a West Point cadet. It was there that I deepened my desire
to serve something greater than myself and it's where I learned the
values of ``Duty, Honor, Country.''
After graduating from the Academy, I went on to serve as a cavalry
officer in the U.S. Army. I had the immense privilege of leading women
and men in combat in Kandahar, Afghanistan. Without a doubt, my combat
deployment was one of the most formative leadership tests of my career.
Each day, I faced new challenges spurred by life in a combat zone--
balancing our mission to establish and safeguard a fragile peace with
the safety and wellbeing of my soldiers.
My service in Afghanistan cemented my belief that, despite our
differences--be they language, culture, or beliefs--all people yearn
for the same basic freedoms: safety and security, economic opportunity,
an education for their children, and the right to exercise their faith
free from persecution.
Of course, this recognition of our common principles is not unique
to my service in Afghanistan. As Peace Corps volunteers know first-
hand, effective service requires a commitment to move past our
differences and reach common ground to achieve a lasting impact. This
expanded worldview and greater mutual understanding benefits not only
individual volunteers and their host communities--it benefits all
Americans.
Over the last 62 years, nearly a quarter of a million volunteers
have partnered with local communities on development projects that have
substantially improved countless lives. Their work is evidence of the
great importance of pursuing peace and friendship around the world.
Whether it be building relationships with remote rural communities or
partnering to recover from setbacks caused by COVID-19, the Peace
Corps' work is as crucial as ever to meet the challenges of the day and
prove the value of American leadership in the world.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly with Director Spahn and my
colleagues to achieve the Peace Corps' strategic goals of strengthening
local capacity, sharing America with the world, and bringing the world
back home.
In doing so, we have to recognize that there's more that we can and
must do. We must do more to reimagine our approach to service so that
volunteers and host communities alike are best matched to make the most
lasting impact. We must do more to build a Peace Corps that draws on
the rich skills and experiences of its dedicated staff and volunteers
to strive for equity and inclusion throughout our work. And finally, we
must do more to enhance the quality of our systems that support
volunteers and deliver consistently on the health, safety, and service
commitments we make in each partnership.
In closing, I am deeply grateful for your consideration and support
of my nomination. If confirmed, I pledge to lead with integrity,
compassion, and an unwavering commitment to the Peace Corps' mission to
promote world peace. Let us extend America's hand in friendship to show
our partners, both old and new, that we are committed to tackling the
world's toughest problems together.
Thank you, and I look forward to any questions that you may have.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. White.
And we will turn from the Peace Corps to the nomination of
Ambassador Mustafa Garg to be Ambassador in Egypt. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF HERRO MUSTAFA GARG, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT
Ms. Garg. Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Young,
distinguished members of the committee, I am humbled to appear
before you today as the President's nominee to serve as
Ambassador to the Arab Republic of Egypt.
I am grateful to the President and to the Secretary for the
confidence they have placed in me to undertake this role. I
have tremendous respect for this committee and I have seen
firsthand your strong commitment to advancing our national
interests and, if confirmed, I look forward to continuing to
work closely with you.
My family and I came to the United States as refugees from
the Kurdistan region of Iraq when I was three. We had little
more than the shirts on our backs and hopes and dreams.
My parents sacrificed so much for me and my siblings to be
able to pursue that American dream. That is why I am
particularly honored to appear before this committee as the
first American Ambassador of Kurdish descent.
The approach of thinking big and maintaining optimism are
what have shaped me into the person that I am today and, if
confirmed, will guide my vision in Egypt. Family is extremely
important to me and I am blessed to have the love and support
of so many family members here with me today: my husband,
Ravneesh, our two daughters, my parents, my three brothers, my
sister-in-law, my niece, and, of course, friends and mentors.
It is with great pride that I have dedicated 25 years to
public service, much of this in the Middle East. I studied
Arabic in Jordan, worked in the UAE, Lebanon, and Iraq, and
helped advance U.S. priorities in the Middle East at the White
House under both Republican and Democratic administrations.
If confirmed, I look forward to bringing that experience to
this important role in Egypt.
Senators, the remarks I had prepared to deliver earlier
this month are different than the remarks I am delivering
today. The unprecedented scale of brutality unleashed by Hamas
on October 7th has led to an escalation with mounting deaths of
Israeli and Palestinian civilians and over 30 nationalities
still searching for or mourning the loss of loved ones.
This is truly a tragedy. Egyptians like to refer to their
country as Om el Donia, the mother of the world. We are
witnessing in real time Egypt's vital role as we strive to
protect American citizens, secure the immediate and
unconditional release of hostages, prevent harm to civilians,
and prevent the conflict from spreading.
We are partnering with Egypt to address urgent humanitarian
needs in Gaza and enable the safe passage of Americans and
those who are at immediate risk through the Rafah crossing.
Equally important is the U.S.-Egypt partnership on an
affirmative vision for a Middle East region focused on peace
and security, negotiating a two-state solution and furthering
regional integration.
Bilateral security cooperation with Egypt underwritten by
FMF assistance for over four decades is an investment in self-
reliant, capable, and accountable Egyptian armed forces aligned
with U.S. priorities and values.
If confirmed I will implement this cooperation while
continuously reflecting that the U.S.-Egypt relationship will
be strongest with tangible and lasting progress on protecting
human rights and respect for fundamental freedoms, in
particular further releases of political prisoners and reforms
to pretrial detention.
I pledge to consistently raise these important concerns
with the Government of Egypt and to prioritize engagement with
Egyptian civil society.
The U.S.-Egypt partnership is multifaceted and constantly
adapting to meet present challenges. Today Egypt is the world's
largest wheat importers on the frontlines of the global
repercussions of Putin's brutal aggression.
Egypt and the United States have stood together in support
for Ukraine, and from my service as Ambassador to Bulgaria I
know well how vital our partnerships are to address Russia's
destabilizing role.
The U.S. Embassy in Cairo is among the largest in the world
with a talented and dedicated team of American and local staff
that, if confirmed, I would be proud to lead, and thank you to
the staff for their 24/7 work right now. Thank you to them and
thank you to their families.
The safety and security of the Embassy team and U.S.
citizens in Egypt, if confirmed, will always be my foremost
priority.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you
today and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Garg follows:]
Prepared Statement of Herro Mustafa Garg
Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Young, distinguished members of
the committee, I am honored and humbled to appear before you today as
the President's nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Arab Republic of
Egypt. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me to undertake this role. I have
tremendous respect for this committee and have seen first-hand your
strong commitment to advancing our national interests. If confirmed, I
look forward to continuing to consult closely with you in advancing a
U.S.-Egypt partnership reflecting our interests and values.
My family and I came to the United States as refugees from the
Kurdistan region of Iraq when I was three. We had little more than the
shirts on our back and hopes and dreams. My parents sacrificed so much
for me and my siblings to be able to pursue that American dream. That
is why I am particularly honored to appear before this committee as the
first American Ambassador of Kurdish descent. The approach of thinking
big and maintaining optimism are what have shaped me into the person I
am today and, if confirmed, will guide my vision for achieving success
for America in Egypt. Family is extremely important to me, and I am
blessed to have the love and support of my family members who are here
today.
It is with great pride that I have dedicated twenty-five years to
public service, much of this in the Middle East. My work has promoted
regional security and peace, energy security, rule of law, and economic
growth. I studied Arabic in Jordan, worked in the UAE, Lebanon, and
Iraq, and helped advance U.S. priorities in the Middle East at the
White House under both Republican and Democratic Administrations. If
confirmed, I look forward to bringing that extensive experience to this
important role in Egypt.
Senators, the remarks I had prepared to deliver earlier this month
are different than the remarks I am delivering today. The unprecedented
scale of brutality unleashed by Hamas on October 7 has led to an
escalation, with mounting deaths of Israeli and Palestinian civilians
and over 30 nationalities still searching for or mourning the loss of
loved ones. This is truly a tragedy that underlines the importance of
having confirmed ambassadors in place throughout the region, to elevate
our ability to maintain sustained engagement and advancement of U.S.
national interests.
Egyptians like to refer to their country as ``Om el Donia,'' the
Mother of the World. We are witnessing in real time Egypt's vital role
as we strive to protect American citizens, secure the immediate and
unconditional release of hostages, prevent harm to civilians, and
prevent the conflict from spreading. We are partnering with Egypt on a
crucial vision for addressing urgent humanitarian needs in Gaza and
enabling the safe passage of Americans and those who are at immediate
risk through the Rafah crossing. Equally important is the U.S.-Egypt
partnership on an affirmative vision for a Middle East region focused
on peace and security, negotiating a two-state solution between the
Israelis and Palestinians, and furthering regional integration.
Bilateral security cooperation with Egypt, underwritten by Foreign
Military Financing assistance over four decades, is an investment in
self-reliant, capable, and accountable Egyptian Armed Forces aligned
with U.S. priorities and values. If confirmed, I will implement this
cooperation while continuously reflecting that the U.S.-Egypt
relationship will be strongest with tangible and lasting progress on
protecting human rights and respect for fundamental freedoms, in
particular, releases of political prisoners and reforms to pre-trial
detention. I pledge to consistently raise these important concerns with
the Government of Egypt, to prioritize engagement with Egyptian civil
society, and to support those working to build a prosperous and secure
future for all Egyptians.
As this ongoing cooperation reflects, the U.S.-Egypt partnership is
multifaceted and constantly adapting to meet present challenges. Today,
Egypt, as the world's largest wheat importer is on the frontlines of
the global repercussions of Putin's brutal aggression, grappling with
spiraling food prices and renewed agricultural supply disruptions since
Russia's withdrawal from the Black Sea Grain Initiative. Egypt and the
United States have stood together in support for Ukraine's sovereignty
and territorial integrity, and a shared urgency to achieve a just and
lasting peace. From my service as Ambassador to Bulgaria, I know well
how vital our partnerships are to address Russia's destabilizing role.
Amid the costs of Russia's war, the Government of Egypt developed a
comprehensive economic reform plan that won support from the IMF last
year and, with U.S. backing, unlocked agreement on a $3 billion support
package. If implemented, these reforms would stabilize foreign exchange
markets and facilitate private sector-led growth. If confirmed, I will
support implementation of these crucial steps to help Egypt weather
this crisis, improve the investment climate, and promote even stronger
commercial ties for U.S. firms with Egypt, our largest export market in
Africa.
The U.S. Embassy in Cairo is among the largest in the world, with a
talented and dedicated team of American and local staff that, if
confirmed, I would be proud to lead. The safety and security of the
Embassy team and U.S. citizens in Egypt will always be my foremost
priority.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today and
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
And we are now going to turn to Mr. Martin, and Mr. Martin
is being nominated to be the Inspector General of AID, the
Agency for International Development.
Welcome.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. PAUL K. MARTIN, OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO
BE INSPECTOR GENERAL, UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Martin. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Young, and members of the committee.
I am honored to be nominated to serve as Inspector General
for the United States Agency for International Development. If
confirmed I commit to working closely with this committee to
provide timely and comprehensive information related to the
programs and operations of USAID and the other agencies under
the OIG's oversight mandate.
At the outset I would like to recognize my family for their
love and support. My wife, Rebekah Liu, and our daughters Anna,
Emily, and Grace.
I also want to express deep appreciation to my colleagues
at the NASA Office of Inspector General whom I have had the
pleasure of working with for the past 14 years.
I have dedicated the bulk of my professional life to public
service at three important government agencies: the United
States Sentencing Commission, the Department of Justice Office
of the Inspector General, and now NASA OIG, and since late
March 2020 I have also served as vice chair of the Pandemic
Response Accountability Committee, an entity created by
Congress to support independent oversight of the $5 trillion in
emergency pandemic federal relief.
As the committee considers my nomination I am energized by
the prospect of working with, learning from, and helping lead
USAID OIG's dedicated staff located across five continents as
the office works to safeguard the integrity and effectiveness
of the U.S. Government's international development and global
humanitarian assistance efforts.
If confirmed, I would look to increase the OIG's oversight
of the tens of billions of dollars in assistance provided by
USAID to Ukraine since the onset of Russia's invasion in
February '22.
Congress and the American public deserve to know that the
OIG is laser focused on ensuring that USAID programs in Ukraine
are working as intended and are not compromised by corruption.
Similarly, the OIG must continue rigorous oversight of U.S.
foreign assistance programs in many other vulnerable parts of
the world through its audits, inspections, and investigations
and this would include investigations into misuse of USAID
funds programmed through nongovernment organizations and the
United Nations.
A high priority would be oversight of USAID programs in
Gaza and the West Bank, particularly any allegations that U.S.-
provided humanitarian assistance has been diverted to terrorist
organizations.
Finally, the OIG must maintain a cooperative yet
independent working relationship with USAID leadership while
building a professional environment at the OIG that attracts
and retains talented employees who have a heart for the
office's oversight mission.
I am thankful for and humbled by this nomination and the
opportunity, if confirmed, to serve alongside the USAID OIG
team to strengthen America's foreign assistance programs around
the globe.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Martin follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Paul K. Martin
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee, I
am honored to be nominated to serve as Inspector General for the United
States Agency for International Development (USAID). If confirmed, I
commit to working closely with this committee in providing timely and
comprehensive information relating to the programs and operations of
USAID, and the other agencies under the USAID OIG's oversight mandate:
the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), the Inter-American
Foundation (IAF), and the U.S. African Development Foundation (USADF).
At the outset, I would like to recognize my family for their
steadfast love and support: my wife, Rebekah Liu, a senior attorney at
the Securities and Exchange Commission; and our daughters Anna, Emily,
and Grace. I also want to express deep appreciation to my colleagues at
the NASA Office of Inspector General (OIG) for their professionalism
and accomplishments overseeing the world's premier science, space
exploration, and aeronautics agency.
I have dedicated the bulk of my professional life to public
service. I moved to Washington, D.C. in 1985 after a 3-year stint as a
reporter at a South Carolina daily newspaper. At that time, President
Reagan had appointed then-U.S. District Court Judge William W. Wilkins,
Jr. as Chairman of the newly formed United States Sentencing
Commission, and I was fortunate enough to be one of the agency's first
employees. I worked alongside Judge Wilkins, then-Circuit Court Judge
Stephen Breyer, five other Commissioners, and a handful of staff to
create a new agency that developed the initial set of federal
sentencing guidelines. Among other roles, I served as the Commission's
Deputy Staff Director where I helped supervise a staff of more than 100
lawyers, researchers, guidelines trainers, and data technicians. Along
the way, I attended law school at night at Georgetown University where
I received a Juris Doctor but, much more significantly, where I met my
wife, Rebekah.
I moved to the Department of Justice (DOJ) OIG in 1998. During my
time there, I served in a variety of positions, including Deputy
Inspector General for 6 years. I was proud to work with my OIG
colleagues in conducting critical oversight of DOJ activities,
particularly the transformation of the Federal Bureau of Investigation
in the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks.
In November 2009, I was honored to be confirmed by the Senate as
Inspector General for NASA where I currently work with 190 dedicated
auditors, investigators, attorneys, data analysts, and support
personnel to provide high-quality oversight of the nation's civilian
space program.
Finally, since late March 2020 at the outset of the COVID-19
pandemic, I have also served as Vice Chair of the Pandemic Response
Accountability Committee (PRAC), an entity created by Congress to
coordinate independent oversight of the $5 trillion in emergency
federal pandemic relief spending.
As the committee considers my nomination, I am energized by the
prospect of working with, learning from, and helping lead USAID OIG's
dedicated staff located across five continents as the office continues
to ensure the integrity and effectiveness of the U.S. Government's
international development and global humanitarian assistance efforts.
If confirmed, I see four main areas where the OIG can continue to
add significant value:
First, the OIG must continue its aggressive oversight of the tens
of billions of dollars in assistance provided by USAID to
Ukraine and its people since the onset of Russia's invasion in
February 2022. Congress and American taxpayers deserve the
OIG's full attention to ensure that USAID programs in Ukraine
are working as intended, account for risk, and are not
compromised by corruption. This likely means increasing the
office's tempo of audits, evaluations, and investigations into
USAID funds provided to Ukraine and expanding the office's
joint oversight efforts with our OIG colleagues at the
Departments of Defense and State under the Lead Inspector
General authority.
Second, in addition to Ukraine, the OIG must also continue rigorous
oversight of U.S. foreign assistance programs in the many other
vulnerable parts of the world. To me, successful oversight is
oversight that (1) is helpful to agency management and contains
practical recommendations for improvement; (2) provides
substantive, timely, and relevant to Congress and the public;
and (3) ensures transparency and accountability about how USAID
and the agencies under the OIG's oversight purview spend
taxpayer dollars. As world events prompt emergency and long-
term responses from USAID, the OIG should highlight findings
from its past work to inform USAID on the key risks and
challenges when it establishes new, or expands existing,
programs.
Third, the OIG, through its global ability to conduct
investigations overseas, must continue to ensure the integrity
of U.S. foreign assistance efforts by holding accountable those
who corrupt or defraud taxpayer-funded programs. This includes
investigations into misuse of U.S. aid dollars programmed
through both nongovernmental organizations and the United
Nations. Against the backdrop of the recent horrific terrorist
attacks in Israel, OIG oversight of USAID programs in Gaza and
the West Bank, including investigations into allegations that
USAID dollars have been diverted to terrorist organizations,
must continue to be a priority. These efforts will fall in
large measure on the professionalism and expertise of our
investigative and audit teams dedicated to the region.
Finally, in fulfilling its statutory oversight role, the OIG must
maintain a professional, cooperative, yet independent working
relationship with USAID, MCC, IAF, and USADF leadership and
staff. Looking inward, the OIG also must continue to build a
highly professional environment that attracts and retains the
most talented employees with the right mix of skills and a
heart for the OIG's oversight mission.
I am thankful for and humbled by this nomination and the
opportunity, if confirmed, to serve alongside the USAID OIG team to
strengthen American foreign assistance programs around the globe.
Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Martin. We all
know how important the role of inspector generals are, as you
noted, to make sure that the aid gets where it needs to go and
does not feed any form of corruption. Thank you.
Before we start our series of five-minute rounds I have a
few questions that speak to the importance that this committee
places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive
branch and that we will expect and will be seeking from you,
and I would ask each of you to provide just a yes or no answer.
And so I will pose the question, just have each of you
respond to it. Do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Thank you. Do you commit to keep this
committee fully and currently informed about the activities
under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by committee
and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. As you imagined, yes is the answer we were
hoping from each of you.
[Laughter.]
Senator Merkley. So thank you very much.
We are now going to start our five-minute rounds of
questions. I am hoping to get a question in to each of your
during my five minutes, which means your answer to complicated
things has to be pretty brief--a challenge.
But here we go, starting with you, Mr. Riley. Somalia has
not held a one-person one-vote election. Its government
institutions are considered weak and sometimes corrupt. The
relationship between the federal government and the states
remains complicated.
If confirmed how do you intend to help Somalia develop
democratic, accountable, transparent, and efficient
institutions?
Mr. Riley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your question.
I would focus on the three mutually reinforcing goals that
we have with our U.S. policy currently in Somalia and if I am
confirmed I will certainly continue to push for achievement of
those three goals.
The first is building security. That has to happen. It is
continuing to happen as we continue to support a number of ways
which I can elaborate later as we start to help the government
build up its security forces.
The second overarching goal is to establish good
governance. Without good governance you are not going to have
the institutions necessary to deliver the services and the
things that the people of Somalia need.
And the third goal is to foster inclusive economic growth
such that the Government can generate--start to generate its
own revenue so that it can wean itself off of international
assistance that it is currently dependent heavily on.
So those are the overarching goals that we have in Somalia,
Mr. Chairman, and I would continue to push if confirmed to
achieve those goals.
I would say that under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who
came into office in May of 2022, we are making--they are making
progress in all of these areas. There are some fits and starts
in all of this but I would say that the president has pushed
forward on all of these areas which are synonymous with the
approach that we as the United States are taking and trying to
assist the president and his government both at the federal
level and the federal member state level to achieve these
goals.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
Mr. Riley. Yes, sir.
Senator Merkley. I did travel to Somalia and I am well
aware of the enormous complexities and I know you appreciate
them as well.
Mr. Riley. Yes, sir.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
Turning to Mr. Toner, what is your assessment of that
recent election process and there is a new round--the final
round, I think--coming next month.
You referred to the goal of the elections being peaceful,
free, and fair. I think these are the first that are not
conducted under U.N. supervision since the end of the civil
war.
What is your message to Liberians and to voters as we
prepare for this runoff?
Mr. Toner. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I hope--respectfully, I hope you will understand my
reluctance to pronounce on the conduct of the elections. The
first round took place last week. Those votes are still being
tabulated by the national electoral committee so I do not want
to get out ahead of the process.
Senator, I would only add that our message--the U.S.
Government's message has been clear and consistent throughout
the election season and that has been that the Liberian people
deserve elections that are free, fair, and peaceful.
I would add that the first round seems to have gone off
without any real cases of violence and that is encouraging.
If confirmed, Senator, I will make it my priority to work
with the new leadership of Liberia on the range of the number
of challenges it faces, Senator, which is why it is so
important that the Liberian people see that next administration
as credible and which is why the process matters so much.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. And I know the elections are
being held in the context of some democratic backsliding across
the continent and an election with serious deficiencies in
neighboring Sierra Leone. A lot of work to do there. The
integrity in elections is so important to the legitimacy of the
Government.
Mr. White, in your testimony you said that the Peace Corps
proves the value of American leadership and has the strategic
goals of increasing local capacity, sharing America with the
world, and bringing the world back home.
I went to Vietnam this last year and they had their first
class of Peace Corps ever. So as I was growing up we had
generations of young Americans going to Vietnam to fight a war
and now we have a class that is there and a new class
arriving--that are arriving and I believe they are only
dedicated to English proficiency--supporting English.
Can you give a little sense of how expanding the Peace
Corps into Vietnam serves these goals that you have mentioned?
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
I will tell you that I know that my colleagues at the Peace
Corps are, of course, very excited about the tremendous
progress in Vietnam. In the case such as these, of course, we
are looking at models like South Korea and we think of
Vietnam's future as being a very bright one.
More broadly, I do believe in the capacity for good of
American global leadership. Peace Corps, of course, plays an
important role in that. When I think about our national
security objectives, our foreign policy priorities, I think
about the three D's, so to speak--defense, diplomacy and
development.
Peace Corps has a huge role to play in both diplomacy
because the volunteers are really grassroots diplomats, if you
will, and development as well, from everything from community
economic development to sustainable agriculture and so many
other respects.
And so, I would say the Peace Corps through Vietnam and
other areas in the Indo-Pacific and around the globe has a very
large role to play and I thank you for its support.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
My time is up and I am going to ask everyone else if you
cannot get--I got that question in just under the five-minute
bell. Thank you for your response. And I will ask everyone to
stick to the five minutes.
I apologize, Ambassador, that I did not get to you yet, and
Mr. Martin, but there may be more opportunity to do so.
Let me hand the microphone over to my colleague, Senator
Young.
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
Ambassador Mustafa Garg, the ongoing conflict between
Israel and Gaza will have consequences throughout the region.
Egypt will have an important role to play so I want to first
touch on ensuring the safe exit of U.S. citizens and other
nationals from Gaza through the Rafah crossing between Gaza and
Egypt. I know you alluded to this in your testimony.
Ambassador, for starters, if confirmed will you commit to
prioritizing this mission and can you tell the committee what
on-the-ground actions our Embassy in Cairo can take to support
this overall mission?
Ms. Garg. Thank you very much, Mr. Senator, for that very
important question.
Absolutely. The safety and security of American citizens is
an utmost priority. I am heartened by the fact that the
President has nominated Ambassador Satterfield to be our
Special Envoy in the region.
Ambassador Satterfield is someone I have known for over 20
years and he is actively working on this issue, and as you have
seen both the President and the Secretary have been actively
engaged with all of the parties to find a way forward.
My understanding is that upon his return from Israel the
President had a good conversation with President el-Sisi and
they have agreed on allowing the humanitarian assistance into
Gaza and our citizens out. They are working on the mechanism to
do that but the general agreement is there.
Senator Young. Maybe you could unpack some of that. By the
way, Ambassador Satterfield, I would say, is an inspired
choice. His work was exemplary in Yemen and I know in other
areas. So glad you will be working actively with him should you
be confirmed.
What role specifically do you believe the United States can
play in working with the Egyptians to ensure that this
humanitarian access is sustained? What role should the Embassy
take in conducting oversight and maintaining control over aid
that is provided?
Ms. Garg. So our role a very, very active role. My
understanding about the situation on the ground at the border
is that it is fluid, it is layered, and the concerns of the
Egyptians regarding the influx of the refugees, the border
security and, of course, Israel's own security is extremely
important.
So all of that combined is, unfortunately, delaying what we
would have loved to have seen earlier this week, the aid going
in and our citizens coming out along with the other people at
risk.
So active engagement with all of the parties and with the
U.N. is extremely important to make sure this important mission
is achieved.
Senator Young. Well, thank you. My expectation will be that
you and other members of the administration will have the tools
they need to be successful.
Ms. Garg. Thank you, sir.
Senator Young. But to the extent that this committee can be
helpful I know you----
Ms. Garg. Thank you, sir.
Senator Young [continuing]. And others will let us know as
soon as possible.
Mr. Martin, in light of this conflict between Israel and
Hamas and Hamas' control over Gaza it is going to increasingly
be important for us to impose the strictest scrutiny over our
assistance to Gaza but also to the West Bank.
If confirmed do you commit to taking additional steps
including onsite verification where possible to ensure that
U.S.-funded or enabled assistance to the Palestinian people is
not diverted or even used for terrorist activities?
Mr. Martin. Absolutely, Senator. It would be one of the
highest priorities of the office.
Senator Young. Thank you.
And then, if confirmed, what actions will you take to
pursue a comprehensive and forensic audit of U.S. assistance to
Gaza and the West Bank including through multilateral agencies
like UNRWA to ensure that past funds have not been diverted or
abused by the leadership of the Palestinian Authority?
Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. Good question. That is one of the
questions I have coming in--if confirmed into the organization.
So I think the USAID OIG has ongoing work in several of
those areas and so I look to, if confirmed, understanding what
that work is and increasing that work because the transparency
through the United Nations and other agencies is critically
important.
Senator Young. Well, I am glad you are looking into that.
Would you commit to once you get clarity on that matter
reporting back to the committee what sort of actions you might
be able to take in that regard?
Mr. Martin. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Young.
Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Chairman.
Mr. White, thank you for your willingness to serve. The
United States is trying to build and rebuild goodwill in the
Pacific after years of neglect, and people to people ties are
central especially in island nations.
I understand at least four countries--FSM, Kiribati, the
Marshalls and Palau--have invited the Peace Corps back. Do I
have your commitment to prioritize these requests?
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
If confirmed, I will certainly work with you carefully and
closely to ensure that we are prioritizing important countries.
Senator Schatz. Thank you. I also understand that the
Solomon Islands agreement has hit some roadblocks. Do you--are
you tracking that at all yet?
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator. I am not privy to the
details there. But if confirmed, I will certainly get you that
information.
Senator Schatz. Okay. And I think this is workable but it
is a roadblock and I think one of the experiences we have had
over the last I would say eight-ish years is that relatively
solvable problems fester just from a lack of personal attention
and sometimes physical presence in the region.
I know as well as anyone how hard it is to get to Honolulu
in 10 hours if you are lucky, and then it is going to be
another, in some instances, 10, 15, 18 hours depending on
layovers and reliability and all the rest of it.
So I really do think physical presence of the United States
Government manifested by the Peace Corps is critical and I am
hoping I can have your commitment on that.
Mr. White. Yes, Senator. Absolutely.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Ms. Garg, Egypt is ranked 168th out of 180 countries by
Reporters Without Borders and is currently imprisoning 19
journalists.
With the challenges posed by wartime misinformation and
disinformation I think it is--we have seen in the last couple
of weeks how rotten the information ecosystem has become and I
would like you to speak both to press freedom but sort of the
first cousin of that is just finding a reliable source of
information and a dissemination strategy that will actually
work because I do not think you can play whack-a-mole with all
the nonsense out there.
I think what you have to do is just be reliable and hope
that that has its own gravitational pull. So I am wondering if
you can give me your thoughts in that area.
Ms. Garg. Thank you very much, Mr. Senator, for that very
important question and I am going to respond in two parts.
The first is on the very important rights of journalists
and freedom of expression, which throughout my career I have
defended so I will continue to do so.
The second is on the misinformation piece, and coming from
Bulgaria where that was a very important part of the job as
well I agree with you completely that it is incumbent upon us
not only to find reliable sources but to be the ones who do the
speaking ourselves to talk about the truth, and I will
definitely use my podium and Arabic to try to get that message
across in the region because it is vitally important that we
are also telling our side of the story.
Senator Schatz. So I hear your commitment and I appreciate
your commitment. But I am--I figured you would say that.
I guess my question is what do we do specifically, because
I think everyone operates under the principle that press
freedom is essential and especially in times of conflict it is
essential to get good information out.
I am interested in, okay, so how do we operationalize that
other than every time we have a bilateral talk about press
freedom, prioritize imprisoned and imperiled journalists. All
of those are things that we currently do but, frankly, the
information environment and the press freedom environment
continues to deteriorate.
So how do we change course? Do you have any techniques or
strategies or even preliminary thoughts along those lines?
Ms. Garg. I can just tell you from previous experience some
thoughts on that, sir, which is if confirmed and after working
with the team on the ground and evaluating the environment,
looking at what additional training might be necessary, looking
at which outlets--for example--maybe it is online outlets that
might have more reliable sources rather than TV, for example.
So once that survey is done and then it would be to try to
use the outlets that have greater credibility in order to get
our messages across.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Just one final thought, and I do not mean this in a
hectoring or critical way. I do not think we have a theory of
the case yet. I do not think we have a theory of the case. I do
not think the administration does yet. I think this challenge
has emerged so quickly that it is understandable that we are
still in a sort of strategy development phase.
But let us develop the strategy because I am unsatisfied
with even my own response, which is essentially, hey, what
about press freedom. That is fine. But everyone is going to nod
and say, yes, press freedom is important and things keep going
in the wrong direction.
So I do think we need to rethink all of our strategic
approaches to communications generally but press freedom in
particular. Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Schatz.
Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
thank all of our nominees here today for your commitment to
serve our great nation and for your past service and to your
families and especially Foreign Service folks.
As the previous governor of Nebraska we went on a number of
trade missions and the Foreign Service folks who helped us out
in all those countries just did a fantastic job and really
appreciate the sacrifices you make living away from the
country, living away from friends and family and that sort of
thing.
And then, Mr. White, thank you for your service to our
country in the military. Really appreciate that. And Ambassador
Mustafa Garg, thank you for sharing your story about coming to
America and your family's story and, again, reminding us what a
great country we have where someone who has got big dreams and
willing to work and achieve so much. So thank you for reminding
us what a great country we have.
Since the brutal and illegal war that Russia launched on
Ukraine we have seen the United States Congress appropriate
about $100 billion in aid to Ukraine and this aid has been
absolutely instrumental for Ukraine's ability to be able to
resist that terrible invasion.
And with that great aid also needs--comes the need for
great oversight. We got to make sure that the money is being
spent well and especially in the areas if we think about
humanitarian and economic aid because it is not as tangible to
see the results there or to be able to account for those
results.
And the American taxpayers need to know where their money
is going and so it is important that we have strong oversight
for the amount of dollars that we are spending there.
So I am guessing, Mr. Martin, you know this question is
coming to you.
Mr. Martin. I was afraid of that.
[Laughter.]
Senator Ricketts. Obviously, you have got a long career and
coming from the private sector--not even everybody in the
private sector understands the importance of oversight and
auditors. But, obviously, the Inspector General is a very key
role that we have to have to be able to make sure the tax
dollars are being spent appropriately.
Obviously, you are going to be a part of the joint
strategic oversight plan, which is part of what the inspector's
duty roles in the DOD and the State Department.
But what are your plans with regard to further oversight in
Ukraine?
Mr. Martin. Right. Thank you, sir.
So there is individual responsibility for the three offices
of inspector generals: State Department, Department of Defense,
and USAID OIG. So we each have our individual audits and
investigations ongoing.
But then collectively the three offices come together and
form what is called Operation Atlantic Resolve, which is this
overseas contingency operation mechanism where the three IGs
work with Ukrainian officials on the ground to track the funds,
both military and humanitarian assistance, to Ukraine to make
sure they are being used for their intended purpose.
Again, if confirmed I would go in, see what the USAID is
doing, no doubt increase the efforts that we are doing
individually, and then work cooperatively with State and the
Department of Defense IG.
Senator Ricketts. What do you view is going to be the
biggest challenges to doing that in Ukraine? What are going to
be the obstacles for oversight?
Mr. Martin. Yeah, I think it is actually boots on the
ground. USAID OIG, as my understanding, has two criminal
investigators at the Embassy in Kyiv and we would like to get
up to six more auditors and investigators on the ground.
But the number of folks who are permitted at the Embassy is
controlled for security reasons by the State Department. So we
need more boots on the ground permanently there.
Senator Ricketts. So is there something Congress can do to
be helpful on that? For example, if we create a special
investigator general or whatever is that something that--
Inspector General, is that something that would be helpful to
be able to get more boots on the ground or are there other
things we could be doing?
Mr. Martin. I actually think creating a special Inspector
General for Ukraine oversight would be less helpful.
Senator Ricketts. Really?
Mr. Martin. Because you have the three inspector generals
who have the authority and who already have the mechanisms and
the agreements with Ukrainian officials. To superimpose a new
inspector general on top of that I think would be
counterproductive--the amount of time it would take to set that
office up, the inevitable conflicts with the other inspector
generals who are doing work there. So I think it is best to
continue to rely on the three offices of inspector general who
currently have jurisdiction there.
Senator Ricketts. So is there anything else Congress can be
doing to be able to be helpful to make sure we are providing
you the resources you need for oversight? Because we--I think
right now we have supplied about $13 million to be able to do
oversight. Is there anything else we need to be doing?
Mr. Martin. No. I think, again, it is the security
situation on the ground for us getting more individuals, more
auditors, more investigators in there. My sense is that the
offices of inspector general are funded well enough at this
point but I would suggest that any additional supplemental
appropriations to Ukraine have a small sliver for the oversight
component as well.
Senator Ricketts. So it sounds like what you want to do,
though, is work with the State Department to get more of those
inspectors in there because they are the ones that are the
gatekeepers on how many can get in. Is that accurate?
Mr. Martin. A hundred percent.
Senator Ricketts. All right. Great. Well, thank you very
much, Mr. Martin. I appreciate it.
Mr. Martin. Thank you, sir.
Senator Ricketts. Mr. Chairman?
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Ricketts.
And now we are turning to Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Let me add my thanks to the entire panel for your careers
of service and your willingness to continue to serve. None of
these are easy places that you are headed to.
I wanted to spend a little bit more time on Egypt with you,
Ambassador Garg. Many of us who have received briefings about
the inability to flow humanitarian assistance into Gaza have
been disturbed at how hard it has been to convince our ally--
our ally Egypt--to do the right thing and allow for aid to
flow.
This is a country that we, obviously, spend over a billion
dollars on second only to Israel in terms of taxpayer
commitment to military support.
I was a little concerned about your opening statement in
which you said that our security cooperation with Egypt is an
investment in, quote, ``self-reliant, capable, and accountable
Egyptian Armed Forces aligned with U.S. priorities and
values.'' It does not feel like the Egyptian military is
aligned with U.S. values.
This is a military that was willing to do a pretty large-
scale deal with Russia, only undone by vigorous, tactical U.S.
diplomacy. This is a military that is used by the regime to try
political dissenters in military courts.
Reports are that there are upwards of 30,000, 40,000,
50,000 people in jail for their political views and the
military is very much a part of that repressive--that campaign
of repression.
So I just wanted to ask you to drill down on that
statement. It is hard for me to imagine that you believe that
the Egyptian military is aligned with U.S. values. Everything
we see suggests that they are not, and we need an Ambassador in
Egypt who understands that we are in a fight to try to make
sure that our dollars ultimately try to press and enact real
reform.
Ms. Garg. Senator, I agree with you that this is a
significant investment. I would say that there is a tremendous
range of administration priorities where Egypt does have a
significant role, whether it is in Ukraine, whether it is
elections in Libya, whether it is the conflict in Sudan and, of
course, what we are seeing in Gaza right now, whether it is
counterterrorism in the Sinai, whether it is nonproliferation,
and it is hard to imagine a path forward on any of these issues
where we bypass Egypt.
Senator Murphy. So that is not what I am asking. What I am
asking is if--I agree, we have a number of important lines of
effort with Egypt. My question is do you believe that the
Egyptian military shares our values?
Ms. Garg. We do believe that the--on the specific case of
what you are talking about in Gaza the Egyptian Government does
want to see aid to enter and our citizens and other people at
risk to leave.
The mechanism is in discussion right now between us, the
Egyptians, the Israelis, and other international organizations.
But we do believe they have that same goal. It is the mechanism
that is still being worked out.
The President did have a good conversation with el-Sisi
yesterday. We do have the commitment for that to happen.
Senator Murphy. Okay. Maybe----
Ms. Garg [continuing]. On human rights----
Senator Murphy [continuing]. Okay.
Ms. Garg [continuing]. I share with you, Senator Murphy,
the concerns and this is an issue--as you know, is a priority
for the administration. It will be a priority for me.
Human rights is a part of national security. They are not
two separate thing. They are together, and I commit to
continuing this discussion with the Egyptians so that we do see
tangible progress on these very important issues that will
strengthen our relationship in the future.
Senator Murphy. So before my time--before my time is up--so
maybe it is hard to make a broad statement on whether they
share our values or not because as you point out there are
areas in which we hope that they do share our values like
getting humanitarian aid into Gaza.
But on the issue of the treatment of political dissent--let
me try to narrow it so that we can come to a conclusion--on the
issue of treatment of political dissent do you believe that the
Egyptian military shares our values on how we treat military--
how we treat political dissent?
Ms. Garg. Senator, there is no doubt there is room for
improvement there. There is no doubt on that issue, and if
confirmed I commit to doing what I can along with the Embassy
to really make progress on that very, very important issue of
political dissent.
Senator Murphy. I think you are in a tough spot. You have
to be careful about what you say. I appreciate that. I think
you are going to do a great job on the ground. I want our
diplomats to tell the truth about what is happening in
politically repressive countries and maybe that will be a
little bit easier in the future. But I appreciate your
willingness to go and do a tough job. I look forward to working
with you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Senator Murphy.
Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to all
five of our nominees today and thank you to your families for
their support of your long careers in public service.
I am grateful for your willingness to take on what are
often difficult terms of service in challenging and
occasionally dangerous places. I will try to briefly address
questions to a few of you. I would welcome the chance to
question thoroughly all of you but within the boundaries of
five minutes it is a challenge.
Mr. White, I am particularly enthusiastic about our making
progress here on the committee with Peace Corps
reauthorization, something that has not happened in a number of
years, and I am excited about our steady reengagement with the
world through the Peace Corps.
I think it has, as you mentioned in your opening statement,
laid the foundation for more than a quarter million Americans
to serve across the world across many decades.
I will never forget my first meeting with the president of
Ghana who, before Senator Isakson and I could say anything
else, said ``I want you to know the only reason I am today
president is because of two young Americans who came to my
remote village and taught English and science,'' and his quote
was, ``The United States is a country that became great not by
what you took from us but by what you gave to us and that is
because of the Peace Corps.''
Your own record of service in our military, your skills and
training and experience I think make you well qualified for
this role. I would just be interested in how you see us getting
to the 10,000 volunteer target, what you think are the barriers
to recruitment, and how does increasing Peace Corps engagement
in the Global South also help advance some of our strategic
interests in terms of competing with other countries that have
different values and different priorities?
Mr. White. Well, thank you, Senator, first of all, for the
kind words and for the question as well.
I do believe in, of course, American global leadership and
its capacity for good and I think some of those examples you
gave are so many and I have heard so many other examples of
world leaders and everyday people whose lives have been
enriched by Peace Corps.
I do think that we need to continue to do great work in
recruiting folks to serve in the Peace Corps. As it relates to
public service writ large, we are seeing, I think, as we are
all aware, less folks who are signing up to serve.
I notice that, of course, different aspects of the
military, of course. The Marines seem to do quite well and I
have a lot of family members, including a nephew serving
overseas, in the Marine Corps.
But I think Peace Corps has taken a really great turn and
executed an excellent marketing strategy now with the Go Bold
initiative, as you and your colleagues may have seen plastered
all around here in D.C., but also in other places around the
country, inspiring people to serve, inspiring folks to heed
that clarion call that President Kennedy gave so many years
ago.
I think it is absolutely vital that we also ensure that we
are getting a broad cross section of folks from across this
country so we can bring the best of America abroad and abroad
back home.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I have just two minutes left.
So briefly, Mr. Toner, if I might. I have been to Liberia
four times. It is a country that has a diaspora community in
Delaware. Go Irish. Your own education, I think, laid the
foundation for your service then in the Peace Corps. I am
thrilled you are returning to Liberia.
I would just be interested very briefly in how you think
you in your role if confirmed can support democratic
institutions in a country that has suffered from an incredibly
destructive civil war that really destroyed much of the civil
institutions.
I was close to the two-term president who laid a lot of the
foundation for that but I am very concerned about the
direction, particularly given the dynamics of this election.
Briefly, how would you promote democratic institutions?
Mr. Toner. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I think as you noted, Senator, given where Liberia came
from in 2003, a lot of progress has been made but there is a
lot that needs to be done.
Senator, if confirmed I would focus like a laser beam on
corruption. I believe corruption is probably the biggest single
impediment to progress not only on the democracy building front
but also on the economic development front and that will be a
clear focus for me if I am confirmed.
Senator Coons. Thank you. And I think, frankly, more
broadly we do better in the Global South if we were credibly
seen as an advocate and ally for those who stand against
corruption.
We restrain our businesses with the FCPA. We might as well
get more credit for the fact that we do business in the
developing world in a cleaner more transparent way.
Ambassador Garg, if I might. I am about to travel to Egypt.
It is a country I have been to many, many times and I value
deeply our close partnership and relationship.
But as Senator Murphy's questioning highlighted, we have a
real disagreement, a real tension, over political prisoners,
the suppression of dissent. I intend to raise this again with
el-Sisi.
There has been public reporting that Egypt, which is
neutral in the war in Ukraine, has considered selling arms to
the Russians. Has decided, hopefully, not to. They are an
enormous consumer of grain from Russia and Ukraine. They are a
critical regional leader. They play an important role in
relations with Sudan.
What will you most prioritize in your service as Ambassador
and how will you ensure that you strike that right balance
between advocating for human rights and civil liberties and
sustaining an enduring partnership that is key to Israeli-
Egyptian relations and its security?
Ms. Garg. Thank you for that question. I will just say I
think human rights are part of our national security and in my
previous assignments I have demonstrated that we can accomplish
both, as an example in previous assignment, military
modernization, energy diversification, and rule of law reform.
Having a confirmed Ambassador on the ground elevates our
ability to raise these issues consistently, which is absolutely
important, and if confirmed I commit to doing that, sir.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador Garg. I will have some
questions for the record, if I might.
Mr. Riley, Mr. Martin, I apologize for not also engaging
with you. Effective and engaged oversight on our robust
programming is critical. Somalia is a nation that badly needs a
skilled and seasoned representative of the United States.
I hope we will quickly confirm all of the nominees today.
Thank you for your patience with my going over, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Senator Coons.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Congratulations to each of you on your
nominations and I look forward to working with you if
confirmed.
Mr. Riley, I want to begin with you because as Russia has
continued its unprovoked war in Ukraine one of the collateral--
pieces of collateral damage, sadly, has been that global food
prices have continued to rise rapidly. It has had a huge impact
not just in the Middle East or in Eastern Europe but also in
Africa.
I understand that Somalia has received more than 80,000
tons of wheat from Ukraine last year and it is experiencing
record high food prices. So how can we--and one of the other
challenges is that many people in Africa and other countries
that are affected are blaming the United States rather than
blaming Russia, who should appropriately be blamed for what has
happened.
So how can we improve our public diplomacy to communicate
with folks about what is really causing the high food prices
and the impact on them?
Mr. Riley. Thank you, Senator, for the question. I think it
is an extremely important one in relation especially to
Somalia.
The United States remains the single largest humanitarian
donor to Somalia. We have given $890 million in each of the
last two fiscal years. We are up to $1.7 billion in the
totality of the humanitarian assistance that we have been--we
have given to Somalia and this is because of the situation on
the ground.
There is a desperate situation in Somalia with five
recurrent rainy seasons that have failed. There has been the
longest drought in history. We have--Somalia's population is 17
million people.
According to the statistics I have from all of our aid
workers who are there 8.25 million of those are classified in
need of humanitarian assistance. That is about half the
population.
Senator Shaheen. I am sorry to interrupt but I am almost
out of time. The question I am really asking, though, I
appreciate the dire need that they have for food because of
what is happening. But the question that I have is how do we
better communicate to people in the region about what is
responsible for that.
Mr. Riley. I will be very succinct. We have to do a lot
better. I have worked on a lot of countries where we have given
tremendous amounts of aid but we do not do a good job in our
public diplomacy in getting that word out.
You have my commitment. If I am confirmed as Ambassador we
will leverage every platform, every vehicle that we have, to
get the word out to the Somali people that it is the United
States of America and our taxpayers who are funding this
tremendous amount of aid to the people of Somalia.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Mr. White, I think what is happening with the Peace Corps
is very encouraging. New Hampshire is one of the top 10 states
in terms of providing Peace Corps volunteers. We are very proud
of that.
But how will you ensure that the Peace Corps is fully
implementing the recommendations from the Sexual Assault
Advisory Council including working with local staff and
communities on sexual assault prevention?
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator, for the question and thanks
also for your support of the Peace Corps and getting into the
top 10.
I would tell you, first of all, safety and security is the
highest priority. That includes prevention of sexual assault
and sexual harassment. We must strive to zero incidents.
Unfortunately, we know we live in a dangerous world. That
is true here at home and it is true abroad as well. So when the
worst does happen, we need to ensure that the response is
victim-centered, treats victims with dignity and respect, the
full suite of reporting options, the resources they need to
move beyond that and, of course, then pivot, again, towards
safety and security.
This is also a recruiting matter and it is also an equity
matter. It is a recruiting matter because people need to know
that they are safe and secure and that we are going to take
good care of them.
And, secondly, as it relates to equity this is something
that affects--tends to affect--one particular set of the
population and we need to make sure that we are taking care of
all people equally.
So, you have my commitment, if confirmed, to work on this
as one of my highest priorities, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. We will be watching and
if we can be helpful please let us know.
Ambassador Mustafa Garg, can you explain in the 20 seconds
that I have left why Egypt is unwilling to open the Rafah
crossing?
Ms. Garg. My understanding is that Egypt does want the
crossing open.
Senator Shaheen. Let me rephrase that. Why they have been
so reluctant to open the crossing to date and why there is no
commitment notwithstanding the president's statement that there
will be ongoing humanitarian aid that will come through the
Rafah crossing.
Ms. Garg. I think there is now a commitment.
Senator Shaheen. For ongoing?
Ms. Garg. Ongoing.
Senator Shaheen. I have heard that they have--they are
going to allow 20 trucks in.
Ms. Garg. As the first tranche.
Senator Shaheen. But I understood that they were still
negotiating and the question is really why. Why did it take
them so long and why are they so reluctant?
Ms. Garg. My understanding is that the situation at the
border is very fluid and layered. They have been concerned
about, again, the influx of the refugees, also the security at
the border.
But they are also working with the Israeli side. Both sides
had concerns and until both sides could reach an agreement on
the mechanism that border was not opening. There is now an
agreement and we are cautiously optimistic that we will soon be
seeing that flow in both directions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I hope so.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Garg, as you know the U.S.-Egypt relationship has been
damaged over the past week in the aftermath of the war that
Hamas launched against Israel.
A summit with President Biden, Egyptian President Sisi, and
other Arab leaders was just canceled. On Tuesday night a rocket
fired by a Palestinian terrorist fell short of Israel and
landed instead in the parking lot of a hospital in Gaza.
Palestinian officials in Gaza, which means Hamas, immediately
announced that it was an Israeli airstrike and that 500 people
had been killed.
Their propaganda was then parroted and amplified by
American corporate media--Reuters, the New York Times, MSNBC,
and CNN.
Anti-American riots broke out across the Middle East. Mobs
marched on American embassies. The corporate media's rabid
anti-Israel reporting that was false endangered the lives of
Americans across the region including our diplomats.
That libel continues to reverberate in Egypt. The Egyptian
Government and public continues to peddle the lie and they
blame America.
How do you intend to navigate in this environment in Egypt?
What can be done specifically?
Ms. Garg. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I believe strongly that having a confirmed Ambassador in
place helps elevate our engagement and our ability to advance
our U.S. interests.
In this case it is also building the relationships and the
trust, which is extremely important for us to do, and being
active in terms of telling our side of the story and the truth,
which I think is also very important to do.
Senator Cruz. Do you believe that this sort of anti-Israel
media disinformation undermines American national security
interests?
Ms. Garg. I can say, Mr. Senator, an issue that has come up
several times today, which I think is vitally important, is
disinformation in general and how we as a U.S. Government need
to think more strongly about how we deal with disinformation
across the globe and in particular in the Middle East.
Senator Cruz. Well, unfortunately, many in the media allow
their hatred of Israel to color their coverage and, indeed, in
this instance to cause them to peddle outright falsehoods.
But the media is not alone. I want to ask you about another
source of anti-American and anti-Israel incitement in Egypt,
the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Muslim Brotherhood has in the past seized control of
the Egyptian Government and they remain influential and
dangerous. The Egyptian Government has imprisoned prominent
Muslim Brotherhood figures.
I want to ask you about one in particular, Salah Soltan. As
you know, Soltan is a Muslim Brotherhood leader and a hate
preacher. He has called for the eradication of Jews. He has
called for, and this is a quote, ``obliterating America.'' He
has called it divine law.
Now, when you and I met in my office we discussed this
case. The Biden administration bizarrely has been pressuring
Egypt to release Soltan and has even brought up his case to
withhold assistance to Egypt.
Some of my colleagues here in the Senate and on this
committee agree with that pressure. I would ask for your
judgment. I understand there are genuine concerns about Egypt's
imprisonment and treatment of political prisoners.
However, Soltan is not an American citizen and is in fact
an anti-American radical who preaches the murder of Americans
and the murder of Jews.
How on earth does it make sense that the Biden
administration is trying to free a rabid ant-Semite who hates
America and preaches violence against both Israel and America?
Ms. Garg. Thank you, Mr. Senator, for that question and
thank you from our last meeting. You highlighted a few of the
actual cites, which I did watch in Arabic to make sure that
nothing was lost in translation and I condemn in the strongest
sense and I think everyone on this committee condemns the
comments that I did hear Mr. Soltan make on public TV in Egypt.
That said, the United States Government, this
administration, is pushing for rights across the board for
those in prison to have medical access. He is 80 years old. He
has been in prison for a long time----
Senator Cruz. So with respect--with respect--it is not
medical access. There are members of this committee that are
trying to write into law that America should free this man.
My time has expired but I just want to read two quotes from
him to understand who it is the Biden administration is trying
to free.
Here is one quote: ``We will fight Israel and all those who
are behind it. Allah is present in this equation and he is
capable of obliterating America and any other oppressor. This
is a divine law.'' That is one quote.
Here is another quote: ``As someone who has studied Islamic
law specializing in Islamic jurisprudence I am calling to kill
the Israeli Ambassador, not just expel him. Any Zionist tourist
or other who enters Egypt must be killed.''
I asked my Democrat colleagues is this someone that we
should be fighting to release from jail to be able to follow
through on exactly what he has pledged he wants to do, which is
murder Jews and murder Americans.
Senator Merkley. Senator Cardin?
The Chairman. Well, first, let me thank Senator Merkley and
Senator Young for chairing and arranging for this hearing.
Getting our nominees' hearings and confirmation votes is one of
our highest priorities and I want to thank the cooperation of
Senator Risch and Senator Young in accommodating this hearing.
I want to thank all five of our nominees for their
willingness to serve our nation. We know it is a family event
so I thank your families as well because they will be required
for the sacrifices.
I know some of you are for different confirmations and some
are countries, some are not. I recognize that. When we have a
hearing we would like to get as many as we possibly can in but
we want to make sure we have an opportunity to give members a
chance to ask their questions.
I am going to just make a general comment as well and I
welcome your response, particularly as it relates to Egypt, but
that our policies need to be wrapped in our values.
President Biden has said that frequently, that we can have
strategic relations with other countries. Egypt is a very
important country for the United States. It has normalized its
relationship with Israel.
It is a critical partner in regards to humanitarian needs
in Gaza. It has an incredibly important role to play in regards
to peace in that region and the expansion of normalization.
But Egypt has very serious human rights violations by its
government. It is still operating basically under the
autocratic rule as a result of the challenges they have had
from violence in their country.
So my question to each of you is how will you make sure
that American values--international values--for protection of
human rights are embedded in your responsibilities representing
the United States either in country or the positions that you
have been nominated for?
So we can start first with----
Ms. Garg. Thank you for that question, Mr. Chairman, and
human rights are part of our national security. They are not
two separate paths.
They are together, and I want to say thank you for your
cooperation in Bulgaria and this is an example that I would
like to highlight where we were by working together with you
and your team able--we were able to make significant progress
on rule of law thanks to the authority that--the authority that
you have given on the Global Magnitsky Act, for example.
And so, moving forward, it is important for us to not only
look at the range of authorities and the tools but to continue
to work together to try to promote them.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Martin, I am curious as to how you in the role as an
inspector general can advance--I understand you are mainly
concerned with complying with law but how do you make sure also
that there is sensitivity to the mission of USAID, which is
very much our values?
Mr. Martin. Very much so. So I think the word
accountability is key to promoting the democratic values of
this country as the world's largest donor nation and I think
that shows the spirit of the American people.
But I think we need to have proper checks and balances and
accountability to make sure that those funds are going into the
right hands and having the desired effect.
The Chairman. I appreciate that.
Mr. White, you are being nominated for one of my favorite
organizations in the world. There are days I would like to
trade spaces--places and be in the Peace Corps rather than
here. It seems like it would be a nice place to be.
Mr. White. We are recruiting, Mr. Chairman.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. I appreciate that. I might have some time
after next year so I will let you know how I am doing.
Mr. White. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. But if you could just tell me how you see
American values in the Ambassadors we have under the Peace
Corps, how we can strengthen that relationship.
Mr. White. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would just say
briefly that we have to live our values. It is really the power
of our example and looking at volunteers as grassroots
diplomats that is going to make the difference here.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Merkley. Senator Booker, thank you for your
patience. It is now your turn.
Senator Booker. Truly grateful, and I will always give
deference to our Chairman, Senator Cardin. Always, sir. Always,
sir. You look so dubious at me.
First of all, I just want to say thank you to the five of
you. It is extraordinary that you are here. Your careers, each
individual--your bios read to such deep patriotism and that
does not just go--I have gratitude towards the five of you but
I want to give gratitude to your families. It really is a
sacrifice to do the jobs that you do.
Clearly, you are not doing it for the money. But you are,
to me, demonstrating the best of human values, which is a
commitment to service and service in this case to the country.
Ms. Garg, you have been getting a lot of action. I have a
lot of thoughts. I look forward to working with you. But I am
going to let you take a pause on my round at least.
Mr. White, it has been a frustration to me that we have not
seen a lot of progress over my years in the Senate on diversity
in the State Department.
When I would travel around I would see the face of America,
these incredibly dedicated public servants, but I would not see
that many people of color, religious diversity, and the like.
I do not know the data for the Peace Corps, but I am
wondering--as you all look to ramp up recruiting I am wondering
how do you keep this conscious that it is actually important
that those people that are abroad doing such incredible work
reflect the rich diversity of our country?
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator, for the question. It is
vitally important.
It is very important to Peace Corps' mission, of course, of
promoting peace and friendship. When a volunteer goes overseas
they have to have a level of cultural competence to be
effective and, of course, the world is a very diverse place.
And so just like with my colleagues here who served in the
Foreign Service it is important that volunteers represent a
broad cross section of folks who serve. That is in the more
traditional characteristics of diversity when it comes to race,
but it is also important in terms of geographic diversity,
making sure we are getting folks from the heartland, from the
coasts, from all over, because that is what makes us a stronger
organization, at the end of the day.
Senator Booker. I appreciate that at a time that I am
seeing so much pushback on ideas of diversity. With the State
Department we have seen a lot of great progress with paid
internship programs and more conscious recruiting. I really
appreciate that you are--that you are focused on that.
Mr. Riley, I am really excited about what you are getting a
chance to do in a country that, to me, is so vital to U.S.
interests. I know Senator Shaheen rightfully talked a lot about
the humanitarian effort but, obviously, is related to the
challenges we have been having with al-Shabaab.
Now, there has been a lot of great progress made and I am
wondering if you could describe to me how you think as the
African Union's mission transitions, they are moving out and I
am wondering if that progress with al-Shabaab is tenuous, given
some of the humanitarian concerns.
Does that make it more urgent that we have to be really
worried despite what the U.N. and the African Union seem to be
thinking about the direction of our work against al-Shabaab?
Mr. Riley. Thank you very much, Senator.
In regard to al-Shabaab in Somalia, obviously, they are a
malignant and persistent terrorist threat to the Somali people,
to the country, and to the broader region there in East Africa
and to U.S. personnel in the region. We all know that.
What I am heartened by understanding and knowing is that
there has been progress against al-Shabaab. They do not have
widespread popular support within the country given how
virulently extremist they are and how they persecute their own
people, and they are one of the wealthiest affiliates of al-
Qaeda in the world.
So they are a malignant and a real threat that must be
faced. What I am heartened to see and understand is that
through all of the support that we have given and our partners
in the Quint have given in terms of standing up the Somali
security forces and the progress that has been made in that
area.
Progress is being made. More territory has been regained in
the last, I think, it is 14 months than in the previous five
years against al-Shabaab, which is a real, real success. That
has to continue.
We know that there was some setbacks last month in Galmudug
in that offensive. We all recognize that. But as you also know
the federal government together with the African Union have
asked for a pause briefly for 90 days for that scheduled drawn
down to the ATMIS forces. That is for 90 days through to the
end of the December.
But the scheduling of the drawdown of ATMIS and the stand
up of the Somali security forces will proceed apace. There is
still the goal of having the Somali security forces securing
the country with ATMIS not there by the end of next year.
Senator Booker. Thank you. I am going to stop you there
because I want to get a question to Mr. Toner. I just will say
that I am hopeful for the elections in '24.
Mr. Riley. Yes.
Senator Booker. It is an issue I would love to explore with
you at some point.
Mr. Toner, I am excited about your position. I have got a
lot of DNA from West Africa and Liberia is, obviously, a
country that for its history with the United States and
especially African-American diaspora has been extraordinary.
I think the questions already asked about corruption were
really key. I have some humanitarian concerns as well. There
are places of great food insecurity there.
The one thing I just want to ask--and I am treading upon
the generosity and kindness of Senator Kaine who I am just a
warm up act for--but I just want to ask you I am really
concerned about the competition with China and I am wondering
if you can just in my last question just tell me how you see
that competition. They are, obviously, playing very hard in the
country--in a country that is--we are probably their most
valuable partner, but I am concerned about Chinese influence.
Mr. Toner. Thank you for the question. I do not think we
can ever be complacent about the PRC and their involvement
throughout West Africa and Africa in general.
I would argue, though, Senator, and to your point, our
voice matters there. Our involvement matters there. I think the
fact that we just got Peace Corps volunteers back in the
country that we remain--we have a robust public engagement
program, public diplomacy program.
We are still the country that Liberians look to for
guidance and for a model and, sir, I will make it my priority
to continue those efforts.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Merkley. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
the nominees.
Mr. White, I want to talk to you a little bit about Peace
Corps personnel issues, following up on some that Senator
Booker raised.
The Peace Corps is currently the subject of a federal
lawsuit that accuses it of discriminating against applicants
with disabilities in violation of the Rehabilitation Act and in
particular this is a lawsuit that is also consistent with some
constituent outreach to our office.
People apply to get into the Peace Corps. They get an offer
made to them. They undergo a medical clearance process and then
they find that their offers are rescinded, some because they
have sought mental health counseling in the past, some because
they take anti-anxiety medication or anti-depression
medication.
The gist of the lawsuit is that folks are being
discriminated against on the grounds of seeking mental health
support, which we should not be discouraging. We should be
encouraging.
We know that we have a lot of stigma issues surrounding
mental health and people do not seek treatment sometime when
they need it. But the fact that they might need mental health
treatment is no different than I might need cholesterol
medication or something like that and people should not be
punished or believe that they are going to be punished in
employment because they are seeking assistance on mental health
issues.
I do not want you to comment on the lawsuit but I do want
you to tell me that should you be confirmed that you approach
this responsibility with an understanding that there is nothing
wrong with seeking mental health treatment and that should not
be a bar to serving in the Peace Corps or in any other public
service or private sector job, for that matter.
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate the question. I
think you are absolutely right. It is important that people
seek help when they need that.
I would tell you that as an Army veteran I find it
incredibly important. I talk to a number of my former
colleagues who are veterans and encourage them to seek help
when they need it.
We need to destigmatize seeking help, and as far as I see
needing help for mental health purposes is no different than
breaking an arm or needing to get your cholesterol down.
So it is important that we get that help when we need it
and it is important that there is a system at play that takes
into account volunteers' safety and security while at the same
time encouraging that people get help, and if confirmed, I will
certainly get under the hood on that and work with your office
to make sure that we are striking the right balance.
Senator Kaine. Please do. I like the broken arm analogy. If
somebody walks in to a hearing with a cast I will usually say,
oh, what happened and can I sign your cast and it is a very
easy conversation and conversations about mental health should
be equally as easy. We all have to work to make sure that is
the case in whatever capacity.
I worked in Honduras as a missionary many years ago when
the Peace Corps was really active in Honduras. Peace Corps
pulled out of Honduras in 2012 for legitimate concerns over
safety at the time--extensive violence in the country--and the
Peace Corps also pulled out of some other countries in the
Northern Triangle including El Salvador.
The Peace Corps announced, I think, earlier this year that
they are going to come back to El Salvador, which I view as a
positive. I do not know if you know anything about status with
Honduras.
In my discussions with Honduran businesses and governmental
leaders they have expressed interest in the Peace Corps
starting up again in Honduras. Do you know anything about the
status of that right now?
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator.
I am not privy to the inner workings, but I do know that
Peace Corps takes very seriously its responsibility to safety
and security of the volunteers and it is really an ongoing
assessment, as I understand it, and if confirmed, I would be
committed to working with your office to ensure that we get you
the latest information and thinking on that.
Senator Kaine. That would be great. I mean, and I know that
the Peace Corps coming back it begins with the request of the
Government and I have not talked to President Castro to know
whether there has been an official request for the Peace Corps
to come back.
I have talked to other government officials and private
sector leaders in Honduras that hope that might come back. The
Honduran violence rates are not that different and, frankly, I
think they are a little bit less than those in Salvador and
with the Peace Corps back in El Salvador I hope there might be
a way to come back into Honduras because I think it has been a
really important relationship.
The last question I want to ask is to Mr. Toner and it is
about domestic violence. Gender-based violence in Liberia is
commonly at the top of the charts in terms of polling about
what people want to see done--what problem that people want to
see action on.
In 2019 Liberia passed a domestic violence act. That is
laudable but implementation of the act still needs a lot to be
desired.
Should you be confirmed how could you work with Liberia to
make sure that we strengthen implementation and take additional
steps and set an example to try to demonstrate the importance
of reducing gender-based violence?
Mr. Toner. Thank you for the question, Senator.
If confirmed, obviously, human rights would be among my
priorities and as you noted, Senator, gender-based violence,
including female genital mutilation, are among the concerns
that I have cited in the annual State Department Human Rights
Report.
I think--a two-pronged approach if I may, sir. I think we
need to--I need to work with the Government leadership to make
sure that they understand this is a priority. Equally, we need
to work with civil society and engage.
And, Senator, I am always an advocate for shining a light
on these issues as much as our voice can get out there. It
offers solace and it offers a symbol to others who are looking
for that.
Again, I am fully cognizant of the great power that
American influence has on Liberia so as much as we can be a
model and be a voice and an advocate for change I plan to do
that, sir.
Senator Kaine. Thanks for that answer. I yield back.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. No time is left to yield back
but thank you.
[Laughter.]
Senator Merkley. Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Merkley, and
congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
Mr. Martin, it is good to see a Marylander in the group and
I want to pick up on some of the comments that Senator Kaine
said with respect to the Peace Corps.
And, Mr. White, congratulations on your nomination. I try
to make it a point whenever I am overseas in an official
capacity to meet with our Peace Corps volunteers. I come from a
Foreign Service family and deep appreciation for what they do
and our other Foreign Service--and Foreign Service officers do.
But on the Peace Corps I was recently in Vietnam with
Senator Merkley. We made a point to meet with the Peace Corps
volunteers and I also--which is a first, as you probably know--
I am sure you know--and then in Sri Lanka recently getting the
Peace Corps back in the end of the year.
At both stops I got a chance to see the new Peace Corps
group in action in Vietnam and the preparations being made in
Sri Lanka. So I look forward to working with you as you--as you
move forward, assuming you get your confirmation, which I do
support.
Mr. White. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. If I could, Ambassador Mustafa Garg, I
would like to use the time to better understand exactly what is
going on with respect to desperately needed humanitarian relief
in southern Gaza.
And I realize that you have been nominated. You have not
been confirmed. But I also assume that you have been following
this issue very closely.
And we are trying to untangle exactly what the obstacles
are. As I understood your testimony you believe an agreement
has been reached to provide sustained humanitarian relief
across the border.
Ms. Garg. My understanding is that an agreement has been
reached to open up the border. The mechanisms are being worked
on all three sides. By that I mean the U.N., Israel, and with
Egypt, and as the President said this first tranche will go as
long as Hamas does not try to confiscate that first tranche.
Then we hope there will be additional tranches.
Senator Van Hollen. So the first tranche meaning the 20
trucks. Is that what you are talking about?
Ms. Garg. Yes, sir.
Senator Van Hollen. Okay. And when it comes to--so the
Egyptians as you understand have cleared that. The Israelis
have cleared that subject to what kind of other requirements?
Ms. Garg. Yes. My understanding is there has been a general
agreement reached in terms of the situation on the ground at
the border, which is fluid and layered.
First of all, I would say that on the Gaza side they need
an authority to organize the people who would go across and
that authority is not Hamas. In addition to that, it is making
sure that the goods that go in are inspected to also make
sure----
Senator Van Hollen [continuing]. I do not have a lot of
time. Just trying to figure out that information.
Ms. Garg. Exactly. This is----
Senator Van Hollen [continuing]. So there is no other--
right now, obviously, Israel is prosecuting its war against
Hamas.
Ms. Garg. Yes.
Senator Van Hollen. We support them getting rid of Hamas.
But so what other authority would there be in southern Gaza?
Are we talking about the United Nations? What are we talking--
what could that possibly be?
Ms. Garg. So this is--these are all the complexities that
are involved in the area and why we have sent David Satterfield
out to the region to focus on exactly this issue, sir.
Because that situation is fluid, because of the war,
details such as having to repave the roads on which the trucks
will enter are the details that the parties are working out.
Senator Van Hollen. Okay. Well, one of the--one of the most
desperate situations right now of all the humanitarian needs is
access to water because right now Israel has turned off the
water except, for my understanding, is one pipe in southern
Gaza, which is where it is turned on only for a few hours a
day.
So what you are telling me is that it is going to take
potentially a lot more time to get bottled water in convoys
across the Gaza-Egypt border. Is that what you are saying?
Ms. Garg. I think the situation is very complex and, if
confirmed, I commit to following up closely. I do not have all
the details on the time lines.
I do know that there is a commitment definitely from our
side and in the great work of Ambassador Satterfield but also
in the President's conversation with President el-Sisi he did
receive that assurance. So this is an issue, if confirmed, I
will give utmost importance.
Senator Van Hollen. Okay. I understand you do not have this
responsibility yet. All I can say is, there is really no time.
According to all the U.N. officials they are down to about one
liter a day in rations for water in southern Gaza, which is not
enough to support human life.
You have Gazans flooding into the south because that is
where they were told to go--innocent Gazans. And so it just
underscores the need, in my view, to have Israel turn on the
water because your answer to me is that this is going to take
even longer to try to get out the dynamics around the border
crossing.
And even then I am not sure why we should have to have
convoys and convoys of trucks bringing bottled water across
when we need to take tents, food, medicine, and other urgent
needs.
So I look forward to following up with you even before the
confirmation vote just to make sure I understand what your
thinking is and what you would do as our Ambassador to address
all the other issues.
And I want to second the things that Senator Murphy and
others have said. But this is an immediate humanitarian need so
I look forward to working with you on it.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
Senator, did you have any follow-up questions you wanted to
ask? Senator Young?
Senator Young. I do not.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. I am glad that you said that.
[Laughter.]
Senator Merkley. Senator Cardin has given a speech on the
floor of the Senate on July 27th, 2023, regarding the
individual Salah el Deen Soltan, who was referred to earlier in
the testimony. He has asked that his speech and the attachment
be put into the record.
In his speech Senator Cardin lays out the history and also
quotes the letter that Mr. Soltan wrote and it was smuggled out
of prison in Egypt, and I think it is powerful enough that I
would like to read that clause in which Mr. Soltan wrote:
``My previous statements and stances are wrong and the best
of us are those who reflect, hold one's self accountable, and
repent. Here I am reflecting and seeking forgiveness from God
for the harm that may have been inflicted upon anyone.
``I apologize to everyone harmed by what I said and called
for. I leave behind these prison walls all forms of anger,
hate, and coarseness. I bear the burden of upholding the
sanctity of human life, speaking truth and defending it
wherever it may be.
``I had only intended to stand up for justice but what I
did resulted in the exact opposite of the intent and became a
reason for further oppression, suffering, and marginalization
of the innocent. In fact, my oppressors use my decade-old
stances to justify and fend off pressure from concerned Western
parties about my release.''
And I encourage anyone who would like to look into this
further. This is a powerful statement by Chairman Cardin and
the attachment.
[The information referred to above is located in the
Additional Material Submitted for the Record section of this
transcript.]
Senator Merkley. If there are no more questions, which
there are not--thank you--the record for the hearing will
remain open until close of business Friday, October 20th, 2023.
I would encourage our nominees to answer questions for the
record fully and expeditiously so the committee can consider
your nominations as soon as possible.
Thank you to all nominees for your willingness to serve. I
have really appreciated learning more about your records and
your vision for the future in each of these positions.
This hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Richard H. Riley IV by Senator James E. Risch
The Bilateral Relationship
Question. In your view, what are the top three priorities for the
U.S. bilateral relationship with Somalia that you will advance or
maintain as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, the top three U.S. priorities I will seek to
advance as U.S. Ambassador are to: 1) eliminate the threat that al-
Shabaab and other terrorist groups pose to U.S. persons and to regional
stability; 2) help the people of Somalia build a peaceful nation with a
stable democratic government that can provide security and services for
its citizens and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms; and 3)
foster inclusive economic growth and build resilience to climatic
shocks, which fuel large-scale humanitarian needs, to reduce Somalia's
dependence on international aid and improve the lives of its citizens.
Democracy
While the current focus of the U.S.-Somalia relationship is--
once again--the push to defeat al-Shabaab militarily and
associated efforts for the Federal Government in Mogadishu to
take control of liberated territory, the United States has
previously made considerable investments in supporting
universal suffrage, democratic governance, anti-corruption and
public financial management, debt relief and institutional
capacity building, many of which have yet to bear fruit for the
Somali people.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, if confirmed, how will you
engage with the Federal Government in Mogadishu, as well as Somalia's
Federal Member States, on difficult but critical issues including
democracy, corruption, and weak governing institutions that have little
control over territory and resources?
Answer. Promoting democracy, fighting corruption, and strengthening
government institutions are vital to advance peace and stability in
Somalia. If confirmed, I will work to advance the federalism and
political reconciliation processes by encouraging regular dialogue
between Mogadishu and the federal member states. I will prioritize
strengthening good governance and accountability structures, including
holding more democratic and inclusive elections and fighting corruption
by improving public sector management. I will also promote inclusive
economic growth, job creation, and government revenue generation
efforts, which are necessary to ensure governing institutions have
sufficient resources to deliver services to the people of Somalia.
Freedom House's Freedom in the World 2023 report ranked
Somalia as not free, with the exception of the semi-autonomous
region of Somaliland which Freedom House ranked as partly free.
After significant delay, the abandonment of one-person-one-vote
direct elections, and political and constitutional crisis,
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was named Somalia's president
in May 2022 through an indirect selection process. Somaliland,
despite delays, will hold national elections in November 2024.
Question. What is your view of the role of a U.S. Ambassador in
supporting democratic institutions and democratic governance in
Somalia?
Answer. Supporting democratic institutions and governance are
integral to U.S. efforts to promote peace and stability in Somalia. If
confirmed, they will be among my highest priorities as U.S. Ambassador.
Somalia remains in the early stages of recovery from government
collapse and has myriad challenges it must overcome on the path to
becoming a stable democracy, to include agreeing on and implementing a
democratic electoral process, improving its record on media freedom,
strengthening the rule of law, and establishing an independent
judiciary. I will work closely with the Government, civil society, and
international partners to encourage progress towards these and other
democracy goals.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you acknowledge the differing
levels of capacity, democratic culture, and citizen freedoms in
different Federal Member States and regions, including Somaliland, in
engaging on issues of democracy and governance?
Answer. I strongly believe that all Somalis should have the benefit
of representative governance and fundamental freedoms, regardless of
where they live. However, the current reality is that there are
significant disparities among Somalia's regions and federal member
states in terms of their levels of governance capacity, democratic
development, and overall stability. Somaliland has successfully held
democratic elections on multiple occasions. Earlier this year, Puntland
held one-person, one-vote elections at the district level for the first
time. By contrast, electoral processes in Jubaland, South West State,
other federal member states, and at the national level have been
significantly less democratic. If confirmed, I will tailor my
engagement in support of democracy and good governance in Somalia's
federal member states and regions in accordance with their relative
level of advancement and based on where U.S. engagement can have the
most beneficial impact.
The security environment in Somalia, lack of political will
for democratic reforms, an inability to hold one-person-one-
vote elections for 50 years and limited freedom of movement of
Somali and implementing partners makes democracy, human rights
and governance programs difficult to implement and expensive.
Question. What adjustments in strategy, as compared to the strategy
pursued from 2017-2022, do you think need to be made to ensure that
investments of significant democracy, human rights and governance funds
in Somalia achieve results?
Answer. I strongly believe that U.S. investments in democracy,
governance, and human rights assistance can only be effective with the
active support and cooperation of local partners that share those
objectives. I understand from 2017 to 2022, the Somali Government under
then-President Farmaajo did not consistently demonstrate a shared
commitment to making progress in these areas. President Hassan Sheikh
Mohamud has stated he is committed to advancing democracy and good
governance, while also focusing on the fight against al-Shabaab. If
confirmed, I will absolutely advocate reallocation of funding if it is
not producing the desired results. I consider one of my most important
obligations and responsibilities as U.S Ambassador to be a trustworthy
steward of American taxpayers' money.
Question. Do you feel that the conduct of one-person-one-vote
elections in Somalia should continue to be a priority for U.S.
diplomatic engagement and for USAID's democracy and governance programs
in Somalia? If yes, why. If no, what should the revised approach be?
Answer. I believe it remains important for the United States to
advocate for inclusive, transparent, and democratic elections at all
levels of Government in Somalia, including supporting the aspirations
of the Somali people for one-person, one-vote elections. We have seen
progress in that direction at the district level in Puntland earlier
this year. However, achieving President Hassan Sheikh's goal of
universal suffrage elections at the national level may not be
achievable by the 2026 election cycle given ongoing security
challenges, continuing lack of consensus on an electoral model, and the
technical preparations that need to be put in place. If confirmed, I
will urge the federal government to focus on putting in place the
political, technical, and legal preparations for the 2026 election
cycle as soon as possible to avoid the need for another flawed indirect
selection process.
Question. Given the Biden administration's focus on counter-
terrorism efforts in Somalia, what do you believe is the best way for
the U.S. to support legitimate state institutions to provide services
and project control over territory liberated from al-Shabaab?
Answer. I believe that incorporating stabilization planning into
military operations is the most effective way to ensure sustainable,
legitimate governance over territory liberated from al-Shabaab. I
understand that, given the Somali Government's significant resource
limitations, U.S. and international partner financial support plays a
critical role in stabilizing liberated territories. It is also
important that assistance, including humanitarian assistance, support
for community reconciliation dialogue, or economic development
projects, be tailored to the needs of the local communities.
African Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS)
ATMIS is currently in drawdown and due to fully withdrawal
and hand over to the Somali Government by the end of 2024. On
September 19, the Somalia Government requested a 90-day delay
of the drawdown of 3000 African Union troops from ATMIS
scheduled to occur by September 30, which the U.N. Security
Council supported on September 28.
Question. Understanding that the Somali Government has aspirational
goals for the defeat of al-Shabaab, do you think it is reasonable and
realistic for the United States to provide support in the United
Nations and in bilateral engagement for a full drawdown of ATMIS by the
end of 2024?
Answer. The end of 2024 is an ambitious goal for ending ATMIS. I
anticipate Somalia will continue to need some forms of external
security support post-2024 as its builds the institutions and
capabilities required to consolidate and build on progress. At the
request of the Federal Government of Somalia, the United States and
other international partners, we are co-sponsoring a security
conference in New York in December to take stock of Somalia's progress
on the security transition and assess requirements for 2024 and beyond.
I understand we have asked Somalia to develop a comprehensive and
credible plan for international partners to consider based on a
realistic assessment of Somalia's security capabilities. This will help
inform our position on the ATIMS drawdown timeline in the U.N. Security
Council when the ATMIS mandate next comes up for renewal in December
2023.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, how will you engage with the Somali
Government, regional and international partners to ensure that plans
and requests for ATMIS are realistic while also continuing to plan for
ATMIS to responsibly end?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet regularly with the Somali
Government, ATMIS leadership, individual troop contributors, and other
international partners to gain a ground truth assessment of the
security situation and the degree to which Somali security forces are
capable of assuming security responsibilities. When necessary, I will
challenge plans and requests that do not comport with my assessment and
propose alternate courses of action. I will also consult closely with
the U.S. Department of Defense and interagency partners for their
assessment of Somali plans and preparations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with State/IO and
U.S.-U.N. on continued engagement with Congress on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to working with State/IO,
U.S.-U.N., the Africa Bureau, and other State Department bureaus and
offices as appropriate on continued engagement with Congress on this
issue.
Question. Do you commit to engaging in good faith with appropriate
congressional committees regarding any change in posture for ATMIS?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am absolutely committed to engaging in
good faith with appropriate congressional committees regarding any
change in posture for ATMIS.
Humanitarian Aid
In July, the committee was notified by USAID that it had
become aware of post-distribution diversions of humanitarian
food aid in Somalia. This disclosure by the U.N. to USAID came
on the heels of the discovery by USAID of widespread and
systematic diversion of humanitarian food aid in Ethiopia.
There are many challenges faced in the distribution of
humanitarian aid in Somalia, particularly given the extremely
difficult security situation. However, regardless of the
circumstances, we have an obligation to the U.S. taxpayer and
humanitarian principles to ensure that humanitarian aid
provided by and paid for by the United States reaches its
intended beneficiaries, that they are not further victimized by
virtue of receiving U.S. humanitarian aid, and that U.S.
assistance does not fall into the hands of terrorists, security
services, or corrupt individuals seeking personal gain.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you work with
USAID/Somalia and the Bureau for Humanitarian Affairs, WFP, UNOCHA,
implementing partners and other stakeholders to ensure that assistance
provided by the United States is accompanied by adequate monitoring and
oversight efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with all of our offices and
implementing partners to maintain the highest levels of assistance
monitoring and oversight. Previously, I have served in countries
receiving significant amounts of U.S. aid such as Afghanistan, Yemen,
Iraq, and Pakistan. I fully understand the position of trust and
stewardship that my team holds regarding the proper use of U.S.
assistance. My team will work diligently to maintain oversight of U.S.
taxpayer funds and ensure those resources are applied in a manner
consistent with upholding U.S. strategic goals.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage
with the Government of Somalia, Federal Member States, and local
authorities to prevent, identify, and mitigate humanitarian aid
diversion?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with USAID, the U.N., and
other humanitarian partners to engage closely with Somali authorities
at all levels to ensure humanitarian aid is reaching its intended
recipients and to detect and prevent aid diversion. I understand a U.N.
report earlier this year uncovered a post-distribution aid diversion in
internally displaced persons settlements in Somalia and that Somali
authorities are working with the international donor community
implement corrective measures. I am fully committed to working closely
with Somali authorities, USAID, and its international humanitarian
partners to prevent future diversion.
Somaliland
The United States has pursued a range of policy approaches
toward Somalia since the early 1990s given state collapse,
significant security threats and challenges, and U.S. efforts
to support Somalia to defeat al-Shabaab and effectively govern
its territory. Currently, the Administration is continuing to
follow its Single Somalia Policy, with a strong focus on
support and engagement with the Federal Government in
Mogadishu, alongside a significant investment--financially and
with U.S. boots on the ground--to defeat al-Shabaab once and
for all. I have been vocal that I feel the focus on the Federal
Government in Mogadishu, at the expense of relationships with
other actors, including the Government of the semi-autonomous
region of Somaliland, is short-sighted and takes strategic
opportunities for the United States off the table.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, how will you approach a relationship
with the Government of Somaliland, and other Federal Member States?
Answer. The United States recognizes the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia within its
1960 borders, which includes Somaliland. If confirmed, I am committed
to working within this framework to engage with Somaliland and federal
member states on issues of mutual interest. I believe strongly that it
is in the U.S. interest to maintain a positive relationship with a
broad range of political actors in Somalia at the national and
subnational level, including the authorities in Somaliland. If
confirmed, my plan upon arrival in Somalia is to travel as soon as
possible, as time and security circumstances will allow, to the other
Federal Member States to make my own assessment of those States and to
get to know the leadership and the situation on the ground as quickly
and as thoroughly as possible. Traveling to Somaliland will be my top
priority.
The Chinese military base in Djibouti is 25km as the crow
flies and less than 35km by road to the Somaliland border, and
the Government of Somaliland is an outspoken friend and partner
to Taiwan--one of the only in Africa. Despite challenges,
Somaliland has one of the strongest democracies in the Horn of
Africa. At the same time, the Department of State and the
former U.S. Ambassador to Somalia has taken an approach to
Somalia that significantly diminishes the opportunity for
partnership with Somaliland, and which has been overtly
antagonistic at times.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, if confirmed, how will you
engage with Somaliland as a partner in countering China and as a friend
to Taiwan?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to actively working and
engaging with Somaliland within the framework of our single Somalia
policy to counter malign Chinese influence and to support Taiwan. This
will include support for Somaliland's efforts to prevent illegal,
unauthorized, and unregulated fishing by PRC vessels in the Gulf of
Aden and strengthening cooperation in other areas of mutual interest. I
will also look for opportunities to coordinate with Taiwan's assistance
office in Somaliland, including on democracy, humanitarian, and
development initiatives, consistent with our one China policy. As
mentioned in my response to the previous question, if confirmed, I will
hold it as a top priority to travel to Somaliland as soon as possible
to make my own assessment of the situation on the ground and to ensure
we are not missing any opportunities to optimize U.S. interests in that
Federal Member State.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, if confirmed, do you
commit to regularly travelling to Somaliland and engaging with the
Government of Somaliland in Hargeisa?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regularly travelling to
Somaliland and engaging with the Government of Somaliland in Hargeisa,
security conditions and resource requirements permitting.
Question. On July 5, Under Secretary Nuland respond to a question
for the record submitted by me that ``there are reports that al-Shabaab
members are present and operating in Laascaanood and Eastern
Somaliland.'' Given the United States' strong support of efforts to
defeat al-Shabaab in Somalia, how will you engage with the Government
of Somaliland in defeating al-Shabaab?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the
authorities in Somaliland to advance U.S. counterterrorism goals, to
include countering the threat posed by al-Shabaab. I understand the
threat from al-Shabaab remains most serious and prevalent in southern
Somalia, but that its members have freedom of movement through the
country, including in Somaliland. I will work closely with Somaliland
authorities to address credible reports of al-Shabaab activities.
Tafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Somalia remained a ``special case'' for the 21st year in a row.
This lack of progress over two decades is concerning.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Somalia prioritize anti-trafficking efforts in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's
interagency commitment to working with the Somali federal and member
state governments to help build the capacity of Somali institutions to
prevent trafficking, prosecute those engaged in the illicit activity,
and protect victims.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you instruct your
mission to take with regards to anti-trafficking work on the ground?
Answer. As highlighted in the 2023 TIP Report, interagency and
intragovernmental coordination are essential in combatting the scourge
of human trafficking. If confirmed, my team will adopt a whole-of-
government approach to implement and enforce national trafficking laws
more effectively, provide protection and services to survivors,
coordinate prevention activities, address information gaps, incorporate
survivor- and trauma-informed approaches, plan and pace strategic
national initiatives, and streamline or coordinate on overlapping
efforts.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation in Somalia in the annual trafficking in
persons report as well as directly to congress and the appropriate
congressional committees?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, my team will give the utmost care and
effort to reporting completely and honestly in the annual Trafficking
in Persons Report.
State Management and Oversight
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, you will face unique
challenges in managing U.S. personnel working on Somalia from both
Mogadishu and Nairobi, Kenya, including the USAID Somalia mission. How
do you envision your role as U.S. Ambassador and Chief of Mission given
limitations on the number of U.S. personnel who can physically be in
Mogadishu at one time, and the challenging nature of managing extensive
humanitarian and development aid programs remotely?
Answer. I have served in senior leadership positions in Iraq,
Afghanistan, Yemen, and Pakistan since 2006. This has included serving
as Deputy Chief of Mission in both Afghanistan and Yemen, Consul
General in Peshawar, Kyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and leading PRT teams in both
Iraq and Afghanistan. All of these postings were in either active war
zones or in areas under the most intense threat from active and lethal
terrorists. I am thus very familiar with the nature of these danger and
hardship posts, and the challenges one faces in leading an interagency
team that is often not co-located as one would wish, given the security
imperatives. I faced this both as Consul General in Peshawar just last
year, where half of my team, including all of my POL/ECON, PD, and
USAID team members lived and worked in Islamabad while I was in
Peshawar. The same when I was PRT Team Leader in Jalalabad, Nangarhar
Province, Afghanistan from 2011-2012, when I had a team of 50 U.S.
personnel spread across the province operating off of five different
Forward Operating Bases (FOBs). I found the two keys to effective
leadership in all of these difficult environments were 1) to ensure
clear, open, and constant communication with the team, every single
day, to ensure everyone understood our mission and acted accordingly in
concert with one another, and 2) that every team member knew they could
trust me implicitly, as their team leader, to do whatever I needed to
do to protect and safeguard them in every way and to provide them with
the resources they needed to succeed. I also prioritize good, trusting,
and highly effective personal relationships with all interagency
partners with whom I and my Department of State colleagues worked
closely to achieve our mission, especially our wonderful and dedicated
colleagues in the U.S. Military, USAID, and the IC.
Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over the last
several years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Somalia?
Answer. Since my nomination by the President this past March, I
have been in regular communication with both the previous U.S.
Ambassador on the ground in Mogadishu (until his departure from post in
May), and with the current Charge d'Affaires, Shane Dixon, who will be
my DCM if I am confirmed as Ambassador. I have also consulted
extensively with the Somalia desk in the Department and colleagues in
AF/EX, which provides all management oversight and support for our U.S.
Embassy in Somalia. My understanding from these conversations is that
morale within U.S. Mission Somalia, including both contingents of
employees on the ground in Mogadishu and operating out of Embassy
Nairobi (primarily our USAID colleagues) is very good at this time. I
know from past experience, and from talking with CDA Dixon, that all of
our current employees volunteered for these hardship roles at U.S.
Mission Somalia and they are actively working in a very dedicated and
focused manner to achieve our USG goals in Somalia. While there will
inevitably one or two cases each year where some personnel issues may
arise, and I know of one such that has already been resolved
satisfactorily in recent months, Embassy Mogadishu is currently in a
good state in terms of high morale and productivity.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Somalia?
Answer. In all my experience leading teams in expeditionary
diplomacy settings, I have found that morale is the highest when you
have two things at play: 1) Ensuring that every team member clearly
understands his or her role within the Mission, feels well-equipped,
guided, and mentored to successfully fulfill her or his role, and feels
that he or she is valued not only by me as the team leader, but by his
or her colleagues as well; 2) ensuring that there is a strictly adhered
to work/life balance for all team members. I know this has become an
overused cliche, but work/life balance is critically important in high
threat posts, and it is often neglected. I ensured in all of my past
leadership roles in war zones and danger posts that every team member
knew my priorities, which included ensuring that everyone took R&Rs
throughout the year to ensure proper rest, and that no one stayed in
the office any longer than necessary each day to get the work done. I
have chased folks out of their office at 8:00 or 9:00 p.m. on many
occasions to ensure they got the rest they needed. I take it as a core
responsibility of leadership to set the best possible example in this
regard. Finally, I have found that making available ample social
opportunities for our teams was vitally important. We are, in a very
real sense, a small ``family'' in these intense, dangerous
environments, and as much opportunity as we can make available to folks
to gather together, share a meal, play cards or a board game, exercise,
etc. or just to socialize regularly really goes a long way to ensure
high morale.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Somalia?
Answer. My first step upon my arrival in both Nairobi and then
Mogadishu as Ambassador, if confirmed, will be to meet individually
with all section/department heads to ensure they fully understand our
USG policy priorities in Somalia and that they have a gameplan for
their sections/departments to meet those priorities. I will meet with
them, listen to all they have to tell me about their ongoing work, and
then discuss with them individually our ideas for moving forward
together to success. I will not hesitate to tell any of these section
or agency heads if I see something they are currently doing that does
not comport with our overall USG priorities, but I will work with them
closely and collaboratively to get things back on course, if indeed
there are any issues. I also very much prize face-to-face engagement
with our entire team as often as possible, and another top priority for
me will be to hold a townhall both with our team members working out of
Embassy Nairobi and our team in Mogadishu within my first few days at
post. Townhalls provide not only the leader a chance to meet the team
in its entirety at one time, but also gives every team member a chance
to ask any questions they may have of the new leader. I think such
engagements, early on, go a very long way in establishing trust for the
entire team.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as ``lead by
example.'' I will never ask any of my team members to do anything that
I myself am not willing to do. That includes working as hard or as long
as necessary to accomplish a particular task against a tight deadline,
or going out to a risky location to accomplish a key mission priority,
if the risk/reward calculus dictates that mission is essential, or
going the extra mile to have yet another meeting, external engagement,
or attend a social event if it's important to do, no matter how tired
you may be at the moment. I also believe ``leading by example''
encompasses being supportive, thoughtful, and compassionate towards
everyone. I have no tolerance for and will not accept unkind behavior
towards other people. I expect all of my team members to be thoughtful
and constantly supportive towards all their colleagues. That doesn't
mean ``hand holding'' everyone at all times. It just means being
considerate of others' feelings, looking out for one another, and
lending a helping hand whenever you think your colleague needs your
support.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No. Our greatest resource at the State Department is our
people. Treating my team with respect and dignity is at the core of
maintaining that resource.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Absolutely. Providing my team with timely, constructive
feedback is key to mission success at any U.S. mission but especially
at a post as unique and challenging as Somalia.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. Timely, accurate, and direct feedback is paramount to
success in a mission with a high operational tempo like Somalia.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to fully
accomplish their missions?
Answer. In my experience, U.S. diplomats travel outside Embassy
walls as often as the security situation in a given country allows.
Regrettably, the security situation in Mogadishu remains a significant
impediment to engaging Somalis outside the security of Aden Adde
International Airport compound. If confirmed, I am committed to working
closely with the Diplomatic Security Service both to ensure the safety
and security of U.S. personnel and to take advantage of opportunities
to expand our engagement as circumstances allow. In all of my years
working and operating in Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, and Pakistan, I have
always valued most highly the professionalism of our Diplomatic
Security colleagues and I trust their judgement on security implicitly.
I also highly value the information provided by other agency partners
that regularly provide essential insights into our operational security
environment. I will always hold the safety and security of all my team
members as my highest priority, but will also never shy away from
moving out into the operational environment in Somalia whenever we have
a critical mission to perform and our intelligence and expert opinion
from our DS Security professionals tell me we can accomplish the
mission with an acceptable level of risk. I take these movement
decisions for U.S. personnel to be the most important decisions I will
make during my tenure as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Engaging diplomatically throughout Somalia is critical to
advancing our foreign policy and national security objectives in East
Africa. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bureau of Diplomatic
Security to ensure sufficient security measures are in place to conduct
such engagements safely and effectively.
Question. As Chief of Mission, how will you balance the significant
security challenges associated with working in Mogadishu with the need
for our diplomats to be present and engaged with our partners?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety of U.S. citizens in Somalia and of
U.S. Embassy personnel will be my highest priority. I will work with
the Diplomatic Security Service to maximize the ability of our
diplomats to advance our goals and interests through engagements
throughout Somalia whenever possible through effective risk mitigation
and management decisions. I will ensure we remain able to engage
effectively with all levels of the Somali Government as well as with
our international partners, many of whom are also located on the
Mogadishu International Airport compound.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Richard H. Riley IV by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China (PRC) and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang,
flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest
quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. Even as we see heinous
atrocities committed by Hamas against innocent Israeli citizens, the
CCP is still publicly blaming Israel instead of Hamas for the violence.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back strongly against the People's Republic of China
(PRC) efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S-Somalia ties.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's Office of China Coordination
to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Somalia and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State,
interagency colleagues, and Congress to address the PRC's efforts to
expand its influence in Somalia and the region.
Question. The United States has conducted military strikes against
terrorist groups in Somalia for more than 15 years. If confirmed,
besides military actions against the terrorist groups operating in
Somalia, what other actions will you undertake to finally defeat these
groups?
Answer. Defeating terrorist groups requires a combination of
military, diplomatic, and development tools to counter near term
security threats while addressing the underlying conditions that allow
terrorist groups to take root. To complement security efforts, if
confirmed I will: assist Somali-led efforts to advance political
reconciliation processes, including regular dialogue between national
and sub-national levels of government; strengthen good governance and
accountability structures, including holding more democratic and
inclusive elections; support efforts to stabilize and promote recovery
in conflict-affected areas; promote inclusive economic growth and job
creation; and build the resilience and capacity of the Somali people to
withstand climate shocks and decrease their dependence on external aid.
Question. How will you incentivize a government, with a history of
pervasive corruption, to continue power sharing with rival clan and
sub-clans, to support U.S. goals in the region regarding security and
reform?
Answer. Corruption and fiscal mismanagement remain serious concerns
in Somalia that impede political reconciliation, undermine
counterterrorism and stabilization efforts, and stifle economic growth.
President Hassan Shiekh Mohamud has acknowledged these concerns and
committed to improving public sector financial management and
transparency while pursuing military operations against al-Shabaab and
governance and economic reforms. If confirmed, I will work to hold the
federal government of Somalia to these commitments and to support and
strengthen Somali financial management institutions and practices.
Question. How would you advance U.S. support for Israel and the
Abraham Accords in Somalia, given its regional Middle East
relationships, if confirmed?
Answer. The United States strongly supports the Abraham Accords and
other efforts like the Negev Forum. If confirmed, I will explore
opportunities to incorporate Somalia into these and other regional
efforts that include Israel.
Question. The Chinese military base in Djibouti is 25km as the crow
flies and less than 35km by road to the Somaliland border, and the
Government of Somaliland is an outspoken friend and partner to Taiwan--
one of the only in Africa. Despite challenges, Somaliland has one of
the strongest democracies in the Horn of Africa. At the same time, the
Department of State and the former U.S. Ambassador to Somalia has taken
an approach to Somalia that significantly diminishes the opportunity
for partnership with Somaliland, and which has been overtly
antagonistic at times. As U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, if confirmed, how
will you engage with Somaliland as a partner in countering China and as
a friend to Taiwan?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to actively working and
engaging with Somaliland within the framework of our single Somalia
policy to counter malign Chinese influence and to support Taiwan. This
will include support for Somaliland's efforts to prevent illegal,
unauthorized, and unregulated fishing by PRC vessels in the Gulf of
Aden and strengthening cooperation in other areas of mutual interest. I
will also look for opportunities to coordinate with Taiwan's assistance
office in Somaliland, including on democracy, humanitarian, and
development initiatives, consistent with our one China policy.
Question. Would formal recognition of Somaliland advance U.S.
interests? Why or why not?
Answer. I do not believe formal recognition of Somaliland would
advance U.S. interests. No country or international organization has
recognized Somaliland's assertion that it is an independent state.
Recognition of Somaliland could further destabilize Somalia by
encouraging other Somali regions or federal member states, such as
Puntland, to pursue independence. It could also ignite conflict between
Somaliland and Puntland and within the contested Sool and Sanaag
districts, which would further exacerbate already dire humanitarian
conditions and create an opening for extremist groups like al-Shabaab
and ISIS-Somalia to exploit.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark Toner by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In your view, what are the top three priorities for the
U.S. bilateral relationship with Liberia that you will advance or
maintain as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, beyond serving and protecting U.S. citizens,
the top priorities I will seek to advance are to promote a secure,
stable Liberia with enhanced rule of law, foster broad-based economic
development, promote private sector-led growth, and improve the
country's human development situation. These objectives can only be
achieved if the Government of Liberia shares and actively prioritizes
these goals. Currently these goals are being actively undermined by
rampant government corruption, which makes exposing and countering
corruption fundamental to success in Liberia.
Question. In your testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee on October 19, you stated, "Liberia is a country shaped by
years of conflict, terror, disease, and hardship.'' Please elaborate on
Liberia's history with threats and acts of violent extremism and
terrorism.
Answer. Liberia's 1989-97 and 1999-2003 civil wars were marked by
massacres, rape, torture, and the use of child soldiers among warring
factions, leaving the population terrorized and traumatized. Liberia
today is rated low for terrorism, but a real and growing threat of
regional terrorism exists due to the operational presence of known
terrorist entities in West Africa's Sahel region. U.S. security
assistance and cooperation with Liberian military and law enforcement
in Liberia aim to increase those institutions' readiness to respond to
violent extremism and acts of terrorism should they arise.
Liberia and the United States have shared a ``special
relationship'' since Liberia's founding in 1847. This friendship has
remained strong through a multitude of challenges, including during and
following Liberia's brutal civil wars and the 2014 Ebola outbreak.
However, Liberia faces significant challenges to development,
democratic governance, and fighting rampant corruption. A run-off
presidential election is scheduled for November 7.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Liberia, if confirmed, how will you
approach the ``Special Relationship'' with Liberia?
Answer. Because of the ``Special Relationship'' with Liberia,
Liberians look to the United States as a model and respect our
leadership: what we say matters. If confirmed, I intend to use that
voice to advance U.S. policy priorities and put pressure on the
Government of Liberia to hold corrupt actors accountable and to deliver
on its commitment to the Liberian people to work toward a stable,
prosperous society that upholds the rule of law and respects human
rights.
Question. How will you ensure that the U.S. relationship, including
with the next Administration, results in positive change for the
Liberian people, including in difficult areas like transitional justice
and reconciliation, and fighting corruption?
Answer. Impunity for the atrocities and human rights violations
committed during Liberia's civil wars has a lingering impact on hope
among Liberia's citizens for a better future. It is easy to draw a line
from impunity for those atrocities to many of the challenges Liberia
faces today. Allowing people who have committed the most heinous crimes
to remain in power fosters mistrust, insecurity, and corruption. The
United States believes the process of holding a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission was meaningful for many Liberians, and the
United States has stood, and will continue to stand, with the Liberian
people. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission's report could be a
foundation for future progress, but this process must be Liberian-led
and must include both government and civil society actors. I will
continue our policy to use all tools at our disposal to promote justice
and respect for human rights.
Equally, if confirmed, I will continue to reinforce U.S. values to
address corruption, including promoting good governance, fiscal
transparency, improved public financial management, and inclusive
economic growth in my interactions with the next Liberian
administration. I will continue to use all tools at our disposal to
promote transparency and accountability for corrupt actors, including
sanctions when warranted.
Question. How can the United States recalibrate its 'special
relationship' with Liberia to optimize our influence in facilitating
crucial reforms by the Government, all while avoiding the risk of
creating excessive reliance on U.S. aid and support?
Answer. If confirmed, my top priority will be to bolster our
efforts to address systemic challenges by holding the Liberian
Government accountable to commitments it has made to improve
infrastructure, combat corruption, and ensure the responsible and
productive use of foreign assistance.
Question. The Liberia run-off election offers a chance to reassess
and reset aspects of the U.S.-Liberia relationship. Do you agree? If
so, which areas would you prioritize for resetting under President
Weah's second term or President Boakai's first term?
Answer. The strength of the relationship is currently being tested
by the Liberian Government's rampant corruption, which undermines its
commitment to achieve real and long-lasting democratic and economic
progress. Regardless of who wins Liberia's presidential election, I
will, if confirmed, continue to promote transparency, accountability,
and rule of law with all the policy tools at my disposal, whether that
means applying sanctions or ensuring the responsible and productive use
of foreign assistance.
Democracy
Question. What is you view of the role of a U.S. Ambassador in
supporting democratic institutions and democratic governance?
Answer. I view the role of a U.S. Ambassador in supporting
democratic institutions and democratic governance as four-fold. First,
the U.S. Ambassador should work in tandem with like-minded partners to
advocate with political actors--both inside and outside of government--
for strengthening democratic institutions and democratic governance
consistent with democratic values and human rights. In doing so, the
U.S. Ambassador should advocate for transparency and accountability in
government decision making and space in which political parties, civil
society, and independent media can operate freely. Second, the U.S.
Ambassador should work closely with independent, host country pro-
democracy voices to help amplify their calls for review and reform of
democratic institutions and democratic governance practices and to
press for debate, consideration, and, as appropriate, enactment of
reforms. Third, the U.S. Ambassador in a post-electoral environment
should be pressing government institutions, opposition parties, and
civil society to review and act upon the recommended reforms contained
in national and international observation reports on the electoral
contest to ensure that future contests are free and fair. Finally, the
U.S. Ambassador should be working with the Country Team and Washington
to assess the democracy and governance programs in which the U.S.
Government is involved and to ensure such programs are adequately
working to provide technical support for strengthening of key
democratic institutions--both governmental and non-governmental.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the people of Liberia?
Answer. The lack of independence of key election-related
institutions, insufficient judicial independence, insufficient
legislative oversight, and endemic corruption stand out as some of the
most significant challenges to the democratic aspirations of the
Liberian people. To better support these aspirations, I would work, if
confirmed, with Liberian pro-democracy stakeholders and like-minded
international partners to use Liberia's 2023 national elections as a
catalyst to encourage the Government, political opposition, civil
society, and other stakeholders to embark on a national reflection on
the state of Liberia's democratic institutions. The United States
should advocate that the recommendations from the 2023 international
and domestic election observation reports--particularly those related
to the politicization of key electoral institutions--form a key part of
that reflection and resulting reforms. Available U.S. democracy and
governance funding should be used to support the long-term
strengthening of institutions identified for genuine reform and to
further develop an independent judiciary, democratic political parties,
and effective and independent civil society and media institutions.
Trade and Investment
Question. If confirmed, how would you practice commercial diplomacy
on behalf of U.S. investments in Liberia?
Answer. I understand that Liberia's economy has significant
potential for private sector investment, with abundant mineral
resources, large areas of fertile land, well-stocked fisheries, and
tourist development potential. If confirmed, I would work with Embassy
Monrovia's Deal Team to enhance our efforts to link U.S. firms with
business opportunities in Liberia, whether through the International
Trade Administration (ITA)'s Express Leads system, reverse trade
missions, or other commercial diplomacy tools. I would ensure that our
economic officers leverage our substantial economic toolkit, which
includes Prosper Africa, Power Africa, U.S. Trade Development Agency
(USTDA), the Export-Import Bank (EXIM), and the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation (DFC) to help support U.S. businesses
seeking to invest in or trade with Liberia. If confirmed, I would
utilize DFC and other trade development tools such as USTDA and EXIM to
offer viable alternatives to PRC-proposed debt-financed infrastructure
projects. I would meet regularly with U.S. companies doing business in
Liberia and those interested in entering the market to understand
investment and trade impediments in Liberia, advocating for their
removal using USAID trade and investment policy development tools as
appropriate to support the Government of Liberia in such reform
efforts. Given the comparatively small size of the Liberian market, I
would advocate for Liberia's further economic integration into the
wider West African marketplace and for continued reduction in tariff
and non-tariff barriers to trade with its neighbors.
Question. What is your assessment of Liberia's greatest barriers to
increased two-way trade and investment with the United States?
Answer. Although the Government of Liberia has a generally
favorable attitude toward two-way trade and investment with the United
States, and generally treats U.S. companies in a non-discriminatory
fashion, U.S. businesses face obstacles, including corruption, low
human capital development, poor infrastructure, and intermittent rule
of law concerns. In addition, the small size of the Liberian domestic
economy deters some U.S. businesses from the cost of entry into this
new market. If confirmed, I would continue to urge the Government of
Liberia to improve on these investment and trade climate issues to
strengthen their economy and make it more attractive to U.S.
businesses, including through continued pursuit of full economic
integration with other West African states.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools at your
disposal--including through Prosper Africa--as U.S. Ambassador to
Liberia, if confirmed, to support addressing barriers to trade and
investment in the enabling environment, including the need for economic
and political reforms?
Answer. If confirmed, I understand that I would be able to access
expertise within the State Department, USAID, and the Department of
Commerce, including through Prosper Africa, to support addressing
barriers to trade and investment in the enabling environment, including
the need for economic and political reforms. Each of these agencies has
programs that could potentially be utilized to assist the Government of
Liberia in analyzing barriers to trade and investment and in developing
reform strategies to address such barriers. In addition, I would be
able to use the full-range of U.S. Government trade and investment
development agencies--including USTDA, EXIM, and DFC--to provide direct
USG assistance to U.S. companies looking to expand trade and investment
in Liberia. Such assistance could help overcome barriers to trade and
investment such as project financing and political risk. My
understanding is that Prosper Africa serves as a one-stop shop through
which U.S. and African companies can access USG assistance for expanded
two-way trade and investment.
Question. How will you work with Prosper Africa leadership to
ensure that Liberia can benefit from Prosper Africa resources, tools
and expertise?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to identify through consultation
with the U.S. business community active in Liberia those areas in which
U.S. Government expertise could be most beneficial to removing barriers
to trade and investment in Liberia. I would work with Prosper Africa
leadership and the Liberian Government to identify ways in which
Prosper Africa could engage on such issues and provide technical
assistance to advance necessary reforms. I would also anticipate a
regular dialogue with Prosper Africa leadership, both in Washington
D.C. and on the continent, to identify resources, tools and expertise
that are best fitted to Liberia. Moreover, I would look to expand
contact between the Embassy Deal Team and Prosper Africa to ensure that
Prosper Africa was fully aware of emerging opportunities in the
Liberian marketplace with an eye to bringing its tools, resources, and
expertise to bear in identifying and assisting U.S. companies to take
advantage of such opportunities--particularly in cases where an
alternative to PRC investment is required.
Question. If confirmed, will you prioritize working with the
Liberian Government to make a reasonable decision regarding the
proposed amendment to the Mineral Development Agreement (MDA) with
ArcelorMittal?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate with the
Government of Liberia to stand by its commitments to and agreements
with investors.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that Embassy
Monrovia does not hinder the efforts of any commercial actor or firm
that works to safeguard commercial or investment interests in Liberia,
particularly in the mining sector, not aligned with the People's
Republic of China (PRC)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate with the
Government of Liberia to stand by its commitments to and agreements
with investors as well as working with the Government to improve its
investment climate, including making improvements in infrastructure,
and in the legal and regulatory climate.
follow-up question
The question above asked if you commit to ensuring that
Embassy Monrovia does not hinder the efforts of any commercial
actor or firm that works to safeguard commercial or investment
interests in Liberia, particularly in the mining sector, not
aligned with the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Question. While I appreciate your personal commitment to
advocate with the Government Liberia to stand by its
commitments, can you please respond directly to the question?
Answer. I will, if confirmed, ensure that Embassy Monrovia
will not hinder the efforts of any commercial entity that
safeguards our commercial and investment interests in Liberia.
I will promote investments by credible firms that align with
our private sector-led, free enterprise economic model, push
back against corrupt and unfair practices, and encourage the
Government of Liberia to manage responsibly plans to grow their
mineral sector. I will, if confirmed, work to ensure that not
only deals get done quickly, but that the sector remains viable
and sustainable to maintain and grow these crucial investments.
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Liberia was ranked as Tier 2 for another year.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Liberia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. I understand that the State Department's Office to Combat
Trafficking in Persons has provided a grant to the University of
Georgia to work with the Government of Liberia and non-governmental
organizations to strengthen efforts to prevent trafficking in persons,
specifically the sex and labor trafficking of children. This program
would carry out similar, integrated work in other regional countries
and would, if successfully implemented, help address many of the
recommendations contained in the Liberia Trafficking in Persons report.
If confirmed, I would press the Government of Liberia to take full
advantage of this assistance, to adopt the legal and procedural reforms
recommended as part of it, and to cooperate fully with regional
partners in combating trafficking. I would also meet regularly with
implementors of this grant on-the-ground to ensure effective
implementation.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, do you commit to reporting
the realities of the trafficking situation in Liberia in the annual
trafficking in persons report as well as to the appropriate
congressional committees?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting the realities of the
trafficking situation in Liberia in the annual trafficking in persons
report as well as working with the Department's legislative office to
report to the appropriate congressional committees.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Liberia is noted as generally having societal
and governmental respect for religious freedom.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Liberian constitution provides for the separation of
religion and state and stipulates all persons are entitled to freedom
of thought, conscience, and religion, except as required by law to
protect public safety, order, health, morals, or the rights of others.
It also provides for equal protection under the law and prohibits
religious tests for office and the establishment of a state religion.
If confirmed, I would continue the Embassy's longstanding advocacy for
religious tolerance and freedom, and engagement with members of all
faiths in Liberia. I would work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large
for International Religious Freedom and Office for International
Religious Freedom so our approach in Liberia to promoting religious
freedom is informed by the most recent guidance and best practices.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to personally engage with civil
society on promoting religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Liberia increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position to host religious
leaders for roundtable discussions, and I would meet with religious
leaders during in-country trips to emphasize the important role they
can play to prevent and mitigate conflict. I would leverage our Public
Diplomacy programming and exchanges to find opportunities to expose
young leaders to religious freedom issues. I would also seek
opportunities for U.S.-based experts on religious freedom to visit
Liberia and interact with various audiences in and out of the capital.
State Management and Oversight
Question. How do you intend to work with senior leadership at the
State Department to address acute staffing challenges at Mission
Liberia?
Answer. If confirmed, I would address acute staffing challenges in
several ways. First of all, to attract talent to a post like Mission
Liberia, I will have to actively recruit and network. Depending on the
vacancy, I would work with the Deputy Chief of Mission and relevant
personnel at post and within the Department to identify possible
candidates and then engage directly with them to address their concerns
as well as their aspirations. In other words, the personal touch can go
a long way in building a cohesive and competent team at a post like
Mission Liberia. As a senior FSO, I have always sought to empower my
team to engage in innovative ways to advance our foreign policy
priorities. Cultivating that ethos is paramount to getting the best
talent to consider bidding on Mission Liberia, a place where there are
numerous challenges but also the opportunity to move the needle on key
foreign policy issues. Just as importantly, I will emphasize diversity,
as it is critical our missions reflect the American society and culture
they represent.
I will also strive to establish an environment amenable to those
with families, which means ensuring those with school-age children have
access to excellent educational and extra-curricular activities. I will
work to cultivate a strong work-life balance for all employees, one
that allows ample time to decompress and pursue activities outside of
the workplace.
In sum, recruiting the very best requires actively networking to
identify and recruit talented individuals by ensuring their tours will
be fruitful professionally and personally.
Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over the last
several years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Liberia?
Answer. My understanding is that morale is strong at Mission
Liberia despite the challenging environment and the lingering impact of
stress from COVID-19. Embassy personnel in Monrovia have a strong sense
of purpose and mission, which is evident in their output (reporting
cables, public diplomacy engagements, assistance programs, etc.) as
well as through the consultations I have had thus far. It is critical
they see the results of their work and see the rewards, including
through promotions, and I will make it a priority to see that
continues. I have been impressed by those I have spoken with, and it
speaks to the previous and current leadership at the Embassy that
morale is solid. I will strive to ensure we continue to cultivate an
overall ethos that values professionalism; provides necessary support
for families; and nurtures a strong sense of community and teamwork.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Liberia?
Answer. My tours overseas have taught me the importance of being
attentive to each employee's professional development and ensuring that
they know how their work fits into the Embassy's mission and
achievement of Department goals. It also is important to take care of
the needs of Eligible Family Members through employment, quality
education, and activities that bring the community together. Creating
and maintaining an environment free of harassment and bullying is a
hallmark of my leadership style and essential for employees to
flourish. If confirmed, I would model the importance of work-life
balance and ensure our managers know how to set priorities and
negotiate deadlines to avoid employee burn out and promote resilience.
I would advocate with Washington to ensure that assigned workload and
deadlines are appropriate for a post of Liberia's limited size and
would seek to ensure that assigned workload dovetails with our agreed-
upon policy objectives in Liberia.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Liberia?
Answer. If confirmed, I would be leading a U.S. Government team
comprised of personnel from multiple agencies. This means ensuring all
agencies understand the mission and activities of others and discussing
the tradeoffs that often need to be made on foreign policy goals or
Embassy operations together. I have found that a structured approach
should include weekly Country Team meetings, weekly meetings with
agency leaders that include the Deputy Chief of Mission to discuss
programs and events, and mission-wide participation in the Integrated
Country Strategy and Mission Resource Request planning cycles. Mission-
wide off-sites and professional development days would be used to
review our progress and develop our workforce skillsets and build a
sense of community and mission. Finally, if confirmed, under my
leadership, Mission Liberia would review our goals and achievements as
we update our Integrated Country Strategy. This is an effective tool to
keep all agency activity in-line with our mission goals.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe strongly in empowering those I supervise to be
innovative and take ownership of their issues, all while remaining
engaged and informed so that I can provide any guidance needed to
ensure quality and efficiency. This approach requires frequent one-on-
one or small group meetings in addition to larger gatherings. As much
as possible, I want to establish a personal relationship with
employees, learn about their interests, their aspirations, and their
concerns. Moreover, I strive to maintain a workplace atmosphere where
mistakes are turned into learning opportunities. I would coach our
employees through decision-making processes to develop their leadership
skills and provide regular mentoring and support. I am decisive, but
inclusive of a wide range of views and will communicate the ``why'' of
a decision to make sure those who were involved and those not involved
understand what the Executive Office will be doing and the rationale
for it. If confirmed, the Deputy Chief of Mission and I would be
attentive to workplace issues and create an environment free from
bullying, harassment, and discrimination.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either privately or publicly. In fact, such behavior
almost certainly has a corrosive effect on morale. Performance and
conduct management needs to be a regular and ongoing process. Mistakes,
when they occur, should be treated as learning opportunities and
correcting them should be an inclusive, constructive process that is
done in private or, if appropriate, in coordination with an
individual's direct supervisor.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. From my time serving as an acting Deputy Chief of Mission,
I understand what it takes to establish and nurture a strong,
collaborative relationship between the Ambassador and DCM. If
confirmed, I would listen and learn from the experience of the current
DCM and respect the relationships she has established with Liberian
officials and within the mission. I view the DCM role as a force
multiplier and as someone who must be ready to step in during my
absence, so she will be involved in key internal and external meetings.
I would expect her to always provide her honest, frank opinion so that
together we can make the best decisions possible. I would create an
environment in which she can feel free to disagree with me when we
consider options or suggest course corrections but would ensure that we
present a united front to the mission once a decision is made.
Leadership at the top must be proactive, consistent, and fair. If
confirmed, I am confident the DCM and I would be able to create a
positive work experience for our team in Monrovia.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) is arguably the most
difficult position at post. If confirmed, I would leverage my own
experience as an acting DCM at a large Embassy to establish a strong
and symbiotic relationship to oversee mission operations and conduct
our foreign policy. If confirmed, as I lead the mission, I would need
to be able to work with and through the DCM to ensure that we are
protecting U.S. Government resources across agencies, running an
efficient Interagency Cooperative Services platform, and supporting our
personnel needs. The DCM would play the role of chief operating officer
of the mission but also be involved in our foreign policy agenda. I
would include her in meetings with government officials and in
communications with Washington. She would ensure that performance
management, budget oversight, and human resources platforms are
performing effectively, and our operations soundly steward U.S.
Government resources. I would expect her to develop her managerial
skills across all aspects of mission life and would coach her as
needed. I also would ensure that the DCM and our other employees share
in our representational activities to expand our outreach activities. I
would expect the DCM to oversee our leadership, mentoring, Family
Advocacy, and Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility programs.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide effective feedback and write employees'
performance reviews and counseling documents. If confirmed, I would
continue to pay close attention to developing the performance
management skills of our supervisors and the employee's understanding
of how the system benefits their professional development. I would seek
to ensure that top performers are rewarded and that those with
performance challenges receive the appropriate, constructive feedback
and support required to address them.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback and
write employees' performance reviews and counseling documents that
include such feedback. If confirmed, I would continue to pay close
attention to developing the performance management skills of our
supervisors and the employee's understanding of how the system benefits
their professional development. I would seek to ensure that top
performers are rewarded and that those with performance challenges
receive the clear, accurate, and direct feedback and professional
development support required to address them.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts abroad to
meet with local actors, including host government officials, non-
government organizations, and local citizens.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. I believe that Mission leadership largely sets the tone and
the expectations that determine whether U.S. diplomats sufficiently get
outside of our Embassy walls. Throughout my career, especially as a
Public Diplomacy officer, I have consistently modeled going outside of
the mission walls to meet and cultivate a wide range of contacts in the
Government, media, private sector, and in civil society in and beyond
the capital and major cities. I do not believe it is possible to be
effective as a diplomat without doing so. If confirmed, I would make it
a priority to get outside the Embassy walls, travel to the different
regions and counties and would encourage all Embassy staff to do
likewise as time and resources permit. To enable these efforts, I would
work closely with my DCM and the Regional Security Office to ensure
that we are managing any associated risks smartly and proactively and
that we identify and receive the resources necessary to support robust
Mission in-country travel.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage and support in-country
travel with adequate security resources and mentor employees on
thinking-outside-the-box on how to engage more frequently and
efficiently at the local and grass-roots level. I would also ensure our
employees are maintaining contacts with regional leaders at all levels
and meeting with them in their areas and when they come to the capital.
This also means ensuring that employees are using representational
events and funds to cultivate contacts and promote mission goals. I
would support cross-cultural learning from our Locally Employed Staff
and U.S. employees as well as the basic learning of local languages
(greetings and pleasantries) as a way to show our interest in and
respect for their culture.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark Toner by Senator Chris Van Hollen
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is expected
to grow Africa's cumulative GDP by $450 billion in the next
decade and comprise the largest single market in the world.
AfCFTA will also diversify global supply chains, leading to new
opportunities for American businesses and consumers. So far, 47
African countries have ratified AfCFTA, seven countries have
signed but not yet ratified it, and only one country (Eritrea)
has yet to sign. While Liberia has signed the AfCFTA, it has
not fully ratified the agreement.
Question. What are the existing barriers to full ratification in
Liberia and how can the U.S. support Liberia in this effort?
Answer. The international community, including the United States,
continues to work with the Government of Liberia to increase
understanding and awareness of the AfCFTA and spur the Liberian Senate
to ratify the agreement.
Question. How would full ratification of AfCFTA strengthen U.S.
economic interests in African countries?
Answer. By increasing market access and reducing barriers to intra-
African trade, the AfCFTA will help its members grow manufacturing,
industrial development, tourism, and intra-African cooperation, as well
as strengthen economic transformation and the economic and commercial
relationship between Africa and the rest of the world. A more
prosperous Africa will make African countries better commercial
partners for the United States. The AfCFTA would create a larger, more
efficient marketplace. Liberia and other AfCFTA members would benefit
from increased easier trade with their neighbors on the continent,
which would catalyze growth by incentivizing infrastructure development
and improving business climates.
Question. What actions should the United States take to support the
implementation of AfCFTA in countries like Liberia?
Answer. The United States can support Liberia in implementing the
AfCFTA through economic growth assistance programs and forceful U.S.
Embassy advocacy that reduce barriers to trade and improve the business
and investment climate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark Toner by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China (PRC) and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang,
flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest
quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. Even as we see heinous
atrocities committed by Hamas against innocent Israeli citizens, the
CCP is still publicly blaming Israel instead of Hamas for the violence.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I would advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S.-Liberia ties.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP)' activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
would work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Liberia and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I would work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address the PRC's efforts to
expand its influence in Liberia and the region.
Question. What is your assessment of the scope of China's economic
and other ties in Liberia?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is a significant
lender, donor, and investor in Liberia, and the Government of Liberia
has signed a memorandum of understanding with the PRC to cooperate
through the Belt and Road Initiative. The PRC has constructed high-
visibility public infrastructure projects in Monrovia, such as a Senate
office building, a Ministerial Complex, a television studio, roads, and
health facilities. It also broadcasts English-language radio
programming and provides scholarships for Liberian students.
Strategic competitors that do not share the U.S. emphasis on
transparency and good governance continue to find an open door in
Liberia, particularly among corrupt government officials who seek out
financial benefits from PRC-funded projects. In addition, PRC-based
companies, including state-owned enterprises, continue to win World
Bank infrastructure projects, which is a growing concern.
Question. The Journal of the Chinese People's Armed Police Force
Academy, an authoritative Chinese publication, said in 2018 that
Chinese peacekeepers should ``use the patrol line to increase patrols
of Chinese-funded areas'' in Liberia. If true, this would mean the PRC
has used its leverage over the U.N. peacekeeping system to advance its
economic interests in Liberia. Are you aware of this allegation?
Answer. The United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), which
included PRC peacekeepers within its ranks, ceased its peacekeeping
operations in March 2018. We are unaware of any allegations that PRC
peacekeepers misused their presence in Liberia under U.N. auspices. We
would be concerned if any country used participation in the U.N.
peacekeeping system to advance economic interests.
Question. How can we ensure that Beijing does not abuse
international mechanisms to advance its own economic interests in
Liberia?
Answer. In 2022, Liberia was one of very few African countries to
sign a joint statement to support accountability for the PRC's human
rights abuses in Xinjiang, demonstrating a willingness to go against
Beijing in order to uphold their values and national interest.
Question. What are the major points of friction in the U.S.-Liberia
partnership which we need to improve to compete with the CCP funded
projects in Libera?
Answer. U.S. partnership with Liberia has the ability to solidify
Liberia's rejection of the PRC's authoritarian, state-centric model of
development. Through continuing to offer viable private sector
infrastructure development alternatives and investing in democratic
institutions that deliver effective services to the Liberian people,
the United States can advance the democratic reforms and free-market
development model desired by most Liberians, undercut PRC inroads in
West Africa, advance global health security, and advance prosperity for
both Americans and Liberians. If confirmed, I would focus on the
strengthening of democratic institutions, development of Liberia's
public health sector, and advancing U.S. investment in and trade with
Liberia in order to further the U.S.-Liberia partnership.
Question. Are there any specific DFC opportunities you would work
on with Liberian officials if confirmed?
Answer. I understand the Embassy has robust engagement with Liberia
on project identification and financing and that DFC representatives
visit Liberia often to determine how to support possible U.S.
investment in local projects. If confirmed, I would direct our Deal
Team to enhance our efforts to link U.S. firms with opportunities in
Liberia appropriate for DFC financing, whether through the
International Trade Administration (ITA)'s Express Leads system,
reverse trade missions, or other commercial diplomacy tools. I would
pay particular attention to utilizing DFC to offer viable alternatives
to PRC-proposed debt-financed infrastructure projects. If confirmed, I
would meet regularly with U.S. companies interested in expanding their
presence in Africa to discuss opportunities in Liberia and to
underscore DFC as a potential tool to support their businesses.
Question. The U.S. is a global competition with China, including
Africa for access to critical minerals and materials. HPX, an American
company, has been granted advocacy status by the U.S. Commerce
Department for the development of its Nimba mine in Guinea, which is
one of the world's richest deposits of iron ore. However, production is
currently stalled because the Liberian Government is not providing HPX
with access to its railways to transit iron ore from Nimba to the
Buchanan Port. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure the Liberian
Government permits American companies to freely compete and trade in
and through Liberia?
Answer. I understand that Beijing's engagements in Africa are
expanding, including in Liberia. I also understand that the PRC
continues to exploit--both legally and illegally--Liberian resources,
particularly in the fisheries, forestry, and minerals sectors. I am
gravely concerned that such PRC activities and the PRC's proposed
infrastructure investments in Liberia are not being carried out in line
with internationally accepted standards, such as those spelled out in
the U.N. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, and the Voluntary
Principles on Security and Human Rights. If confirmed, I would seek to
identify and promote socially responsible foreign investment
alternatives to those being pushed by the PRC--particularly U.S.
investment--that promote sustainable development and respect for human
rights of all individuals.
Question. How would you advance U.S. support for Israel with
Liberia, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I would build on the shared values that are
the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship to advance support
for Israel. Liberia is one of our most loyal partners in Africa and has
been one of our strongest allies at the U.N. General Assembly, voting
with the United States on important votes 70 percent of the time last
year.
Question. Should an LGBT agenda come before national security,
American prosperity, or access to critical minerals when engaging with
Liberia?
Answer. Respect for human rights as embodied in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights is a central goal of United States foreign
policy, including for members of marginalized populations, and is a key
element of the positive model we offer that makes the United States a
partner of choice, including for Liberia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark Toner by Senator Ted Cruz
The Chinese Communist Party takes a whole-of-government and
often whole-of-nation approach to advancing its national
security interests, including by using national diplomatic,
economic, and even military resources to provide advantages to
Chinese companies globally. It is in the vital national
security interest of the United States to ensure open and
competitive access to critical minerals and materials,
including iron ore. The United States has sought among other
things to bolster multi-user regional infrastructure linking
Guinea and Liberia, and Liberia's October 2022 Executive Order
112 is in line with those efforts and provides for multi-user
access on Liberia's railways.
One critical project involves an existing rail line that runs
to Buchanan Port, and would be used by an American company,
High Power Exploration Inc (HPX), to move ore from the Nimba
district. Liberia has not made multi-user access available, and
according to public reports the dynamic has endangered HPX's
project, made Chinese seizure a possibility, and put Liberia is
at risk of lawsuits and arbitration. State Department officials
recently met with relevant parties on this issue.
Question. What is your assessment of Liberia's commitment to
providing multi-user access to its railways?
Answer. Meaningful progress on implementing multi-user access to
Liberia's railways will likely be delayed until after the inauguration
in January 2024 of the winner of Liberia's on-going presidential
election--of which the second round of voting takes place in November.
Nonetheless, if confirmed, I will advocate both before and after the
election for multi-user access.
Question. What diplomatic options are available to ensure that the
Government of Liberia makes multi-user access available for railways?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate with the
Government of Liberia to stand by its commitments to and agreements
with investors, including HPX.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to David E. White, Jr. by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the Peace
Corps?
Answer. I am heartened by the integrity, compassion, and dedication
that Peace Corps staff and volunteers bring to their work each day.
Development work in the best of times is challenging, and this fact is
more salient given that the setbacks caused by the pandemic require
urgency to recover lost ground and achieve greater results. If
confirmed, I look forward to supporting the team in my role as Deputy
Director.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale within the Peace
Corps?
Answer. I believe that effective leadership requires leaders to get
out from behind their desks and into the field to see first-hand the
conditions in which their teams operate. If confirmed, I plan to
meaningfully engage with Peace Corps staff at home and abroad, as well
as with volunteers at their posts, to better understand and appreciate
the constraints and challenges they face in their work and how I can
best support them in achieving the Peace Corps' goals. If confirmed, I
intend to approach this fact-finding process without preconceived
notions and in an objective and unbiased manner that enables me to best
respond to feedback with clear and decisive action. In short, I believe
that leaders must listen and carefully review all relevant facts before
implementing new practices or solutions.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at the Peace Corps?
Answer. The best organizations are inspired by a common mission and
achieve that mission by operating through a set of shared values. For
example, when I served in the U.S. Army, our mission statement was
simple yet powerful--to fight and win our nation's wars. We
accomplished that mission by living the Army values of loyalty, duty,
respect, selfless service, honor, integrity, and personal courage.
Although I have been out of uniform for nearly a decade, I carry with
me the lessons I learned in the Army about inspiring others in service
of a shared vision. Like the Army, the Peace Corps also has a simple
yet powerful mission--to promote world peace and friendship. The Peace
Corps accomplishes that mission through the three goals set out in the
Peace Corps Act: helping countries interested in meeting their need for
trained people, helping promote a better understanding of Americans on
the part of the peoples served, and helping promote a better
understanding of other people on the part of Americans. These goals
inspire staff and volunteers to drive tangible results on behalf of the
communities they serve. If confirmed, I will partner with Peace Corps
Director Carol Spahn to ensure that all agency staff and volunteers
continue to understand and embrace the Peace Corps' mission and vision
and are best supported to achieve it.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for agency executives.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in treating all people with dignity and respect
regardless of their rank or position. I also believe that all people in
an organization are equal, even if they have different duties and
responsibilities, and that teamwork, collaboration, and robust
communication across the entire organization are essential to its
success. Growing up, my father taught me that as a leader you must
always inspect what you expect, which means that you set high standards
and then hold folks accountable for meeting those standards. Moreover,
in my experience, organizations achieve their greatest results when the
whole team is ``bought in'' and fully committed to an objective, and
earning buy-in among your colleagues requires careful listening and
thoughtful consultation.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I believe that leaders and managers should always treat
their subordinates, peers, and superiors with dignity and respect. As a
West Point graduate and lifelong fan of the New York Giants, I believe
that Coach Vince Lombardi put it best when he said, ``praise in public;
criticize in private.'' And even when a manager provides criticism, I
believe that such criticism should be delivered in a professional
manner with specific, constructive, and actionable feedback that
enables personal growth and professional development.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy?
Answer. If confirmed as Deputy Director of the Peace Corps, I will
treat all colleagues with dignity and respect, and work collaboratively
and professionally with the agency's senior staff to ensure that the
Peace Corps realizes its full potential.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed as Deputy Director of the Peace Corps, I will
partner with Director Spahn to ensure that my leadership duties and
responsibilities are carefully tailored to my skills, capabilities, and
experience as well as to the needs of the agency. Given that the Peace
Corps has been without a Senate-confirmed Deputy Director since January
2017, if confirmed, I intend to bring much needed management capacity
to the agency and greater enable its staff and volunteers to achieve
its strategic objectives.
``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as ``Havana
Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. diplomats around
the world for years. They have caused serious, negative consequences
for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the Department is not doing
enough to care for, protect, and communicate to its personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes. The health, safety, and security of Peace Corps staff
and volunteers must always be the agency's top priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Peace Corps employees and volunteers about this serious issue?
Answer. Yes.
Question. There have been several public incidents presenting major
safety and security concerns regarding Peace Corps volunteers. What
steps has the Peace Corps taken in the last three years (since the
global evacuation in March 2020) to address this short fall, and how
have safety and security measures improved for those re-entering
service? Please be detailed.
Answer. My understanding is that during the pandemic and the
concomitant suspension of volunteer activities abroad, the agency
devoted a significant amount of time, effort, and investment in
strengthening its safety, security, and health systems for the benefit
of its volunteers. If confirmed, I will strongly support efforts to
ensure the agency has the resources necessary to maintain and further
enhance these improved systems, including by addressing and
implementing outstanding Office of Inspector General recommendations.
Question. Sexual assault of volunteers continues to generate
significant public and congressional attention. Thanks to the 2011 Kate
Puzey Act and the Farr-Castle Act, the Peace Corps was given new tools
to curb this scourge. Please explain the Peace Corps efforts to
continue to combat sexual assault of volunteers in the field.
Answer. The health, safety, and security of volunteers must always
be the Peace Corps' first priority. The agency must strive to prevent
all acts of sexual assault and sexual harassment completely and
totally. However, I am acutely aware that the world is a dangerous
place, at home and abroad, and so when a sexual assault occurs, the
agency must employ a victim-centered approach. Such approach should
focus on treating victims with empathy, dignity, and respect, providing
them with all appropriate medical care and other resources, ensuring
that they understand the full suite of reporting options, and finally,
supporting them in their return to service or the next step in their
personal journey.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with new countries who
are asking for the Peace Corps to return to their communities?
Answer. I understand that there is high demand for Peace Corps
volunteers in many countries around the world. If confirmed, I will
work to support and strengthen the great work that Director Spahn has
led in returning volunteers to service, which will include visiting
prospective posts and engaging directly with foreign government
leaders.
Question. There has been significant Congressional concern about
the Peace Corps returning to closed and/or unsafe missions. Please
explain the safety protocol for such decisions.
Answer. The Peace Corps must be committed to the safety and
security of its volunteers above all else. As a nominee, I am not privy
to the specific and detailed safety and security protocols relating to
when, where, and how volunteers serve around the globe. However, I am
aware that the agency takes its responsibility to safeguard volunteers
very seriously and that it diligently and consistently applies a
careful and country-specific analysis to each volunteer mission. If
confirmed, I will study the agency's safety and security protocols in
great detail and work to ensure that such protocols are sufficient and
relevant to the fast-paced and evolving nature of volunteer service in
developing countries and implemented appropriately.
Question. Do you commit to informing Congress appropriately of any
safety and security issues in a timely and efficient manner?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What do you believe is the Peace Corps biggest challenge
in 2023?
Answer. The pandemic has disproportionately affected many
developing nations, especially as it relates to their economic, health,
and development goals. Under Director Spahn's leadership, the Peace
Corps has successfully returned thousands of volunteers to service in
partner nations around the world. More recently, through its ``Bold
Invitation'' campaign, the Peace Corps aggressively seeks to recruit
and deploy volunteers as expeditiously as possible to restore the
agency's strength to pre-pandemic levels as well as meet increased
demand from new partner nations.
Given the United States' vital interests in the Indo-Pacific, I
believe that we must expand the role of development work and people-to-
people exchange in the region, which is a task that the Peace Corps is
uniquely suited to accomplish. However, operating in the Indo-Pacific
comes with certain funding requirements and logistical challenges, and
if confirmed, I would welcome your support in securing the necessary
resources to enable the Peace Corps to maintain and increase a
significant and visible presence in this critically important region.
Question. In your view, is the Peace Corps principally an
international development program that also builds cultural ties within
its areas of operation, or a cultural exchange program that also
advances international development within its areas of operation?
Answer. I believe that the Peace Corps is a development
organization that achieves its mission of promoting world peace and
friendship through people-to-people engagement of American volunteers
living and working in host communities, where they learn from each
other. This grassroots diplomacy benefits partner nations and
communities in which volunteers serve as well as the American people. I
have been inspired by countless stories about lives improved and
communities transformed through Peace Corps volunteers' efforts. As
just one example, U.S. Ambassador John Nkengasong was taught science by
a Peace Corps volunteer in Cameroon during his years in secondary
school. Amb. Nkengasong now serves as the Ambassador-at-Large and
Coordinator of U.S Government Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally
and Special Representative for Global Health Diplomacy at the
Department of State.
Question. The Peace Corps is funded by a direct appropriation, but
also received significant levels of programmatic support through
transfers from other agencies. If confirmed, how will you account for
all of the funds managed by the Peace Corps?
Answer. The Peace Corps must always be a good steward of taxpayer
funds and government resources. If confirmed, I expect to work closely
with the agency's chief financial officer and other colleagues to
ensure that all funds are properly accounted for and managed
appropriately.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas? Will you commit to ensuring
volunteers are both aware of and compliant with these statutory
restrictions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will comply with all applicable laws and
require that all Peace Corps staff and volunteers do the same.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that Peace
Corps staff, country directors, and volunteers consistently uphold the
highest ethical standards, including by holding them personally
accountable for violations of U.S. and local law?
Answer. Yes.
Question. As written in the (but not-yet-passed) Peace Corps
Reauthorization Act (S. 1203), there is currently a provision providing
suspension without pay for any Peace Corps employee or volunteer who
engages in serious misconduct. If confirmed, do you commit to adhering
to this policy regardless if the Act becomes law? Please explain.
Answer. As a nominee, I have not had the opportunity to study the
current version of the Peace Corps Reauthorization Act with the benefit
of full context and appreciation of the impact of the legislation's
proposed provisions, including this one, should they be enacted.
However, if confirmed, I will familiarize myself with all relevant
information, and I am fully committed to working with you and your
office to understand this proposed policy and how the agency can ensure
that it upholds the highest ethical and professional standards among
its staff and volunteers. In addition, if confirmed, I will comply with
all applicable laws.
Question. Peace Corps' plans for virtual service is counter to its
mission as defined in U.S. Code. Please provide your views on virtual
service and if such service will continue should you be confirmed.
Answer. Given the limited information available to me as a nominee,
I have only a limited understanding of the Virtual Service Pilot. Based
on such limited knowledge, I understand that the Virtual Service Pilot
is a distinct opportunity that provides private citizens the
opportunity to donate their time by engaging virtually to contribute to
the mission of the Peace Corps. I also understand that the Virtual
Service Pilot is a complement to, and not a substitute for, traditional
in-person, in-country volunteer service. Moreover, I understand that
the Virtual Service Pilot is just that--a pilot. If confirmed, I will
carefully study the results of the Virtual Service Pilot, meaningfully
consult with you and your office, and ensure that in-person, in-country
volunteer service remains the Peace Corps' crown jewel.
Question. If confirmed, will you support the re-opening of Peace
Corps Mission China? Please explain why or why not.
Answer. No. If confirmed, I will not support re-opening the Peace
Corps' program in China due to, among other reasons, the high demand
for volunteers from other countries and the limited resources available
to meet such demand.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David E. White, Jr. by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China (PRC) and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang,
flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest
quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. Even as we see heinous
atrocities committed by Hamas against innocent Israeli citizens, the
CCP is still publicly blaming Israel instead of Hamas for the violence.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As articulated in its 2022 National Security Strategy, I
support the Administration's ``invest, align, compete'' strategy toward
the PRC. Investing in our domestic economy is critical to enhancing our
competitiveness abroad. Working closely and thoughtfully with allies
and partners who are aligned with our priorities and values is
critically important, and in addition to carefully managing our
bilateral relationships with such allies and partners, the United
States must also make good use of strategic security dialogues and
intergovernmental fora, including, among others, the Quad and the G7.
The U.S. must compete with the PRC in a tough yet responsible manner,
especially in the Indo-Pacific, coastal West Africa, and closer to home
in Latin America.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The CCP exists to further the PRC's interests, which at
times are inimical to the United States' interests. The U.S. must do
everything it can to fiercely defend its interests and deliver on
behalf of the American people.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. Given the PRC's size and influence, they are a necessary
partner in confronting certain global challenges. The U.S. should
therefore cooperate when it can and compete when it must. However,
whenever the U.S. and PRC's interests are aligned and thus enable
cooperation on pressing issues of global concern, the U.S. must never
sacrifice its values and always work prudently to seek to hold the PRC
accountable for human rights violations and abuses.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. I am not aware of any potential joint activity with
organizations or representatives of the PRC as it relates to the Peace
Corps. The Administration's approach toward the PRC focuses on
competing with the PRC when our interests and values diverge, and
cooperating when they align. If confirmed, I will support the
Administration's policy on the PRC.
As publicly reported, the Peace Corps program in China has closed
and, if confirmed, I will not support re-opening the Peace Corps
program in China.
Question. Since inception in 1961, more than 240,000 volunteers
have served in 143 countries to promote world peace, help others
understand American culture, and share volunteers' experiences with
Americans back home. Currently the Peace Corps works in 51 countries
focusing upon economic and agricultural development and sectors such as
education, health, and the environment among others. These goals have
remained unchanged since inception. How effective do you believe the
Peace Corps has been as a development organization?
Answer. The Peace Corps has a storied legacy as an effective
development agency, and as an American, I am proud of its work on
behalf of our country. Looking ahead, I am confident that the Peace
Corps has a bright future, and that the relevance of its mission is
even more salient today than in years past. As global development needs
evolve, so too must Peace Corps' capabilities to meet such needs. If
confirmed, I will prioritize reimagining the Peace Corps' approach to
service so that volunteers and host communities alike are best matched
to make the most lasting impact, and in doing so, I plan to consult
with you and your office.
Question. Given the Peace Corps was created during the Cold War to
confront communist related programs, does Congress need to review the
Peace Corps mandate to effectively counter our current global
competitor Communist China?
Answer. I believe the Peace Corps' mandate is as strong today as it
was at the agency's inception. The Peace Corps is an independent
federal agency and maintaining the integrity of its independence is
critical to volunteer safety, security, and effectiveness. However, the
Peace Corps also has an important role to play in the United States'
leadership in the international community. I strongly believe in the
power of America's example and its capacity for good. Peace Corps
volunteers are among our country's best ambassadors of American values
and ideals abroad--their grassroots diplomacy cannot be matched by the
PRC or other strategic competitors. If confirmed, I will work closely
with you and your office to ensure that the Peace Corps achieves its
fullest potential.
Question. If confirmed, how will you expand Peace Crops programs in
Indo-Pacific countries to carry out your mandate?
Answer. The Indo-Pacific is critically important to the United
States' strategic interests. As a country, we must have a visible and
sustained presence in the region and invest in our relationships with
allies and partners who share our priorities and values. As publicly
reported, the Peace Corps returned volunteers to the Pacific Island
nations of Fiji in 2022, Tonga and Samoa in 2023, and plans to soon
return volunteers to Vanuatu. In the broader Indo-Pacific region,
volunteers are presently serving in Indonesia, the Philippines, Timor-
Leste, Cambodia, Thailand, and Viet Nam, and plan to soon return to Sri
Lanka. If confirmed, establishing a more robust presence in the Indo-
Pacific will be one of my top priorities. Given the funding
requirements and logistical challenges inherent in the Peace Corps
operating in the Indo-Pacific, if confirmed, I would welcome your
support in achieving this priority.
Question. The Peace Corps has reported a decrease in volunteer
applications and appears to be falling short of its recruitment
targets. If confirmed, how do you plan to meet volunteer numbers given
the U.S. job market and requirement that volunteers must be vaccinated
to COVID-19 and must wear a mask in public?
Answer. Speaking broadly, I believe that we need to reinvigorate
public service opportunities for all Americans, especially as it
relates to our next generation of leaders. As to the Peace Corps
specifically, I have been heartened by its ``Bold Invitation''
campaign, which aggressively seeks to recruit and deploy volunteers as
expeditiously as possible to restore the Peace Corps' strength to pre-
pandemic levels. If confirmed, I will prioritize recruiting talented
and diverse Americans to bring the best of our country abroad and
contribute to partner countries' important development needs. In
addition, if confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to host a Peace
Corps recruiting event with you in Florida.
Question. The safety and security of Peace Corps volunteers should
be your number one concern when looking at any programs or initiatives.
What are the most important recent steps taken by the Peace Corps to
protect volunteers, something it has unfortunately failed to do in the
past?
Answer. I whole-heartedly agree that the safety and security of
Peace Corps volunteers must be the agency's top priority. My
understanding is that during the pandemic and the concomitant
suspension of volunteer activities abroad, the agency devoted a
significant amount of time, effort, and investment in strengthening its
safety, security, and health systems for the benefit of its volunteers.
If confirmed, I will strongly support efforts to ensure the agency has
the resources necessary to maintain and further enhance these improved
systems.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa Garg by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Could you provide your perspective on Egypt's role in
facilitating the re-admittance of Assad into the Arab League and its
participation in the Jordanian-led working group to rehabilitate Assad?
How will you use your position to ensure Assad is held accountable for
killing thousands of Syrians?
Answer. I find everything about the Assad regime abhorrent. He has
brought nothing but misery and destruction to his people. Egypt has
recently taken steps to reestablish high level interactions with the
Assad regime. At the same time, Egypt continues to insist that Syria
take steps towards a political solution in line with UNSCR 2254.
The United States has made clear in our diplomatic discussions with
partner countries that we do not support normalizing relations with the
Assad regime. If confirmed, I will continue to strongly underline that
position, as well as underscore the need for accountability for the
Assad regime's horrific atrocities against Syrians and that anyone
seeking to invest in Syria would risk sanctions exposure. The United
States maintains that stability in Syria can only be achieved through a
political process in line with U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254,
and will continue working with allies, partners, and the U.N. to ensure
that a durable political solution remains within reach.
Question. The Biden administration negotiated the Arab Gas
Pipeline, which would supply gas to Lebanon via Syria. Please provide
an analysis on the pipeline's compliance with the Caesar Syria Civilian
Protection Act of 2019.
Answer. I understand that no final determination has been made
about the U.S. sanctions implications of that proposal. The
Administration received provisional contracts for both the electricity
and gas deals last year. The final financing terms and contracts are
still being discussed by the parties and the World Bank. The
Departments of the Treasury and State will need to review details of
the final financing terms and contracts to assess any relevant
sanctions concerns. Only at that time will the Administration have the
information needed to make any final determinations. The Administration
will comply with the Caesar Act.
Question. As the Syrian portion of the Arab Gas Pipeline is
refurbished and maintained by Russian state-owned industries, notable
Gasprom, please provide an analysis of the pipeline's compliance with
Russia and Ukraine sanctions.
Answer. I understand the Administration has not waived Caesar or
any other sanctions, which remain an important tool to press for
accountability for the Assad regime's atrocious record of human rights
abuses and violations. I also understand that no final determination
has been made about the U.S. sanctions implications of that proposal.
The final financing terms and contracts are still being discussed by
the parties and the World Bank. The Departments of the Treasury and
State will need to review details of the final financing terms and
contracts to assess any relevant sanctions concerns. Only at that time
will the Administration have the information needed to make any final
determinations.
Question. The State Department has made a commitment to Senator
Risch provide a briefing and determination on Caesar sanctions
compliance for the Arab Gas Pipeline before issuing comfort, pre-
assurance, licenses or waivers to Egypt or in support of activating the
pipeline. Does Senator Risch have your commitment to do the same?
Answer. Absolutely. As Ambassador to Bulgaria, I had an excellent
working relationship with your staff and would welcome the opportunity
for regular briefings if confirmed for Egypt.
I understand the Administration remains committed to implementation
of the Caesar Act and has not lifted its Syria sanctions or any other
sanctions. The Departments of the Treasury and State will need to
review details of the final financing terms and contracts of the
proposal to assess any relevant sanctions concerns. Only at that time
will we have the information needed to make any final determinations.
If confirmed, I commit to working with the Departments of the Treasury
and State to keep Congress informed about progress on this proposal.
Question. The administration recently granted a waiver for Egypt to
receive $235M in Foreign Military Financing tied to concessions on key
U.S. national security priorities and human rights. This FMF is
currently subject to Congressional holds. What are the implications of
the holds on the United States' strategic relationship with Egypt?
Answer. I understand the Secretary's decision to exercise the
national security waiver authority with respect to $235 million in FY
2022 FMF for Egypt reflects Egypt's specific and ongoing contributions
to U.S. national security priorities. As a result, the Department has
obligated a total of $1.215 billion in FY 2022 FMF funding for Egypt.
If confirmed, I will continue to engage closely with the Egyptian
Government and Congress about how FMF assistance will be used,
consistent with our commitment to a U.S.-Egypt strategic partnership
that advances our shared vision for a secure and prosperous region, and
supports tangible and sustained progress on human rights.
Question. The administration continues to prioritize Egypt's human
rights record as one of our primary national security interests. While
human rights are essential, they are only one component of the national
interest. Provide your assessment on whether the Biden administration
has struck the appropriate balance with Egypt between human rights and
other national security interests.
Answer. There are a number of Administration priorities where Egypt
has a role, from support for Ukraine, to elections in Libya, a
ceasefire in Sudan, and addressing the current conflict between Israel
and Hamas. I will actively engage on these regional and international
strategic issues.
The Administration has also made clear that making progress on
human rights is a key element of our national security interests.
Administration officials have affirmed the bilateral relationship is
stronger when there is tangible progress on human rights issues. These
priorities are not separate. If confirmed, I will continue to press the
Egyptian Government to make progress on human rights and other national
security interests.
Question. With border checkpoints strained due to the Sudan
conflict, how do you assess Egypt's commitment to keeping the border
open? What implications does this have for regional stability and
trade?
Answer. I understand the State Department has long coordinated
closely with Egypt on Sudan policy and has intensively engaged the
Egyptians since the breakout of the conflict April 15 to urge
coordinated outreach to the parties on reaching a ceasefire in Sudan
and to promote a coordinated humanitarian response. Egypt has
considerable influence in Sudan and hosted a summit of Sudan's
neighbors.
Approximately 350,000 Sudanese have already arrived in Egypt since
April 15. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with our ambassador
to Sudan.
Question. There have been rumors of Egyptian foreign fighters'
involvement in the Sudan conflict. What measures should Egypt take to
ensure it remains uninvolved and maintains its credibility with its
allies?
Answer. I understand the State Department has long coordinated
closely with Egypt on Sudan policy, and has intensively engaged the
Egyptians since the breakout of conflict April 15 to urge coordinated
outreach to the parties on reaching a ceasefire in Sudan and to promote
a coordinated humanitarian response. Egypt has considerable influence
in Sudan and hosted a summit of Sudan's neighbors in July. Cairo's
voice is a crucial one in advancing diplomatic efforts toward a durable
cessation of hostilities. The Department has closely coordinated with
Egypt and a number of other regional partners, including the African
Union, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and other
neighboring states, in support of a harmonized international response.
If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with our ambassador to
Sudan.
Question. Egypt has warned of the possibility that ``all options
are open'' if Ethiopia proceeds with the GERD without Egypt's consent.
How will you engage with Egypt to ensure another regional conflict is
not escalated over the dam?
Answer. Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Mike Hammer remains
actively engaged in supporting Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan in reaching a
diplomatic solution that advances the interests of all parties. The
Administration is committed to helping the parties find a durable
solution that contributes to a more peaceful and prosperous region. If
confirmed, I will work with the Government of Egypt in support of that
goal. I will also work closely with Mike Hammer and our ambassadors to
Sudan and Ethiopia.
In the State Department's 2023 Trafficking in Persons Report, Egypt
was listed as Tier 2 Watch List for its lack of commitment to
eliminating human trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Egypt prioritize anti-trafficking efforts in country?
Answer. My first assignment in the Foreign Service was as a
political officer responsible for the Trafficking in Persons (TIP)
report. This is an issue I care about deeply.
According to the most recent TIP report, the Government of Egypt
did show progress in the fight against trafficking in certain areas,
such as approving a new national strategy to combat trafficking and
more than doubling convictions of traffickers. However, according to
the report, the Government of Egypt continued to have gaps in the
identification and referral to services of foreign trafficking victims,
had a decrease in victim identifications and investigations, and had
insufficient services and shelter for victims. If confirmed, I would
encourage the Government of Egypt to continue making progress on
combating trafficking in persons in those areas. I will work with
relevant government officials, international human rights NGOs, and
members of Egyptian civil society toward that end.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you instruct your
mission to take with regards to anti-trafficking work on the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of our Embassy to
encourage the Government of Egypt to continue to increase efforts to
address gaps in the identification and referral to services of foreign
trafficking victims, increase victim identifications and
investigations, and increase services and shelter for victims. I will
also continue the work of our Embassy with relevant government
officials, international human rights NGOs, and members of Egyptian
civil society toward that end.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation in Egypt in the annual trafficking in persons
report as well as directly to congress and the appropriate
congressional committees?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting accurate information on
the topic of trafficking in persons in Egypt via our annual,
Congressionally-mandated Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report and will
work closely with the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in
Persons to encourage collaborative efforts with the Government of Egypt
to combat human trafficking.
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious Freedom
Report, Egypt was listed as generally lacking government and societal
respect for religious freedom, particularly for religious minorities.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. I understand Egypt has a long tradition of religious co-
existence and has made a number of improvements on this front,
including reducing obstacles to church building and registration and
the ongoing process of reforming educational curricula to stress
religious tolerance. If confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
and maintain regular contact with Egyptian religious leaders as part of
my commitment to engage Egyptian civil society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Throughout my career I have been a champion for civil
society. If confirmed, I will maintain contact with Egyptian religious
leaders and continue to encourage improvements to Egypt's treatment of
religious minorities, as part of my commitment to engage Egyptian civil
society.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Egypt increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Egyptian Government to
encourage reform of Egyptian blasphemy laws, which are currently
actively enforced. I would also work with the Egyptians to encourage
granting equal citizenship rights to people without discrimination
based on religious belief. One important step would be to remove the
religious designation from national identity cards.
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Egypt was
listed as having a significant number of human rights abuses, including
arbitrary detention, harassment of civil society actors and
journalists, as well as other infringements on internationally-
recognized human rights.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Engagement with civil society is a critical component of
the Administration's efforts to advance human rights in Egypt, both so
that we are cognizant of local priorities on human rights and so that
our annual report to Congress is informed by these local perspectives.
If confirmed, I commit to lead by example through robust personal
engagement with Egyptian human rights defenders and other civil
society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue.
Question. In 2021, according to the bureau of International
Organizations, Egypt voted with the U.S. on 27 percent of roll call
votes in the U.N. General Assembly. On Israel-related votes, that
number is 0 percent. If confirmed, how will you engage with the host
government on issues relating to international organizations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of the Embassy team
and consistently and at high levels engage the Government of Egypt on
issues relating to international organizations. I will also seek to
engage our U.N. missions more in Egypt.
Question. How can you, if confirmed as Ambassador, work alongside
IO and USU to recruit and retain talented Americans for placement
within the U.N. system either in appointments, elections, or other
roles?
Answer. In my last two assignments as a member of the Embassy Front
Office, I actively engaged with local counterparts on behalf of our
Americans competing for senior roles in the U.N. system. Active and
early engagement is key.
Question. What is your understanding of morale at Embassy Cairo?
Answer. I look forward to working with the talented team of
diplomats in Cairo, if confirmed. I understand that challenges, such as
power and internet disruptions as well as heavy traffic and pollution,
take a daily toll on our team. In every assignment where I have had a
leadership role, whether that was as the head of our reconstruction
team in Mosul, Iraq or Political Minister Counselor in New Delhi,
India, or DCM in Lisbon, Portugal, to Ambassador in Bulgaria, I take
morale very seriously. In previous posts, I conducted regular Embassy
wide surveys of my leadership and Embassy morale to check the pulse of
the mission. I found this to be useful and welcomed and, if confirmed,
will continue to carry out this practice.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Embassy Cairo?
Answer. My understanding is that morale at post is impacted by some
administrative hurdles, including delays in receiving household effects
and personal vehicles, due to the host government's lengthy procedures.
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team, and especially the
community liaison officer, to ensure that morale stays high and work
with the management team to press for continued progress in resolving
these administrative concerns.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
Answer. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as compassionate, with
a high bar on ethics, EEO compliance, security, and management
controls. In a May 2018 Office of Inspector General inspection of
Embassy Lisbon, the OIG report wrote ``The DCM received consistently
high marks from all sections for forging a `one team, one fight' spirit
to the Embassy's efforts to advance its objectives and for her
attention to staff development.''
A May 2022 Office of Inspector General Report of Embassy Sofia
described me as modeling integrity, encouraging interagency
collaboration, and leading by example. It reported Embassy staff
described me as optimistic, friendly, and down-to-earth, and told OIG
that I asked for and took seriously their advice on policy issues.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe it is an effective management strategy to
berate subordinates either in public or private. This is unacceptable
behavior and, if confirmed, I will instruct all supervisors at Embassy
Cairo to show respect for their subordinates. I will make it clear that
I will judge their effectiveness by how well they mentor and develop
their own staff.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM)?
Answer. If confirmed, I believe in a strong front office team and
an empowered DCM who works with me to ensure a high standard on
management controls, ethics, security, and strong interagency
collaboration. I am fortunate that the current DCM is someone I have
known since my very first day in the Foreign Service and I have full
confidence in her abilities. I will encourage her to build on post's
existing mentoring programs for our entry and mid-level staff from all
USG agencies, as well as regular discussions with Egyptian local staff
to improve teambuilding, and instill a sense of personal accountability
in each member of our large team.
``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that
the Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and
communicate to its personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. I understand the issue of anomalous health incidents is an
absolute priority for the Department, including its most senior
leaders. If confirmed, I commit to taking this threat seriously as I
did as Ambassador to Bulgaria. There is no higher priority than to
protect and care for our people.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Peace Corps employees and volunteers about this serious issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as I can to
Peace Corps employees and volunteers about this serious issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa Garg by Senator Chris Van Hollen
Question. Following intense U.S. diplomatic efforts, Egypt has
reportedly agreed to open the Rafah crossing to allow an initial 20
trucks to enter Gaza to deliver humanitarian assistance. However, at
this point, none of these trucks have yet transited into Gaza, as the
``mechanisms'' of this agreement are still being worked out. Even once
this initial tranche moves forward, I remain deeply concerned about the
urgent need to provide millions of people in Gaza access to essential
commodities to sustain life, including water, food, medical supplies,
and fuel. What are the parameters of the reported agreement to allow an
initial tranche of humanitarian assistance into Gaza?
Answer. While I am not involved in these discussions, I understand
that the United States is engaging closely with the Governments of
Egypt and Israel to facilitate the movement of humanitarian goods into
Gaza via the Rafah border crossing. Special Envoy David Satterfield is
in the region coordinating these efforts. I understand humanitarian
supplies will be distributed to civilians in need through trusted
international organizations and NGO partners, in coordination with
Egyptian and Israeli authorities. The initial 20 trucks are intended as
just that--an initial effort to move humanitarian assistance to those
in need.
Question. How will you work with the relevant stakeholders in
Egypt, Israel, and Gaza to ensure sustained humanitarian assistance can
reach civilians in immediate need in Gaza?
Answer. I understand the United States is working closely with the
Governments of Egypt and Israel to improve humanitarian conditions in
Gaza, including by establishing a mechanism by which humanitarian
assistance can reach the civilian population of Gaza. Special Envoy
David Satterfield, whom I have known for over twenty years, is in the
region coordinating these efforts. If confirmed, it will be my priority
to continue working closely with the Government of Egypt and other
partners, included trusted international organizations and NGOs, to
address humanitarian needs in Gaza.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa Garg by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China (PRC) and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang,
flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest
quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. Even as we see heinous
atrocities committed by Hamas against innocent Israeli citizens, the
CCP is still publicly blaming Israel instead of Hamas for the violence.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Egypt ties.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects.
I have dealt with some aspect of China's aggression in almost every
assignment I have had my 25-year Foreign Service career, from China's
border encroachments in India and Bhutan, to its attempts to control
the Sines port in Portugal, to its flooding of the telecommunications
market in Bulgaria. I am proud of our Embassy's efforts to move China
off the backburner. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of
State's new Office of China Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and
counter harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Middle
East.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. interests
in Egypt and countering efforts by our strategic and regional
competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration has been
clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical challenge
facing the United States, and that the United States is committed to
working to strengthen our partners in the region. If confirmed, I will
work closely with Department of State and interagency colleagues and
Congress to address China's efforts to expand its influence in Egypt
and the region.
Question. Besides the size of its population, its peace treaty with
Israel, and the presence of the Suez Canal, what other reasons are
there for the U.S. to continue investing resources in Egypt?
Answer. There is a wide range of U.S. priorities where Egypt can
play an important role, from support for Ukraine amid Russia's war of
aggression, a ceasefire in Sudan, and addressing the Israel/Gaza crisis
and its humanitarian fallout. Egypt is also a strong partner in
counterterrorism, countering human trafficking, and maritime security.
Egypt is the sixth largest contributor of peacekeepers in the world. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. support for Egypt continues to
strengthen this partnership.
Question. How would you characterize the current state of U.S.-
Egyptian relations?
Answer. The United States' relationship with Egypt is multifaceted.
Egypt has been an important strategic partner for 40 years. The
decades-long U.S.-Egypt defense partnership has been a pillar for
regional security. Egypt is a significant player in regional affairs,
and as the Arab country with the largest population, its role is key to
regional de-escalation, such as in Libya and Sudan. At the same time,
the Administration continues to underscore that tangible progress on
human rights, including by releasing political prisoners and
implementing reforms to pre-trial detention, is crucial to enabling the
strongest possible U.S.-Egyptian relationship.
Question. Egypt's 1979 peace treaty with Israel remains significant
for overall Arab-Israeli peace. Egyptian Governments have increased
their cooperation with Israel against Islamist militants in Gaza prior
to the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas. In your opinion, how
will Israel's war against Hamas be seen by Egypt given its role in the
Arab world as peace broker in the region?
Answer. The United States and Egypt share an unwavering commitment
to a negotiated two-state solution as the only path to a lasting
resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and equal measures of
security, prosperity, and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians. Egypt
has played a positive role in responding to attacks by Gaza-based armed
factions in the past and continues to play a critical role today. While
I am not involved in these discussions, I understand that the United
States is engaging closely with Egypt to enable U.S. citizens to leave
Gaza and facilitate the movement of humanitarian goods into Gaza via
the Rafah border crossing. These humanitarian supplies will be
distributed to civilians in need through trusted international
organizations and NGO partners in coordination with Egyptian and
Israeli authorities.
Question. What role does Egypt need to play with regard to
Palestinian refugees attempting to flee Hamas?
Answer. I understand that Egyptian efforts are currently focused on
bringing humanitarian supplies to civilians inside Gaza, where this aid
will be distributed through trusted international organizations and NGO
partners and in coordination with Israeli authorities. I understand the
Government of Egypt made available ambulances and mobile clinics near
Rafah. Civilians are not to blame for Hamas' horrific terrorism.
Question. Multiple administrations have described Egypt as a
``strategic partner.'' Recent reporting has brought to light concerning
efforts by Egyptian intelligence to corrupt our political system. Do
you believe bribing U.S. politicians is typical behavior of a
``strategic partner''?
Answer. I have no comment on an ongoing prosecution.
Question. If confirmed, how will you demonstrate to the Egyptian
Government that these efforts are unacceptable?
Answer. This is an active and ongoing legal matter, so you will
understand I have no comment on it. While I cannot speak to this case
specifically, as a general matter we are taking steps both domestically
and globally to better prevent, deter, and combat corruption, guided by
our National Strategy on Countering Corruption. This includes working
through bilateral and multilateral engagement, foreign assistance,
sanctions, international legal cooperation, and many other tools.
I worked actively as Ambassador to Bulgaria to counter corruption.
Working with Congress, we imposed the first Global Magnitsky sanctions
on Bulgarian corrupt officials. Our efforts raised the profile of these
issues and eventually led to new legislation to enhance Bulgaria's
efforts to counter corruption.
Question. How would you advance continued support for Israel and
the Abraham Accords in Egypt, if confirmed?
Answer. I fully support the Abraham Accords. Building on Egypt's
transformational peace with Israel, the United States and Egypt have
long partnered to foster a shared vision for the promise of greater
regional integration, including through the Negev Forum process. As
Secretary Blinken has said, the events in Israel and Gaza since October
7 underscore there are two path for the region: a path of greater
integration, greater stability, and a resolution of the challenges
between Israelis and Palestinians, and the path of Hamas terrorism.
In Bulgaria, I worked towards bringing the signatory countries of
the Abraham Accords together to celebrate the anniversary of the
accords via a public event on culinary diplomacy. I think it would be a
good idea for all our embassies to use the anniversary of the accords
to try to organize some type of event bringing the countries together.
Question. With more than 90 percent of this ally's population
practicing the Muslim faith, if confirmed, will you promote an LGBTQ
agenda in Egypt?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of my predecessors
and colleagues to promote respect for human rights in Egypt, including
working to reduce violence against LGBTQI+ persons and working toward
decriminalization of same-sex status and conduct.
I will also continue U.S. advocacy for the release of any LGBTQI+
persons held on so called ``debauchery'' charges and press the Egyptian
Government to end forced anal examinations and other abusive practices
against LGBTQI+ persons.
Question. Does the LGBTQ agenda come before national security or
American prosperity?
Answer. National security and American prosperity must include all
U.S. citizens, regardless of background. Goals around these matters
cannot be achieved if we exclude specific groups of people. Explicitly
attempting to exclude any group jeopardizes both goals, and we have
learned that inclusiveness of all groups only strengthens our national
security.
Question. The U.S. has provided significant security assistance to
Egypt, however, we have seen Egypt increase closer relations to Russia
and China regarding military-to-military and trade relationships away
from the U.S. Could Egypt become more reliant upon China and Russia on
security, economic, and political matters?
Answer. I understand that Egypt actively seeks trade and investment
from a broad range of global partners. However, Egypt is cautious about
becoming overly reliant on any one partner, including the PRC and
Russia. The PRC plays a significant and growing role in large segments
of Egypt's economy, including infrastructure, IT, and renewable energy.
Egypt has significant ties with Russia in energy, agriculture, and
tourism, as well as with regard to Egypt's efforts to diversify its
defense suppliers.
Question. If confirmed, how will you discourage such moves?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. commercial,
development, and diplomatic officers at our Embassy in Cairo work
closely with their Egyptian counterparts and the State Department's
Economic and Business Affairs Bureau to promote U.S. exports, protect
U.S. commercial interests, and improve the business climate in Egypt
for U.S. companies.
I will support the Administration's efforts to offer, in terms of
the U.S. partnership, access to trusted and reliable vendors and also
leverage our energy and security relationships to make clear the
compelling case for our partnership.
Question. Security assistance to Egypt is currently conditioned
based on Egypt's human rights record due to legislation I championed in
2017. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that Egypt respects the
human rights of its own people?
Answer. This Administration has made human rights a priority in
U.S. foreign policy worldwide, including with Egypt. If confirmed, I
commit to continue the Administration's engagement with the Egyptian
Government to seek concrete progress on human rights, which I believe
will strengthen our strategic relationship. Securing tangible human
rights progress in Egypt requires consistent engagement. If confirmed,
I commit to make human rights a priority in my engagement with the
Government, to press for concrete and enduring human rights reforms,
and to consult with Congress on these important issues.
Question. Given the importance of other partners, such as Taiwan,
should security assistance that is not given to Egypt on account of its
human rights violations be redirected to Taiwan?
Answer. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for Egypt is not provided
at the expense of other partners. The Department is always assessing
the right levels of foreign assistance, including through FMF, to
support our national security interests, partner capacities, and
validated requirements.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa Garg by Senator Todd Young
Question. The Ministry of Defense in Egypt recently procured $25M
in networking equipment from Huawei, a Chinese company whose equipment
is known to Congress to be a threat to U.S. national security. Given
this, how would you prioritize ensuring U.S. firms continue to have
access to the network marketplace in Egypt?
Answer. As Ambassador to Bulgaria, I faced a similar issue, as the
Bulgarians' 4G network was built with Huawei and the Chinese
aggressively pushed Huawei for 5G. We should not cede any ground to
China. The Bulgarian Government signed a 5G MOU with us and then we
pressed aggressively for trusted vendors. We succeeded in winning many
contracts for American companies.
If confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. commercial, development, and
diplomatic officers at our Embassy in Cairo work closely with their
Egyptian counterparts and the State Department's Economic and Business
Affairs Bureau to promote U.S. exports, protect U.S. commercial
interests, and improve the business climate in Egypt for U.S.
companies.
Question. How should United States policy, including the provisions
of Foreign Military Financing to Egypt, adapt when the Egyptian MOD
procures and installs Huawei equipment in its networks that
interoperate with sensitive U.S. networks, posing a threat to U.S.
national security?
Answer. The Administration cautions its partners about PRC
investments that could compromise their sovereignty, security, and data
privacy. If confirmed, I will continue activities that have proven
successful in my other positions, such as active engagement with the
Bulgarian Government on behalf of U.S. companies and providing viable
alternatives to PRC options.
Constant and close engagement allows us to demonstrate that the
United States is a preferable technology partner.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa Garg by Senator John Barrasso
Question. How would you characterize the bilateral relationship
between Egypt and Russia?
Answer. Egypt has significant ties with Russia in energy,
agriculture, tourism, and defense. Russia is building a $30 billion
nuclear facility in Dabaa on the Mediterranean coast and Russian
tourists are a major source of hard currency. At the same time, Egypt
has been impacted by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, destabilizing global
wheat markets, including Egypt, which provides subsidized bread to the
majority of its citizens. Egypt is a U.S. strategic partner with a
crucial voice in efforts to advance a just and lasting peace for
Ukraine and has taken steps to support U.S. national security goals,
which include ensuring a strategic defeat of Russia's war on Ukraine.
From my service as Ambassador to Bulgaria, I know well the Russian
grip and how vital our partnerships are to address Russia's
destabilizing role. I am proud of our Embassy's efforts in Bulgaria on
military modernization and energy diversification away from Russia.
Question. What is the extent of Egypt's involvement in Russia's
invasion of Ukraine?
Answer. Egypt has no role in Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Egypt is
a U.S. strategic partner with a crucial voice in efforts to advance
regional peace and stability, including key U.S. national security
goals in advancing a just and lasting peace for Ukraine. Egypt has
taken steps to oppose Russia's further invasion of Ukraine, including
voting at the U.N. General Assembly and International Atomic Energy
Agency in 2022 and 2023 on resolutions condemning the invasion and
criticizing Russia's actions. At the same time, Egypt abstained on a
resolution to suspend Russia from the U.N. Human Rights Council.
Question. Is U.S. foreign assistance to Egypt still in the U.S.
national interest? Why or why not?
Answer. Egypt is a strategic U.S. partner that contributes to
advancing regional peace and stability. Egypt is playing a critical at
this moment in the conflict between Hamas and Israel, supporting U.S.
efforts to secure the release of American and other hostages held by
Hamas; secure the safe exit of American citizens from Gaza; and convey
urgently needed humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza.
U.S. security assistance to Egypt helps to improve and modernize
Egypt's capabilities, including countering terrorism, such as in the
Sinai Peninsula, that could endanger the U.S. homeland or allies. The
United States also supports U.S.-Egypt military interoperability and
Egypt facilitates security for, and expedites transit of, U.S. military
vessels through the Suez Canal.
U.S. assistance to Egypt also promotes economic growth, education,
climate, and governance objectives that align with U.S. interests,
including increasing opportunities for small and medium enterprises,
responding to food insecurity challenges related to Russia's invasion
of Ukraine, providing opportunities for Egypt's large youth population,
and shoring up efforts to combat climate change and facilitating
Egypt's transition to a green economy.
Question. Do you support reinstating all of the U.S. foreign
assistance to Egypt? Which U.S. financial assistance is the most
critical to the Government of Egypt?
Answer. U.S. assistance to Egypt supports longstanding U.S.
strategic interests to advance regional peace and security and promote
interoperability with U.S. forces. Egypt is a strategic partner and I
understand the FY 2024 Foreign Military Financing request reflects the
Administration's plan to support U.S. national security interests in
Egypt, including for maritime security, border security, and
counterterrorism.
The Administration continues to believe that maximum flexibility in
our foreign assistance provides the Administration with the widest
range of tools to advance U.S. objectives.
Question. What conditions need to be attached to U.S. foreign
assistance to the Government of Egypt?
Answer. I understand the Department seeks maximum flexibility in
its approach to Egypt FMF, so the Administration has the widest range
of tools to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives in Egypt, including
with respect to human rights. As I have not yet been confirmed, I have
not been a part of the decision-making process on foreign assistance to
Egypt.
If confirmed, I commit to make it a priority to work to secure
tangible progress on human rights in Egypt.
Question. Is the Government of Egypt at risk of default?
Answer. The external shocks of the Covid-19 pandemic and Russia's
invasion of Ukraine resulted in rising food prices that have revealed
deep-seated structural issues with Egypt's economy.
If I am confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress on
Egypt's economic situation after I have been on the ground and able to
assess Egypt's economic outlook.
Question. What issues must be addressed by the Government of Egypt
in order to stabilize their internal security and improve their
economic growth?
Answer. Egypt developed a set of reforms and secured an IMF program
in December 2022 to preserve macroeconomic stability, restore buffers,
and pave the way for inclusive and private-sector-led growth. My
understanding is that Egypt is committed to removing some state control
from the economy and transitioning to a flexible exchange rate.
I understand the United States was supportive of Egypt securing its
IMF program and continues to encourage Egypt to fully implement the
needed reforms, including by liberalizing the exchange rate and
continuing to privatize state-owned enterprises.
If confirmed, I will work with Egypt to implement its reform plan.
Question. What is President Sisi's vision for the future and top
priorities?
Answer. The Administration has an affirmative vision for the Middle
East and North Africa demonstrating our commitment to work with our
partners, including with Egypt, to bring about the positive changes we
all hope to see as we build a stable, more prosperous region.
Egypt is an important strategic partner. If confirmed, one of my
top priorities will be to align our countries' approaches on U.S.
national security interests, such as support for Ukraine, regional
security and integration, and great power competition.
Question. How would you characterize the current state of religious
freedom, freedom of speech, right to assembly, and the rule of law in
Egypt?
Answer. I understand Egypt has a long tradition of religious
coexistence and has made some improvements on this front, including
reducing obstacles to church building and registration and reforming
educational curricula to stress religious tolerance. If confirmed, I
hope to continue the U.S. Embassy's regular engagement with diverse
Egyptian religious leaders and encourage improvements to Egypt's
treatment of religious minorities.
There is no doubt of the need for significant progress more broadly
on human rights in Egypt, and if confirmed, promoting tangible progress
on human rights, including religious freedom, and good governance, will
be among my highest priorities. I have demonstrated in my previous
roles that we can secure concrete improvements on human rights even as
we pursue other U.S. national security goals, and if confirmed, I will
approach human rights challenges in Egypt similarly.
Question. What is your assessment of the current Egyptian judicial
system?
Answer. The Department's annual Human Rights Report for Egypt
details a number of serious concerns about Egypt's judicial system. I
understand that the State Department continues to urge Egypt to address
these significant human rights concerns relating to its judicial
system, including by releasing political prisoners, halting new
politically motivated arrests, and implementing reforms to pre-trial
detention. If confirmed, I commit to making tangible human rights
improvements among my top priorities.
Question. What actions has the Egyptian Government and judicial
system taken to end mass trials and sentencing?
Answer. In 2022, the Government of Egypt began the release of
hundreds of prisoners, established the Presidential Pardon Committee,
and launched a national political dialogue that is expected to address
pre-trial detention reform, among other political, social, and economic
issues.
At the same time, I understand that politically motivated arrests
continue and outpace releases, which is of serious concern. Egypt also
has yet to make much-needed structural reforms to protect human rights,
including reforms to pre-trial detention, and does not allow civil
society to operate freely and independently. If confirmed, I commit to
making support for these tangible human rights improvements among my
top priorities.
Question. What actions would you take to address the continued use
of mass trials and sentencing in Egypt?
Answer. This Administration has made human rights a priority in
U.S. foreign policy, including with Egypt. I understand the scope of
the problem of political prisoners in Egypt is vast, and much work
remains to be done. I understand some releases have taken place due in
part to sustained U.S. engagement on this issue. If confirmed, I commit
to make human rights among my top priorities in my engagement with the
Egyptian Government and to press for concrete reforms to improve
protections for human rights, including by releasing political
prisoners and implementing reforms to pre-trial detention. I also
commit to engage regularly with Egyptian human rights defenders and
other civil society; and to consult with Congress on these important
issues.
Question. Will Egypt joining BRICS affect their relationship with
the U.S.? If so, how?
Answer. The United States has reiterated our belief that all
countries may choose the countries and groupings they associate with.
However, it is important for countries, including Egypt, to assess
whether a grouping embodies compatible values, whether it destabilizes
or enhances global security, and whether it advances the common good or
narrow agendas.
Question. What is the most significant impact of Egypt joining
BRICS?
Answer. The United States will continue to work closely with all of
our partners, including those that are members of BRICS and those who
have received invitations. While we have no formal association with
BRICS as a grouping, we will continue to work with existing and
aspiring BRICS members in bilateral, regional, and multilateral fora to
strengthen our shared prosperity and uphold global values.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa Garg by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. How do you intend to navigate in this environment in
Egypt? What can be done specifically?
Answer. This is a heartbreaking human tragedy playing out due to
Hamas' brutality. I hope to have active engagement with the Arabic
speaking media in order to get the USG message across, if confirmed.
I understand that Egypt, the first Arab country to sign a peace
treaty with Israel, remains committed to a two-state solution. If
confirmed as Ambassador, I would support Egypt in continuing to play a
positive role, including the critical support it is offering now during
the conflict.
If confirmed, it will be my priority to leverage our relationship
with Egypt to support delivery of humanitarian aid to civilians in need
in Gaza and secure the safe departure of American citizens, including
hostages, from Gaza.
follow-up questions
In a previous round of QFRs, I asked you whether you believe
that it is an appropriate use of American diplomatic resources
to pressure Egypt in order to secure the release of Salah
Soltan. In questioning we had discussed that he is not a U.S.
citizen. You answered that the Department of State has ``raised
Mr. Soltan's case with Egyptian authorities'' and ``has
encouraged the Government of Egypt to provide Soltan with
medical care,'' neither of which answer my questions.
I also asked if you had evaluated a video of Soltan speaking
at a 2013 Muslim Brotherhood rally, at which he appears to have
administered a so-called ``martyrs' oath'' to supporters, and
if so whether you considered his speech to be incitement to
violence. You answered ``I was not aware of videos relating to
Rabaa square. If confirmed, I will investigate further.''
Soltan's case has repeatedly been raised by the United States
in the context of the U.S.-Israel relationship, and if
confirmed you would be expected to conduct diplomacy in that
context, and so it is important that these questions are
addressed before you are confirmed. The video can be viewed at
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Eb7kK1XzxZY.
Question. Do you believe it is an appropriate use of American
diplomatic resources to pressure Egypt in order to secure
Soltan's release?
Answer. From my understanding of the issue, the U.S.
Government has not pressured Egypt in order to secure Mr.
Soltan's release. I understand that U.S. officials have
encouraged the Egyptian Government to ensure Mr. Soltan and all
detainees have access to appropriate medical care, and to
rights guaranteed to them under Egyptian and international law.
Question. Do you believe that this sort of anti-Israel media
disinformation undermines American national security interests?
Answer. Ensuring the distribution of accurate information is a
crucial part of mitigating the spread of disinformation. If confirmed,
I would work to ensure the U.S. Embassy in Egypt regularly engages with
our partners on best practices in countering harmful disinformation,
including by building networks of fact-based narrative reporting by
strengthening journalists, local fact checkers, and content creators to
counter information manipulation. The U.S. Government is focused on
countering efforts from malign actors such as Russia, Iran, and foreign
terrorist organizations, among others, which are attempting use this
moment of strife to manipulate information to their advantage and
undermine U.S. interests. If confirmed, I hope to have active
engagement with the Arabic speaking media in order to get the USG
message across.
follow-up question
Question. Please describe the meetings and contexts in which
the State Department ``raised Mr. Soltan's case with Egyptian
authorities,'' including when those meetings occurred and what
the State Department requested.
Answer. As I was not part of any such discussions, I am
unable to speak to specific conversations. As a general matter,
I understand that U.S. officials have encouraged the Egyptian
Government to ensure Mr. Soltan and all detainees have access
to appropriate medical care, and to rights guaranteed to them
under Egyptian and international law.
Salah Soltan is a Muslim Brotherhood leader and hate preacher. He
has called for the eradication of Jews and ``obliterating America,''
which he called it a ``divine law.'' Beginning in summer 2013, Muslim
Brotherhood supporters in Egypt held protests across the country,
including at Rabaa Square. There are credible allegations that Muslim
Brotherhood members tortured opponents at the Rabaa Square protest,
including those documented in an August 2013 Amnesty International
report. There is also video of Soltan administrating what a so-called
``martyrs' oath'' to supporters at the rally (https://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=Eb7kK1XzxZY). The Biden administration has been pressuring
Egypt to release Soltan and has even brought up his case in the context
of withholding assistance from Egypt.
Question. Do you believe it is an appropriate use of American
diplomatic resources to pressure Egypt in order to secure Soltan's
release?
Answer. I viewed the video you referenced and join you in
condemning his antisemitic comments. The Administration supports
further strengthening the United States' strategic partnership with
Egypt while seeking tangible improvements by the Government of Egypt on
human rights. In that context, the Department of State has raised Mr.
Soltan's case with Egyptian authorities, as well as on a humanitarian
basis. I understand the Department of State has encouraged the
Government of Egypt to ensure all detainees, including Mr. Soltan, have
access to appropriate medical care, the ability to meet with family
members and lawyers, to rights guaranteed to them under Egyptian law,
and to treat these detainees consistent with Egypt's human rights
obligations and commitments.
follow-up question
Question. What is your understanding of Mr. Soltan's
citizenship status? Is it the State Department's understanding
that he is a citizen or legal permanent resident?
Answer. I understand he was a Legal Permanent Resident at the
time of his detention. I would have to defer to the Department
of Homeland Security for specific information on his
immigration status.
Question. Does the United States Government assess that Muslim
Brotherhood supporters tortured political opponents at Rabaa Square?
Answer. The Department of State's annual human rights report states
that on August 14, 2013, the Ministry of Interior forces supported by
military units used lethal force to disperse large Muslim Brotherhood
(MB)-organized sit-ins at Rabaa al-Adawiya Square in Cairo and Nahda
Square in Giza. The interim government justified its actions with
accusations that sit-in participants possessed weapons, committed acts
of violence, including torture, and interfered with transportation and
commerce. The Justice Ministry's Forensic Medical Authority stated that
11 bodies found on August 14 at the Rabaa al-Adawiya and Nahda Square
sit-in sites bore signs of torture. Domestic media reported that Morsy
supporters tortured at least 10 persons, including a policeman and a
soldier, at the sit-ins.
follow-up question
Question. Have you evaluated Soltan's 2013 speech in Rabaa
Square? If not, why not?
Answer. Yes, I have evaluated the video clip that you sent
me.
Question. What documentation does the United States have relating
to allegations of torture at Rabaa Square?
Answer. According to the Department of State's 2013 Human Rights
Report, the Justice Ministry's Forensic Medical Authority stated that
11 bodies found on August 14 at the Rabaa al-Adawiya and Nahda Square
sit-in sites bore signs of torture. Domestic media reported that Morsy
supporters tortured at least 10 persons, including a policeman and a
soldier, at the sit-ins.
follow-up question
Question. If you have evaluated the speech, please transmit
the documentation you reviewed, including English-language
translations.
Answer. Yes, I have evaluated the video clip that you sent
me, in the original language.
Question. Have you evaluated Soltan's 2013 speech in Rabaa Square?
If not, why not? If so, please transmit the documentation you reviewed,
including English-language translations.
Answer. I viewed his interview that aired on al-Aqsa TV on March
31, 2010. I was not aware of videos relating to Rabaa square. If
confirmed, I will investigate further.
Question. In your judgment, does Soltan's 2013 speech in Rabaa
Square constitute incitement to violence?
Answer. It is my understanding the 2014 Egyptian constitution says
that ``discrimination and incitement of hatred is a crime punished by
law.'' I find Salah Soltan's antisemitic comments abhorrent, and
strongly condemn such displays of antisemitism. If confirmed, I would
investigate this issue further and be happy to provide a briefing.
follow-up question
Question. In your judgment, does Soltan's 2013 speech in
Rabaa Square constitute incitement to violence?
Answer. I strongly condemn any language calling for violence.
I find it abhorrent. I am not in a position to offer a specific
legal judgment on whether this speech constitutes incitement to
violence.
Question. In your judgment, does Soltan's 2013 speech in Rabaa
Square constitute incitement to violence under your understanding of
Egyptian law?
Answer. I have not assessed the content of Soltan's 2013 speech in
Rabaa Square. I find Salah Soltan's antisemitic comments abhorrent, and
I strongly condemn antisemitism. If confirmed, I would investigate
further and be happy to provide a briefing.
follow-up question
Question. In your judgment, does Soltan's 2013 speech in
Rabaa Square constitute incitement to violence under your
understanding of Egyptian law?
Answer. I do not have expertise in Egyptian law regarding
such matters.
__________
A Statement Submitted by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin with a Letter
Written by Salah el Deen Soltan to his Grandson Salah Binyameen
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:06 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Brian Schatz
presiding.
Present: Senators Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Schatz
[presiding], Young, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN SCHATZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM HAWAII
Senator Schatz. All right. Now that Senator Booker is here
we can all start.
[Laughter.]
Senator Schatz. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
We are here today to consider six key nominations on two
separate panels. I am honored to serve as Chair for this
hearing and I am pleased to be joined by my friend from
Tennessee Senator Hagerty.
There are few responsibilities as important as confirming
nominees to represent the United States on matters of foreign
policy and national security.
That is especially true given the backlog of nominees that
must be confirmed for our government to work at full strength
and to pursue our interests and our values around the world.
Currently there are 36 nominees on the floor who are
awaiting confirmation and another 20 pending in committee. I
cannot overstate how important it is to get these vacancies
filled as soon as possible.
Our first panel will consider the nominations of Mr.
Jeffrey Prescott to be the United States representative to the
United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture, the Honorable
Charlie Crist to be the United States Representative on the
Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization, and
the Honorable Sean Patrick Maloney to be the U.S.
representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development.
Congratulations to all of you. You are all qualified for
the positions for which you have been nominated and we thank
you for your continuing service to the country, especially at
this challenging time.
We also want to thank--sincerely thank the families who in
many ways serve as well. When you have an opportunity to
address the committee momentarily for your opening statements
we would welcome for you to introduce your families.
First on the panel is Mr. Jeffrey Prescott who, if
confirmed, will serve as the U.S. representative to the U.N.'s
Agency for Food and Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador.
Mr. Prescott currently serves as the deputy to the U.S.
Ambassador at the United Nations. He previously served as
Special Assistant to the President and senior director for
Iran, Iraq, Syria, and the Gulf States on the National Security
Council during the Obama administration.
He also served then as Vice President Biden's deputy
national security adviser and his senior advisor for China and
Asia.
The U.S. representative to the United Nations Agency for
Food and Agriculture is a critical position. The global hunger
crisis is getting worse particularly in the aftermath of the
pandemic with more than 700 million people around the world
facing chronic hunger.
It is clear we have a lot of work to do to reach the second
U.N. Sustainable Development Goal of ending global hunger by
2030 and we need this vacancy filled for the United States to
remain a leader in the global fight against hunger.
Mr. Prescott is well qualified for this position and I have
here a letter from members of his White House Fellows class
supporting his nomination.
Without objection, I would like to enter this into the
record.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
hearing transcript.]
Senator Schatz. Next we have the Honorable Charlie Crist,
who has a wealth of public service experience including serving
as Florida's 44th Governor, as the state's attorney general,
and education commissioner.
He most recently served in the U.S. House of
Representatives for Florida's 13th District from 2016 to 2022.
If confirmed Mr. Crist will serve as the U.S. Representative on
the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization
(ICAO) with the rank of Ambassador.
ICAO covers a wide range of issues necessary to
facilitating safe air travel around the world including setting
global standards for navigation, communication, airline safety,
and mapping out airspace jurisdiction and establishing free
range airspace over oceans and seas.
We also are pleased to have Mr. Sean Patrick Maloney, who
has spent much of his life devoted to public service, most
recently representing the 18th District of New York.
If confirmed he will serve as the U.S. Representative to
the OECD with the rank of Ambassador. OECD is a unique forum
where the Governments of 37 democracies with market-based
economies collaborate to develop policy standards to promote
sustainable economic growth.
OECD member countries account for three-fifths of the
world's GDP, three-quarters of the world's trade, and over 90
percent of the global official development assistance, and half
of the world's energy consumption.
We must fill this vacancy so that we can more effectively
advance our shared interests and values. The positions for
which you have all been nominated are highly important, each
requiring extensive skills and experience. Once again, I thank
you for your willingness to serve and yield to the vice Chair,
Senator Hagerty.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
thank all the nominees for appearing before this committee
today.
It is an enormous honor to be nominated for this position
and I think you will have the opportunity if you are confirmed
to represent the most exceptional nation in the world. I hope
you will always remember that. It is truly an honor.
I would like to start with the nominee to be U.S.
Representative to the United Nations Agencies for Food and
Agriculture (UNFAO). UNFAO works to eradicate hunger, promote
sustainable agriculture, and ensure food security worldwide.
U.S. agriculture has historically contributed significantly
to our net balance of payments and we usually run an
agricultural trade surplus. Yet, in 2023 USDA forecast a $90
billion agricultural trade deficit and an even more significant
trade deficit in 2024.
I look forward to hearing from the nominee how UNFAO is
addressing the way tariffs and nontariff barriers might be
hindering agricultural trade.
I would like to turn to the nominee to be U.S.
Representative the Council of the International Civil Aviation
Organization.
This organization is responsible for developing policies
and standards, undertaking compliance audits, performing
studies and analyses and providing assistance and building
aviation capacity with the cooperation of its members and
stakeholders.
With the goal of improving overall aviation safety and
development, I look forward to hearing from the nominee on his
areas of concern and his perspective on the major U.S. interest
that he hopes to advance in the ICAO.
Finally, I would like to turn to the nominee to be U.S.
Ambassador to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development. The OECD was established in 1961 as an
international organization comprised of countries committed to
democracy and the market economy.
The OECD provides the primary global forum for negotiating
agreements on tax policies. It is where the United States has
opportunities to advocate for its priorities.
It is important that the United States continue to have
strong representation at the OECD to help shape and direct
policy issues that advance U.S. national interest.
To the nominees again, thank you for serving our nation and
for answering the questions from our committee today. I look
forward to hearing your testimony.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back to you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
And I will now turn to Senator Booker to introduce one of
the panelists.
STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Booker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I am honored to be here but a little bit begrudgingly
because I have known Mr. Prescott for 30 years and for 30 years
I have been terribly jealous of him.
We met each other at Yale Law School where he was clearly
more intellectually gifted than me. We both wanted to make a
difference in the world, but I quickly stumbled or descended
into the world of politics while he rose to the higher calling
of focusing on national security.
And, finally, if you look behind him--he has a beautiful
family here. So I am a little bit here begrudgingly but I will
try to give the truth and nothing but the truth.
At Yale there were a lot of really smart people but as Mark
Twain said you never confuse your education with your
schooling. This is a man whose education was rooted in the idea
that it is to be used to make the world a better place.
He has been committed and has had a character of commitment
to serving others, especially the world's most vulnerable. If
you look at his career, do not judge a person by what they say
but look at their continuous, unbroken track record of making a
difference in the lives of other people.
Jeff began his public service journey actually as a
nonpartisan White House Fellow and continued quickly. When
people recognized his talent, skill, acumen, and heart he began
to have senior roles in the White House, National Security
Council, and Department of State.
Recently he has been working as deputy to our U.N.
Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield. Linda has called me
multiple times. I think she is one step short of a TRO in
telling me how great Jeff is and has been at her job.
She says quite clearly he walks the walk and he has been
making a significant difference on behalf of the United States
and the United States agenda as well as other nations in the
world on a range of critical issues affecting national security
and global security.
I will say that I am very pleased that he is now focusing
on an issue that is dear to my heart and a major focus of my
office, which is food security.
Jeff at the helm, alongside Ambassador Linda Thomas-
Greenfield, have been leading in the formulation of the U.S.
response on every food security and humanitarian crisis over
the last three years.
He has worked to isolate Russia in the U.N. Security
Council following Putin's invasion of Ukraine, marshaled a
global humanitarian response to the war and its consequences
and worked with others to take every measure possible to
maintain the flow of Ukrainian grain to the world.
He is really one of those behind the scenes actors who is a
humble hero on the world stage. He fought to keep a key
lifeline open to the Syrian people and worked tirelessly to
avert famine in Ethiopia.
Jeff has also organized summits to bring together world
leaders to galvanize action to address the unprecedented
magnitude of the global hunger crisis.
For as long as I have known this man I know his heart, I
know his head, and I see every single day that his ambition is
not for personal fame. It is not for some partisan agenda.
His ambition is about his moral compass, which is always
pointed towards service, love of country. It is not just
putting your hand on your heart; it is reaching out your hand
to others and he has demonstrated that.
He has never been interested in pushing a party agenda or
in some way delving into the divisiveness of this nation. He
believes we share common values and he does not preach that, he
demonstrates it.
Jeff's character and expertise make him the right person
for this role at a critical time. As we all know, up to 10
percent of the world's population goes to bed hungry each
night. We do not have time to waste. We need a man of his
character and commitment in this position.
I am thrilled to see Jeff nominated. I am jealous that he
continues to show such distinction in his career and challenge
me. I have got work to do to keep up.
But I am grateful at this moment to be sitting next to a
person that for 30 years I have admired, I have been grateful
for, and now even more so I am thankful that he has a chance to
serve our nation in this role.
I urge colleagues on both sides of the aisle to please
support his nomination.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Senator Booker.
We will now begin with the testimony of the nominees
beginning with Mr. Prescott and, please, if you can confine
your remarks to five minutes.
Mr. Prescott, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF JEFFREY PRESCOTT, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONS
AGENCIES FOR FOOD AND AGRICULTURE, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Prescott. Well, thank you, Chairman Schatz, Ranking
Member Hagerty, distinguished members of the committee, and
thank you, Senator Booker, for that very generous introduction
and for your friendship over many years.
I really am grateful for the opportunity to appear before
you today. I am also grateful to President Biden for his trust,
to Secretary Blinken and Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their
partnership over many years, and I want to thank my colleagues
across the U.S. mission to the U.N. and the State Department
for their dedicated service day in and day out.
I owe my deepest debt of gratitude to my family. When I
arrived in Washington in 2010 as a White House Fellow I
expected to serve just a few short months. I have been honored
to continue that service over the last decade including now as
deputy to Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield.
With this privilege comes sacrifice and I am grateful to my
family for helping bear the burden. That includes my mother
Barbara Blackburn and stepfather Ed Blackburn watching from
their home in North Carolina.
But I would not be here before you today without those
sitting behind me, my wife Susan Jakes and my daughters Amalia
and Phoebe. Thank you. Thank you for your love and support on
this day and every day as you inspire me and make possible my
continued service to our country.
This is as complex and consequential a moment in the world
as any we have faced. We are in a geopolitical competition to
shape the future of the international order and we are
grappling with intractable global challenges that cross
borders.
Food security sits at the intersection of these two great
strategic challenges. The world is facing an unprecedented
global food security crisis.
Mr. Chairman, you just mentioned that there are more than
700 million people around the world suffering from hunger, a
crisis fueled by compounding factors--by the pandemic, by
drought and other climate shocks, and critically, by conflict.
Russia's brutal, unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has
worsened an already profound challenge, driving increases in
hunger and extreme poverty worldwide. Additional conflicts and
crises across the Middle East, Africa, the Western Hemisphere,
and Asia are further straining the global humanitarian system.
Over nearly three years I have advanced the Biden
administration's use of every tool available to confront these
crises, working with Secretary Blinken and Ambassador Thomas-
Greenfield to bring food security to the forefront of the
agenda of the United Nations.
We mobilized more than a hundred countries around a common
roadmap and convened a global food security summit. More
recently, I traveled with Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield to the
Chad-Sudan border to galvanize action to provide life-saving
relief and to hold accountable those responsible for the
suffering. If confirmed I would seek to focus on three top
priorities.
First, to ensure that we use taxpayer dollars as
effectively and efficiently as possible in international
institutions. The bipartisan support that makes America the
most generous donor to the U.N. system depends on transparency
and accountability and budget discipline.
If confirmed I will be your partner in fighting to maintain
integrity, promote U.S. values and uphold good governance.
Second, even as America has stepped up, a testament to the
leadership of this committee and your colleagues, our efforts
alone are not sufficient.
If confirmed I will seek to leverage the private sector in
responding to emergencies and building resilience, to engage
nontraditional donors, and to establish new innovative sources
of support.
I believe we should strengthen partnerships with American
farmers in our work around the world. American farming is the
gold standard to your point, Senator Hagerty, and I would be
honored to connect my early experience growing up in Kansas and
working summers on a Texas farm to this role.
Our farmers not only have the power to share their yields
with markets all over the world, especially where there is a
level playing field, but also the capacity to share best
practices around science and technology to teach people to
better feed themselves.
Third, we have an imperative to advance American interests
and values in the face of unrelenting efforts of our
competitors. After all, great power competition does not end at
the U.N.'s front door, certainly not from the perspective of
our adversaries.
I have a deep expertise and clear-eyed understanding of the
challenge posed by China and, if confirmed, I would vigorously
engage in this intense competition.
Finally, I am humbled that if confirmed I would follow
distinguished former U.S. Ambassadors in this role. That
certainly includes Ambassador Cindy McCain, who held this
position before assuming leadership of the World Food Programme
last April.
I have benefited from close consultations with many other
leaders in this field, including Ambassador McCain's
predecessor at the World Food Programme, Governor David
Beasley.
I understand the critical responsibility that this
committee and Congress as a whole has on these issues and if
confirmed would seek to partner closely with you and your
staff.
There has never been a more important time for U.S.
leadership on the global stage and I would be honored to serve
the American people.
Thank you, and look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Prescott follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jeffrey Prescott
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, distinguished members of
the committee: thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today.
I am grateful to President Biden for his trust, and to Secretary
Blinken and Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their partnership over
many years. I want to thank my colleagues across the U.S. Mission and
the State Department for their dedicated service, day in and day out,
on behalf of the American people.
I owe my deepest debt of gratitude to my family. When I arrived in
Washington in 2010 as a White House Fellow, I expected to serve just a
few short months. I have been honored to continue that service over the
last decade, including now as deputy to Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield.
With this privilege comes sacrifice, and I am grateful to my family for
helping bear the burden. That includes my mother, Barbara Blackburn,
and stepfather, Ed Blackburn, watching from their home in North
Carolina. But I would not be before you today without those sitting
behind me: my wife, Susan Jakes, and my daughters, Amalia and Phoebe.
Thank you for your love and support on this day, and every day, as you
inspire me and make possible my continued service to our country.
This is as complex and consequential a moment in the world as any
we have faced. We are in a geopolitical competition to shape the future
of the international order. And we are grappling with intractable
global challenges that cross borders.
Food security sits at the intersection of these two great strategic
challenges. As the members of this committee know well, the world is
facing an unprecedented global food security crisis, with approximately
735 million people around the world suffering from hunger. This is a
crisis fueled by compounding factors: by the pandemic, by drought and
other climate shocks, and, critically, by conflict.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine has worsened an already profound
challenge, driving increases in hunger and extreme poverty. Ukrainian
farmers that should be cultivating some of world's most productive
farmlands are instead defending their homeland as Russia destroys
fields and ports. Additional conflicts and crises, across the Middle
East, Africa, the Western Hemisphere, and Asia are further straining
the global humanitarian system.
Over nearly three years, I have advanced the Biden administration's
use of every tool available to confront these crises, working with
Secretary Blinken and Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield to bring food
security to the forefront of the agenda of the United Nations. We
mobilized more than 100 countries around a common roadmap, convened a
Global Food Security Summit, and rallied countries to end the use of
food as a weapon of war. More recently, I traveled with Ambassador
Thomas-Greenfield to the Chad-Sudan border to galvanize action to
provide life-saving relief and to hold accountable those responsible
for the suffering.
Building on my own record, if confirmed, I would seek to focus on
three top priorities.
First, to ensure we use taxpayer dollars as effectively and
efficiently as possible in international institutions. The bipartisan
support that makes America the most generous donor to the U.N. system
depends on transparency and accountability, and budget discipline. If
confirmed, I will be your partner in fighting to maintain integrity,
promote U.S. values, and uphold good governance.
Second, even as America has stepped up--a testament to this
committee and your colleagues across the Congress--our efforts alone
are not sufficient to match the scale. If confirmed, I will seek to
expand opportunities to leverage the private sector in responding to
emergencies and building resilience, to engage non-traditional donors
to share the burden, and to establish new, innovative sources of
support.
I believe we should strengthen partnerships with American farmers
in our work on agriculture and hunger around the world. American
farming is the gold standard, and I'd be honored to connect my early
experiences growing up in Kansas and working summers on a Texas farm to
this role. Our farmers not only have the power to share their yields
with markets all over the world, but also the capacity to share best
practices around science and technology to teach people to better feed
themselves.
Third, we have an imperative to advance American interests and
values in the face of unrelenting efforts of our competitors. After
all, great power competition does not end at the U.N.'s front door,
certainly not from the perspective of our adversaries. I have a deep
expertise and a clear-eyed understanding of the challenge posed by
China and know what it takes to compete. If confirmed, I would
vigorously engage in this intense competition.
Finally, I am humbled that, if confirmed, I would follow
distinguished former U.S. Ambassadors in this role. That certainly
includes Ambassador Cindy McCain, who held this position before
assuming leadership of the World Food Program last April. I have
benefited from close consultations with many other leaders in this
field, including Ambassador McCain's predecessor, Governor David
Beasley.
I understand the critical responsibility that this committee, and
Congress as a whole, has on these issues and, if confirmed, would seek
to partner closely with you and your staff.
There has never been a more important time for U.S. leadership on
global food security, agriculture, and humanitarian issues. If
confirmed, I will be honored to represent the American people to
maintain and expand our global leadership. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Mr. Prescott.
Mr. Maloney, please proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF HON. SEAN PATRICK MALONEY, OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED
TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC COOPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, WITH THE
RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Maloney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Vice
Chair, Senators.
It is an honor to appear as the nominee to be the U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development. I am so grateful to the President and to Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me.
I also want to thank my family, my husband, Randy. We have
been together for 31 years. We have had three children
together, Reinel Jesus, Daley, and Essie. So I want to thank
them for all their love and support, and without it I could not
be sitting before you today.
We do meet against the backdrop of two wars in Europe and
the Middle East on a scale not seen in generations and we meet
amid the rise of authoritarian movements around the world.
Now more than ever we need a values-based organization like
the OECD to demonstrate the benefits that free market
democratic economies can deliver to our citizens.
As President Biden has said, democracy is hard work. The
work of democracy is never finished. It must be protected
constantly and that is why the OECD is and remains so vital.
Its research and convening power provide policymakers the
information necessary to guide our nations through challenging
times and it amplifies our common values.
Authoritarian regimes are trying to tell a story that their
single party systems, command economies, and repressive
security apparatuses deliver the best outcomes for their
people. But we know this story is a dangerous lie.
The OECD provides the objective research to expose that
fiction and demonstrate the true strength and benefits of free
societies.
As Secretary Blinken said, the more we and all democracies
can show the world that we can deliver for our people, for each
other, the more we can refute the lie that authoritarian
countries love to tell.
Now, I come to this role and before this committee with
what I hope is the right mix of knowledge and experience to
advocate for the United States and our policies at the OECD.
I am an attorney by training and served as a partner at two
global law firms. I worked at the White House on the senior
staff as the President's staff secretary. I served as the chief
operating officer of a startup software company focused on risk
management in the energy derivatives markets.
I advised two New York Governors, focusing on improving the
state's public higher education system. Most recently, I served
five terms as a member of the House of Representatives where I
championed legislative initiatives to rebuild our
infrastructure, protect our veterans, strengthen our family
farms, and as member of the Intelligence Committee I worked to
strengthen our national security.
Throughout my tenure I worked closely with members of both
parties to do what was right for the American people and this
same approach will enable me to work with our partners at the
OECD including our friends in labor and the business community
to advance U.S. priorities.
Growing up in a large Irish Catholic family I saw firsthand
the important role that families, small businesses, and our
veterans play in creating good jobs and building a sense of
community.
When I was a kid my dad, a disabled Navy vet, sold
insurance out of a tiny office above the town library. My mom
typed the letters when she was not caring for us six kids,
trying to get us to school and to church on time.
Honoring their hard work and sacrifice has always been
important to me in my public service. Families all over America
need us to engage with the world to protect the peace and
prosperity they depend on.
Modern small town America needs a strong global economy,
open reliable markets, good infrastructure, affordable food and
energy prices, and an educated workforce. If confirmed by the
committee the needs of American families will always be my
priority at the OECD.
So in closing, I cannot help but reflect what my parents
would say if they could see me now. They worked really hard.
They worked so hard for my sister and my brothers to get us
through college and give us the opportunities that they never
had.
So, if confirmed, it will be a great honor to represent and
serve the United States at an international organization that
fosters freedom, economic opportunity, and prosperity for all.
Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Maloney follows:]
Prepared Statement of Sean Patrick Maloney
Thank you, Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty and members of
the committee--it is an honor to appear as the nominee to be the U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me.
I want to thank my family--Randy and our children Jesus, Daley, and
Essie--for the love and support that enables me to sit before you
today.
We meet today against the backdrop of wars in Europe and the Middle
East on a scale not seen in generations, and amid the rise of
authoritarian movements around the world. Now more than ever, we need a
values-based organization like the OECD to demonstrate the benefits
that free market, democratic economies deliver to our citizens.
As President Biden said, ``Democracy is hard work. The work of
democracy is never finished. It must be protected constantly.'' That's
why the OECD is vital. Its research and convening power provide policy
makers the information necessary to guide our nations through
challenging times, and it amplifies our common values.
Authoritarian regimes are trying to tell a story that their single-
party systems, command economies, and repressive security apparatuses
deliver the best outcomes for their people. This story, however, is a
dangerous lie. The OECD provides the objective research to expose that
fiction and demonstrate the strength and benefits of a free society. As
Secretary Blinken said, ``The more we and all democracies can show the
world that we can deliver--for our people, for each other--the more we
can refute the lie that authoritarian countries love to tell.''
I come to this role and before this committee with what I believe
is the right mix of knowledge and experience to advocate for the United
States and our policies at the OECD.
I am an attorney by training and served as a partner at two global
law firms. I worked on the White House senior staff as staff secretary.
I served as chief operating officer of a start-up software company
focused on risk management in the energy derivatives markets. I advised
two New York Governors, focusing on improving the state's public higher
education system. Most recently, I served five terms as a member of the
House of Representatives where I championed legislative initiatives to
rebuild our infrastructure, protect veterans, and strengthen our family
farms. As a member of the Intelligence Committee, I worked to
strengthen our national security. Throughout my tenure, I worked
closely with members of both parties to do what was right for the
American people. This same approach will enable me to work with our
partners at the OECD, including our friends in labor and the business
community, to advance U.S. priorities.
Growing up in a large, Irish-Catholic family, I saw first-hand the
important role that veterans and small businesses play in creating good
jobs and building a sense of community. When I was a kid, my dad, a
disabled Navy vet, sold insurance out of a tiny office above the town
library. My mom typed the letters when she wasn't caring for six of us
kids or getting us to school or church. Honoring their hard work and
sacrifice has always been important to my public service. Families all
over America need us to engage with the world to protect the peace and
prosperity they depend on. Modern small-town America needs a strong
global economy, open/reliable markets, good infrastructure, affordable
food and energy prices, and an educated workforce. If confirmed by the
committee, the needs of American families will always be my primary
concern at the OECD.
In closing, I can't help but reflect on what my parents would say
if they could see me now. They worked so hard to care for my sister and
my brothers, to get us through college and give us the opportunities
they never had. If confirmed, it will be a great honor to represent and
serve the United States at an international organization that fosters
freedom, economic opportunity, and prosperity for all.
Thank you and I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Mr. Maloney.
Mr. Crist, please proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLIE CRIST, OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE COUNCIL
OF THE INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION ORGANIZATION, WITH THE RANK
OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Crist. Thank you very much, Chairman Schatz and Vice
Chair Hagerty, members of the committee. It is my great honor
to be with you today as the President's nominee to become the
U.S. representative on the Council of International Civil
Aviation Organization.
I am grateful that my fiance Chelsea of Minneapolis,
Minnesota is here with me today and I thank her for her
continued love and support. Interestingly, my hometown of St.
Petersburg, Florida, was the site of the very first commercial
flight ever when Tony Jannus flew from St. Petersburg to Tampa
on January 1st, 1914.
Mr. Chairman, I greatly appreciate the opportunity to
appear before this committee and its esteemed membership. I am
humbled by the moment and by the confidence shown in me by the
President and Secretary of State Blinken in submitting this
nomination.
I have a lifelong commitment to public service and would be
honored to continue that commitment in this position. If
confirmed, I would view my role is advocating for the safety
and security of every American who decides to board an
airplane.
Nearly 80 years ago 54 nations gathered in Chicago at the
invitation of the United States to develop an agreement to
promote the safe and peaceful development of civil aviation.
This was a fraught moment as the world was still at war,
and the concept of harmonious global air travel was very much
in doubt. Consider the fact that simply traveling to Chicago by
air for many of the participating countries was an act of
considerable courage in itself.
The resulting Chicago convention was and remains the
landmark agreement guiding the continuous development of civil
aviation as a pillar of the global economy, and while the
International Civil Aviation Organization, or ICAO, may be
unknown to many Americans its purpose and performance are
crucial to U.S. national security and the well being of us all.
In the 80 years since the Chicago convention no nation has
done more than the United States to shape global aviation by
driving innovation and focusing intently on safety and
security.
That leadership has featured a sustained investment in ICAO
as a body intended to cultivate international cooperation and
coordination.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if confirmed it
would be my objective to extend the legacy of U.S. leadership
at ICAO both to continue improving aviation safety and security
and sustainability to address urgent challenges including
aviation's impact on the Earth's climate.
I would also reinforce long-standing U.S. focus on the
culture of reform and accountability at the organization,
working in concert with ICAO leadership, Secretary General Juan
Carlos Salazar and Council President Salvatore as well as
Sciacchitano who have both shown encouraging commitment to
these essential principles.
It is important to note that ICAO is not immune to the risk
posed to international organizations by authoritarian states
such as Russia or that such states have already been hard at
work to undermine the purpose and performance of these bodies.
ICAO can only succeed if it remains aligned with its
intended role and in keeping with its long-standing values.
That role, those values, are threatened when member states
disregard their international commitments as in the case of
Belarus Ryanair forced landing to arrest political dissidents
or Russia's decision to dual register stolen leased aircraft
following its further invasion of Ukraine.
If confirmed I look forward to working with this committee,
the aviation industry, and the community of expert federal
agencies and offices to maximize U.S. impact at ICAO.
Mr. Chairman, the United States' history of leadership at
ICAO is something for which we can all be proud of. It would be
a profound honor to serve in such an important role, and if I
have that good fortune I will serve with a determined focus on
the safety, security, and well being of the American people.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Crist follows:]
Prepared Statement of Governor Charlie Crist
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, members of the committee:
it is my great honor to be with you today as the President's nominee to
become the U.S. Representative on the Council of the International
Civil Aviation Organization.
I am grateful that my fiance, Chelsea Grimes, of Minneapolis,
Minnesota is here with me today. I thank her for her continued love and
support. Interestingly, my hometown of St. Petersburg, Florida, was the
site of the very first commercial flight; when Tony Jannus flew from
St. Petersburg to Tampa, on January 1st, 1914.
Mr. Chairman, I greatly appreciate the opportunity to appear before
this committee and its esteemed membership. I am humbled by the moment,
and by the confidence shown in me by the President and Secretary of
State Blinken in submitting this nomination.
I have a lifelong commitment to public service and would be honored
to continue that commitment in this position. If confirmed, I would
view my role as advocating for the safety and security of every
American who decides to board an airplane.
Nearly 80 years ago, 54 nations gathered in Chicago at the
invitation of the United States to develop an agreement to promote the
safe and peaceful development of civil aviation. This was a fraught
moment, as the world was still at war and the concept of harmonious
global air travel was very much in doubt. Consider the fact that simply
traveling to Chicago by air from many of the participating countries
was an act of considerable courage.
The resulting Chicago Convention was and remains the landmark
agreement guiding the continuous development of civil aviation as a
pillar of the global economy. And while the International Civil
Aviation Organization, or ICAO, may be unknown to many Americans, its
purpose and performance are crucial to U.S. national security and the
wellbeing of us all.
In the 80 years since the Chicago Convention, no nation has done
more than the United States to shape global aviation by driving
innovation and focusing intently on safety and security. That
leadership has featured a sustained investment in ICAO as a body
intended to cultivate international cooperation and coordination.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if confirmed it would be my
objective to extend the legacy of U.S. leadership at ICAO, both to
continue improving aviation safety and security, and sustainability: to
address urgent challenges including aviation's impact on the earth's
climate.
I would also reinforce longstanding U.S. focus on a culture of
reform and accountability at the organization, working in concert with
ICAO leadership--Secretary General Juan Carlos Salazar and Council
President Salvatore Sciacchitano--who have both shown encouraging
commitment to these essential principles.
It is important to note that ICAO is not immune to the risks posed
to international organizations by authoritarian states such as Russia,
or that such states have already been hard at work to undermine the
purpose and performance of these bodies.
ICAO can only succeed if it remains aligned with its intended role
and in keeping with its longstanding values. That role, those values
are threatened when member states disregard their international
commitments, as in the case of the Belarus Ryanair forced landing to
arrest political dissidents, or Russia's decision to dual register
stolen leased aircraft following its further invasion of Ukraine.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee, the
aviation industry, and the community of expert federal agencies and
offices to maximize the U.S. impact at ICAO.
Mr. Chairman, the United States history of leadership at ICAO is
something about which we can all be proud. It would be a profound honor
to serve in such an important role, and if I have that good fortune, I
will serve with a determined focus on the safety, security, and
wellbeing of the American people.
Thank you, and I welcome your questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you all for your testimony. Now we
have a few questions that speak to the importance that this
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
executive branch and we expect and will be seeking from you. I
would ask each of you to just answer yes or no.
If you are confirmed do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
[All nominees answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to keeping this committee
fully and currently informed about activities under your
purview?
[All nominees answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Thank you. Do you commit to engaging in
meaningful consultation while policies are being developed and
not just providing notification after the fact?
[All nominees answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Thank you. Do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
[All nominees answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. We will now begin a
five-minute round of questioning.
Mr. Prescott, the State Department and USAID funding makes
up just over 1 percent of the total federal budget. Of that
humanitarian and development assistance including support for
the activities undertaken by organizations where you would be
representing the United States make up just a fraction of that.
Some believe that is already too much. Can you explain why
it is in United States' interest to support these efforts to
respond to crises around the world?
Mr. Prescott. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I agree that
it is extremely important for us to maintain our tradition--our
bipartisan tradition of leadership on responding to
humanitarian emergencies around the world and stepping up to
help meet the food security needs of people all over the world.
As I mentioned in my testimony, as you mentioned in your
opening, we are at an unprecedented scale of the global hunger
crisis at this moment and the U.S. support for international
institutions including those, if confirmed, I would be
representing the United States before on the world stage helps
address both the urgent hunger crisis that we are facing right
now but also making investments to ensure that we can help
people feed themselves and help people support their own
societies over the long term.
It is important that we invest in resilience and we invest
for the long term in addition to the need to respond to the
immediate. This is important to us because with hunger, with
the breakdown of the social safety net in places around the
world, we see the rise of conflict. We see the flow of
migration. We see challenges across the board.
It is in our national security interests to make these
investments. As you mentioned, it is a very small percentage of
the investments that we make to our national security around
the world and it is important that we strengthen them, going
forward.
If I may just say one more thing, Mr. Chairman. I do think
it is important that we connect with the work that we do
bilaterally around the world through our agencies--USAID, the
State Department, other U.S. agencies--and the work of these
international institutions and if confirmed I would like to
make sure that those investments that we are making around the
world are done in coordination and that we are maximizing the
efficiency and effectiveness of the U.S. taxpayer dollar that
is going to help protect our security in these critical issues.
Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, and I think you said it exactly
right. Hunger equals instability equals risk to us, and there
are moral reasons for us to stay engaged and to reduce the
number of people who go to bed hungry every day. But even if
that is not driving you it is certainly in our national
security interest.
Mr. Maloney, the Biden administration announced plans to
expand the U.S. Pacific Islands Infrastructure Initiative to
provide more than $28 million to support secure, sustainable,
and resilient infrastructure in the Pacific.
How would you work through the OECD to support our
strategic development goals in the Pacific?
Mr. Maloney. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I know this
is an issue of real concern to you. I think the OECD is such an
excellent forum for--as a values-based organization, as a group
of like-minded nations, to provide something exciting and
positive for countries around the world to look to in the area
of developing their infrastructure and, of course, one way to
look at that would be as a counter to the Chinese efforts with
One Belt One Road but really at its core it is about creating
opportunities--better opportunities for international financing
for the private sector to really get in the game in an area
where there is so much need for infrastructure. And, of course,
resiliency particularly in the Pacific Area will be so critical
as we go forward.
So it is really a win-win if we get organized properly and
the OECD is an excellent forum as a group of like-minded
countries to--through initiatives like the Blue Dot Network and
others to really corral and organize international financing
around better infrastructure investments and hopefully ones
that do not come with a lot of the downsides that perhaps other
opportunities from other sources do.
I should point out that my work in the private sector as a
partner at Kirkland & Ellis focused on deploying private
capital to infrastructure. So it is an area I am very excited
to work with the committee on as we go forward.
Senator Schatz. Thank you. And just one final comment on
that as I have interacted with Pacific Island leaders.
Two thoughts. One is that they understand that there is a
competition between the United States and China but they do not
want to be viewed as instruments in that competition.
They may have a view but they are they--and they may be
small but they are sovereigns and I think that we have done a
better job over the last couple of years of being physically
present but also understanding that to the extent that
Secretary Blinken says friends, allies, partners, it starts
with friendship.
It starts with a personal relationship. It starts with
physical presence in the region and not just viewing these
places as a possible location for a base or an installation or
a carrier.
And so to the extent that we can cultivate those
relationships I think it inures to our strategy as it relates
to China but that has to be a secondary benefit to a friendship
that is real.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Mr. Chairman, I might just stay on this
topic that you have raised.
Mr. Maloney, we will start with you and share a personal
story if I might because it goes right to the point that our
Chairman raised.
In my previous position I served as U.S. Ambassador to
Japan. One day I happened to be reading the Nikkei Asia and I
saw that the South Korean shipbuilder that was managing Subic
Bay was in bankruptcy. There were two bidders. Both of the
names sounded suspicious to me. I had my team check on it.
It turned out they were both related to the CCP and the
Chinese interests there were very real. It took some work. I
picked up the phone. I called the Secretary of the Navy.
I asked him if he wanted to be the Secretary of the Navy
that got Subic Bay back for America or did he want to be the
Secretary of the Navy that let it go to China.
I reached out to DFC, the components of that at the time. I
reached out to a private equity firm in the United States to
get their help.
The private equity firm wound up running the process. We
got the Chinese bidders moved aside and went to the Japanese.
They helped us put the financing together through their
Development Finance Corporation to buy the land around it.
Our DFC could never get the deal done, and it is something
that is very close and personal to me. We need to be able to
make these institutions work.
I signed, on behalf the United States, the partnership with
JBIC--that is the Japanese version--OPIC and the Australian
counterpart. That was the beginning of the Blue Dot Network.
The Blue Dot Network is now residing or being incubated inside
the OECD and the standards for certification are going to be
built there.
I want to get your thoughts, Mr. Maloney, on how you will
drive this and how we will make certain that our interests are
maintained and moved forward.
Mr. Maloney. Well, thank you, Senator, and thank you for
your work on this. Obviously, with your experience in the
private sector and in Asia you are in an excellent position to
understand how critical it is.
Look, I believe that the Blue Dot Network is an excellent
beginning but it is just the beginning, and as you know there
is so much potential in this area, and the scale of our efforts
need to match those of other countries around the world,
especially the Chinese, and that I think is the challenge going
forward.
It is a good start. It is the right track we are on. But I
will certainly be eager to work with you to accelerate our
efforts, to make them more effective, and to scale them
properly so that these represent real opportunities to get
projects done because, as you know, that is the bottom line.
People need what they need to grow their economies, serve
their citizens, and as with 5G and other areas where we have to
have something to offer, not just something to oppose, I think
there is real opportunity here.
And as you know, there is so much capital sitting on the
sidelines eager to match its long-term liabilities to these,
perhaps, lower returns but stable, effective returns that
infrastructure can bring.
But you need to rationalize it, you need to reduce the
political risk, you need to make the deal flow better, and I
believe those are real opportunities and enjoy bipartisan
support.
So it is a real opportunity to do something positive.
Senator Hagerty. I would encourage you, particularly given
your experience at Kirkland & Ellis where I have in my private
sector career spent a lot of money with your firm.
[Laughter.]
Senator Hagerty. But you have access to talent that I think
can be very, very helpful here. I would encourage you to build
a network. I would be happy to help you with that, to advise in
this. But there is a real urgency here. We need to make this
work, we need to broaden it, and we need the toolkit that we do
not have alone.
We have got to have partners in the private equity arena
whom you know, I am sure. We have got to have partners that can
provide every aspect of the capital stack to make us
competitive in this arena because our competition does not have
the sort of limitations we have.
And so I would encourage you to take utmost speed and
urgency as you take a very hard look at this and I hope you
will prioritize it at the top of your list if confirmed.
Mr. Maloney. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
Mr. Prescott, I will turn to you for a moment to talk about
the trade deficits that have emerged in agriculture. I was
really surprised. In fact, I never thought in my lifetime I
would find us become a net importer of food.
Are there tariff or nontariff barriers that are making this
situation worse? What are your thoughts on addressing it?
Mr. Prescott. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I agree with you completely that we need to take a very
hard look at this. Part of what this role would require, if
confirmed, is representing the best of America on the world
stage.
That means the American farmer and that means American
agriculture, and these institutions--these international
institutions play a role in setting the rules of the road,
setting standards, and in some cases setting the technical
standards that our farmers need to abide by to get their goods
to the market.
We have a stake in making sure that those rules are fair,
that the highest levels of science and technology are
incorporated into those rules.
We have got to fight for our interests in these
institutions and if confirmed that is where I would put my
focus and I think there will be real opportunities to work. I
hope there will be real opportunities, if confirmed, to work
with you, work with other members of this committee and the
Congress to make that happen.
Senator Hagerty. It is no surprise to you that the
agricultural elements of trade negotiations are the toughest
and having the scar tissue from being involved in the U.S.-
Japan trade deal negotiations I can tell you it is tough but it
is absolutely critical.
So thank you for focusing on this.
Mr. Prescott. Thank you very much, and I hope, if
confirmed, I have an opportunity to sit with you and get your
advice and wisdom about how best to go about that in this role.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
the nominees. I particularly am happy to see my friend Governor
Crist here.
We were Governors together and we have each had a number of
different chapters in public life and we seem to braid back and
forth together. It is good to see you here at the committee
hearing.
Representative Maloney, I want to talk about two items with
the OECD. First, if you look at the OECD list of nations--I
guess 38 nations--it is a fascinating list. Big nations--you
know, the United States, Mexico, Iceland, fewer than 400,000
people.
One of the things that is very notable, though, about the
list is that there is one continent that does not have an OECD
member and that is the continent of Africa.
The North and South America, yes. Europe, yes. Asia, yes.
Australia, of course. I guess Antarctica does not have a
membership. So there is there is two continents.
But the fact that Africa does not have a member I think is
something that sends a message about the OECD, and if an
Iceland with 400,000 or a Luxembourg with 600,000 can be an
OECD member along with large countries then I would just hope
that you might consider with your colleagues, first, nations
have to want to be a member and they have to meet standards.
But it would really send a different message about the OECD
if there were members of the OECD from all continents. So I am
just going to state that as something I might hope to see
during the time I am in the Senate.
The second thing I want to ask you about now is that OECD
has an anti-bribery convention and it went into effect in 1999,
more than 20 years ago, legally established binding standards
to criminalize bribery of foreign public officials and
international business transactions.
The 38 members and the seven--seven other non-OECD
countries have embraced the OECD convention. Despite the fact
that the convention has been in place for a long time domestic
enforcement has been pretty uneven.
The OECD Working Group on Bribery's annual report in 2022
indicates that 18 of the 44 members have yet to conclude a
single foreign bribery case even 20 years after its initiation.
Many member states have yet to implement recommendations
for critical anti-bribery reforms. What might be done through
the OECD to strengthen compliance with the anti-bribery
convention?
Mr. Maloney. Well, thank you for your question, Senator,
and thank you for pointing out that the OECD, like all of our
multilateral organizations, needs to be inclusive of all the
peoples of the world, of course, keeping with our values and
standards that are the pride of that organization.
Look, on the anti-bribery convention as you know the United
States led with our values in the 1970s on the Foreign Corrupt
Practices Act and if ever there was an example of where that
farsightedness has paid off it has been in setting that example
of how what initially seemed like it might disadvantage our
companies has in fact gone a long way to create exactly the
kind of climate where American investment opportunities are
maximized and that has to be the argument for countries that
are perhaps lagging in some respects on their commitments to
the convention.
Look, our argument is not do it for us. Our argument is do
it for you--that your societies, your economies, will grow and
be strengthened just as ours had by holding ourselves to higher
standards and the OECD is a fantastic venue for that because
you have got critical mass. As you know, it is two-thirds of
the world's economy.
And so like many things in politics and in life it is about
focus and emphasis and effort and I do think we just need to
keep at that hard work. But the primary argument is that this
is for your benefit as much as much as anything.
And I think that also should guide our efforts at accession
as we move forward. We need to balance carefully our desire to
grow any organization with an adherence to those core
principles, and I do think that is why the collection of data
and research that the OECD excels in is so valuable because it
really does create that kind of transparency and shine a light
on where we are succeeding and where we have more work to do.
Senator Kaine. Great. I appreciate that.
Governor Crist, I was struck by some of the positives
coming out of the dialogue between President Biden and
President Xi yesterday--Premier Xi--and particularly in the
reduction of fentanyl, the resumption of better communication
in mil-to-mil communication, which is so important.
Communication and engagement guarantees nothing, but the
absence of communication and engagement usually guarantees
problems.
Talk a little bit about China's priorities in the ICAO and
should you be confirmed how you will make sure that we try to
work productively together on important issues dealing with
civil aviation around the world.
Mr. Crist. Thank you very much, Senator, and thank you for
your kind words at the outset of this meeting. I appreciate it
very much.
The relationship with China is complicated and I, like you,
and I think most Americans are very encouraged by the now open
dialogue directly between our President and President Xi.
That is a positive sign, and as you well stated having a
dialogue that is ongoing, that is direct, is a great positive
not just for China and the United States but for the world. So
I am encouraged by that.
Now, China's history at ICAO has been more complicated. One
of the recent leaders of ICAO was from China and there were
challenges as it relates to accountability and transparency at
the agency.
We have new leadership now, as I mentioned in my opening
remarks, and he has done a wonderful job from all indications
that I have seen.
I am encouraged by that and I think we need to continue to
foster a relationship at ICAO among its 193 members and over 30
members on the council to have good open dialogue that is
honest and clear and transparent.
I commit to that, sir, and to this committee, to make sure
that we stay on that path that ICAO is now on and I am very
encouraged by that recent path.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Governor. I yield back.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Senator Kaine.
Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Chairman and, again, I
am grateful for this extraordinary panel.
I just want to ask real quick, Sean, and forgive me for
using your first name--Mr. Maloney--Honorable Mr. Maloney, OECD
countries account for 95 percent of development assistance and
my concern is just seeing this trend of countries not stepping
up in a time that the demand for development assistance is
obviously significantly higher.
How can you use your role to help galvanize that aspect of
the OECD countries?
Mr. Maloney. Well, thank you, Senator, and you can use my
first name anytime.
Senator Booker. I appreciate that.
Mr. Maloney. You will have to tell me later how somebody
gets an introduction from you because----
[Laughter.]
Mr. Maloney [continued]. Because except for this I cannot
imagine anything better.
Look, you are so right. I mean, I do think there is much to
be commended in the response to the Russian invasion of
Ukraine, in the response of organizations like the OECD, the
role they are playing in potential development assistance and
reconstruction and the fact is is that more broadly these are
the world's richest countries, after all.
These are the countries that have the most at stake in a
stable, prosperous global economy and development assistance.
Similar to Senator Kaine's question about anti-bribery efforts,
ultimately this is in our interest to have better markets and
better partners in the family of countries that are not yet in
the OECD or that would through their development be at that
level.
And so I do think the coordination, the research, the best
practices, the standards, that the OECD excels at really have a
key role to play here in just allowing decision makers like
yourself to know what is going on and to make sure that
everybody is doing their part, and, again, built around the
concept that ultimately this is in our own self interest.
Senator Booker. Fantastic. And I will note for the record
that you sincerely married up with the gentleman behind you. I
just have that same concern. I mean, the scale of this crisis
unbelievable. I have been to Burkina Faso with Senator Coons.
The scale of this--the food insecurity--there is stunning.
Millions in crisis.
But the challenge right now is we have a supplemental being
discussed and debated here and other countries' commitments are
going down as well. I just met with some European leaders
talking about this.
It just seems that we are at a pivotal point in human
history with the scale of the crisis, the diminishing amount of
commitment of more developed nations.
Mr. Prescott. Thank you, Senator, for that and thank you to
you and to Senator Coons for your long-standing leadership on
these issues. It is extremely important that we step up but we
also have to get other countries to step up with us and that is
just absolutely critical.
The short answer is on the supplemental if Congress does
not provide these funds it is going to be very unlikely that we
get other nations to step up with us. More around the world
will go hungry, more will migrate, peace will be undermined,
and the world will be less secure.
Food security is national security and these investments
invest our interest as well as the interests of people around
the world as well as our values, and I hope that we can see
this body come together to ensure that the United States
continues to play the global role that we have played, the
leadership role in humanitarian issues on food security issues
and on agriculture issues.
And if confirmed I would want to use the diplomatic
platform that this provides--this position provides to be a
champion for those issues and work very closely with you in
doing so.
Senator Booker. And, Jeff, I am going to put both of these
out there and then be done because I am afraid of the Chairman.
Schatz runs a rough committee.
So really quick, first is that link between national
security is really important for us to continue to state. I
hear it from a lot of leaders involved in this, how failing to
invest in food security now can cause political instability,
lead to more fertile ground for terrorism and more. If you
could address that link.
And then, secondly, I have been stunned at how immediate
food security is necessary but the strategy for that does not
get enough funding from the United States and other countries
in developing resiliency and the capacity to prevent future
food insecurity, which proportionately in terms of the payoff
of that kind of investment seems extraordinarily low to me when
I drill down on the numbers.
Mr. Prescott. Senator, thank you for both of those points.
I agree with you on the second point. We need to increase our
investments in resilience, in long-term development--actually,
the connection between development dollars and humanitarian
dollars.
We need to find a way to make sure that we are not just
responding to the crisis but we are investing in early warning
systems and other efforts to prevent future crises from
happening. We have to step up.
I think one of the advantages, if confirmed, I would bring
to this job is a background and experience on hard national
security issues and can help make that link that you pointed
out, which I completely agree with, as clear as possible and
help leverage our diplomacy to advance it around the world.
Senator Booker. Thank you. Chairman Schatz, I am sorry very
much for going over, sir.
Senator Schatz. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member
Hagerty, and thank you to the three nominees before us, to your
families, for your long service, Governor, Congressman, Mr.
Prescott.
If confirmed, Mr. Prescott, Congressman Maloney, you will
succeed close friends of mine who have held these two offices,
Ambassador Cindy McCain and Ambassador Jack Markell, and I just
want to touch on three broad issues, if I can.
First, the urgency of the supplemental request from the
President, which has been touched on by all the others. The
role of China in the U.N. system and the ways in which, whether
it is the ICAO or the FAO, we have seen the impact when Chinese
nationals lead organizations that have a global impact and then
what happens if we fail to meet this moment.
So I will work backwards. The President's supplemental
urges us to provide nearly $9 billion in humanitarian relief.
Mr. Prescott, a lot of time is being spent on the civilian
tragedy in Gaza and the challenges in Ukraine but there are
dozens of other countries to which the World Food Programme and
FAO provide critical relief.
What would be the impact on the United States' standing in
the world and our security if we fail to deliver on this
humanitarian need?
Mr. Prescott. Well, thank you, Senator, and, again, thank
you for your long leadership on these issues.
We need to have those voices on the world stage. We need to
make sure that not only that we are stepping up but that we are
getting other countries to step up with us, and as I mentioned
in my opening testimony, we need to find ways to bring other
players into this picture as well.
That includes the private sector. That includes new
mechanisms, and I think there are some good ideas that have
been kicked around on this and I think we ought to take a hard
look at them and really work together on that and if confirmed
I would pledge to do that.
But as I just mentioned in response to Senator Booker, food
security really is national security. When people go hungry we
see conflicts increase, and so our--the urgency of stepping up
not just to respond to the crisis in Ukraine, although,
frankly, the crisis in Ukraine is having a spillover effect and
other food security crises all over the world. That is why the
Black Sea grain flow is so important and that is why we need to
focus on it.
But we also need to make sure that we are paying attention
to these other crises because when we do not they become bigger
and they come back to haunt us at home.
Senator Coons. As you pointed out earlier, Mr. Prescott,
hungry people do not just create conflict, they also migrate.
They pick up and they move in ways that have security and
stability consequences across whole regions and hemispheres.
You mentioned there are some good ideas. I think one of
them is a bipartisan bill that Senator Graham and I have
introduced to create a foundation for international food
security which would attract private sector investment to
partner with public sector investment. I hope you will work
with me on that.
Congressman Maloney, direct budget support helps sustain
the Ukrainian people. When Russia attacks infrastructure the
first responders who come out and put out the fires and help
restart the electric grid are folks who are being supported not
just by the United States but by dozens of our partners.
The OECD is, largely, made up of those partners in that
important work. What would it mean if we were to abandon
Ukraine in their hour of need as they face a cold winter and
ongoing Russian assaults not just on the military and the front
lines but on the very fabric--the very infrastructure of the
Ukrainian people?
Mr. Maloney. Well, thank you, Senator, and thank you also
for mentioning my predecessor, Governor--Ambassador Jack
Markell. He and his wife Carla have been extremely generous to
Randy and me and he is such an extraordinary public servant. No
wonder he comes from Delaware.
Thank you for the question on Ukraine. The OECD obviously
needs to stay in its lane to some degree. But when you think
about the forum as a collection of countries value based,
market economies, democracies, that is the key group of
countries globally that will see the naked aggression Russia
has demonstrated in Ukraine and the barbarity of that invasion
the way we do and, more importantly, has the capacity to do
something about it.
I think one of the great, perhaps, underdeveloped aspects
of the OECD is its extraordinary value in a world where values
come to define who you can work with.
It is not just the size of the economies. It is not just
the size of the militaries. It is where can we get things done.
The fact that it is a consensus organization and yet can be so
effective really only underscores that and the effect of
walking away from Ukraine is absolutely devastating.
I mean, I was there in Munich on that weekend before the
invasion with Ambassador McCain and others, yourself, and
listened to President Zelensky that day, and to think about the
heroism they have demonstrated and the way the West has
responded the President gets great credit for this, as you
know.
But now is the moment. Now is the moment when we need to
hang tough and to stand with our friends and, as you know, the
United States is the absolute indispensable country in this and
we must continue the effort.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Congressman.
One of the areas you will have the opportunity if confirmed
to work in is development finance. I share the concerns of
Senator Hagerty that the DFC, something I helped craft, has a
huge amount of potential that it has not yet fully achieved.
I think the work against corruption, to promote
transparency, to invest in more robust private markets and free
enterprise that the OECD plays a central role in would be
advanced by our being engaged in modern development finance.
So to the extent you have feedback for us on how we can
strengthen the DFC it has impacts across all three of these
areas but particularly one that may overlap with you.
Mr. Chairman, would you indulge me for a last question or
should I--thank you.
Governor Crist, if I might, you referenced how the ICAO
previously was under the leadership of a Chinese national and
now is not. We just rejoined UNESCO. We were just voted in, I
think, yesterday to the executive committee of UNESCO.
We have recently rejoined the Human Rights Council. There
are all these organizations that most Americans do not know
about and do not know what they do but that contribute to
things like civil aviation safety and that helped with market
access for American air carriers.
What is the consequence--and just a sentence of all three
of you, if we could--what is the consequence for China's role
in the world and America's role in the world if we step back
from funding, participating in, and sustaining these critical
multilateral organizations?
Mr. Crist. Well, thank you, Senator. I appreciate the
question.
We have to continue to participate. If we are absent our
values are absent. If we are not present the kind of things
that we cherish and hold dear--freedom, democracy--are not at
the table to the degree that they should be, and we have been a
leader at that and I think we need to continue to be and if we
do not it is at our own demise.
Mr. Maloney. I would certainly agree with that. The
Governor said it very well, sir. It is sometimes difficult to
defend every aspect of multilateral organizations and we should
have a robust conversation and debate about that. But it is
equally hard to defend ceding that ground, creating that
vacuum, to an adversary or a strategic competitor in the
international space.
And so I think when we are engaged we are stronger,
especially vis-a-vis the People's Republic of China--the PRC.
Senator Coons. Mr. Prescott, bring us home. Wrap it up.
Mr. Prescott. I could not say it better myself. If we are
not at the table we are on the menu. We have to step up and
lead in these organizations.
They are flawed and we need to make sure that we are
working to reform them as well. But it is important that we
engage in this vigorous competition and that means showing up
and putting in the work.
Thank you, sir.
Senator Coons. Thank you all. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member. I look forward to supporting all of your
nominations.
Senator Schatz. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Governor Crist, I want to come to you on a topic that is of
personal interest to me. It is something that the ICAO does not
manage on a day to day basis but they do studies on it.
This has to do with slot allocations at international
airports. I am sure you are aware, having been the Governor,
the importance of airlift to foreign direct investment.
Making us competitive on the global stage requires U.S.
access to slots around the world, and given what happened in
the pandemic, the impact that had on aviation, in many areas
aviation is swinging back very strong.
But I would not be surprised that that is an unequal result
right now. In fact, the situation is probably quite different
today versus where it was in 2019.
I just want to encourage you to take a very hard look at
how slot allocations are working on an international basis,
thinking about America's interest there, and as the ICAO
studies this think about ways that we can advance America's
interest in the whole process.
Mr. Crist. Thank you. Thank you, Senator.
I appreciate that very much and you could not be more
right. The slot allocations and the access to international
travel, cargo, et cetera, are critically important to the U.S.
economy and economies all over the world.
And so I commit to working with you, if confirmed, to be
able to pursue this and advance that very important interest
across the globe and an American interest in particular.
Senator Hagerty. And what I have seen, I regret to say, is
that there are other nations that do not play by the same set
of rules that we do that would like to involve themselves in
slot allegations maybe to disproportionately advantage
themselves.
And so understanding the situation and making certain that
we have got metrics and parameters that ensure that slots are
allocated properly and fairly is absolutely important.
Mr. Crist. Yes, sir. Absolutely. Thank you.
Senator Schatz. If there are no more questions for the
witnesses, the record will remain open until the close of
business tomorrow, Friday, November 17th, for questions for the
record.
I urge our nominees--I know it is Thanksgiving but if you
want to get confirmed quickly to try to complete those answers
as rapidly and as thoroughly as possible so that we can clear
you for committee action. Each of you have critical positions
that need confirmation.
That concludes the first panel of today's hearing. We will
excuse our nominees and allow our next panelists to get
settled, and we will recess for two or three minutes.
[Recess.]
Senator Schatz. We will now consider another set of
important nominations.
We have Mr. Cardell Kenneth Richardson, Sr., to be the
Inspector General for the Department of State, we have Ms.
Nicole Shampaine to be the Ambassador to the Organization for
the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, and Ms. Joann Lockard to
be the Ambassador to Burkina Faso.
Congratulations and thank you to each one of you. You are
all extremely qualified for the positions for which you have
been nominated and will promote U.S. foreign policy and
national security interests in your respective roles, if
confirmed. We thank you for your service.
Public service asks a lot of family members too so we would
encourage you to introduce your family members when you have an
opportunity to address the committee.
The first on the panel is Mr. Richardson, who currently
serves as the Inspector General of the National Geospatial
Intelligence Agency where he provides independent oversight and
objective assessments of agency programs and operations.
He is a retired United States Air Force colonel, having
served 26 years in active duty. Mr. Richardson has been honored
twice with the Presidential Rank Award for his service.
Next we have Ms. Nicole Shampaine, a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service who currently serves as the Deputy Chief
of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt.
She previously served as charge ad interim to the U.S.
mission in the Vienna office of the United Nations and at the
International Atomic Energy Agency among, other postings.
Ms. Shampaine is nominated to represent our nation at the
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons where she
would support global efforts to permanently eliminate weapons
under the Chemical Weapons Convention.
Finally, we also have Ms. Joann Lockard, a career member of
the Senior Foreign Service most recently serving as the DCM in
the U.S. Embassy in Cote d'Ivoire.
Ms. Lockard's assignments also have included serving as the
public affairs officer at the U.S. embassies in Uganda and
Burkina Faso. If confirmed, Ms. Lockard will return to Burkina
Faso as Ambassador.
Burkina Faso has experienced a coup and a military takeover
in just the last year. More than 2 million people are
internally displaced as of this past July and an estimated 4.7
million people need humanitarian assistance. It is a volatile
situation, to put it mildly, and that makes this role
especially challenging.
But Ms. Lockard's deep knowledge of and experience in the
region will be vital for the U.S. efforts to support regional
stability through the promotion of democratic values, respect
for human rights, and sustainable economic development.
The positions that each of you have been nominated for are
essential to promoting American values of democracy and
equality around the world. Each role requires specific skills
and expertise that you bring.
Once again, I thank you for your continued willingness to
serve and now yield to the vice Chair, Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And, again, I want to thank the nominees for appearing
before this committee today, your willingness to serve this
great nation. These are very important positions that you are
up for.
First of all, I want to say this, that if you are confirmed
you are going to have the opportunity to serve the most
exceptional nation in the world and I hope you will always
remember that and take it to heart. I am sure you will.
And for your families that support you I very much
appreciate the contributions that you make to the success of
your loved one.
I would like to start with the nominee to be Inspector
General of the Department of State. You will play a critical
role in audits, evaluations, inspections, and investigations at
the department, and the State Department's Office of Inspector
General plays a critical role in investigations.
In July of this year I led a group of 17 Senators to ask
the State Department's Office of the Inspector General to
investigate whether State Department officials have complied
with all appropriate laws and regulations with respect to the
suspension of Special Envoy for Iran Robert Malley's security
clearance.
On June 29th, 2023, news reports revealed that the State
Department had suspended Special Envoy Robert Malley's security
clearance earlier this year due to serious allegations of
mishandling information.
In early July of 2023 news reports revealed that the FBI is
also investigating Special Envoy Robert Malley for allegedly
mishandling classified information, and just a few days ago one
news reporter wrote, quote, ``Two government officials tell me
that Malley was picked up on an intercept revealing something
he was not supposed to reveal in a private conversation with a
foreign official,'' close quote.
And I should also add that in August of 2023 we learned
that Malley's security clearance had actually been suspended
back in April of '23, three months before the suspension was
actually reported in public.
And how did we learn about it? The Tehran Times, which is a
propaganda arm of the Iranian regime, somehow got hold of the
sensitive but unclassified memo. That memo is the one that
informs Robert Malley that his clearance was being suspended.
They published it.
As you should know, State Department regulations known as
the Foreign Affairs Manual describe in detail how diplomats are
supposed to carefully handle sensitive but unclassified
information.
That is why it is especially shocking that sensitive but
unclassified material related to Robert Malley's case was
either so poorly handled or perhaps it was stolen.
Our group of Senators have also asked the State
Department's inspector general to look into how the Tehran
Times got its hand on the sensitive memo.
Mr. Chairman, I want to enter this memo for the record, if
I might, and also our letter.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
transcript.]
Senator Hagerty. In September of 2023 news outlets reported
that individuals who had worked closely with Special Envoy
Robert Malley were intimately involved in the so-called Iran
experts initiative, which is a foreign influence and collusion
network run by the Iranian regime.
In fact, one of these individuals recently worked for
Robert Malley at the State Department before moving to work at
the Department of Defense for the assistant secretary who
oversees Special Operations.
I would refer these ongoing--I refer to these ongoing
investigations to highlight the need and significance of
filling the position of Inspector General for the State
Department so we can get at these deeply concerning issues.
I would now like to turn to the nominee to the U.S.
Representative of the Organization for Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons. The OPCW is international organization that is charged
with overseeing the implementation of the Chemical Weapons
Convention.
The nominee, if confirmed, will represent the United States
at this organization and advocate for U.S. national security
interest with respect to preventing the development,
production, and stockpiling of chemical weapons by foreign
countries and other actors.
Last but certainly not least I would like to focus on the
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Burkina Faso. Burkina Faso is
facing seemingly intractable political and security crises.
Burkina Faso, like Niger, was until recently an emergent
democracy and U.S. security partner.
Now it has joined the growing ranks of countries in the
region experiencing coups and turning toward Russia. Growing
violence and instability has dramatically accelerated the
humanitarian emergency in Burkina Faso, leading to one of the
most--leading to one of the worst internal displacement crises
in Africa.
The Biden administration will have to continue working
closely with the international community to support efforts to
restore security, the rule of law, and economic and social
stability.
To all three nominees, again, thank you for your
willingness to serve our nation and I turn the gavel back to
you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Vice Chair.
I will now turn to our nominees. Mr. Richardson, please
proceed.
STATEMENT OF CARDELL KENNETH RICHARDSON, SR., OF VIRGINIA,
NOMINATED TO BE INSPECTOR GENERAL, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, VICE
STEVE A. LINICK
Mr. Richardson. Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty,
members of the committee, thank you for the invitation to
appear before you today as you consider my nomination to be the
Inspector General for the Department of State. I am honored to
have been nominated by President Biden to serve in this key
role in government oversight.
I would like to introduce my family members who are here
supporting me today: my wife Jackie, my daughter Chandace
Richardson-Arledge, and my son, who is my namesake and shares
the same birthday, Cardell II, and my brothers Canardo and
Carlton Richardson. I also recognize many family members,
colleagues, and friends who have helped me during this
nomination process and throughout my career.
I have dedicated my entire professional life to public
service. I have over four decades of serving in diverse and
complex positions of leadership and responsibility.
My parents inculcated in my siblings and me and unshakeable
foundation of faith and a strong work ethic. They encouraged me
to live an open-book life, help those in need, and always do
your best. These values have shaped my life.
Upon graduating from Howard University School of
Architecture and Engineering I was commissioned as a U.S. Air
Force officer and internalized the Air Force core values which
are integrity first, service before self, and excellence in all
we do, which naturally resonated as they reflect the same
values I learned growing up.
I served our great nation in a multitude of assignments
throughout the continental United States and around the world.
In 2003, after 26 years of dedicated service to the defense of
our great nation I retired from the Air Force in the rank of
colonel with an honorable discharge.
Upon retirement from the Air Force, I turned down a
lucrative offer to join a large engineering firm because I am
committed to continuing my public service and so I instead
accepted the opportunity to serve as a Defense Intelligence
Senior Executive Service civilian with the National Imagery and
Mapping Agency, renamed the National Geospatial Intelligence
Agency (NGA).
During my 20-year tenure at NGIA I have served
administrations of both political parties. I have established a
reputation of a strong leader with impeccable integrity and I
am renowned for surmounting undifferentiated challenges.
As a result, I was twice recognized with the Presidential
Rank Award for strong leadership and extraordinary
accomplishments. For these reasons I was selected to be the
Inspector General for the National Geospatial Intelligence
Agency, a position in which I have served successfully for the
last six years.
In this role I am responsible to Congress and American
taxpayers. I lead an office of auditors, inspectors,
investigators, attorneys, and staff whose mission is to detect
and deter fraud, waste, and abuse and misconduct, and to
promote the economy and efficiency in agency operations.
I routinely report to Congress and agency director with
independent assessments and oversight of NGA's programs and
operations and processes.
If confirmed, I will focus on four main areas to continue
to add significant OIG value.
First, I pledge to bring strong leadership, energy, vision,
and independence to the department's Office of Inspector
General, recognizing that there has not been a confirmed
Inspector General at the Department of State in more than three
years.
If confirmed my highest priority will be the mission of
oversight and the dedicated professionals that carry out this
important oversight mission.
I will continue to build a highly professional environment
that attracts and retains the most talented employees to meet
and exceed current and future oversight demands.
Second, if confirmed I commit to work closely with this
committee and other committees of jurisdiction as well as
develop and sustain an effective and appropriate working
relationship with the State Department management.
I will provide timely comprehensive information relating to
programs and operations of the department and other agencies
under the department's oversight mandate to ensure that the
activities of these entities are as effective, efficient, and
as economical as possible.
I will also continue to ensure the integrity of the U.S.
foreign relations efforts by holding accountable those who
corrupt or defraud taxpayer-funded programs.
Third, I will ensure that the Office of Inspector General
remains an independent, objective organization that provides
robust oversight, transparency, and accountability to the
programs and operations of the department and the agencies
under the department's oversight mandate.
And finally, if confirmed as Department Inspector General I
will commit to being a strong partner for overseas contingency
operation efforts including Ukraine and U.S. foreign relations
programs in the Levant area and elsewhere around the globe.
I am honored to be considered for this important position,
and I look forward to answering your questions. Thank you very
much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Richardson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Cardell Kenneth Richardson, Sr.
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of this
committee, thank you for the invitation to appear before you today as
you consider my nomination to be Inspector General for the Department
of State. I am honored to have been nominated by President Biden to
serve in this key role in government oversight.
I would like to introduce my family members who are here supporting
me today: my wife, Jackie; my daughter, Chandace Richardson-Arledge; my
son, who is my namesake and shares the same birthday, Cardell, 2nd; my
brothers, Canardo and Carlton Richardson; and my sister-in-law, Joanne
Finney.
I also recognize the many family members, colleagues and friends
who have helped me during this nomination process and throughout my
career.
I have dedicated my entire professional life to public service. I
have over four decades of serving in diverse, and complex positions of
leadership and responsibility.
My parents inculcated in my siblings and me: an unshakeable
foundation of faith, and a strong work ethic. They encouraged me to
live an open-book life; help those in need, and always do my best.
These values have shaped my life.
Upon graduating from Howard University School of Architecture and
Engineering, I was commissioned as a U.S. Air Force officer, and
internalized the Air Force core values, which are: Integrity First,
Service Before Self, and Excellence In All We Do; which naturally
resonated, as they reflect the same values I learned growing up.
I have served our great nation in multiple assignments, throughout
the continental United States, and around the world. In 2003, after
twenty-six years of dedicated service to the defense of our great
nation, I retired from Air Force in the rank of Colonel, with an
honorable discharge.
Upon retirement from the Air Force, I turned down a lucrative offer
to join a large engineering firm because I was committed to continuing
my public service. I instead, accepted the opportunity to serve, as a
Defense Intelligence Senior Executive Service civilian, with the
National Imagery and Mapping Agency, renamed the National Geospatial-
Intelligence Agency (NGA).
During my 20-year tenure at NGA, I served administrations of both
political parties. I established a reputation of a strong leader, with
impeccable integrity and I am renown for surmounting undifferentiated
challenges. As a result, I was twice recognized with the Presidential
Rank Award for strong leadership and extraordinary accomplishments,
For these reasons, I was selected to be Inspector General for the
National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, a position, in which I've
served successfully, for the last six years.
In this role, I am responsible to Congress and American taxpayers.
I lead an office of auditors, inspectors, investigators, attorneys, and
staff whose mission is to detect and deter fraud, waste, abuse, and
misconduct; and to promote economy and efficiency in Agency operations.
I routinely report to Congress and the Agency Director with independent
assessments and oversight of NGA's programs, operations and processes.
If confirmed, I will focus on four main areas to continue to add
significant OIG value:
First, I pledge to bring strong leadership, energy, vision, and
independence to the Department's Office of Inspector General.
Recognizing that there has not been a confirmed Inspector
General at the Department of State in more than three years; if
confirmed, my highest priority will be the mission of
oversight, and the dedicated professionals that carryout this
important oversight mission. I will continue to build a highly
professional environment that attracts and retains the most
talented employees to meet and exceed current and future
oversight demands.
Second, if confirmed, I commit to work closely with this committee
and other committees of jurisdiction, as well as develop and
sustain an effective and appropriate working relationship with
State Department management. I will provide timely,
comprehensive information relating to the programs and
operations of the Department and the other agencies under the
Department's oversight mandate: specifically, the U.S. Agency
for Global Media (USAGM) and the U.S. Section of the
International Boundary and Water Commission (IBWC); to ensure
that the activities of these entities are as effective,
efficient, and economical as possible. I will also continue to
ensure the integrity of U.S. foreign relations efforts by
holding accountable those who corrupt or defraud taxpayer-
funded programs.
Third, I will ensure that the Office of Inspector General remains
an independent, objective organization that provides robust
oversight, transparency, and accountability to the programs and
operations of the Department and the agencies under the
Department's oversight mandate.
Finally, if confirmed as the State Department Inspector General, I
commit to being a strong partner for Overseas Contingency
Operation efforts, including Ukraine and U.S. foreign relations
programs in the Levant Region and elsewhere around the globe.
I am honored to be considered for this important position, and I
look forward to answering your questions. Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Ms. Shampaine, please proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF NICOLE SHAMPAINE, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR THE PROHIBITION OF
CHEMICAL WEAPONS, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HER TENURE
OF SERVICE
Ms. Shampaine. Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to come
before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next
U.S. Permanent Representative to the Organization for the
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.
I am grateful for the confidence the President and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to
work closely with this committee and members of Congress to
advance U.S. interests at the OPCW.
Joining me here today are my husband Martin, my mother
Francoise, my nephew William, my sister-in-law Leslie, and my
other relatives Richard and Nancy.
My mother and my father Marshall, who is looking down on us
from above, instilled in me and my brother Alain the importance
of using one's life to make the world a better place.
They showed us through their example the difference each of
us can make in service to others and it is this commitment to
service--in my case service to our country--that inspires me
daily.
I am also profoundly grateful to my husband Martin, who is
my constant source of love, support, and strength. It has been
a privilege to serve the American people as a Foreign Service
officer and I have sought throughout my career to protect and
advance the interests of the United States whether at the U.S.
Mission to International Organizations in Vienna working on
counterterrorism at the National Security Council or on other
assignments domestic and overseas.
If confirmed I look forward to continuing my service as the
U.S. representative to the OPCW. The mission of the OPCW is to
end the development, production, stockpiling, transfer, and use
of chemical weapons. This is essential to the security of the
American people.
Back in 1995 then Senator Biden stated, quote, ``The single
greatest threat facing the United States today is the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We need to use
every means at our disposal to reduce the chances of a chemical
attack in our country. The Chemical Weapons Convention is an
irreplaceable tool to achieve that goal,'' end quote.
His statement was true in 1995 and remains so today. When
the Chemical Weapons Convention entered into force in 1997 the
main function of the OPCW was to verify the destruction of
declared chemical weapons stockpiles and confirm the chemical
industry was not involved in the proliferation of chemical
weapons or their precursors.
When the United States concluded the destruction of all
U.S. chemical weapons stockpiles this year the international
community celebrated the completion of the destruction of all
declared chemical weapons stockpiles worldwide.
Frustratingly, however, now in the 21st century the
international norm against using chemical weapons is being
challenged. The Assad regime has used chemical weapons
repeatedly against the Syrian people since it acceded to the
convention in 2013, and Russia use Novichok nerve agents in
assassination attempts at least twice in recent years.
In this environment the work of the OPCW is more essential
than ever. Thanks to the OPCW's dedicated staff the Assad
regime's repeated use of chemical weapons has been
independently confirmed by the international community.
Additionally, in light of Russia's past behavior the United
States has serious concerns that Russia may use chemical agents
in Ukraine. That is why the United States along with our allies
and partners is working with Ukraine at the OPCW to ensure the
OPCW is prepared to render assistance if so asked.
If confirmed I will actively seek to advance U.S. interests
at the OPCW. This includes continuing to support international
efforts to hold both Syria and Russia to account for their use
of chemical weapons, and I would work to counter Russia's
ongoing chemical weapons-related disinformation campaigns that
distract from its invasion of Ukraine, seek to discredit the
OPCW's impartial and objective work, and attempt to shield the
Assad regime from accountability for its chemical weapons use.
If confirmed I will work to ensure the OPCW remains an
effective force for addressing the ongoing threat posed by the
use of chemical weapons.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Shampaine follows:]
Prepared Statement of Nicole Shampaine
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members
of the committee: it is an honor to come before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Permanent Representative to the
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). I am
grateful for the confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have
placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this
Committee and Members of Congress to advance U.S. interests at the
OPCW.
Joining me here are my husband Martin, my mother Francoise, and my
nephew William. My mother and my father, Marshall, who is looking down
on us from above, instilled in me and in my brother Alain the
importance of using one's life to make the world a better place. They
showed us, through their example, the difference each of us can make in
service to others, whether in our community or more broadly. And it is
this commitment to service, in my case service to our country, that
inspires me daily. I am also profoundly grateful to my husband Martin
who is my constant source of love, support, and strength.
It has been a privilege to serve the American people as a Foreign
Service Officer. Throughout my career, I have sought to protect and
advance the interests of the United States, whether at the U.S. Mission
to International Organizations in Vienna, working on counterterrorism
at the National Security Council, or in other assignments both domestic
and overseas. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing my service as
U.S. Permanent Representative to the OPCW.
The mission of the OPCW is to end the development, production,
stockpiling, transfer, and use of chemical weapons. This is essential
to the security of the American people. Back in 1995, then-Senator
Biden stated, ``The single greatest threat facing the United States
today is the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We need to
use every means at our disposal to reduce the chances of a chemical
attack in our country. The Chemical Weapons Convention is an
irreplaceable tool to achieve that goal.'' His statement was true in
1995 and remains so today.
When the Chemical Weapons Convention entered into force in 1997,
the main function of the OPCW was to verify the destruction of declared
chemical weapons stockpiles and confirm the chemical industry was not
involved in the proliferation of chemical weapons or their precursors.
When the United States concluded the destruction of all U.S. chemical
weapons stockpiles this year, the international community celebrated
the completion of the destruction of all declared chemical weapons
stockpiles worldwide.
Frustratingly, however, now in the 21st Century, the international
norm against using chemical weapons is being challenged. The Assad
regime has used chemical weapons repeatedly against the Syrian people
since it acceded to the Convention in 2013. And Russia used Novichok
nerve agents in assassination attempts at least twice in recent years.
In this environment, the work of the OPCW is more essential than
ever. Thanks to the OPCW's dedicated staff, the Assad regime's repeated
use of chemical weapons has been independently confirmed by the
international community. Additionally, in light of Russia's past
behavior, the United States has serious concerns that Russia may use
chemical agents in Ukraine. That's why the United States, along with
our Allies and partners, is working with Ukraine at the OPCW to ensure
the OPCW is prepared to render assistance, if Ukraine so asks.
If confirmed, I will actively seek to advance U.S. interests at the
OPCW. This includes continuing to support international efforts to hold
both Syria and Russia to account for their use of chemical weapons. And
I would work to counter Russia's ongoing chemical weapons-related
disinformation campaigns that distract from its invasion of Ukraine,
seek to discredit the OPCW's impartial and objective work, and attempt
to shield the Assad regime from accountability for its chemical weapons
use.
The Chemical Weapons Convention remains an irreplaceable tool that
aids in our efforts to eliminate chemical weapons use. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure the OPCW remains an effective force for addressing
the ongoing threat posed by the use of chemical weapons.
Thank you and I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Ms. Lockard, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF JOANN M. LOCKARD, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO BURKINA FASO
Ms. Lockard. Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
distinguished members of the committee, it is my great honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the
next U.S. Ambassador to Burkina Faso.
I deeply appreciate the confidence and trust the President
and Secretary of State have shown in nominating me for this
position. If confirmed I will work closely with you and all
members of Congress to advance our nation's interests in
Burkina Faso.
I am here today because of the support of my family and
friends. I am joined by my mother Lois Clark, my husband Aaron,
and two of my three children, Caitlin and Sam.
My father was a 23-year Air Force veteran and my mother a
36-year civil servant. They instilled in me a great love for
our country and inspired me to serve the United States in
global affairs.
Together with my husband Aaron and my three children,
Caitlin, Alexandra, and Sam, I have dedicated the last 25 years
to doing just that. Across Latin America, Africa, and Europe
together we have served the American people, building bridges
across oceans and cultures. I am tremendously grateful for my
family's support.
One assignment left an indelible mark upon us. In 2006, as
we touched down in Ouagadougou for the first time, Caitlin,
then four, crawled up on her knees to peer out of the window
and exclaimed ``Mommy, Papi, thank you for bringing me to
Africa.''
Our fellow passengers erupted in applause for her
enthusiasm. It set the tone for our coming adventure and
launched a decade and a half of love and respect for the
welcoming embrace of Burkina Faso and the Burkinabe people.
Unfortunately, as you have noted, subsequent years have
brought Burkina Faso daunting and unrelenting challenges, and I
would like to take this opportunity today to express my deepest
condolences to the Burkinabe people for the losses they have
suffered at the hands of terrorists in recent years.
At the heart of U.S. foreign policy in West Africa, Burkina
Faso now faces an unprecedented security, political, and
humanitarian crisis. The country finds itself at the epicenter
of violence in an increasingly fragile region.
Leaders of the January 2022 coup d'etat and subsequent
September military takeover cited this insecurity as their
motivation. Yet, the situation continues to deteriorate.
Continued U.S. engagement is more vital than ever to help
Burkina Faso confront the spread of terrorism and respond to
the needs of its citizens both while respecting human rights
and protecting civilians.
Our ability to provide military assistance to Burkina Faso
is restricted by Section 7008. Given the urgent security
situation, if confirmed it will be my highest priority to
support Burkina Faso's return to a democratically-elected
civilian-led government as soon as possible.
Such progress will allow us to increase cooperation and
assist Burkina Faso in its struggle against violent extremism
while simultaneously reinforcing the voice of the Burkinabe
people in their own governance and promoting peace, stability,
and security while countering threats to U.S. citizens and
interests.
The conflict in Burkina Faso has displaced more than 2
million people and resulted in limited food access for more
than 15 percent of the population.
In addition to facing a grave security crisis Burkina Faso
confronts high population growth, limited natural resources,
and a vulnerability to climate change, all of which contribute
to bleak economic prospects in one of the poorest countries of
the world.
If confirmed I will work with colleagues across the United
States Government to increase health security for the Burkinabe
people, promote economic and social development, and strengthen
Burkina Faso's resilience to climate shocks.
Reports of human rights violations, increases in political
intimidation tactics, undue restrictions on freedom of
expression, and a clamp down on journalists and civil society
are deeply concerning.
I am encouraged, however, by recent efforts towards change
such as trials for accused terrorists and positive steps
forward to prevent trafficking in persons. If confirmed I will
encourage Burkina Faso, known as the land of the upright
people, to uphold the rule of law and to continue to build on
these initial steps.
Finally, I take very seriously my commitment to protect
U.S. citizens overseas including our mission personnel.
This includes ensuring that our Embassy in Ouagadougou is
properly staffed to undertake these challenging tasks, and if
confirmed I will do everything in my power to protect Americans
and American interests in Burkina Faso and ensure the security
of our mission.
At this crucial time in history when Burkina Faso is
severing historic ties and seeking new partnerships it is more
critical than ever that the United States remain engaged.
I believe that the Burkinabe people are looking for a
partner who can instill hope and stand by their side to tackle
the difficult challenges ahead and I believe that the United
States can and should be that partner.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you for the opportunity
to appear before you today. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Lockard follows:]
Prepared Statement of Joann Lockard
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is my great honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Burkina Faso. I
deeply appreciate the confidence and trust the President and Secretary
of State have shown in nominating me for this position. If confirmed, I
will work closely with you and all members of Congress to advance our
nation's interests in Burkina Faso.
I am here because of the support of my family and friends. My
father, a 23-year Air Force veteran, and my mother, who retired after a
36-year civil service career, instilled in me a great love for our
country and inspired me to serve the United States in global affairs.
Together, with my husband, Aaron, and my three children, Caitlin,
Alexandra, and Sam, I have dedicated the last twenty-five years to
doing just that. Across Latin America, Africa, and Europe, together, we
have served the American people, building bridges across oceans and
cultures. I am tremendously grateful for my family's support.
Repeatedly, they have sacrificed, leaving friends and family to travel
to places they didn't know or where they couldn't speak the language.
One assignment left an indelible mark on us. In 2006, as we touched
down in Ouagadougou for the first time, Caitlin, then four, crawled up
on her knees to peer out the window and exclaimed, ``Mommy and Papi,
thank you for bringing me to Africa!'' Our fellow passengers erupted in
applause for her enthusiasm. It set the tone for our coming adventure
and launched a decade and a half of love and respect for the welcoming
embrace of Burkina Faso and the Burkinabe people.
Unfortunately, subsequent years have brought Burkina Faso daunting
and unrelenting challenges. I would like to take this opportunity to
express my deepest condolences to the Burkinabeople for the losses
suffered at the hands of terrorists in recent years.
At the heart of U.S. foreign policy in West Africa, Burkina Faso
now faces an unprecedented security, political, and humanitarian
crisis. The country finds itself the epicenter of violence in an
increasingly fragile region. Leaders of the January 2022 coup d'etat
and subsequent September military takeover cited this insecurity as
their motivation, yet the situation continues to deteriorate. Continued
U.S. engagement is more vital than ever to help Burkina Faso confront
the spread of terrorism and respond to the needs of its citizens--both
while respecting human rights and protecting civilians. Our ability to
provide military assistance to Burkina Faso is restricted by section
7008, the military coup provision. Given the urgent security situation,
if confirmed, it will be my highest priority to support Burkina Faso's
return to a democratically elected, civilian-led government as soon as
possible. Such progress will allow us to increase cooperation and
assist Burkina Faso in its struggle against violent extremism,
reinforcing the voice of the Burkinabe people in their own governance,
and promoting peace, stability, and security while countering threats
to U.S. citizens and interests.
The conflict in Burkina Faso has displaced more than two million
people and resulted in limited food access for more than 15 percent of
the population. In addition to facing a grave security crisis, Burkina
Faso confronts high population growth, limited natural resources, and
vulnerability to climate change, all of which contribute to bleak
economic prospects in one of the poorest countries in the world. If
confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the U.S. Government to
increase health security for the Burkinabe, promote economic and social
development, and strengthen Burkina Faso's resilience to climate
shocks.
Reports of human rights violations, increases in political
intimidation tactics, undue restrictions on freedom of expression, and
a clampdown on journalists and civil society activities are deeply
concerning signs of democratic backsliding in Burkina Faso. I am
encouraged, however, by recent efforts that show some movement toward
change, such as trials for accused terrorists in June of this year,
which we hope will continue, and positive steps forward to prevent
trafficking in persons. If confirmed, I will encourage Burkina Faso,
known as the Land of the Upright People, to uphold the rule of law, and
continue to build on these initial steps.
Finally, I take very seriously my commitment to protect U.S.
citizens overseas, including mission personnel. This includes ensuring
that our Embassy in Ouagadougou is properly staffed to undertake these
challenging tasks. If confirmed, I will do everything in my power to
protect Americans and American interests in Burkina Faso and ensure the
security of our mission. At this crucial time in history, when Burkina
Faso is severing historic ties and seeking new partnerships, it's more
critical than ever that the United States remain engaged. I believe
that the Burkinabe people are looking for a partner who can instill
hope and stand by their side to tackle the difficult challenges ahead.
I believe that the United States can and should be that partner.
Mr. Chairman, ranking member, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you all for your testimony.
We will now continue with a few questions that speak to the
importance of the committee and our prioritization of
responsiveness by all officials in the executive branch and we
expect and will be seeking from you. Just please answer yes or
no.
If you are confirmed do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to keeping this committee
fully and currently informed about activities under your
purview?
[All witnesses answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed and not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answered in the affirmative.]
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Mr. Richardson, as you know DOD has appointed a lead IG for
the oversight of Ukraine. Maintaining strong oversight of U.S.
aid to Ukraine is critical.
Just walk me through how the State Department IG and the
DOD IG collaborate in an instance where they have sort of joint
oversight jurisdiction.
Mr. Richardson. Yes. So, Senator, thank you for your
question. First of all, because of the assistance that we have
given to--we are providing Ukraine, obviously, it requires a
tremendous amount of oversight.
As you mentioned, the DOD IG has been designated as the
lead IG for Operation Atlantic Resolve, which includes Ukraine
assistance, and in that process three entities
--the Department of Defense, Department of State, and
USAID--have collaborated, gotten together and put together a
joint strategic oversight plan which I have been made familiar
with and in that process they have articulated some very
distinct programmatic projects that range from audits through
inspections and evaluations to provide proactive oversight.
Also, as I understand it they also have individuals in
country that are right there in Kyiv that can also provide
oversight, and as I understand there is a pending trip
beginning of the year that if confirmed I certainly will be a
part of.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Ms. Shampaine, you mentioned Russian disinformation about
chemical weapons. Very briefly, what do you mean by that?
Ms. Shampaine. Thank you for that question.
There are two areas that come to mind most immediately.
First of all, Russia, together with Syria, has been engaged in
a years-long campaign to try to persuade the international
community that the Assad regime is not responsible for chemical
weapons used in Syria.
Of course, that is completely false and the OPCW's
technical staff has put together reports making very clear the
Assad regime is indeed responsible for those attacks. So that
is one area the Russians have been extremely active in trying
to deceive the international community.
Another area regards Ukraine and that is where since the
beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine Russia has been
alleging that the United States, NATO, and Ukraine have been
using chemical weapons.
Again, completely false. So those are the types of
disinformation campaigns that if confirmed I would fight
against at the OPCW.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Ms. Lockard, how would you characterize the relationship
between Wagner and the Burkina Faso Government, such as it is?
Ms. Lockard. Thank you very much, Senator, for that
question.
The situation right now in Burkina Faso relating between
the transition authorities and the Russian Government and other
organizations is concerning, and if confirmed I will work
throughout my tenure as Ambassador to demonstrate to the
transitional government and the Burkinabeople most importantly
that the United States is the partner that shares their values.
We care that the country is returning to a democratic
trajectory and respecting human rights. We want to restore
stability and security and build economic prosperity for the
Burkinabe people. Russia does not.
Senator Schatz. But what is Wagner doing now?
Ms. Lockard. Senator, thank you very much.
Unfortunately, I do not have access to that information
currently but I commit to you that if confirmed I will work
with you to ensure that the committee is fully informed.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. I think the Chairman and I are both
interested in what the military government there is doing with
Wagner. I think we would both appreciate an update on that when
you have the opportunity.
Mr. Richardson, I would like to come back to you if I
could. As I noted in my opening statement, one issue that is of
particular concern to me is whether the State Department
complied with all appropriate laws and regulations with respect
to the suspension of Special Envoy Rob Malley's security
clearance.
I would appreciate your taking the time to meet--I
appreciate you took the time to meet in my office yesterday and
your unequivocal assurance that you will follow the facts
wherever they may lead you.
My question for you is will you commit to this committee
that if confirmed you will ensure that the Office of the
Inspector General's ongoing investigation into the State
Department's actions related to Malley's security clearance
proceeds independently, expeditiously, and with appropriate
transparency?
Mr. Richardson. I can give you unequivocal assurance it
will.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Will you further commit that if
confirmed you will keep this committee informed on your
office's interim and final findings including in a classified
setting if that is necessary?
Mr. Richardson. I absolutely will. I think keeping Congress
informed is critical to exactly why I am being considered for
this position.
Senator Hagerty. And I appreciate your commitment to the
Chairman earlier in that regard.
I would like to turn now to the situation in Ukraine. Since
February of last year the United States has committed over $113
billion in supplemental appropriations to help Ukraine defend
itself against Putin's war on Ukraine.
You think about this funding level, it is getting close to
the $146 billion that we spent in Afghanistan over the course
of 20 years.
In Afghanistan rampant corruption and weak governance
actually undermined our war effort. The Special Inspector
General for Afghanistan Reconstruction identified $19 billion
in fraud, about a third of the $63 billion that he reviewed.
John Sopko, the head of the Afghan Reconstruction Special
IG unit said, and I quote him, ``When you spend so much money
so quickly with so little oversight you are going to have
massive fraud, waste, and abuse.''
I would note that our Ukraine funding is flowing much more
rapidly than it did in Afghanistan. So my question to you is do
you believe the existing inspector general system is well
positioned to handle the Ukraine challenge?
Mr. Richardson. I think it is, sir, and I will tell you
why. Because most of the resources that are going to Ukraine
are either under control of one of the three entities that we
talked about--that is Defense, State, and USAID.
Also, I think the way you get to any corruption is to find
fraud indicators and you do that through these programmatic
reviews, audits, inspections, evaluations and the like, and,
first, you want to make sure they are doing the things that
they should be doing and they have internal controls and if
they do not then you go where the trail leads you.
My point really is I think having these three inspectors
general--inspectors general for these three organizations
already have apparatus in place that make them uniquely
prepared to uncover any fraud, waste, or abuse or gross
mismanagement wherever it exists.
Senator Hagerty. I appreciate the collaboration that you
discussed with the Chairman as well and I hope that will
manifest itself.
I want to say this, though, Mr. Richardson. I am, and I
think I am like many Americans--I am concerned that corruption
in aid diversion remain a real threat in Ukraine.
In 2023 Ukraine was ranked 118 out of 130 on the
Transparency International's corruption index. President
Zelensky has purged several top officials for corruption. And
though the Biden administration has publicly claimed that there
have been no evidence of misuse of taxpayer dollars, Politico
reported just last month that Biden administration officials
are privately far more worried about corruption in Ukraine than
they publicly admit and they have identified numerous long-term
anti-corruption goals.
According to the confidential strategy document that was
obtained by Politico, and I quote, ``Perceptions of high-level
corruption could undermine Ukraine public's and foreign
leaders' confidence in the wartime government.'' That ended the
quote. I could not agree more.
Mr. Richardson, if you are confirmed what additional
specific steps could you take to address the American
taxpayers' concerns about fraud in this arena?
Mr. Richardson. So I absolutely agree. To answer your
question, the additional steps we take is to, one, make sure I
am working with the stakeholders that are in country.
I am talking about entities like the National Anti-
Corruption Bureau that are in Ukraine as well as the Special
Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's office of which I know there has
already been some discussion and working with.
There is a High Anti-Corruption Court also. So it is
reasonable to assume that with this level of resources that
there are a likelihood--some likelihood that there might be
some corruption.
We ought to look for it and so I can commit to you that
will be a top priority to do just that.
Senator Hagerty. Well, I appreciate that.
As we look at where Russia's unprovoked war on Ukraine is
leading us toward a stalemate I think it is absolutely
imperative that the Biden administration provide us with a
clear and persuasive theory of victory in the conflict and I
think the American people are very clear in the fact that they
do not support some type of open-ended commitment.
So as we consider additional supplemental assistance here
for Ukraine we really expect and appreciate robust oversight of
the funds.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I just want to pause for a moment if I can. You have two--a
great ranking member who is just an extraordinary Senator and a
Chairman who are pretty extraordinary.
You got three Senators here. Two out of three is not bad.
It depends on the quality. And it seems like this room has a
smattering if at all of staff and Senators. But you should
think of that as no diminution of the gravity of this moment.
This is not just a rote routine Senate hearing. This is an
extraordinary part of our democracy, and the administration
puts up incredible candidates and the Senate has obligations
defined by our Constitution to advise and consent and
ultimately approve them.
I am just sitting here and getting more and more moved
because I am thinking about my mom and dad, who met here and
married here, and I was born in this city, the only one of the
hundred Senators born in Washington, D.C.
And my mom is relentless--I am going to get a chance to see
her this week--because she will always try to remind me so that
I never lose the gravity of moments like this about what was
going on around the time that I was born.
A woman could not get credit. They had to get their husband
to sign on with it. My parents, a black family, would tell me
time and time again how many companies in Washington, DC.,
would not hire black people.
And so from the time I was born I am now sitting here
looking at a panel that just some 50 years ago this country
could not have imagined that you would have two women up for
extraordinarily important positions to lead and represent our
nation and a black man who has had such a career of
distinction.
The three of you are different. You are just different. Not
your race and gender. You are different because of the
commitment of your lives.
Sir, when you said you gave up a lucrative position in the
private sector to stay in service I got chills. What is on this
panel right now is just an extraordinary American story, a
story of who we are as a nation which has overcome so much to
get to this point in American history and it is extraordinary
because the three of you have spent your entire careers as
humble servants of this nation, not for the money, not for the
attention and the fame that we get as Senators where our names
are in the press all the time. Sometimes I wish not as much.
So I just want to pause and just let you all know that I am
grateful for you. You are a towering testimony to what makes
this nation special, and while many of us Americans luxuriate
in the blessings of liberty in this nation there are people on
the front lines doing the hard, important, unglamorous work of
advancing the call and the cause of our country.
And so for the families that are assembled here this is not
normal. This is not a routine thing in the United States
Senate. This is a great American moment and these are three
great Americans. So, I just say thank you.
I have a lot of concern about the Sahel. I am anguished to
see what is happening there now. I have had a chance to visit
Burkina Faso and see the greatness of the people.
The way you spoke in your testimony showed me that you
respect these extraordinarily kind every day folks that right
now are suffering this military junta and struggling at the
same time with terrorism.
But I will never forget when our military--I was sitting in
our Embassy in Ouagadougou and you had our military training
these young Burkinabe men to protect and defend their own
nation and just to see the connection between our two countries
who shared values and even more so they shared this aspiration
that seemed to be fueled by American energy that they could be
a nation that was free and democratic and secure.
And so we are going to deal with each other because I am
the--by somebody's decision I am the Chairman of the Africa
Subcommittee and I just look forward to working with you and
the administration, who I talk to quite often about these
issues, to find a way to stop this growing insecurity in the
Sahel, specifically, that is creating so much political
instability, such a rise in terrorism, so many political coups,
all undergirded by painful levels of food insecurity and
suffering when it comes to just basic humanitarian issues.
So thank you. I plan on voting for you on the floor. I know
there are some follow-up questions about the influence of
Russia and China, if you can add into that. But I will leave
this committee today a very inspired American. So thank you all
for your service.
Senator Schatz. If there are no more questions for the
witnesses the record will remain open until the close of
business tomorrow, Friday, November 17th, for questions for the
record.
I urge our nominees to try to complete those as rapidly as
possible so that we can clear you for committee action and move
you to the floor. Each of you have critical positions that we
need to confirm you for.
If there is no further business, I thank the ranking
member, I thank Senator Booker and everyone else, and all of
your families and all of the nominees.
This committee stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:53 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey Prescott by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Mr. Prescott, the world faces a global hunger crisis of
unprecedented proportions. In just two years, the number of
people facing, or at risk of, acute food insecurity doubled
from 135 million in 53 countries to 345 million in 79 countries
this year. Fueled by conflict, climate shocks and COVID-19, the
crisis is escalating as the war in Ukraine drives up the costs
of food and fuel. Given all of this, it is critical that we are
using all of our diplomatic tools, including a confirmed
Ambassador, to address this crisis.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to address the
growing global scale of the current food security crisis?
Answer. I agree that we face an unprecedented global food security
crisis, compounded by the factors you indicated, including the
pandemic, drought and other climate shocks, and conflict. Russia's
brutal, unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has further worsened an already
profound challenge and additional conflicts across the world are
further straining the global humanitarian system. While international
organizations are critical to galvanizing international action to
addressing global food insecurity, it is also clear that the scale of
the crisis is outpacing assistance. There has never been a more
important time for sustained U.S. leadership to help address global
food insecurity, further agriculture trade, and meet acute lifesaving
humanitarian need.
If confirmed, I would use every tool available to confront these
crises, working with the Department, the interagency, and members and
staff of the committee to keep food security at the forefront of the
international agenda. While America has stepped up--and there is an
urgent need to sustain and expand our leadership--our efforts alone are
not sufficient to match the scale of the need. The United States cannot
solve these problems alone and, if confirmed, I will seek to expand
opportunities for both traditional and non-traditional donors to share
the burden, leverage the private sector in responding to emergencies
and building resilience, and to establish new, innovative sources of
support.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey Prescott by Senator James E. Risch
Long-established humanitarian principles suggest that food
aid should be ``agnostic,'' meaning that it should be targeted
toward those with the greatest need regardless of their
affiliation. Unfortunately, there is also a long history of
food aid being used by malign actors as a weapon against those
it is meant to help.
Question. If confirmed, are you prepared to halt aid deliveries to
areas where it is being manipulated by malign actors?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be to ensure that we use
taxpayer dollars as effectively and efficiently as possible in
international institutions. Waste, fraud, and abuse of U.S. food
assistance--including manipulation by malign actors--is unacceptable. I
will be your partner in fighting to maintain integrity, promote U.S.
values, and uphold good governance in these institutions and in our
food aid programs. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with USAID,
the Department of State, and the Department of Agriculture, our
international organization partners, and relevant oversight bodies on
ways to prevent, detect, respond to, and end abuses of food aid by
governments or any other actors. If confirmed, I would support the
Administration's commitment to take every possible measure--up to and
including, where appropriate, the suspension of assistance--to ensure
that U.S. humanitarian assistance is used for its intended purpose,
reaches the most vulnerable, and ultimately saves lives.
The World Food Program takes a blended approach in its food
aid programs: it provides commodities in areas where food is
scarce and market-based assistance (electronic transfers,
vouchers, etc.) where food is available but inaccessible. When
providing commodities, the agency often has to provide
``blanket'' feeding. When providing market-based assistance,
there is room to target assistance more deliberately. There are
benefits and risks associated with each of these approaches. If
confirmed, it will be your job to find ways to maximize the
benefits and minimize the risks associated with each of these
approaches, so that the WFP can reach the right people with the
right support in the right place at the right time.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advocating for the use
of biometrics within the World Food Program and across other U.N.
agencies, particularly when providing market-based assistance, in order
to more effectively target assistance, verify beneficiaries, and
eliminate duplication and waste?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would advocate for improved oversight
measures for food aid programs including use of biometrics and other
technologies, where appropriate. Biometrics and other advanced
technologies help mitigate risk in the provision of assistance and help
maximize the impact of programs by ensuring that assistance is reaching
those for whom it is intended.
Question. Beyond biometrics, are there other ways in which you
would seek to enhance the WFP's efficiency and effectiveness, so we can
stretch U.S. food aid dollars farther and save more lives?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to ensure
that U.S. taxpayer dollars are used as effectively and efficiently as
possible by the international organizations we support, and I would
work with the Department of State, USAID, and the members and staff of
this Committee, to advocate for policy and programmatic changes that
would further improve these programs, including at the World Food
Program (WFP). WFP provides assistance in many complex operating
environments, so solutions can often vary by context. If confirmed, I
would advocate for WFP to employ real-time feedback systems that allow
it to adapt to changing contexts, as well as promote a culture of
reform, improvement, and accountability. I would use my position to
support WFP in its ongoing internal reform process, working with them
to meet the objectives outlined in their Reassurance Action Plan. In
advocating for these reforms, I would seek to collaborate with the
members and staff of this committee.
Even as the U.S. has stepped up to support humanitarian programs--a
testament to the work of members and staff of this Committee--our
efforts alone are not sufficient to match the scale of current or
anticipated global needs. Certain reforms--such as using joint
procurements and cooperative administrative arrangements with other
U.N. agencies to create economies of scale--can help stretch resources
further to meet these growing needs. However, reforming WFP and other
U.N. institutions, alone, will not overcome the large and growing gap
between need and contributions. Food security is national security, and
U.S. leadership on global food security, agriculture, and humanitarian
issues will be critical to leverage support from international donors,
host country governments and other partners, and to establishing new,
innovative sources of support.
Question. The United States works both bilaterally and through
multilateral institutions--including the United Nations food and
agriculture agencies in Rome--to ameliorate humanitarian conditions,
promote food security, and catalyze agriculture-led economic growth in
developing countries. In your view, what is the appropriate balance
between U.S. bilateral and multilateral assistance for food aid and
food security?
Answer. There are important roles for both bilateral and
multilateral food security assistance, and striking the appropriate
balance is often context specific. The United States and its partners
assess market conditions, feasibility, programmatic purpose, and cost
effectiveness when determining which modalities and partners are most
appropriate for delivering food assistance in any given context. If
confirmed, I would work closely with the Interagency to critically
evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of food aid interventions and to
ensure that they are cost efficient as well as effective. In addition,
I would like to continue to integrate and improve the use of objective
criteria in the provision of all international aid, so that we can
further support interventions that demonstrate success on the ground.
Initiatives like Feed the Future, which support food and nutrition
security through bilateral assistance, are important tools for driving
hunger, malnutrition, and poverty alleviation. The United States also
supports transformative school meals programs in food-deficit countries
through the USDA McGovern-Dole International Food for Education and
Child Nutrition program, of which WFP is one of the largest
implementers. For many schoolchildren in these food-insecure contexts,
a school meal may be the only meal they receive in a day. However, the
demand for food security programming far outstrips what the U.S. alone
is able to support. Through multilateral institutions, the U.S. is able
to maximize funding and better leverage U.S. taxpayer dollars.
Question. Are there instances when U.S. bilateral assistance might
be more appropriate than assistance delivered through the U.N. agencies
for food and agriculture?
Answer. The fact that the United States leverages both bilateral
and multilateral approaches is part of what makes our nation the
preeminent leader in addressing global food security. This is a
testament to the leadership of the members and staff of this Committee,
and if confirmed would seek to partner closely with you and your staff
in sustaining and expanding this leadership.
Our bilateral and multilateral activities are designed to
complement each other. The choice of approach takes into account
important contextspecific factors, including organizational comparative
advantages, presence on the ground, political dynamics, and operational
security.
Bilateral assistance can provide an advantage for food security
programming due to the unique, context-specific needs of communities.
However, the U.S. cannot solve hunger alone and engagement through U.N.
agencies and other multilateral institutions provides a multiplier
effect on U.S. taxpayer dollars.
Question. What role could or should the private sector play in
promoting food security and catalyzing agriculture-led economic growth?
Answer. The private sector already plays a critical role in
producing, processing, storing, transporting, and marketing food around
the world, and the U.S. is actively engaging with companies to catalyze
their support for global food security and resilience efforts. For
example, to meet the food needs of a world with growing challenges,
there is an important role for the private sector to help integrate
small-scale farmers into broader supply chains, reduce food loss and
waste across supply chains, develop resilient crop varieties, and scale
up the use of irrigation and water conservation technologies and
practices. Moreover, the private sector brings science- and technology-
based solutions to improve supply chains, which can benefit our partner
countries and programs.
If confirmed, I would also seek to strengthen partnerships with
American farmers in our work on agriculture and hunger around the
world, so that farmers can share the very practices that made American
agriculture the international gold standard directly with the farmers
we support abroad.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advancing science-based
approaches to promoting food insecurity at the Food and Agriculture
Organization, including through the use of innovative agricultural
technologies?
Answer. Yes. In the past year, we have seen signs of the FAO
shifting towards embracing innovative agricultural technologies,
including biotechnology. Our approach to further building resilient
food systems at the scale needed to feed a growing population and
create jobs across the entire food system means that we must put all
tools on the table, including sustainable farming practices,
agricultural inputs, investments in agriculture-related infrastructure,
and seed production. If confirmed, I will continue to push the FAO at
the highest levels to embrace science-based approaches.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you will work with
colleagues at USUN New York, the Bureau of International Organizations
(IO), and other stakeholders on recruiting and retaining qualified
Americans for placement and promotion with the U.N. system?
Answer. Increasing U.S. citizen employment in United Nations (U.N.)
agencies is an important tool for advancing American interests and
values. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs (IO), which coordinates advocacy on
behalf of U.S. citizen applicants, and with other IO Missions, which
have longstanding relationships with U.N. leadership. I will also
engage regularly with the executive heads of the Rome-Based Agencies
(RBA) about upcoming vacancies. I will meet with U.S. citizens working
in the RBAs to show my appreciation for their service and learn from
their experiences navigating the RBA recruitment systems. Finally, I
will make time to encourage and advise U.S. citizens pursuing U.N.
careers, including through the U.S.-sponsored Junior Professional
Officer (JPO) program and those targeting jobs in the RBAs.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey Prescott by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China (PRC) and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang,
?flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest
quaintly of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of
these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the CCP a
threat to the United States?
Answer. I agree with the Director of National Intelligence's
testimony that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ``represents both the
leading and most consequential threat to U.S. national security and
leadership globally.'' Under Xi Jinping, the CCP has become more
repressive at home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S.
influence and alliances. The United States has an imperative to advance
our interests and values in the face of the unrelenting efforts of our
competitors. After all, great power competition does not end at the
U.N.'s front door, certainly not from the perspective of our
adversaries. If confirmed, I would vigorously engage in this intense
competition, work to advance U.S. national security interests, and push
back against PRC efforts to expand its influence, including through
robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and
sustained advocacy for American interests and priorities in the U.N.
agencies under my purview in this position.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. I agree with the widely held bipartisan view that the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has become more repressive at home and
more aggressive abroad. I concur with the Office of the Director of
National Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment that the CCP is
seeking to ``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington
and its partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian
system.'' Informed by this assessment and my clear-eyed view of the
threats posed by the People's Republic of China, if confirmed, I would
engage in intense diplomacy to advance U.S. national security interests
and shared values in the international institutions under my purview in
this position.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocutors with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. This is a complex and consequential moment, as we
vigorously engage in a geopolitical competition to shape the future of
the international order and grapple with intractable global challenges
that cross borders. Food security sits at the intersection of these two
great strategic challenges, and there has never been a more important
time for U.S. leadership on global food security, agricultural trade,
and humanitarian issues. We have an imperative to advance American
interests and values in the face of unrelenting efforts of our
competitors, including in international organizations. As we use every
tool available to confront the drivers of global food insecurity, the
United States must fight to maintain integrity, promote U.S. interests
and values, and uphold good governance in U.N. institutions. If
confirmed, I would work with the Department of State's leadership,
interagency counterparts, and members and staff of the Committee to
advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by the PRC and
other actors at the U.N. Agencies under my purview in this position.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security and countering efforts by our strategic and regional
competitors to undermine our interests and values. The Administration
has been clear that the People's Republic of China (PRC) is the most
consequential geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that
the United States is committed to working to strengthen our partners
around the globe. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of
State and interagency colleagues and members and staff of this
committee to address China's efforts to expand its influence at the
U.N. and would be your partner in fighting to maintain integrity,
promote U.S. values, and uphold good governance in international
institutions.
Question. As you may be aware, a group of federal employees penned
an open letter to President Biden criticizing U.S. support for Israel
in the aftermath of Hamas' brutal terrorist attack on October 7, 2023.
Efforts like these directly undermine the duty of our diplomats to
advance the policies of the President of the United States. Yes or no,
did you sign the open letter to the President expressing opposition to
the President's Israel policy?
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever expressed support for an Israeli ceasefire
in Gaza?
Answer. No, I have not. As Secretary Blinken has noted, there was a
ceasefire on October 6--and Hamas violated it. The Administration does
not support calls for Israel to stop defending itself from Hamas'
continuing terrorism and indiscriminate rocket attacks, which would be
a result of any premature, permanent ceasefire. I believe that Israel
has the right, and indeed the duty, to defend its people against the
heinous attacks by Hamas on October 7. I also support efforts to secure
the safe return of Americans and other held hostage by Hamas. Toward
that end, the United States is working intensively with other parties
to facilitate release of hostages and related humanitarian pauses. The
United States continues to work with Israel, Egypt, the U.N., and other
partners to facilitate a sustained flow of humanitarian assistance into
Gaza.
Question. Do you agree that Hamas is an antisemitic entity and that
a ceasefire would allow these groups to reconstitute and attack Israel,
and Americans, in the future?
Answer. Yes, Hamas is a terrorist group that seeks to eliminate the
State of Israel and whose founding charter calls for the killing of
Jewish people. A ceasefire right now would give Hamas time to regroup,
allow it to retain the capacity to conduct future attacks, and would
fail to prevent Hamas from continuing terror attacks and firing
indiscriminate rockets at Israel.
Question. Do you agree that calling for a ceasefire in Gaza means
calling for Israel to stop its pursuit of Hamas, a designated foreign
terrorist organization, that orchestrated the October 7 attacks and
still refuses to release Israeli and American hostages?
Answer. Yes, I agree that a ceasefire would be premature at this
time. The Administration, in coordination with Israel, supports
humanitarian pauses to enable a sustained flow of aid and to allow the
voluntary movement of civilians who are seeking to move to safer
locations. Additionally, I support efforts to secure the safe return of
Americans and others held hostage by Hamas, including through intensive
diplomacy to facilitate release of hostages and related humanitarian
pauses.
Question. Do you believe that Israel, in its operation against
Hamas, which is known to use civilians as human shields, is taking all
necessary steps to minimize civilian casualties?
Answer. Israel has the right and, indeed the obligation, to protect
itself from terrorism, consistent with international law. It is clear
that Hamas is not concerned with protecting civilians and has been
deliberately and callously putting civilians in harm's way, a blatant
violation of international law. The United States has also emphasized
in constructive conversations with Israel that as it carries out
military operations, it is vital that steps be taken to protect
civilians from harm, to ditierentiate between civilians and Hamas
terrorists, and do everything possible to avoid civilian casualties.
Efforts to mitigate and respond to civilian harm are both a moral and a
strategic imperative.
Question. If confirmed, would you define one of your employees or
contractors signing an open leter criticizing you, or policies you
undertake at the instruction of the President, as insubordination as
defined by the Government Accountability Office?
Answer. The President has made clear that the Administration's
policy is to value and respect the expertise of the nonpartisan, career
employees of the Department of State, and to empower U.S. diplomats to
do their jobs without being targeted or subjected to retaliation in
violation of applicable policies and laws that allow for employees to
express dissent as well as report wrongdoing or a violation of the law.
Secretary Blinken has made clear that he welcomes active use of the
Department of State's dissent channel, takes it seriously, and uses it
to reflect on his own thinking in terms of policy making and what he
proposes to the President. If confirmed, I would uphold the
Administration's approach, and reflect considered views of employees in
the Mission in making recommendations to the Department for policy
making.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address discipline issues,
such as insubordination, that do not take established dissent channels?
Answer. The Department maintains established procedures, including
in the Foreign Affairs Manual, for addressing incidents or allegations
that may serve as grounds for disciplinary action. If confirmed, I will
scrupulously follow established procedures for handling such issues,
consistent with the rights and responsibilities of Department
employees.
Question. In your view, are the actions these federal employees
took, by anonymously signing a leter to the President of the United
States, covered as ``whistleblowing?''
Answer. Whistleblowers perform an important service for the public
and the Department when they report evidence of wrongdoing. All
Department of State employees, contractors, subcontractors, grantees,
subgrantees, and personal services contractors are protected from
retaliation for making a protected disclosure. If confirmed, I would
uphold relevant laws and policies pertaining to the protection of
whistleblowers, including the provisions of 5 U.S.C. Sec. 2302(b)(8).
Question. The U.S. is the top financial contributor to several U.N.
food security programs. In FY 22, the U.S. contributed approximately
$5.7 billion to the U.N. for this global effort in more than 130
countries to address instability and humanitarian crises. Given the
scope and anticipated increased need, there is concern that there is
multiplicity of programs that do not coordinate at the U.N. In your
view, would the U.S. be better served to provide bilateral aid to
closer align with U.S. policy and ability to conduct direct oversight?
Answer. The world is facing an unprecedented global food security
crisis, with approximately 735 million people around the world
suffering from hunger. It is a complex crisis that no individual
country or even group of countries can solve alone. We must use every
tool available and continue to bring food security to the forefront of
the agenda of the United Nations.
If confirmed, I will strive to ensure that food security
programming conducted by the Rome-based food agencies, including the
World Food Program, U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, and
International Fund for Agricultural Development are coordinated among
themselves and with broader U.N. efforts, and are fully transparent and
accountable. I will fight to maintain integrity, promote U.S. values,
and uphold good governance at the Rome-based food agencies, which
continue to deliver on critical emergency, development, and normative
efforts to reduce global food insecurity. If confirmed, I would commit
my unrelenting efforts to advance U.S. interests and values in the face
of the unrelenting efforts of our competitors in the U.N. system.
Question. If confirmed, how will you effectively track U.S. funding
to the U.N. that matches U.S. policy objectives?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to ensure
the effective and efficient use of American taxpayer dollars in a
manner consistent with the strategic objectives and policy priorities
of the United States. Transparency, accountability, and tracking are a
critical part of ensuring efficient use of funds.
If confirmed, I will ensure that development and humanitarian
policies, strategies, and programs involving the Rome-based U.N.
agencies (RBAs) are developed in close partnership across the U.S.
Government, including with U.S. missions abroad, and other partners,
and that programs align with the objectives in the National Security
Strategy and the Joint Department of State-USAID Strategic Plan.
And, if confirmed, as part of the Administration's focus on
strategic competition, I will monitor RBA activities internally through
their governing bodies--including reviewing internal and external
audits--and externally through field visits and our U.S. interagency
network on the ground.
Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure effective vetting
procedures and monitoring mechanisms actually occur at the U.N. for
your area of responsibility?
Answer. If confirmed, my first priority will be to ensure the
effective and efficient use of U.S. taxpayer dollars. I will be your
partner in fighting to maintain integrity, promote U.S. values, and
uphold good governance and oversight. I will monitor the organizations'
activities internally through their governing bodies and externally
through field visits and our interagency network working on the ground.
I will also work with likeminded countries, to the greatest extent
possible, to keep member states that flout an organization's founding
principles from being elected to governing bodies and leadership
positions. I would use the United States' leadership role in governing
bodies to actively monitor human resources policies and actions to
ensure applicants are screened for prior misconduct and that executive
heads take appropriate disciplinary action when staff engage in
misconduct and criminal acts. Finally, I would advocate for highly
qualified U.S. citizens to serve at all levels in the organizations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Sean Patrick Maloney by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Convention on Combatting Bribery
One of the OECD's most powerful tools is its Convention on
Combatting Bribery, which sets a global gold standard for
preventing corruption. While its impact is greatest in OECD
member countries, the standards set forth in the Convention are
recognized around the world. In fact, Senator Risch and I--as
part of legislation that we are developing to strengthen U.S.
competition with the PRC--have developed a provision that will
require the State Department and Treasury Department to provide
technical assistance to non-OECD member states to help them
develop and adopt legal standards that match those in the
Convention.
Question. Representative Maloney, can you talk to us about the
Convention on Combatting Bribery, why it is so important, and what
steps you will take, if confirmed, to strengthen its impact around the
world?
Answer. The Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public
Officials in International Business Transactions (Anti-Bribery
Convention) entered into force in 1999 and levels the global playing
field for U.S. businesses by discouraging foreign business competitors
from leveraging certain anti-competitive and unfair business practices
such as bribery.
The Convention is one of the few international instruments focused
on the ``supply side'' of bribery--the person or entity offering or
giving a bribe--and is a vital tool for pressing OECD member states to
enforce laws that criminalize bribery of foreign public officials in
international business transactions. If confirmed, I will continue U.S.
leadership within the Working Group on Bribery (WGB), which is
fundamental to ensure effective monitoring and enforcement of the
Convention. If confirmed, I also will continue U.S. support for the WGB
so it can continue to achieve its mandate: implementation of the
Convention in all 45 member countries to ensure partners adopt and
enforce legislation and regulations to combat foreign bribery, as well
as cooperate with U.S. and other law enforcement entities in the
investigation and prosecution of foreign bribery cases.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Sean Patrick Maloney by Senator James E. Risch
Americans at the OECD
Question. Please provide your views on how the United States can
encourage more Americans to explore employment opportunities at the
OECD. Will you commit to observing and analyzing the practices of other
OECD members in supporting the employment of their own citizens at the
OECD?
Answer. The Department of State collects information annually on
the number of Americans employed at international organizations,
including the OECD. If confirmed, I will commit to continue the
practice of advocating strongly for American candidates applying for
positions at the OECD and look at the practices of other members for
additional opportunities to grow the number of American employees. If
confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to engage with state and
local government officials to share the OECD's research, data, and best
practices to better inform policies ranging from education to
homelessness. Public discussion and application of OECD products is
likely to raise the profile of the organization and draw the attention
of young professionals and senior officials looking for opportunities
in international organizations.
Question. Will you commit to investigate any challenges or barriers
you might find that may be dis-incentivizing U.S. citizens who might
seek employment with the organization?
Answer. Yes. I will seek out and work to mitigate any formal or
informal barriers to U.S. citizen employment with the OECD. As you
know, Americans working at international organizations remain subject
to taxation at home, unlike their peers from other countries.
Question. Will you commit to report back to the committee with your
findings and recommendations?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to keeping the committee
informed.
Supporting Debt Transparency and Fiscal Responsibility
Enhancing public debt transparency should be a priority.
China continues to engage in irresponsible lending practices
that hide the true extent of its public sector lending. The
OECD Debt Transparency Initiative (DTI), launched in 2019,
includes a voluntary set of principles designed to enhance
transparency in private sector lending to the public sector,
particularly to vulnerable low-income countries. The DTI
obligates lenders to disclose information about their loans to
governments, including the amount of the loan, the interest
rate, the repayment schedule, and the purpose of the loan. In
addition, lenders disclose information about any guarantees or
collateral they have received in connection with the loan.
Question. Please provide your thoughts on how the United States can
advocate at the OECD for better debt transparency, particularly with
lenders who are neither OECD and nor Paris Club members.
Answer. The United States, through leadership roles in a range of
OECD working groups and committees, including the Working Group on
Bribery and the Public Governance Committee, is well positioned to
advocate for improved debt transparency at the OECD. Debt transparency
is fundamental for public accountability and economic growth, and, if
confirmed, I look forward to robust engagement with the OECD to bolster
ongoing efforts to advocate for improved debt transparency,
specifically for loans from non-OECD and non-Paris Club member
countries. Through amplifying the OECD's Public Debt Transparency
Initiative and other related efforts from the OECD Financial Markets
Division to improve the scope, quality, and consistency of debt
statistics and loan terms, U.S. leadership will ensure the OECD is a
resource and advocate for transparent lending. The lack of transparency
in debt practices, specifically non-disclosure clauses, complicates
international efforts to promote sound debt management and prevent debt
crises. If confirmed, as Ambassador I will press the OECD to encourage
borrowers to adopt best practices for debt management, including public
disclosure of debt and only contracting loans which do not include non-
disclosure clauses.
Export and Other Subsidies
Government subsidies can distort markets, leading to
inefficient allocation of resources and the creation of unfair
trade advantages. Historically, the United States has led the
world in establishing disciplines on government subsidies to
keep international trade free and fair. Some are now advocating
for reopening such disciplines to promote favored policy
outcomes, for example, creating exceptions for ``green
subsidies'' in the pursuit of carbon mitigation and reduction.
Question. What are your thoughts on reopening established rules on
subsidies?
Answer. The United States is firmly committed to the rules-based
international trading system. We seek fair competition, transparency,
respect for the rule of law, and trade that promotes these shared
values and helps meet the challenges of our time, including strained
supply chains, equity for workers, and the climate crisis. Any change
to the established rules on subsidies would need to align with these
shared values.
Question. Do you see any potential dangers with this approach?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative (USTR) to ensure U.S. interests are protected. I would
refer you to USTR for more details on the reform initiatives the U.S.
is actively involved in.
Question. Do we risk an escalation over which we will quickly lose
control?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative (USTR) to ensure that U.S. interests are protected.
Countering China
China appears to be growing increasingly hostile to the idea
of the OECD and its work. Many OECD members see the
organization as a vital network of friendly partners,
protecting them from Chinese retaliation.
Question. How can the U.S. and its allies leverage the OECD and its
best practices and principles to counter authoritarian, state
capitalism messages and advocacy coming from China?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the People's Republic of China
(PRC) actions in international organizations that aim to reshape the
international order to align with its authoritarian system. If
confirmed, I will seek to ensure that any OECD engagement with the PRC
supports member nation interests and upholds the norms, high standards,
and practices that underpin the rules-based global economic order.
Additionally, I will work to leverage the OECD's role in developing
best practices for global trade, digital economy policy, anti-
corruption, infrastructure, and other policy areas to counter
alternative models pushed by authoritarian states that undermine global
values, rules, and norms.
The Chinese continue to facilitate steel and aluminum
overproduction. Many see worrying trends that China is 1)
exporting its subsidized steel and aluminum investment to lower
quality (and higher carbon content) production capacity to its
neighbors so that it can focus on 2) subsidizing the production
of higher quality steel (for aerospace and automotive, for
example) at home and further crowd out any competitors in the
OECD countries. The result is that Chinese overproduction of
steel is expected to continue but will spread to include
production in third countries.
Question. What steps do you intend to take to support the OECD's
work in this area of curbing harmful Chinese steel overproduction and
to ensure this problem remains an important topic on the G7 agenda?
Answer. Last year, the United States agreed to remove the 232
tariffs on the EU as a condition for negotiating a Global Arrangement.
I understand that a Global Arrangement is envisioned to cover all steel
and aluminum products subject to the Section 232 tariffs. We have a
real opportunity to modernize our approach to trade, notably in how we
consider carbon intensity in emissions intensive goods and collectively
address the effects of non-market excess capacity on our market-
oriented steel and aluminum industries.
OECD Membership
Question. The OECD appears to be headed for a final, total
membership of 50 member states. What are your thoughts regarding the
accession process and the geographical balance of potential members?
Answer. The OECD's global influence derives not from the size or
composition of its membership but from the quality and impact of its
policy instruments and best practices. The accession process is a
valuable tool to align aspiring members with the OECD's high standards
and values, including a commitment to democratic governance and a
market-oriented economic system. While it is important the OECD's
membership reflects the world's geographic and cultural diversity,
expansion for the sake of expansion is not the goal. The accession
process is a way to reinforce the values aspirant countries share with
current members, such as anti-corruption, open investment climates, and
environmental commitments, to name a few. If confirmed, I will continue
our work to ensure that the OECD can absorb and integrate new members
without weakening its high standards or the effectiveness of its work.
We must ensure that candidate countries are also prepared and committed
to becoming members.
Because the OECD is a consensus decision-making body, it is
vital that any new candidates for OECD membership support and
be positioned to maintain the important shared principles of
the organization and not be vulnerable to outside influence or
pressures to undermine the OECD's important work.
Question. How will you ensure that any new members will remain
fully committed, over the long-term, to long-standing established OECD
principles and procedures?
Answer. The OECD is a group of like-minded countries committed to a
market economy and pluralistic democracy. If confirmed, I commit to
ensuring the integrity of the OECD's peer review process to ensure that
members live up to their obligations as OECD members. I also commit to
ensuring that potential new members demonstrate political commitment to
core OECD values, including democratic principles, respect for rule of
law, transparency, and human rights. Finally, I commit to encouraging
the review of OECD engagement with non-members to ensure democratic
principles remain key and that engagement is not merely done for the
sake of engagement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Sean Patrick Maloney by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy in the OECD as the United States'
Permanent Representative and Ambassador to the organization.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, the CCP has become more
repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. According to the Office
of the Director of National Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat
Assessment, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S. influence, drive
wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster some norms that
favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational and global challenges, such as climate change,
when it is in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not
as a favor to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away
from our principles, but because it is what the world expects. If
confirmed, I will work with the Department of State's new Office of
China Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful
behavior by the PRC and other actors in the OECD.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in the OECD and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State,
interagency colleagues, and Congress to address China's efforts to
expand its influence in the OECD and with its member states.
Question. As you may be aware, a group of federal employees penned
an open letter to President Biden criticizing U.S. support for Israel
in the aftermath of Hamas' brutal terrorist attack on October 7, 2023.
Efforts like these directly undermine the duty of our diplomats to
advance the policies of the President of the United States. Yes or no,
did you sign the open letter to the President expressing opposition to
the President's Israel policy?
Answer. No, I did not sign the open letter to the President
expressing opposition to the policy on Israel.
Question. Have you ever expressed support for an Israeli ceasefire
in Gaza?
Answer. No, I have not expressed support for an Israeli ceasefire
in Gaza.
Question. Do you agree that Hamas is an antisemitic entity and that
a ceasefire would allow these groups to reconstitute and attack Israel,
and Americans, in the future?
Answer. Yes, Hamas is a U.S. designated terrorist group that seeks
to eliminate the State of Israel and whose founding charter calls for
the killing of Jewish people. A ceasefire right now would give Hamas
time to regroup and would fail to prevent Hamas from continuing terror
attacks and firing rockets at Israel.
Question. Do you agree that calling for a ceasefire in Gaza means
calling for Israel to stop its pursuit of Hamas, a designated foreign
terrorist organization, that orchestrated the October 7 attacks and
still refuses to release Israeli and American hostages?
Answer. A ceasefire in Gaza would allow Hamas time and space to
regroup. The U.S. Government is working intensively with the
Governments of Qatar, Egypt, and Israel to secure humanitarian pauses
and the release of all hostages from Gaza. We are focused each day at
the highest levels on freeing hostages and facilitating safe passage
for wounded civilians and third country nationals, including Americans,
out of Gaza.
Question. Do you believe that Israel, in its operation against
Hamas, which is known to use civilians as human shields, is taking all
necessary steps to minimize civilian casualties?
Answer. Hamas has deeply embedded itself within the civilian
population, which creates an added challenge for the Israeli military
in conducting its operations in Gaza. The U.S. Government has been
clear on the necessity for Israel to act in full compliance with its
obligations under international humanitarian law and has urged all
possible steps to protect civilians. The United States supports
Israel's right to protect itself from terrorism, consistent with
international law.
Question. If confirmed, would you define one of your employees or
contractors signing an open letter criticizing you, or policies you
undertake at the instruction of the President, as insubordination as
defined by the Government Accountability Office?
Answer. As a nominee for Ambassador, I believe valuing opinions,
trust, and fostering a harassment-free workplace are all key to
managing dissent.
While I would prefer to address employee concerns personally,
making concerns known publicly is not insubordination, as defined by
the Government Accountability Office.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address discipline issues,
such as insubordination, that do not take established dissent channels?
Answer. If an employee did not express dissent through official
channels, I would make sure that the employee knew of the many
opportunities available to employees to express dissent and knew that
Department leadership listens to varying views on policy issues.
If confirmed, I would then encourage the employee to use
standardized dissent channels to express views and affect change. While
we may not always agree, employees must know they are safe bringing
their opinions to leadership.
Question. In your view, are the actions these federal employees
took, by anonymously signing a letter to the President of the United
States, covered as ``whistleblowing?''
Answer. Employees must feel safe to express dissenting views to
leadership.
While anonymously signing a letter to the President is a less than
ideal mechanism to bring an alternative policy view before leadership,
it is important that employees be able to safely express disagreement
without fear of reprisal. Employees should feel that their opinions are
protected and that they will not be subject to reprisal.
Question. In 1961, the OECD was created to be the economic
counterpart to NATO and has 20 founding country members. Since its
creation, OECD has expanded to 38 countries and aims to shape policies
that foster prosperity, equality, opportunity and well-being for all in
spaces where the IMF, World Bank, or UN do not operate such as anti-
bribery conventions, data privacy guidelines, and enforcement of laws
protecting privacy. OECD carries out most of its work via committees.
Do you believe U.S. interests are being fairly represented in these
committees?
Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. interests are being fairly represented
in the OECD's committees. Subject matter experts from across U.S.
Government departments and agencies represent the United States on the
OECD's various committees and working groups. These experts collaborate
closely across the U.S. Government as they formulate their positions in
committee and consider the views of other U.S. stakeholders, including
the private sector, where appropriate. As you have noted, issues such
as anti-bribery, data privacy, and enforcement of laws protecting
privacy are important, and the OECD is an important forum of like-
minded countries to discuss best policies and practices. In addition,
the OECD operates by consensus, and a proposed policy measure or
committee stance will not move forward in the OECD if the United States
objects. If confirmed, my door will always be open to our interagency
delegates, the U.S. Congress, and other American stakeholders to ensure
U.S. interests are well represented in the organization.
Question. Should OECD invite China to join in its work?
Answer. China is not a member of the OECD. It is one of five
designated ``Key Partner'' countries, along with Brazil, India,
Indonesia, and South Africa, given the size and importance of their
economies. OECD's membership represents most of the world's economy;
the organization gathers and analyzes global, regional, and country-
specific economic data, so it is important, for example, that economic
data on China be considered along with the rest of the world in the
research and analysis that the OECD conducts. China is, therefore,
sometimes invited by OECD members to be present in select committees,
working groups, and meetings. The United States and other likeminded
countries do not support China's inclusion as a member of the OECD. If
confirmed, I will continue to support the Administration's position.
Question. If confirmed, will you support China's efforts to join
OECD?
Answer. Throughout the OECD's 62-year history, China has not been
an OECD member. Accession to the OECD is only by invitation from all
members after an aspiring country has been deemed to share common
principles and values, and is subject to that country's successful
completion of a rigorous roadmap set by OECD members, with the aspirant
committing to adhere to a set of democratic and economic principles and
achieving specified benchmarks. China does not meet OECD's membership
invitation criteria.
Moreover, China has never expressed an interest in joining. Any
future decision to invite China to pursue accession would need to be by
consensus of the entire OECD membership--including the United States--
and we are not in favor. If confirmed, I will continue to advance the
U.S. Government's position on this and other issues at the OECD.
Question. The OECD is attempting to regulate brazen practices of
some developing countries which have been identified as tax havens. In
your view, should the U.S. support OECD efforts to address this
problem?
Answer. Tax policy is an area where the OECD plays a pivotal
convening role for the 145 countries engaged in the multi-year
Inclusive Framework for negotiating new tax architecture to prevent
Base Erosion and Profit Shifting.
This progress towards rules to create a fair, stable, and
predictable international tax regime, including a global minimum tax,
directly respond to concerns from U.S. investors over the years.
Achieving these objectives will create a fairer tax system for U.S.
workers and U.S. companies, while generating tax revenues to cover
critical national priorities.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Treasury Department--the
U.S. Government lead on tax policy--and our partners at the OECD to
protect U.S. interests, both at home and abroad.
Question. If so, how aggressively and in what manner?
Answer. The United States has been a leader in OECD/G20 Inclusive
Framework negotiations for the last decade, spanning various
Administrations. The United States has consistently sought ambitious
timelines and actively pursued consensus positions that benefit U.S.
interests in an effort to achieve a new global tax architecture that is
fit for the digital economy, as soon as possible to minimize
uncertainty and support long-term planning for U.S. businesses and
investors.
This effort includes Treasury's request for stakeholder comments on
the Pillar 1 agreement that provides a fair, stable, level playing
field, that allows U.S. companies to win on a global scale.
Question. Does this include setting a so-called ``global'' minimum
corporate tax rate that is higher than the current corporate tax rate
in the United States?
Answer. Overall, Pillar Two makes U.S. companies more competitive.
Before Pillar Two, U.S. multinationals were the only taxpayers subject
to a minimum tax on foreign earnings. Now, all multinationals are
subject to a minimum tax, no matter where they are headquartered or
operate.
When we level the global playing field by eliminating other
jurisdictions' tax advantage, U.S. companies and workers can compete to
win.
The global floor of 15 percent is lower than the current 21 percent
corporate tax rate in the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Sean Patrick Maloney by Senator Todd Young
Question. As a threshold question, do you believe that protecting
and defending American interests and our domestic tax revenues should
be the most important goal for the Biden Administration in these
negotiations, yes or no? Please explain your response.
Answer. Yes, we all agree that protecting and defending American
interests--including those of U.S. workers and the U.S. economy--and
our domestic revenues are the most important goals for the Biden
Administration in the OECD/G20 global tax negotiations.
Overall, Pillar Two makes U.S. companies more competitive. Before
Pillar Two, U.S. multinationals were the only taxpayers subject to a
minimum tax on foreign earnings. Now, all multinationals are subject to
a minimum tax, no matter where they are headquartered or operate.
When we level the global playing field by eliminating other
jurisdictions' tax advantage, U.S. companies and workers can compete to
win. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Treasury Department and
our partners at the OECD to protect U.S. interests, both at home and
abroad.
Question. Are you troubled by JCT's June 2023 findings referenced
above? Why or why not?
Answer. While I would refer you to Treasury for specifics, it is my
understanding that the JCT June 2023 analysis begins with the
assumption that over 40 countries adopt Pillar Two and that the United
States does nothing.
Under that assumption, the JCT finds that the U.S. revenue impact
could vary by about $400 billion--with the midpoint being an increase
in U.S. tax receipts by $25 billion. Then the JCT analyzes several
scenarios; in each scenario, U.S. adoption of Pillar Two is better from
a revenue perspective than the United States doing nothing. For
instance, scenario 5 shows that U.S. adoption along with the 40+
countries in the baseline means a U.S. revenue increase of $237
billion.
So, overall, the takeaway is if other major members of the global
economy are moving ahead--and they are doing so--it is better from a
revenue perspective for the United States to act than to remain on the
sidelines.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, how would you utilize your
position to ensure American domestic interests are protected?
Answer. I believe that it is essential to continue discussions at
the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework to protect U.S. interests, level the
playing field for U.S. companies, and prevent double taxation.
If confirmed, I will work closely with Treasury and other U.S.
agencies to ensure that U.S. views continue to be reflected in the tax
policy work of the OECD, and to provide appropriate policy articulation
to the OECD and feedback to the U.S. Government.
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Charlie Crist by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Emissions Reduction Efforts
ICAO has introduced the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction
Scheme in International Aviation (CORSIA), intended to
``harmonize'' emissions reduction efforts across international
aviation.
Question. How do you see this effort interacting with aviation
industry-led initiatives to reduce emissions?
Answer. Over time, the aviation industry has made concerted
voluntary efforts to reduce its ``value chain emissions''--emissions
from assets not owned or controlled by the company, but in its value
chain. However, like any corporate sustainability initiative, the
aviation sector's voluntary actions are not always implemented
consistently, and certainly not universally. CORSIA ensures that
airlines are taking sustained climate actions that meet a high and
common bar for effectiveness. If confirmed, I will continue to
encourage airlines to go above and beyond CORSIA's core requirements,
which many U.S. airlines already do.
Question. Are there points of tension between CORSIA and any
efforts industry may have already begun to reduce emissions?
Answer. Those types of tensions are generally not evident. Some
airlines may choose to voluntarily purchase carbon credits or to invest
in early-stage sustainable alternative fuels that, in either case, are
not yet eligible under CORSIA. But most airlines recognize the
importance of ensuring that compliance-eligible credits or fuels meet a
high, common bar for quality, to preserve the integrity and reputation
of CORSIA as a global climate measure.
Question. How can ICAO work constructively with industry on this
issue?
Answer. The United States and other ICAO member states work
directly with industry and civil society representatives in the ICAO
technical bodies that develop and recommend guidance or standards for
CORSIA's implementation. It appears that arrangement is quite unique in
the UN system. It has proven to be constructive in helping to ensure
broad acceptance of ICAO's decisions on CORSIA across a range of
stakeholder groups, including industry, and if confirmed, I will
continue this practice.
Passenger Safety
The most important responsibility of ICAO is ensuring
passenger safety.
Question. What more needs to be done to make civil aviation safer
for passengers?
Answer. As I said in my testimony, passenger safety would be my top
priority, if confirmed. ICAO's mission proactively focuses on
enhancements in technology, regular reviews of standards and
recommended practices (SARPs), conducting thorough safety audits, and
promoting global cooperation to bolster passenger safety. The United
States is an active participant in all of these activities, and if
confirmed I will make sure these continue to be a priority in our
engagement with ICAO.
Question. Are ICAO's current passenger safety standards sufficient?
Answer. ICAO is responsive to the dynamic nature of the aviation
industry and continually assesses the evolving landscape to ensure its
global aviation standards remain effective and adaptable to emerging
challenges. If confirmed, I will work with our U.S. interagency team to
ensure that we continue to move forward ICAO's work in this area.
Airspace Security
Airspace security over high-traffic, active warzones--such as
Ukraine and the Middle East--is of the utmost importance.
Question. What role do you see ICAO playing in developing
alternative routes for flights in these regions?
Answer. Throughout the world, in various high-traffic or conflict
areas, ICAO plays a pivotal role in developing alternative routes by
facilitating international cooperation and coordination. This work
involves ICAO bringing together member states, airlines, and relevant
authorities to assess and establish safer options.
Question. How can ICAO best support airspace security efforts, and
how can the Biden administration best support ICAO in this regard?
Answer. ICAO supports airspace security efforts by fostering
international collaboration, communication, and leveraging advanced
technologies for real-time threat assessments. The Biden administration
can support ICAO in these efforts by promoting ICAO's initiatives and
encouraging adherence to international aviation safety and security
standards.
Taiwan Observer Status
Members of Congress, on a bipartisan basis, have repeatedly
made the case for including Taiwan as an observer of ICAO. They
are an important stakeholder in global aviation, and can
substantially contribute to safe and secure international air
navigation and transport. However, in the past, influence from
the People's Republic of China--both internal and external to
the organization--has made that impossible to achieve.
Question. How would you seek to address this issue, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to supporting Taiwan's meaningful
participation in ICAO, in line with longstanding U.S. policy. I would
continue to support Taiwan's membership in international organizations
where statehood is not a requirement and encourage Taiwan's meaningful
participation in organizations where membership is not possible.
Aviation security, safety, and environmental impacts are matters of
global importance, and should involve all interested stakeholders,
including Taiwan, which has a major aviation sector and can both
benefit from and contribute to technical discussions on aviation safety
and security based on its own aviation experiences.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Charlie Crist by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Prior to 2019, the State Department withheld about $2
million in contributions pursuant to Sec. 7048(a) of the FY2019
Consolidated Appropriations Act, which mandates the withholding of 15
percent of contributions to international organizations that do not
implement sufficient whistleblower protections. After the adoption and
implementation of key ethics and oversight reforms, the U.S. restored
full funding. However, this is no longer standard practice and concern
remains regarding adherence to ethics and whistleblower protections. If
confirmed, how will you direct the U.S. Mission to ICAO to push for
transparency, adherence to ethics and oversight reforms, and the
protection of whistleblowers?
Answer. The Administration is committed to improving transparency
and accountability at ICAO, which includes eliminating waste, fraud,
and abuse, as well as protecting whistleblowers from retaliation. If
confirmed, I will continue and build on the United States' work to
ensure that whistleblowers can report wrongdoing without fear of
reprisal.
Following a high-level claim of retaliation in June 2019, the U.S.
Mission increased its efforts to address deficiencies in ICAO's ethics
framework, investigation procedures, and Secretariat transparency.
Concerted action on the part of the Mission and its stakeholders led to
ICAO's adoption of a new whistleblower protection policy and new
procedures for investigating complaints of staff misconduct.
In addition, in April 2021, ICAO became one of the few U.N. System
organizations to adopt rules of procedure specifically for handling
complaints of misconduct against its executive head.
If confirmed, I will continue this engagement to ensure that ICAO's
transparency and accountability mechanisms meet U.N. System-wide best
practices. I will also commit to working closely with the organization
to ensure it is effectively implementing its whistleblower protection
policy.
Question. How will you hold the body accountable for doing so given
it has fallen way short in the past?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that ICAO is
accountable and responsible for the U.S. taxpayer resources that they
receive. This includes continuing the long-standing U.S. policy of
promoting budget discipline, as well as continuing efforts to ensure
that senior management is held to account for promoting ethical conduct
throughout ICAO's ranks. I will also work to ensure that ICAO adheres
to best management and oversight practices in the areas of protecting
whistleblowers, addressing sexual exploitation and abuse, promoting
zero tolerance for corruption, and ensuring financial and managerial
transparency.
Question. Are you familiar with the whistleblower scandal at ICAO
in recent years where the secretary general of ICAO, Fang Liu, was
accused by a senior official-turned-whistleblower of ``toxic and
hostile'' leadership marked by ``cronyism'' and ``favoritism,'' and
where no investigation place and the whistleblower was fired by ICAO?
Answer. Yes, I am familiar with the case. I share your
determination to see that whistleblowers are supported and protected in
appropriate ways. If confirmed, I will work through the Council to
promote a culture at ICAO in which staff feel free to speak up and that
processes are in place to protect against retaliation when they call
attention to wrongdoing. I will work to ensure that cronyism and
favoritism have no place at ICAO.
Aviation safety and security systems depend on the ability and
willingness of crew and airport staff to report concerns that could
lead to damage and/or loss of life. ICAO must lead by example through
effective policies and practices for reporting and addressing
misconduct and for preventing retaliation against whistleblowers.
Question. In brief, a breach of ICAO's servers by a Chinese state-
sponsored hacker group which took place in 2019 and revealed in 2019.
The hackers reportedly gained access to the agency's system through a
compromised laptop belonging to the son of then-ICAO Council President
Olumuyiwa Benard Aliu. The hackers compromised the laptop of an ICAO
official was in Beijing. Leaked documents show that ICAO staff sought
to cover up the incident, and Liu reportedly ignored internal
recommendations to investigate further. Are you familiar with this case
which has been widely reported on? What is your perspective and how
would you direct your mission to prevent incidents like this from
happening in the future?
Answer. I am familiar with the serious cyberattack at ICAO that was
revealed in 2019, and the flawed response within the organization. If
confirmed, I will support ICAO Secretary General Juan Carlos Salazar's
efforts to modernize and reform the operations of the organization.
Secretary General Salazar made several management changes in his first
year, including taking steps to implement the ICAO Council's ethics
reform package that the United States had spearheaded in 2020-2021.
Salazar also initiated a ``digital transformation'' effort that would,
among other things, enhance cyber security across the organization. If
confirmed, I will press for continued implementation of those reforms
to ensure enhanced transparency in the handling of these types of
cases.
Question. On January 8, 2020, the Islamic Republic of Iran shot
down Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, a civilian aircraft
departing a Tehran airport. 176 innocent passengers and crew members
were killed, including 138 people with ties to Canada. More than a year
after the downing, the Governments of Canada and Ukraine have rejected
Iran's handling of, and investigation into, the PS752 downing, pushing
for Iran's full adherence to international conventions. The G7 Summit
Communique reaffirmed the G7's commitment to addressing this case. If
confirmed, will you commit to publicly and meaningfully supporting our
allies and partners in Canada and Ukraine to pursue full
accountability, transparency, and justice in this case and future
cases, including at ICAO?
Answer. With respect to the shooting down of Ukraine International
Airlines Flight PS752, I understand that United States participated in
the investigation, including with an accredited representative on the
investigation team. I understand that the ICAO Accident Investigation
Panel formed a working group to explore some of the unique issues
raised by this incident. If confirmed, I will work with our
international partners to ensure the integrity of the accident
investigation process and to hold those responsible for the shoot-down
of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752 accountable. If
confirmed, I will also call on Iran to uphold its responsibilities to
the victims and families of this tragic incident.
Question. Since 2013, Taiwan has been systematically excluded from
participating at ICAO, including during key discussions to stop the
spread of COVID-19 in the early days of the pandemic. Taiwan operates
one of the busiest airports by passenger and cargo traffic in the
world. Can you commit to championing Taiwan's bid to attain observer
status at ICAO?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to promote Taiwan's meaningful
participation at ICAO, in line with longstanding U.S. policy. I would
also continue to support Taiwan's membership in international
organizations where statehood is not a requirement and encourage
Taiwan's meaningful participation in organizations where membership is
not possible. Taiwan's involvement helps the international community
address global challenges.
Taiwan, with its major aviation sector, can both benefit from and
contribute to technical discussions on aviation safety and security
based on its own aviation experiences. Aviation security, safety, and
environmental impacts are matters of global importance, and should
involve all interested stakeholders, including Taiwan.
Question. How will the U.S. Mission to ICAO, in conjunction with
the State Department, specifically work to assist Taiwan in its bid?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to demonstrate to ICAO members
that Taiwan has important contributions to make in many areas of ICAO's
work, including the safety and security of civil aviation. I will press
ICAO leadership to provide meaningful participation for Taiwan at all
appropriate levels and events, and work to build support with
likeminded partners. If confirmed, I will make this a priority at ICAO
and work with the State Department and other agencies to identify
opportunities and events to support Taiwan's participation so that the
international community can benefit from its contributions on this
important issue.
Question. On May 23, 2021, Ryanair flight FR4978 was forcibly
diverted by the Government of Belarus and a passenger was arrested.
ICAO has taken up an investigation of this event. Can you commit to
ensuring that the fact-finding investigation into Ryanair Flight FR4978
is completed with transparency?
Answer. Belarus' forced diversion of Ryanair Flight 4978 and
subsequent arrest of an opposition journalist and a colleague was a
flagrant disregard for international norms of aviation security and
safety and undermined the critical trust between pilots and air traffic
control. The ICAO Council launched an investigation of this matter that
was performed by a Fact- Finding Investigation Team (FFIT) of experts
from the ICAO Secretariat. The FFIT report was completed in June 2022.
Based on that report, the ICAO Council and the 41st ICAO Assembly,
which took place in September-October 2022, condemned Belarus'
infractions of the Chicago Convention related to its forced landing of
Ryanair flight 4978. If confirmed, I commit to working to ensure future
investigations are conducted with full transparency.
Question. How will you work to combat malign Chinese influence at
ICAO?
Answer. If confirmed, I will priorities working with allies and
partners to strengthen ICAO's governance and its ability to fulfil its
mandate of ensuring the safety, security, and sustainability of civil
aviation. I will oppose efforts by states, including the PRC, that seek
to make ICAO and other international organizations less transparent and
accountable or to use the organizations to advance their own interests.
If confirmed, I will also continue to support greater U.S.
representation at ICAO, including by advocating for qualified and
independent candidates.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to recruit, install and
retain qualified Americans for positions within the U.N.? How can you,
alongside colleagues at U.S./U.N. New York and the Bureau of
International Organizations (IO), promote such individuals in the U.N.
system to better promote America's values and the shared interests of
our partners?
Answer. If confirmed, increasing U.S. citizen employment at ICAO
would be a top priority. Increasing the number of U.S. citizens in
international organizations such as ICAO requires a multifaceted
approach focused on all levels of employment. I would work with the IO
Bureau and its missions to promote qualified U.S. citizens for senior
leadership and mid-level appointment opportunities, as well as entry-
level talent through programs such as the Junior Professional Officer
(JPO) program.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the U.S.
Mission to ICAO?
Answer. My understanding is that morale is good at the U.S. Mission
to ICAO. Having said that, establishing and maintaining high morale is
always a work in progress. I understand that the current Charge
d'Affaires, Brent Christensen, has done a very good job of working with
employees at Mission ICAO for a better atmosphere. If confirmed, I am
absolutely committed to continuing and building on this effort.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at U.S. Mission to
ICAO?
Answer. If confirmed, I would bring to the role a strong respect
for the Mission and its employees. I would also bring a commitment to
work in concert with the team to advance United States interests at
this important multilateral agency.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at U.S. Mission to ICAO?
Answer. My intention would be to incorporate the insights of all
the current employees at the U.S. Mission to ICAO. Then, to make sure
that we are unified in our mission, to improve the U.S. standing at
ICAO, and increase the number of U.S. citizen employees at ICAO.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I strive to lead by example. I commit myself to serve with
integrity and mutual respect. I am guided by the principles of decency
and kindness and valuing each and every employee for the insights they
have to offer.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable to berate
subordinates either in public or private. I believe in honesty and
decency, which my record in public service bears out. If confirmed, I
commit to these guiding principles in all of my interactions with
staff, and I will encourage the same from them with me and among one
another.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would view the relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission as one of mutual respect and built upon trust. I
believe it is very important for the Deputy Chief of Mission, as well
as the Ambassador, to work together in a strong partnership for the
best interests of the United States of America.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I have deep respect for the career officers of the State
Department, and the tradecraft, abilities, and commitment they bring to
public service. If confirmed, I would intend to entrust to the Deputy
Chief of Mission the traditional roles and responsibilities assigned to
DCMs at U.S. Missions around the world. I would work closely with this
key officer of the U.S. mission to build trust and a cooperative
relationship that prioritizes the pursuit of U.S. interests and the
care of our staff.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. I do believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback for their performance in their jobs. I
would provide this feedback in a clear, honest, straightforward, and
respectful manner in order to encourage improvement in areas that are
identified.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would certainly encourage clear, accurate
and direct feedback to employees. I think it is important to be honest,
and to be appropriately direct in order to create an environment that
encourages trust and improvement based upon that honesty.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to accomplish
fully their missions?
Answer. Through my experience as a former Governor, I understand
the importance of getting outside your comfort zone, and being in
contact with those who are leaders in the country you are visiting. I
was able to do this during trade missions to Europe, South America, and
Israel. Based on that experience, I do believe it is important to get
outside the mission's confines and interact with local officials, both
in business and government.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure the small staff of the
Mission is fully engaged with member states of the International Civil
Aviation Organization, and actively engaged with government, civic, and
business organizations of the host country, where appropriate, by
making sure that their schedules allow them this opportunity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Charlie Crist by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China (PRC) and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang,
flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest
quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of
these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the CCP a
threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S. standing at ICAO.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests? If so, please explain.
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
CCP that would constructively work with the United States in good
faith, knowing that at any moment Chinese interlocuters with U.S.
representatives could be disappeared at a moment's notice? If so,
please explain.
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's Office of China Coordination
to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by the PRC and
other actors in ICAO.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests at ICAO and countering efforts by our strategic and
regional competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration
has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical
challenge facing the United States, and that the United States is
committed to working to strengthen our partners in the region. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and interagency
colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to expand its
influence in ICAO.
Question. Along with other standard-setting UN agencies, concern
has been growing that the CCP is actively working to increase its
influence at the ICAO in order to ensure that its preferred rules are
imposed on the rest of the world. For example, in 2020, the Trump
Administration criticized the ICAO's decision to block the twitter
accounts of world leaders who called for Taiwan to be include in the
ICAO. There have also been Chinese attempts to steer ICAO regulations
for passports to favor formats that would benefit Chinese
manufacturers. If confirmed, in what areas can we work with the CCP
regarding international aviation?
Answer. One area is reducing emissions. While ICAO Resolutions are
not legally binding, the Assembly Resolution on the Carbon Offsetting
and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA) asked ICAO to
develop standards and recommended practices (SARPs) ensuring its
uniform implementation. Those standards cover all requirements
necessary for ensuring a level playing field for U.S. airlines. If
confirmed, I commit to working for early participation of countries
with significant aviation activity, such as the PRC.
The United States and China have a history of cooperating on civil
aviation, including an active program to support the certifying of
aircraft components manufactured in China. If confirmed, I will
continue to support where those efforts continue to serve United States
interests.
Question. Do you commit to voting against proposals, put forward by
CCP representatives to the ICAO, which are not to the U.S.' interests?
Answer. Standard-setting bodies are essential to the national
security and economic security of the United States and our partners,
friends, and allies. Organizations such as ICAO must remain transparent
and accountable to membership, focused on mandates and core
competencies, and led by independent, qualified individuals. If
confirmed, I will prioritize working with allies and partners to
strengthen ICAO's governance and its ability to fulfil its mandate: the
safety, security, and sustainability of civil aviation. If confirmed, I
will oppose efforts by states, including the PRC, that seek to make
ICAO and other international organizations less transparent and
accountable or to use the organizations to advance their own narrow
interests rather than those of all U.N. member states.
Question. ICAO additionally regulates international balloon and
airship flights. Will you commit to voting against any airship or
balloon proposals put forward by the CCP?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear our Nation's firm resolve
to counter efforts by states that may seek to advance initiatives that
are harmful to U.S. interests or seek to use ICAO to advance their own
narrow interests rather than those of all UN member states.
Question. Do you support Taiwan's participation at the ICAO?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to supporting Taiwan's meaningful
participation in ICAO, in line with longstanding U.S. policy. The
United States will continue to support Taiwan's membership in
international organizations where statehood is not a requirement and
encourage Taiwan's meaningful participation in organizations where
membership is not possible.
Aviation security, safety, and environmental impacts are matters of
global importance, and should involve all interested stakeholders,
including Taiwan, which has a major aviation sector and can both
benefit from and contribute to technical discussions on aviation safety
and security based on its own aviation experiences.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Charlie Crist by Senator Ted Cruz
As you know, members of the International Civil Aviation
Organization (ICAO) work to adopt consensus standards to
maintain safe and efficient airspace systems. In 2006, ICAO
increased the mandatory pilot retirement age for commercial
pilots from 60 to 65, after analysis from ICAO's aviation chief
medical determined that any aviation risk due to the pilot's
age was less than 0.84 percent--a rapidly diminished percentage
since the original analysis, due to significant technological
advancements in aircraft automation.
Every year, thousands of U.S. commercial pilots are forced
into mandatory retirement at age 65, without a stable income
and still being healthy enough to fly and educate younger
pilots. The 65-year-old pilot community does not want to leave
their job. These pilots are committed to serving our Nation's
skies and ensuring safety remains the gold standard in
aviation.
Question. Would you support a two-year increase in the U.S. pilot
retirement age requirement for commercial pilots, from age 65 to 67?
Further, how would you advocate for its adoption at the international
level?
Answer. As I understand it, the FAA would need to conduct
additional research to ensure that any changes do not impact safe
operations in the National Airspace System. After having the
opportunity to discuss with your office, I recognize this is an
important issue for ICAO, the FAA, and the Senate. If confirmed, should
the U.S. Government pursue increasing the maximum pilot age following
completion of additional research, I would work with your office, and
with our international partners, to ensure harmonization, including at
ICAO.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Cardell Kenneth Richardson, Sr. by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Ukraine Oversight Efforts
I understand that the State Department OIG has a Memorandum
of Understanding (MOU) with the National Anti-Corruption Bureau
of Ukraine, which includes informal information-sharing
agreements and investigative collaboration, signaling
significant Ukrainian buy-in to our efforts to prevent waste of
U.S. tax dollars. State OIG also has personnel on the ground in
Kyiv that facilitates engagement with Ukrainian authorities.
Question. Do you agree that partnering with Ukraine is important to
ongoing oversight efforts? How do you plan to ensure that Ukraine is
engaged in accountability of funds?
Answer. Partnering with Ukraine officials is essential in the
ongoing oversight of assistance to Ukraine. The accountability of funds
has to be a collaborative effort between the USG and Ukraine officials.
If confirmed, to ensure accountability of funds, I will partner with
Inspectors General from the Department of Defense (DOD) and the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID) to ensure programmatic
audits and evaluations of Ukraine assistance as reflected in the Joint
Strategic Oversight Plan for Operation Atlantic Resolve (OAR) are
executed in a timely manner. These projects will reveal whether or not
the proper processes and internal controls are in place, and being
followed. The intent is to be proactive in preventing fraud, waste,
abuse or gross mismanagement; and to expose flags or fraud indicators,
and investigate as appropriate. The process will require a positive
relationship with Ukraine officials to ensure access to files,
processes and data. If confirmed I will travel to Ukraine, along with
IGs from DOD and USAID and meet with Ukraine officials to develop the
necessary relationships to ensure OIG has ample access to conduct the
requisite scopes of analysis to ensure full accountability of funds.
Currently there is a trip to Ukraine planned for the January-February
2024 timeframe to meet with stakeholder officials from the National
Anticorruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), the Special Anticorruption
Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) and the High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC).
If confirmed I will meet and work with these Ukraine officials to
ensure that OIG has the cooperation necessary to perform the required
oversight of U.S. assistance to Ukraine.
Question. How do you plan to balance the pressing need to conduct
scrupulous oversight of U.S. assistance to Ukraine with other pressing
priorities?
Answer. Oversight is multifaceted. Recognizing that resources are
finite, while requirements tend to be infinite; I will assess the
situation and prioritize accordingly, since all priorities are not
equal. I will align the available resources to the highest priorities.
I will conduct a risk assessment and gap analysis, then adjust
accordingly and act deliberately. If the risk analysis suggests that
more, or different resources are needed to support the oversight
requirements, I will make an informed case, and request additional
resources necessary to carry out the oversight mission fully and
accurately.
Independence
Above all, the most critical trait that an Inspector General
must have is independence. Unfortunately, there have been
attempts in recent memory to influence Inspector Generals and
impugn their integrity.
Question. Do you commit to us that you will serve as a fully
independent Inspector General, free from influence, political or
otherwise?
Answer. Yes, absolutely.
State Action on Recommendations
State OIG reports can result in recommendations that may be
unwelcome for the Department. The OIG works to follow up on
outstanding recommendations, but there are often open
recommendations that have not been fully implemented.
Question. How will you ensure that recommendations are acted upon
by the Department, and more importantly, result in actionable changes?
Answer. While IGs are authorized by statute to develop
recommendations to improve government programs and operations; IGs are
not authorized to enforce the implementation of these value-added
recommendations. Rather, agencies possess the authority to ensure the
implementation of IG recommendations. IG recommendations would be far
more effective if agency leaders were compelled by statute, executive
order or policy, to address all IG recommendations within some
specified period of time. I will ensure that State open recommendations
are tracked, reported to the Secretary of State for management action
and included in State OIG semiannual reports to Congress for
transparency.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Nicole Shampaine by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Chemical Weapons Incidents
The increasing number of incidents of chemical weapons use is
a growing international concern. The international community
turns to the OPCW, which was originally designed to overseas
the destruction of chemical weapons stockpiles, for this
mission.
Question. How adequate are the OPCW's resources for its role as a
non-proliferation agency? How do you assess the United States' response
to recent cases of use?
Answer. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
(OPCW) continues to require additional voluntary funding from States
Parties--including the United States--to be fit for purpose and hold
Russia, Syria, and others to account in an ever-changing security
environment. The Organization's workload over the past ten years has
significantly increased, including on Syria accountability, and Russia
and its allies have increasingly pushed back against fiscal support to
the OPCW. Without our support, the Organization will likely cut back on
its capabilities to investigate and attribute future uses of chemical
weapons (CW) by either state or non-state actors, let alone build
capabilities to test novel agents, for example.
On Syria's use of CW, the United States' response has been
comprehensive. The United States worked with allies, partners, and the
international community to condemn Syria's use of CW and, in an
unprecedented step, secure a decision from the Conference of the States
Parties of the OPCW to suspend certain rights and privileges of Syria
under the Chemical Weapons Convention. Moreover, the United States
supports the U.N.'s International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism
work to document and build case files on the most serious crimes under
international law committed in Syria, including the use of chemical
weapons, and we continue to work with responsible countries and through
organizations and initiatives such as the Partnership against Impunity
for the Use of Chemical Weapons, the U.N. Human Rights Council, and the
UNSC to hold the Assad regime accountable. The actions at the OPCW and
other institutions demonstrate the world is concerned by and condemns
the Assad regime's use of CW. Such a response has been essential to
demonstrating that the norm against CW use remains strong, and U.S.
leadership has been instrumental in this regard.
On Russia's multiple assassination attempts using chemical weapons,
the United States continues to challenge Russia's disinformation
campaign and press the Kremlin for answers. We have also taken more
tangible steps in coordination with allies and partners. In October
2018, the United States, along with Canada and the Netherlands,
submitted a Technical Change Proposal to add two families of novichoks,
including one of the chemicals used to poison the Skripals, to the
CWC's Annex on Chemicals. In November 2019, this technical change was
adopted by consensus at the Twenty-Fourth Session of the Conference of
States Parties to the OPCW. Additionally, forty-five States Parties--
including the United States--have pressed Russia to answer questions
under Article IX, paragraph 2 of the CWC on the poisoning of Mr.
Navalny on Russian soil; Russia has not provided sufficient responses
to those questions.
If confirmed, I will work with partners to support the OPCW's
robust implementation of the Convention, seek every opportunity to
strengthen its capabilities in the interest of U.S. national security,
and continue to press to hold Russia and Syria to account.
Disinformation About Chemical Weapons
The current U.S. Representative to the OPCW has said that
Russia has spread disinformation about chemical weapons use by
Ukraine.
Question. What can the United States do in the OPCW context to
respond to disinformation about chemical attacks?
Answer. It is essential to counter Russia's disinformation on CW
issues. Russia has sought to distract from its brutal conduct in its
war of aggression against Ukraine by alleging Ukraine's prospective use
of CW. To combat the Russian Federation's disinformation campaign, the
United States and partners repeatedly refuted the allegations,
including at the highest levels of government but also at the
grassroots level, across the globe. For example, on February 17, 2022,
Secretary Blinken warned the U.N. Security Council that Russian
officials were potentially creating a false flag chemical weapons event
as a pretext for Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In April
2022, the United States also supported the use of $250,000 for the
OPCW's Trust Fund for the Implementation of Article X in support of the
provision of assistance and protection to Ukraine in the event of the
use or threat of use of chemical weapons, and the United States has
encouraged other countries to provide support to Ukraine directly and
through additional support to the OPCW so the Organization could
further support Ukraine by providing important training and equipment.
If confirmed, I would look forward to continuing to work with
willing CWC States Parties to identify and take appropriate steps at
the OPCW to highlight and hold Russia to account for its use of
chemical weapons and noncompliance with the CWC as well as to counter
the Kremlin's disinformation.
Challenges in Multilateral Diplomacy
Question. What are the central challenges in conducting
multilateral diplomacy in an era of more intense strategic competition
with Russia and China? Can organization like the OPCW function
effectively if Russia and China are seeking to impede their activities?
Answer. While the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of
China are active in multilateral forums, their influence at the OPCW is
limited to a core group of about a dozen countries that systematically
oppose sensible OPCW actions in line with the CWC's purpose to
eliminate chemical weapons permanently and verifiably and to
consequently prevent their use. In response, the United States
continues to diligently work with other States Parties to strengthen
the Convention--and the OPCW--to ensure the norm against the use of CW
remains strong and to counter Russia's and the PRC's attempts to
revise, weaken, or dismantle disarmament and arms control mechanisms
that promote stability and predictability in international security.
Unlike in some multilateral fora, there is no veto at the OPCW and
decisions can be taken by vote; Russia, the PRC, and others are
therefore unable to block decisions where there is widespread support.
The United States also strengthens the functioning of the OPCW by
assisting States Parties with their national implementation of the CWC,
such as by assisting in the formulation of CWC implementing
legislation.
What the United States has accomplished with our partners at the
OPCW is extraordinary and shows that the United States can effectively
work with likeminded and responsible States Parties to counter Russian
and PRC obstructionism. It is critical for the United States to remain
actively engaged at the OPCW to ensure our partners have the benefit of
our perspective as we continue to build a broad coalition in support of
the norm against chemical weapons use. If confirmed, I will work to
maintain strong support among States Parties for the OPCW's effective
operation and ensure the United States continues to respond to attempts
by Russia and the PRC to impede the good work of the OPCW.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Nicole Shampaine by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagement and
public diplomacy, to advance the Administration's policies and goals
and strengthen the capabilities of the OPCW.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad.
According to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence's
2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S.
influence, drive wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster
some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the Organization for the Prohibition of
Chemical Weapons.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the PRC in the countries or areas
in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, in the context of my work with the
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, I will make sure
that any activity in which the United States is involved is in the
national security interest of the United States.
Question. As you may be aware, a group of federal employees penned
an open letter to President Biden criticizing U.S. support for Israel
in the aftermath of Hamas' brutal terrorist attack on October 7, 2023.
Efforts like these directly undermine the duty of our diplomats to
advance the policies of the President of the United States. Yes or no,
did you sign the open letter to the President expressing opposition to
the President's Israel policy?
Answer. No, I did not sign the letter.
Question. Have you ever expressed support for an Israeli ceasefire
in Gaza?
Answer. No, I have not expressed support for an Israeli ceasefire
in Gaza.
Question. Do you agree that Hamas is an antisemitic entity and that
a ceasefire would allow these groups to reconstitute and attack Israel,
and Americans, in the future?
Answer. Yes, Hamas is a terrorist group that seeks to eliminate the
State of Israel and whose founding charter calls for the killing of
Jewish people. A ceasefire right now could give Hamas time to regroup
and fail to prevent Hamas from continuing terror attacks and firing
rockets at Israel.
Question. Do you agree that calling for a ceasefire in Gaza means
calling for Israel to stop its pursuit of Hamas, a designated foreign
terrorist organization, that orchestrated the October 7 attacks and
still refuses to release Israeli and American hostages?
Answer. It is the policy of the Administration to support temporary
humanitarian pauses to enable a sustained flow of aid and to allow the
voluntary movement of civilians who are seeking to move to safer
locations. The U.S. Government is actively working with partners to
secure the release of all hostages held by Hamas.
Question. Do you believe that Israel, in its operation against
Hamas, which is known to use civilians as human shields, is taking all
necessary steps to minimize civilian casualties?
Answer. I believe that Israel has the right to protect itself,
consistent with international law. The United States has urged Israel
to differentiate between civilians and Hamas terrorists and do
everything possible to avoid civilian casualties. Hamas's use of
civilians as human shields, a blatant violation of international law,
does not lessen Israel's obligations under international humanitarian
law.
Question. If confirmed, would you define one of your employees or
contractors signing an open letter criticizing you, or policies you
undertake at the instruction of the President, as insubordination as
defined by the Government Accountability Office?
Answer. Throughout my career I have always refrained from
criticizing Department policies publicly. As a leader, I have always
encouraged robust internal discussion, debate, and respect for
different opinions, while discouraging the airing of disagreement with
U.S. policy in public. According to the Government Accountability
Office's definition of insubordination, however, expression of concerns
in public is not classified as insubordination.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address discipline issues,
such as insubordination, that do not take established dissent channels?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make sure anyone not availing
themselves of internal dissent channels to express their concerns was
made aware of the fact that such channels not only exist but are taken
seriously by Department leadership and I would strongly encourage them
to avail themselves of these opportunities to make their views and
voices heard.
Question. In your view, are the actions these federal employees
took, by anonymously signing a letter to the President of the United
States, covered as ``whistleblowing?''
Answer. I am not in favor of public expressions of dissent by
Department employees. Having said this, I also believe employees should
be allowed to express disagreement without fear of reprisal. If
confirmed, I will uphold all relevant laws and policies pertaining to
the protection of whistleblowers, including the provisions of 5 U.S.C.
Sec. 2302(b)(8).
Question. Since the expiration of the Chemical Weapons Convention
in 1997, the world has seen increased use of Chemical Weapons (CW) by
malign actors, including Russia and North Korea to assassinate
opposition voices, Syrian forces to support military operations on
their own people, and by terrorist actors such as ISIS in northern Iraq
to commit atrocities. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons' (OPCW) original mandate to oversee destruction of CW
stockpiles was adjusted after 1997 to one more of an investigative
body. In your view, how should the U.S. best respond to the use of CWs
by State and non-state actors for non-military purposes?
Answer. Since its entry into force in 1997, the OPCW has done
significant work to verify the destruction of States Parties declared
chemical weapons stockpiles. This year, when the U.S. Government
completed destruction of the U.S. chemical weapons stockpile, the OPCW
verified the destruction of the last chemical munition of those
declared by State Parties.
In addition to its mandate to oversee the destruction of chemical
weapons stockpiles, the OPCW's role also includes investigating and
addressing alleged instances of chemical weapons use. And with
increased use of chemical weapons in recent years by CWC State
Parties--both in assassination attempts by Russia and in larger-scale
use by Syria--and by non-state actors, the OPCW has used and further
developed tools to enable it to carry out its mandate. This includes
the establishment of investigative efforts related to Syria's use of
chemical weapons, as well as the provision of technical assistance to
the United Kingdom and Germany to assist in evaluating samples in
connection with the attempted assassination of Sergei Skripal, Yulia
Skripal, and Aleksey Navalny. When it comes to non-state actors, the
OPCW works to ensure States Parties are actively involved in preventing
the transfer of chemicals to such organizations.
The work of the OPCW enjoys the strong backing of the United States
and our partners. The United States should continue to ensure the OPCW
is fit for purpose given increased threats. In addition, the United
States should continue to pursue efforts outside of the OPCW to hold
those responsible for chemical weapons use accountable for their
actions. This includes, for example, continuing to support the U.N.'s
International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism which is working to
document and build case files on the most serious crimes under
international law committed in Syria, including the use of chemical
weapons. If confirmed, I will work to make sure the OPCW remains
equipped to address and investigate alleged uses of chemical weapons
and will work with partner countries to hold Syria and Russia to
account for their multiple uses of CW.
Question. Does the OPCW have adequate resources for investigations
and counter- proliferation efforts?
Answer. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
(OPCW) continues to require additional voluntary funding from States
Parties--including the United States--to be fit for purpose and hold
Russia, Syria, and others to account in an ever-changing security
environment. The Organization's workload over the past ten years has
significantly increased, including on Syria accountability, and Russia
and its allies have increasingly pushed back against fiscal support to
the OPCW. Without our support, the Organization will likely cut back on
its capabilities to investigate and attribute future uses of chemical
weapons (CW) by either state or non-state actors, let alone build
capabilities to test novel agents, for example.
Question. While you have a history of challenging assignments in
the Foreign Service, if confirmed, how will you leverage what appears
to be a lack of Chemical Weapons expertise to lead this complex and
specific issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I am confident the diplomatic skills and
expertise I have developed throughout my career in the Foreign Service
will serve me well as the U.S. Ambassador to the OPCW. Over the course
of my career, I have served in a variety of assignments handling
complex multilateral and bilateral matters, including at the U.S.
Mission to International Organizations in Vienna where I worked on non-
proliferation issues, among other matters. I have also worked on
counterterrorism at the National Security Council. In my work in these
varied assignments, I have continually demonstrated the ability to
master a broad range of subject matters by working closely with
technical experts across the U.S. Government and to develop and
implement diplomatic strategies to advance U.S. positions on
challenging and technical topics.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Joann M. Lockard by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Is there any effort underway to review and revise the
Sahel strategy and its implementation in light of recent events? How
will this impact your priorities if confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The situation in the Sahel is fluid, and we constantly
revisit our strategy considering changing dynamics. Our principles have
not changed. We remain focused on working with our African partners and
the people to address challenges and support democracy, which is the
best foundation for development, social cohesion, prosperity, and
stability across the Sahel and the African continent. If confirmed, my
priorities will be to strengthen democracy and governance, promote
respect for human rights, advance peace and security, and foster
economic opportunity and social development.
Question. Do you believe that visa restrictions or financial
sanctions against coup leaders responsible for gross violations of
human rights, serious corruption, or undermining basic democratic
principles is "incongruent" with U.S. efforts to restore democracy and
respect for the rule of law in Burkina Faso?
Answer. Sanctions are one tool in our toolkit. Above all, sanctions
and visa restrictions are designed to advance policy priorities and
promote accountability. They are a means to bring actors to the
negotiating table, compel changes in behavior, promote accountability,
and convey U.S. values. Our policy and programmatic objectives have
been to support citizens and work with the transition government to get
Burkina Faso back on the path to democracy. If confirmed, I commit to
review all tools available to us, including economic sanctions and visa
restrictions, and to recommend the best combination of tools to advance
U.S. foreign policy goals.
Question. Do you believe the junta is capable of undertaking
reforms that are to form the foundation of a more democratic system?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press the Transition Authorities to
hold free and fair elections to usher in a return to democracy. I am
concerned by the continued shrinking of civic space in Burkina Faso.
Burkina Faso's best path to long-term stability lies in free and fair
elections that reflect the will of the people and a return to
democratic governance that strives to deliver the public services that
address root causes of instability.
Question. If confirmed, will you develop a sanctions strategy for
junta leaders and those who undermine a return to civilian rule in
Burkina Faso?
Answer. If confirmed, I will develop a strategy to encourage the
transition government's return to democracy. I will consider the full
range of tools available to me to advance our policy priorities and
promote accountability, including sanctions and visa restrictions.
Question. What steps will you take to support accountability for
the ongoing human rights abuses happening in the country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Embassy's ongoing work to
strengthen the ability of law enforcement to operate consistent with
rule of law. I will urge the Government to open transparent
investigations into all allegations of human rights abuses and
violations and to hold those found responsible to account. I will
implement an aggressive diplomatic strategy to advocate for the respect
for human rights by Burkinabe security forces, state- sponsored
militias, and other actors. I will emphasize the requirement that
Transition Authorities abide by international human rights law and
international humanitarian law, including the distinction between
civilians and combatants in warfare, emphasizing the prohibition on
attacking those not directly engaged in hostilities.
Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support
democracy in Burkina Faso? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. U.S. Government efforts, through foreign assistance
programming and diplomatic engagement, focus on enabling and supporting
free and fair elections and electoral processes that are peaceful and
inclusive. I will support capacity-building for key actors and civil
society, training for national elections commissions, promotion of
marginalized groups' representation in government, a free press, and
voter education and election observation programs. I will encourage
policies that increase women's and youth political participation as
voters, civil society members and leaders, and office holders at all
levels of government. The effect of closing civic space on free and
open debate is an obstacle to a free and fair electoral process.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support investment and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. U.S. Government efforts, through foreign assistance
programming and diplomatic engagement, focus on enabling and supporting
free and fair elections and electoral processes, including dialogue and
roundtables, that are peaceful and inclusive. I will support capacity-
building for key actors and civil society, training for national
elections commissions, promotion of marginalized groups' representation
in government and transition processes, a free press, and voter
education and election observation programs. I will encourage policies
that increase women's and youth political participation as voters,
civil society members and leaders, and office holders at all levels of
government. A foundation of transparent, efficient, and accountable
governance is essential to building citizen confidence in Burkina
Faso's future.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Burkina Fasao?
What steps will you take to pro-actively address efforts to
restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or regulatory
measures?
Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with Burkina Faso on
freedom of the press and address any government efforts designed to
control or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory, or other
measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent, local
press in Burkina Faso?
Answer. Civil society are some of most important partners on
fighting corruption; countering insecurity; working toward free and
fair elections; and promoting respect for human rights, especially of
women and children. If confirmed, I commit to engaging robustly with
Burkinabe civil society on many issues. In my prior role in Ouagadougou
from 2006-09, I invested in training journalists to strengthen Burkina
Faso's democracy. This is an issue that is particularly important to
me. As such, I will advocate for press freedom and work to ensure
actions by the transition government do not undermine fundamental
freedoms for the Burkinabe people, including press freedom and freedom
of assembly. If confirmed, I will meet regularly with press in Burkina
Faso to understand their perspectives on the media environment and
ensure they understand U.S. policy in Burkina Faso.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Burkina Faso?
Answer. Yes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Joann M. Lockard by Senator James E. Risch
The Bilateral Relationship
Question. In your view, what are the top three priorities for the
U.S. bilateral relationship with Burkina Faso that you will advance or
maintain as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. In my view, the top three policy priorities in Burkina Faso
are: strengthen democracy and governance, advance peace and security
with a respect for human rights, and foster economic opportunity and
social development.
The United States is committed to advancing these priorities while
countering harmful activities by the People's Republic of China (PRC),
Russia, violent extremist groups, and other foreign actors. Embassy
engagement focuses on urging the Transition Authorities to organize
free and fair elections to usher in a return to democracy.
Question. Please describe your approach, if confirmed, to engaging
with the junta in Burkina Faso.
Answer. Sustained U.S. engagement in Burkina Faso is more critical
than ever, as a stable Burkina Faso is essential to the region.
Burkinabe officials continue to express a desire to partner with the
United States. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with the
Transition Authorities (TA) to implement our policy priorities. The TA
are primarily focused on the security situation. We will continue to
promote respect for human rights, the rule of law, good governance, and
free movement for humanitarian workers as smart security policy.
Question. Junta leader Captain Ibrahim Traore recently suggested
that he will no longer adhere to the ECOWAS-negotiated July 2024
deadline to complete the post-coup political transition process and
hold elections, citing concerns about security and territorial control.
What can the United States do to encourage timely and credible
elections in Burkina Faso, in your view?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press the TA to hold free and fair
elections as soon as possible to usher in a return to democracy. Recent
statements from Transition President Traore that elections are not a
priority for Burkina Faso were disappointing. The TA's expressed intent
to extend the originally declared transition timeline could bring
increased tension with ECOWAS, in addition to damaging trust with the
Burkinabe public and the international community. If confirmed, I will
continue to press for a return to democratic elections in line with a
publicly declared transitional timeline.
U.S. Government efforts, through foreign assistance programming and
diplomatic engagement, focus on enabling and supporting free and fair
elections and electoral processes that are peaceful and inclusive. I
will support capacity-building for key actors and civil society,
including to counter disinformation, training for national elections
commissions, promotion of representation of marginalized groups in
government, a free press, and voter education and election observation
programs. I will encourage policies that increase women's and youth
political participation as voters, civil society members and leaders,
and office holders at all levels of government.
I recognize that security from terrorist threats is a vital
component of Burkina Faso's ability to hold free and fair elections but
believe insecurity cannot be used to delay the timeline agreed upon
with ECOWAS and prolong the transition to democracy.
Question. What U.S. security assistance and security cooperation
activities remain ongoing in Burkina Faso, either because they are not
directly affected by coup-related restrictions under Section 7008, or
pursuant to ``notwithstanding'' authorities? Please include information
on legal authorities under which these activities are being conducted,
and funding levels where applicable.
Answer. In FY 2022, the Department of State's CT Bureau obligated
more than $16 million in foreign assistance funds to strengthen
civilian security forces and judicial sectors in Burkina Faso to
identify, interdict, investigate, respond to, and prosecute known or
suspected terrorist actors and activities. CT programming aims to
improve border security and management through increased law
enforcement capacity building to prevent, detect, respond to, and
disrupt terrorist activities and conduct civilian-led investigations
and prosecutions of terrorism cases in accordance with international
standards. The Department of State also continues to support Burkinabe
security forces with conventional weapons and ammunition security and
stockpile management capacity.
Question. Under what conditions, and for what type(s) of program,
if at all, would you support a waiver under Section 7008 to permit U.S.
military aid for Burkina Faso?
Answer. If confirmed, in considering whether to pursue a waiver of
the restriction under section 7008 to permit U.S. military assistance
for Burkina Faso, I would work with the interagency to consider
relevant conditions, including whether the transition government has
demonstrated its commitment to a counterterrorism strategy that
prioritizes the safety of civilians and respect for human rights, a
return to democracy, and not pursuing a relationship with the Wagner
Group.
Question. Are there ways, in your view, for the United States to
support greater military professionalism and more effective
counterinsurgency tactics on the part of state security forces in
Burkina Faso given the current circumstances?
Answer. Through our limited security cooperation, we continue to
advocate for respect of international human rights law and
international humanitarian law. The Department of Defense continues to
collaborate with the transition government in connection with certain
military exercises, such as Flintlock, that advance U.S. policy
objectives. Our U.S. military personnel at the Embassy can also engage
their counterparts on the need for counterinsurgency tactics that
prioritize safety of civilians. Most U.S. military training for Burkina
Faso is subject to the restriction under section 7008.
Question. If confirmed, what measures will you put in place to
ensure that all U.S. foreign assistance provided by agencies under
Chief of Mission authority in Burkina Faso, including the Department of
State and United States Agency for International Development, are in
full compliance with current law, which strictly prohibits the use of
U.S. foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion, support
involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of
abortion overseas?
Answer. If confirmed, I will take all legislative restrictions,
including restrictions related to abortion, very seriously and work
with partners to ensure compliance.
Question. Do you acknowledge that pressuring countries to withdraw
from the Geneva Consensus Declaration on Promoting Women's Health and
Strengthening the Family crosses the line established by the Siljander
amendment, which prohibits lobbying for or against the legalization of
abortion overseas?
Answer. The Biden-Harris Administration's position on the Geneva
Consensus Declaration relates neither to abortion nor to the
legalization of abortion. Our concerns relate in part to the opaqueness
of process regarding origins and intent. While the GCD quotes from
various UN instruments on women, family, and life, including
instruments the United States has not ratified, the GCD is not a UN
document and does not reflect consensus successfully achieved at the
UN, including in Geneva.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to disavowing point four in
the U.S. Statement at the Universal Period Review of Burkina Faso, as
delivered by Mr. Jesse Lynch on November 6, 2023, which recommends
Burkina Faso's withdrawal from the Geneva Consensus Declaration?
Answer. The United States withdrew from the Geneva Consensus
Declaration (GCD) in January 2021 and immediately notified GCD members.
In the ensuing period, we have become alarmed countries like the
Russian Federation have allegedly joined the Geneva Consensus
Declaration.
Transparency issues and confusion persist regarding the authority
of government officials to accede to the declaration. Bearing in mind
the UPR process for Burkina Faso will not be repeated for another five
years, the United States' recommendation related to Burkina Faso
reaffirming its existing political commitments and clarifying its
continuing support for multilateral efforts to advance human rights,
gender equality, and global health remains firm.
Foreign Malign Actors
Recent reports suggest that the military Government in
Burkina Faso is increasingly collaborating with Russia. The
U.S. Government's strategy has been to prevent Burkina Faso's
military Government from fully aligning with Russia, notably
securing the services of the Wagner Group.
Question. Can you describe the Biden Administration's strategy to
counter Russian malign influence, specifically preventing them from
drifting toward Wagner for security assistance? Do you believe the
strategy has been effective or not?
Answer. We understand the threat of the Wagner Group in Africa, and
the Administration is working closely with U.S., African, and allied
defense, intelligence, and law enforcement partners to identify all the
elements of their network and limit the Wagner Group's (and its
remnants or successors') ability to operate in Africa. The
Administration's sanctions and interdiction efforts have had a
significant impact on Russia and the Wagner Group's ability to continue
exploiting African resources and abusing human rights. If confirmed, I
will continue those efforts.
Question. Should the military Government in Burkina Faso continue
to strengthen its security ties with Russia, what should the U.S.
policy response be to bring them back to the table?
Answer. If confirmed, I will conyinue to prioritize activities--
including in support of the AU and African regional institutions--that
strengthen democratic institutions, counter disinformation, support the
return to democracy, slow the spread of violent extremist
organizations, push the Wagner Group from the region, and prevent
successor organizations from taking hold.
Wagner and Russia thrive where options are few. If confirmed, I
would explore how vital bilateral U.S. foreign assistance could be used
both to provide a credible alternative to Wagner and to build civilian
institutions to be more resilient to foreign interference, while
complying with the restriction under Section 7008 of the annual
appropriations act on providing U.S. foreign assistance to countries
where a coup d'etat has occurred.
I will also continue collaborating with interagency and
international partners, in Africa and around the world, to reduce
Russia's destabilizing influence, including its use of Wagner. In
addition to sustaining cooperation with our traditional likeminded
European partners, African partners see Russia's destabilizing
influence themselves and are asking for help to address the threat. If
confirmed, I will share information on the deleterious effects of the
Wagner Group with our partners, reminding them that countries that
partner with Wagner become weaker, poorer, more volatile, and less
secure. I will continue our work on campaigns to counter disinformation
so the Burkinabe people know what Wagner truly represents.
Question. Given the apparent deepening of Russian engagement in
Burkina Faso, how will you safeguard U.S. interests, especially in
counterterrorism, and support the country's transition back to civilian
government?
Answer. Our counterterrorism efforts in Burkina Faso center on
training and equipping civilian law enforcement units to respond to
threats from violent extremist organizations and protect the
population, as well as supporting judicial processes that are in
accordance with human rights and international law. We believe--and our
Burkinabe partners recognize--that these efforts are valuable. If
confirmed, I will continue these efforts.
We know that Wagner is an ineffective counterterrorism partner.
Attacks against civilians in Mali have more than doubled since its
arrival in late 2021; Wagner's tactics are creating more recruitment
opportunities for terrorists. If confirmed, I will do everything in my
power to prevent the Wagner Group from funding Russia's war in Ukraine
at the expense of the Burkinabe people.
French media outlets reported the arrival in Ouagadougou of a
Russian security detachment in mid-November 2023.
Question. To what extent does this development change the
assessment by then-Under Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, after her
trip to Burkina Faso in October 2022, that Capt. Traore had ``no
intention of inviting Wagner'' into the country?
Answer. We are aware of the reports, but there has been no
confirmation that the detachment was part of the Wagner Group.
Question. If reports are confirmed, how would a Russian security
deployment in Burkina Faso affect U.S. engagement with the transitional
government? Would you advocate any changes to ongoing U.S. security
assistance programs as a result?
Answer. We stand with the people of Burkina Faso in their
aspirations for security and stability, which Wagner has shown in Mali
they will not and cannot bring. As Secretary Blinken has said, ``Every
place that the Wagner Group has gone, death, destruction and
exploitation have followed.'' In Mali, more civilians were killed in
2022 after the Wagner Group's arrival than in any other year since the
conflict broke out in 2012. This outcome must be prevented in Burkina
Faso.
We recognize the daunting security challenges Burkina Faso faces
and seek to support its security efforts within the constraints of our
law and policy.
Question. As Burkina Faso engages in a brutal fight with jihadist
insurgents, what steps can the U.S. and international community take to
protect better civilians, especially women and children who bear the
brunt of this fight?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society to help
promote women's rights and women's full, equal, and meaningful
participation in economic, political, and social life. I will encourage
the transition government to enforce laws to counter gender-based
violence, to increase women's participation in all levels of
governance, and to take steps to help women and children gain access to
health care. If confirmed, I will take steps to ensure women's
meaningful participation in programs organized by the U.S. Government.
Engaging directly with women and women-led civil society organizations
will be a core component of my efforts.
Question. Are state security forces in Burkina Faso responsible for
gross violations of internationally-recognized human rights, in your
assessment?
Answer. There have been numerous reports that government security
forces and government-sponsored militias, known as the Volunteers for
the Defense of the Fatherland (Volontaires pour la defense de la
Patrie), committed extrajudicial killings during the year.
Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to promote and protect
space for peaceful debate, dissent, civic activism, and political
competition in Burkina Faso-especially in light of apparent increases
in media censorship, intimidation including death threats against local
journalists and activists, and ``forced conscription'' allegedly
targeting critics of the junta?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support capacity-building for key
actors and civil society, training for national elections commissions,
promotion of marginalized groups' representation in government and
transition process, a free press, and voter education and election
observation programs. Our efforts to advance good governance and
democracy are facilitated by a population that already strongly values
freedom of expression and freedom of religion, as well as a vibrant
civil society that seeks to advance good governance and anti-corruption
efforts. I will continue to support the Burkinabe in their efforts to
express their rights.
Question. Under what conditions, if at all, would you advocate
using sanctions authorities under EO13818 (Global Magnitsky) to
designate Burkinabe state officials, including military commanders, on
human rights grounds? If not, why not?
Answer. U.S. sanctions policy is one tool in our toolkit. Above
all, sanctions and visa restrictions are designed to advance policy
priorities and promote accountability. They are a means to bring actors
to the negotiating table, compel changes in behavior, promote
accountability, and convey U.S. values. If confirmed, I commit to
review all tools available to us, including economic sanctions and visa
restrictions, and to recommend the best combination of tools to advance
foreign policy goals.
State Management and Oversight
Question. How do you intend to work with senior leadership at the
State Department to address acute staffing challenges at Mission
Ouagadougou?
Answer. Due in part to the historically difficult-to-staff
situation in Ouagadougou, the Department has changed the staffing
pattern to include additional incentives, such as new allowances and
R&Rs, for service at the Embassy. As a result, the Embassy expects most
positions to be filled by next summer. If confirmed, I will work with
the Department to identify additional effective recruitment tools to
encourage qualified bidders to serve at Embassy Ouagadougou. Tools I
have used successfully in prior assignments include Ambassador and DCM
engagement in the bid cycle, such as reaching out directly to
interested bidders and participating in recruiting videos and webinars.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last several years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Ouagadougou?
Answer. I understand that despite the current staffing challenges
in Ouagadougou, morale is relatively high at Post. The people who serve
in Ouagadougou do so because they believe in the mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Ouagadougou?
Answer. If confirmed, my goal as Chief of Mission will be to
maintain the high morale and focus on supporting a cohesive, inclusive
team environment for all Embassy staff members, including our Locally
Employed staff. I will ensure that my DCM and I are accessible to all
employees and intend to use tools, such as regular meetings with the LE
staff committee, town halls, and hosting staff at the Chief of Mission
Residence for team building events. I will encourage every member of
Embassy staff to communicate their ideas and concerns in order to
improve our team environment throughout my tenure.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Ouagadougou?
Answer. I understand that the Embassy team is currently reviewing
the strategic goals for Embassy Ouagadougou given the fluid situation
in Burkina Faso. If confirmed, I intend to continue that process on an
ongoing basis to ensure that the team is working on the most important
and current priorities to achieve U.S. policy objectives. I will
convene the senior leadership team at least twice a year to review our
progress and ensure that all agencies and offices share one unified
vision.
In the past, I have also used town halls, team offsites, and cards
clipped to lanyards outlining Embassy objectives in both English and
local languages to ensure that every member of our Mission team
understands and is committed to the success of our policy vision. If
confirmed, I will work with the team to find the most effective tools
to do this in Burkina Faso.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have an inclusive and empathetic management style. I
encourage every team member to participate in policy discussions and
present their ideas. Sometimes the best opportunities to move the
needle forward on goals come from ideas on the ground, and I want to
make sure all staff have the opportunity to make a difference and
contribute to achieving our objectives.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a former Deputy Chief of Mission, I know how critical
this relationship is for the success of our embassies around the globe.
In Ouagadougou, if confirmed, I envision a strong, open, and trusting
relationship with the current DCM, who has been at post for almost 18
months, and the incoming DCM, who will arrive in summer 2024. Both have
strong backgrounds in Africa policy and French language skills, which
compliment mine. I very much look forward to working closely with them
to create a unified leadership team for Embassy Ouagadougou.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I envision a unified leadership team in the
Embassy Ouagadougou Front Office. Typically, the DCM manages most of
the internal coordination and operations for the Embassy, and the Chief
of Mission is the public face of the United States to both the
government and public. The DCM also needs to be included occasionally
in external activities to be able to step into the role of Charge
d'affaires in the absence of the Ambassador. If confirmed, I will work
with my DCM to maximize their strengths and identify the most effective
areas where they can help me to lead the Mission team.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Question. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate annual employee evaluation reports. Throughout my Foreign
Service career, I have met with each of my direct reports regularly to
provide feedback on their ongoing tasks and set aside several times a
year to review their overall progress. I also met at least a couple
times a year with employees supervised by my direct reports. Finally, I
was always available for additional feedback if requested by the
employee. I intend to continue this practice if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will encourage each supervisor at
Embassy Ouagadougou to meet regularly with their employees to provide
both positive and constructive feedback on performance. I will also
encourage all employees to draft meaningful award nominations for any
deserving colleague or subordinate.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to fully
accomplish their missions?
Answer. It has always been my experience that our diplomats and
local staff make every effort, within security allowances, to get out
as much as possible. For example, I encourage Consular and Management
colleagues to participate in public outreach, such as meeting with
students or explaining our travel and contracting regulations to
appropriate audiences.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. In Burkina Faso, the security situation has limited our
diplomats' ability to get out of Ouagadougou. However, recently the
Public Diplomacy team organized an event in Koudougou that received
tremendous local feedback. If confirmed, I will work with our team to
find additional opportunities to ensure that the United States is
visible beyond the capital as security conditions allow. In addition, I
will encourage the entire team to use every tool at our disposal,
including our American corners and social media platforms, to be
present and visible with the Burkinabe people even when security
conditions do not allow us to be physically together.
__________
Letter Endorsing Jeffrey Prescott
SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY SENATOR BRIAN SCHATZ
Information Regarding Robert Malley,
Former Special Envoy to Iran
SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY SENATOR BILL HAGERTY
GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 7, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:05 a.m., in
Room 419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L.
Cardin, chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Menendez, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Merkley, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen,
Duckworth, Risch, Romney, Ricketts, Young, Barrasso, and
Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
The Chairman. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order. The Deputy Secretary of State is one of the most
critical posts in the Department.
As we advance the United States leadership and address
multiple challenges and crises around the world, the State
Department's role is more important than ever. We must elevate
our ability to compete with China, while establishing strategic
lines of coordination.
Ukraine remains under assault almost two years after
Putin's illegal invasion. And exactly two months ago, Hamas
terrorists launched a brutal attack on Israel. This conflict
endangers the security of the entire region and has made an
already acute humanitarian situation in Gaza much worse.
These and other challenges require strategic, consistent,
and creative diplomacy. That is why it is critical that we fill
this role as quickly as we can. I believe that for America's
foreign policy to serve our national interests, it must be
driven by our values, promoting democracy and good governance,
fighting corruption, defending human rights.
These must be at the core of our agenda as we engage in the
global stage. Mr. Campbell, if confirmed, I hope you will work
to make sure that these values are front and center. I have
enormous respect for the work of our diplomats and civil
servants do every day.
We must make sure the Department has the support and
resources it needs to advance U.S. interests and keep crises
from expanding. Food insecurity, severe natural disasters, and
extreme heat, made worse by climate crisis, multiply the
threats facing the globe. Humanitarian crises have devastated
Haiti, Burma, Syria, Yemen, and Sudan.
In Africa, there have been seven coups in the Sahel and
West Africa in the past three years, in addition to coups in
Sudan and Gambia. Instability now stretches across the
continent from the Red Sea to the Atlantic. In our hemisphere,
illicit fentanyl trafficking and irregular migration affect
cities and communities in nearly every state in America.
The demise of democratic governance and widespread human
rights abuses in Venezuela and Haiti require increased
attention. At the same time, the United States must not only
respond to global crises, but must lead with a proactive
agenda, whether it is nurturing our alliance with our NATO and
G7 partners, promoting an agenda for economic growth, advancing
solutions to climate change, or improving global health.
The Department of State must be operating at full capacity
to tackle these challenges. That means keeping morale up while
upholding the traditions of providing space for constructive
dissent within the Department.
It means fully staffing our mission in Africa and making
sure ambassadorial nominees have the relevant regional
experience to lead effectively. It means being ambitious and
consistent with our resourcing. And it means making sure the
Department makes notable progress on diversity, equity, and
inclusion from every bureau to every post.
It means getting our diplomats and civil servants the
training and skills to address climate, global health, cyber,
economic, and the 21st century security challenges. Mr.
Campbell, there is no shortage of challenges awaiting you in
this post.
So, I want to thank you for your willingness to serve. I
want to thank your family for supporting you in this challenge,
and I look forward to hearing your plans for carrying out this
role if confirmed and helping lead the Department to confront
the challenges ahead.
With that, I yield to the distinguished Ranking Member,
Senator Risch.
STATEMENT OF SENATOR JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And, Dr.
Campbell, good to have you here today and thanks for being
willing to do this job.
Over the past last few years, the geostrategic landscape
has shifted, and the United States has lacked the policies
necessary to respond to the emerging threats and challenges.
We need strong leadership that addresses these global
challenges rather than focus on promoting policies that appeal
to certain domestic audiences. Between Russia's ongoing
invasion of Ukraine, China's bid to dominate the Indo-Pacific
and exert malign influence, and efforts to undermine the very
existence of our close ally Israel, the threats to the U.S.
interests and our credibility are dangerously high.
I have been particularly concerned by State's lack of focus
on China, its disorganized efforts to stand up new embassies in
the Pacific, and lack of a robust support for our allies in the
region. With almost 30 years of experience in Indo-Pacific, I
want to hear from you how you plan to address our greatest
challenge, China. I believe the President's current policy is
headed in the wrong direction.
The Administration assures us it is not falling into the
traps of the past, but the economic relationships cannot
stabilize all of U.S., China relations. Meanwhile, China
continues to expand its influence throughout the global South,
including in our own hemisphere.
The recent focus at the APEC summit on establishing working
groups with China allows them to weaponize against us. Beijing
wants to tie us up in these mechanisms and use them to
constrain our policies. As we have seen time and time again on
the military to military front, the Administration claims and
maybe even believes talks will help avoid miscalculation.
If we were dealing with a good faith actor, that should be
true, but we are not. Just days after China agreed to these
talks and everybody happily shook hands, it conducted
aggressive acts at sea and in the air, risking the lives of
U.S. and allied sailors.
This effort is off to a bad start, and I am concerned that
China has no interest in doing what should be done. Treatment
of U.S. diplomats in China should be another warning sign.
During COVID, China exposed U.S. personnel and their
families to extreme, unsafe, and degrading testing and
treatment protocols, and senior department leadership allowed
such treatment to persist.
That is unacceptable. I want your commitment that you will
work with other Department leaders to investigate what happened
and pursue accountability. And after the most recent climate
summit, I am worried the Department will now support Chinese
cooperation, so-called cooperation on climate at the sub-
national level.
This is really dangerous. The Administration is giving
China a legitimate entry point to peddle its influence in U.S.
cities in ways that undermine our national policy. Why would
the Department support Chinese efforts to undermine our system
of governance?
While you are an Asia an expert, you must also provide
leadership on other policy matters in the world.
In Europe, we need to maintain support for Ukraine while
ensuring proper and strict oversight of taxpayer dollars. We
have been doing that, but vigilance is promised--is most
important. Ukraine is fully capable of achieving victory. But
until the Administration gets over its fear of giving them what
they need to win, its future and that of Europe will remain at
risk. U.S. credibility among our allies in Asia is dependent on
our success in Europe.
Secretary Blinken's comments about China playing a role in
peace discussions in Ukraine are very troubling. China must not
and should not be allowed to use Ukraine as a way to anchor
itself in European security issues because of some misguided
belief that it can calm Russia down.
The United States also needs to ensure there is a well
thought out plan for Ukraine's reconstruction and support for
its path to self-sufficiency that protects its economy from
foreign influence. I support the Secretary's comment in October
stating that the U.S. needs legal authorities to seize other
sovereign Russian assets in the U.S. for Ukraine
reconstruction.
My bill, the Bipartisan, Bicameral Repo Act will provide
these authorities. I hope to work with you and with the
Chairman to get this bill passed quickly and get these
authorities in place.
In the Middle East, the Hamas attacks against Israel and
Iran's undeterred attacks against our troops are a clear signal
that this Administration's Iran policy continues to fail. The
Administration's fruitless nuclear negotiations, unfreezing of
funds, weak oil sanctions enforcement, and failure to maintain
regional deterrence have emboldened Iran and Iran's terror
proxies.
U.S. credibility is weakened. It is a time for the U.S. to
dramatically change course and firmly respond to restore
deterrence. We must return to a policy of economic isolation
for Iran, and deny the regime resources to support regional
terrorism, especially Chinese purchases of Iranian oil.
I have been deeply troubled by the efforts by the
Administration to provide billions of dollars of fresh cash to
the Iranians. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on all of
these important issues. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch. Our guest today is
the--is Kurt Campbell, who is the President's nominee for
Deputy Secretary of State. Kurt Campbell currently serves as
Deputy Assistant to the President and Coordinator for the Indo-
Pacific Affairs on the National Security Council.
From 2009 to 2013, Mr. Campbell served as the Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs. Earlier,
he was CEO and Co-Founder of the Center for a New American
Security and concurrently served as the Director of the Aspen
Strategy Group and Chairman of the Editorial Board of the
Washington Quarterly.
Among the other positions he has held during his
distinguished career, Mr. Campbell served as Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense for Asia and Pacific Affairs. Served both
Defense and State Department in similar roles. White House
Fellow at the Treasury Department and as Director of the
Democracy Office at the National Security Council during the
Clinton Administration.
Mr. Campbell was an Assistant Associate Professor of Public
Policy at the Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government
and served in the U.S. Navy Reserves. Once again, we thank you
for your willingness to serve.
Your entire statement will be made part of the record. We
ask that you try to summarize your record in about five minutes
so we can have a dialog with the members of the committee.
Mr. Campbell. That is great. Thank you very much, Chairman
Cardin, Ranking Minority Member Risch. I appreciate your
comments. I took careful note. I would submit my full statement
for the record today. I do want to just begin with a few thank
you's, if I might.
During this process, some of this was new to me. I had a
chance to spend quite a bit of time with the committees, both
the majority and minority committee. I want to thank Damien
Murphy. I want to thank Chris Socha. Not only were these
important for me, I actually learned a lot. I found it
incredibly valuable to hear their perspectives.
I do want to promise that not only will I commit to work
closely with you, but I am going to work closely with the
committees. I know their role, I know what they have done, and
I appreciated the time they have taken with me over the course
of the last couple of weeks.
I also just want to say, you have to say thank you to folks
who helped you get here. The number of hours the people behind
me spent supporting me is incredible.
I just want to say thanks to Nas and to Roy, our two
wonderful colleagues at the State Department who helped me with
this, and also on my team at the White House, Pat Shilo, Hannah
Suh, and Nick DeParle, all of whom put enormous efforts in
trying to make me prepared for today, and that is no small
task.
The Chairman. Before you start your testimony, I know two
of our colleagues wanted to give some introductory remarks, but
first let me recognize, Senator Duckworth.
Senator Duckworth. Mr. Chairman, thank you for this
opportunity to introduce Dr. Kurt Campbell, President Biden's
nominee to serve as Deputy Secretary of State.
In the words of Secretary Blinken, Kurt--and I quote,
``Kurt is one of our Nation's leading diplomats and
strategists, a visionary policymaker, and a renowned leader
whose nomination comes at a critical inflection point for our
world and America's role in it.'' Kurt is no stranger to public
service.
For the past two years, he has served as Senior Advisor to
the President and Coordinator for Indo-Pacific Affairs at the
National Security Council and as Assistant Secretary of State
for East Asian Affairs in the Obama-Biden Administration.
He focused America's strategic attention and investment
towards the Indo-Pacific, a region increasingly vital for our
National Security and prosperity. I am here today introducing
him because I have full confidence in his ability to steer the
Department of State through a time of significant global
challenges and opportunities with creativity, commitment, and
dedication to serving our country and one of its most important
institutions.
In his current role, Kurt has had the pleasure, and I am
sure he would describe it that way in his most gracious and
diplomatic terms, of hearing my many opinions and ideas. In our
numerous conversations, I have been frank in my assessment of
our policy in the Indo-Pacific. Like when I have told him that
the United States had neglected too many Southeast Asian
partnerships that should be among our closest.
He has listened, even when my feedback has been critical.
He has been open to learn and try new things, and he has been
creative in his problem solving. And more than that, he has
brought energy to his role in the NSC with incredibly impactful
actions from AUKUS to our enhanced relationships with the
Pacific Islands, making grueling, multiday journeys only to be
on the ground for a few hours and far flung island hopping
locations that produce immediate results for our National
Security.
That makes a real, lasting difference for the security of
our Nation. Dr. Campbell has had deep experience outside of
government as well. He has served as CEO and co-founder of the
Center for a New American Security.
As has been mentioned, Director of the Aspen Strategy
Group, Chairman of the Editorial Board of the Washington
Quarterly, in addition to his time as Founding Chairman and
Chief Executive Officer of the Asia Group. Somehow, on top of
all of this, he has found time to author or edit ten books. All
I can say is he must have an enormously patient family putting
up with his schedule.
And I want to thank his family, who are here today, for
their service to our Nation as well. And finally, Kurt is a
veteran of the United States Navy. I could not be more proud as
a fellow vet to have him and his service to our government.
I am confident that Dr. Campbell will bring these mirrored
experiences to bear as Deputy Secretary of State, along with
his many relationships, formidable intellect, and considerable
drive, all for the good of the Department and our Nation.
I look forward to supporting his nomination, which comes at
a critical time and could not be more well deserved and much
needed. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I believe that
the Chairman and Ranking Member did an excellent job of
conveying the many challenges that confront us from a
diplomatic standpoint as a nation.
And for that reason, I could not be more pleased than to
see Dr. Campbell sitting at this chair as our nominee for this
critical post. Dr. Campbell is someone that I have known for
more than 30 years. We are both alumni of a program called
White House Fellowship, as is his lovely wife, Lael.
Obviously, that program has had an incredible impact on
their lives and careers as it has on mine, and it has been a
great benefit for me to have had the opportunity to see Kurt's
career evolve over the past 30 years' time. We both have a
shared interest and love for the Indo-Pacific region.
When I served as U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I called on Kurt
many times. I found our conversations when I was in that role
to be most helpful, most insightful. And again, I am delighted
to see Kurt here in this position, because the Indo-Pacific
region is going to play a critical role in our world future.
It is home to 60 percent of the world's population, 50
percent of the world's GDP. And having someone with Kurt's
unique insight and capability and expertise in that region I
think is going to prove invaluable to us. Something even more
important, though, are his character traits and skills. Kurt
has a military background, as Senator Duckworth mentioned.
His leadership skills are going to be critical, take in the
managerial and operational challenges that he has, running a
70,000 person operation scattered to all ends of the planet.
So, I am pleased to see someone with your background, Kurt, who
has real experience in the State Department, real experience at
the National Security Council and the Department of Defense,
and in the private sector.
You also have demonstrated your diplomatic skills here
today by having two members of this committee introduce you. My
hat is off--it is the first time I have seen that. My hat is
off to you there.
I am looking forward to your readiness on day one to be
able to do this job. And I think my colleagues will see during
the course of this hearing we have a very competent and
qualified person today. Thank you.
The Chairman. I thank Senator Duckworth and Senator Hagerty
for their introductions. Dr. Campbell, you now may proceed. You
got an extra minute of time because we have to start the clock
over again to five minutes.
STATEMENT OF HON. KURT CAMPBELL,
NOMINATED TO BE DEPUTY SECRETARY OF STATE
Mr. Campbell. Thank you. I always like that extra minute.
Thanks to both Senators. That was very gracious and much
appreciated. So, I really said thank you to our teams.
I need to say a word of thanks to my wife. I love Brainard,
and my wonderful daughter, Coco Campbell. Coco is a sophomore
in high school that is missing a test today, so she is
pretending like it is a big hardship, but she is actually
pretty happy to be here. My wife was in this chair not long ago
as she was being confirmed for Vice Chairman of the Federal
Reserve. I was back there.
At that time, I actually thought that was the hardest
chair. It is incredibly nervous and anxious, but it is actually
harder sitting here, so I am here. Anyway, I want to thank them
both. They are patient. They are wonderful. I have the best
wife in the world. I admire her enormously.
So, let me just say a few things as we get started. It is
not lost on me the day that we are meeting. This is December
7th, a day that will forever live in infamy, and it is a
reminder of things that we must keep in mind critically in
foreign policy and diplomacy.
One is the--is to be constantly vigilant about the
potential for strategic surprise. I think it would be fair to
say that the United States is exerting itself intensively in
the Middle East and Ukraine. I believe those pursuits are
necessary. They are critically important.
But it is also the case, I also believe that fundamentally
our long term interests over the remainder of the century will
play out largely in the Indo-Pacific, and there is the real
risk of strategic surprise. And there are countries that are
testing us, looking to see if we are preoccupied.
And I want to just commit to you today, if confirmed, I
will do everything possible working within the United States
Government to make sure that we are not tested and that we
stand ready to respond to any challenges to our power, to our
allies in the Indo-Pacific more directly.
But I will also say December 7th teaches us other things as
well, and that is the redemptive power of democracy. So,
Senator Hagerty talked about the Indo-Pacific. We also share a
deep love of Japan. I would contend with you that our most
important ally and partner on the global stage might be Japan.
We have done a remarkable amount of things from the rubble
of that. That has got to give us hope as we persevere in a
variety of places around the globe. I would simply say that the
thing I am proudest of over the last several years is working
with partners on this committee and elsewhere, building
resolute, innovative partnerships in the Pacific.
I am sure we are going to talk about AUKUS. I am very proud
of AUKUS. I am proud of taking the Quad to the leader level,
bringing the maritime democracies of Asia together. I am proud
of helping forge a stronger partnership between Japan and South
Korea after decades of difficulty and challenge. I am proud of
the work I did in Vietnam and India, countries that
strategically are more aligned with us. Difficult undeniably,
but critically important.
I am also proud of the fact that some of the countries that
are the strongest supporters of the United States in Europe
today are from the Indo-Pacific. Japan, South Korea, Australia,
others have stood with us to support Ukraine in its difficult
time.
So, I just want to underscore that I think one of the
reasons I was asked to take on these responsibilities is to
remind all of us of the importance of the Indo-Pacific more
directly. Last couple of things and I will just conclude. I
honestly, I approached this with today and just in general with
enormous humility.
You have noted, Senator Risch, this is not a job just about
the Indo-Pacific. There is an enormous canvas, a massive
undertaking at the State Department. I think all of you have
worked on the State Department's details, have authored its
programs. So, in many respects, I have just an enormous amount
to learn.
I will commit to you I will be as honest and
straightforward as I possibly can today and in the future. But
if I do not know something, I am going to tell you I am going
to get back to you. And so, I will do my best to answer your
questions today, and I look forward to that conversation.
And then just lastly, I will say, if confirmed, I am going
to work closely with the committee and also with the staff. And
the reason that I can say this with high confidence is I have
already done this. I have spent an enormous amount of time with
people on the Hill and on both sides of the aisle.
Our best foreign policy initiatives are bipartisan, and
they match the resolve of the Executive and Legislative
Branches. I have committed my career to those goals, and if I
am committed for this job, I promise to take that forth. Over
to you, Senator. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Campbell follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Kurt Campbell
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished Senators, it's
an honor to appear before you today.
I'm profoundly grateful to President Biden, Vice President Harris,
Secretary Blinken, and National Security Advisor Sullivan for placing
their trust in me to serve as our next Deputy Secretary of State.
Above all, I'm eternally grateful for the unconditional love and
support of my wife, Lael Brainard, our loving family, and our three
incredible daughters: Caelen, Ciara, and Coco. These young women are
the reason I have dedicated my life to public service. It is for them
that I have worked to help build a better world.
If confirmed, serving in this post will be a culmination of a long
road of service--a journey that's taken me from the Navy to the
Treasury Department, from the Pentagon to the NSC, from the State
Department to my appointment as the first-ever Indo-Pacific Coordinator
under President Biden.
Outside government, I returned to academia, working primarily on
Asia-Pacific issues in the think tank community and the private sector.
Through everything, I have seen the importance of America's global
leadership.
As the President has said, we stand at an inflection point, when
the decisions we make today will shape our planet long into the future.
If confirmed, I will dedicate my time and energy to ensuring that
our choices lead toward a world that is more free, open, prosperous,
just, and secure.
This is a critical time for international security--and for
American diplomacy. There's no shortage of challenges before us:
Russia's horrific war in Ukraine; the conflict in Israel and Gaza; the
aftermath of COVID-19; the evolution of emerging technologies; the
climate crisis; and more.
These challenges circumnavigate the globe, and we are working with
partners on every continent to tackle everything from infrastructure
and supply chains to migration and security, to the promotion of
democracy and the protection of international norms.
Still, the dominant factors animating this era reside in the Indo-
Pacific. The centrality of that region and its economic dynamism--not
to mention our intensifying competition with China--is why I'm sitting
before you as the nominee for Deputy Secretary.
The Biden-Harris Administration is determined to stay laser-focused
on the Indo-Pacific, where so much of the story of the 21st century
will be written. We must ensure that U.S. leadership remains
indispensable in this region and beyond.
We also know that today's challenges are truly global. What happens
in one region affects the others. Our competitors are collaborating--
just look at China, Iran, and North Korea's support for Russia's war of
aggression. We are stronger across-the-board due to our alliances and
partnerships, and we will keep growing the connective tissue between
them.
If I earn your support, my commitments will be clear:
First, cooperation and communication between the State Department
and Congress will be paramount. This tradition is rich and
bipartisan, and I want to thank you and your staff for great
conversations leading up to this hearing.
Second, I will build on the successful initiatives advanced by the
Biden-Harris Administration so far--and ensure they are
properly resourced and institutionalized--whether it's the
Indo-Pacific Quad, AUKUS, trilateral cooperation with Japan and
South Korea, NATO enlargement, or deeper ties with India,
Vietnam, and Pacific Island nations.
Third, I will engage in clear and transparent communication with
our partners. This is particularly vital in the Indo-Pacific,
where discussions are typically more subtle. Recent experience
teaches us that direct dialogue is essential.
Fourth, I will be a strong supporter of Ukraine because its success
is crucial to the future of the international order. We must
keep working with our allies and partners to equip Ukraine with
the means to defend itself and emerge independent, sovereign,
democratic, and free.
Finally, I believe in the value of being present. Of showing up to
deepen relationships; deliver messages of deterrence to our
adversaries and reassurance to our friends; and conduct the
persistent diplomacy required in a world often defined by the
unexpected.
I sit before you on December 7th, a date which will forever live in
infamy--the anniversary of the attack on Pearl Harbor. This marker is a
reminder of how, even after a horrific assault on our security and
freedom, we could summon the strength to endure. How, even out of the
ashes of war, we could forge bonds of friendship with Japan and emerge
as strong partners in democracy, diplomacy, and peace.
Led by the State Department and its workforce, we can pursue that
same path today--of vigilance, resilience, stronger alliances, and a
safer future.
I look forward to working with you toward our common goals.
The Chairman. Well done. Thank you very much for your
comments. We are going to start five minute rounds. Let me just
point out to the members of our committee that this committee
reported out the AUKUS both pillar one and two.
There are now included in the National Defense
Authorization Act, so we are very optimistic that we are going
to be moving forward with the response that we needed to do to
make sure we move forward with the agreements between Australia
and UK.
We have questions that we ask you to respond to either yes
or no to for the committee. Do you agree to appear before this
committee and make official--from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
Mr. Campbell. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Campbell. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Mr. Campbell. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Campbell. Yes, I do, Senator.
The Chairman. Four for four. That was a good start. Now, we
will start the five minute around. So, let me ask you, I want
to ask you one question about the normalization talks between
Israel and its neighbors.
I joined a group of ten Senators that visited the Middle
East shortly after Hamas's horrific attacks on October 7th. We
were there to show our support for Israel, but we stopped at
Saudi Arabia to try to keep on track the normalization
conversations that were taking place between the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia and Israel and the United States.
Since that time and during that time, it became very clear
to us that one of Hamas's goals in its attack against Israel
was to derail the normalization talks between Israel and its
neighbors.
So, my question to you, if confirmed, how will you work to
make sure that those talks are kept on track and not derailed
as a result of the conflict that is taking place in the Middle
East?
Mr. Campbell. Well, thank you, Chairman. Let me just say
that I think the initiatives that began in the Trump
Administration to help bridge the diplomatic isolation that
Israel has experienced are very important, and I think the
Biden Administration has sought to build on those.
And you rightly point out that we are at a very delicate
stage in our diplomacy between Israel and Saudi Arabia, and
other countries as well, and also looking at linking up various
industrial energy and transportation lines with India and other
countries. The October 7th attacks have been devastating, and
obviously the region is now engulfed in anxiety associated with
the ongoing conflict.
I will say that I think we can be carefully encouraged by
some of the discussions that we have had to date that indicate
that there still is a willingness among the key players to
restart this process and continue it. And I believe that
ultimately our goal will be to entrench Israel diplomatically
in the region.
I believe that is in our best interests. I also believe it
is in the best interests of the countries that we work with
closely in the Gulf, including Saudi Arabia. I think it is
understandable that at this moment some of those discussions
are quiet and they are difficult, Chairman, but I believe that
we must keep that dialog going and also work towards a
situation in which once this terrible conflict is resolved,
that we can work with those partners to try to reassemble a
Middle East peace and with more stable structures.
The Chairman. In my opening statement and in our private
conversations, I told you about my priorities to make sure that
we conduct our foreign policy based upon our values, and that
is what President Biden has said. Diversity, equity, inclusion
is part of our values.
The Department has a strategic plan, an equity action plan
in regards to diversity, equity, and inclusion. It is part of
our values that we promote for other countries to do. And yet,
when we look at the recruitment and retention at the State
Department, it has not always been the showcase of diversity,
equity, and inclusion.
So, do we have your commitment as to how you will embrace
the need for our State Department to not only espouse these
values globally, but to demonstrate through its own internal
actions?
Mr. Campbell. You do, Senator. And I would just go beyond
that as well. I know you and others have been involved in
conversations on how best to think about modernizing and
helping make sure that the State Department is able to meet the
modern challenges of diplomacy, how to improve retention, how
to work with recruitment, how to make sure that our diplomatic
corps reflects not only our values, but our diversity.
I just want to commit to you that I know that that
legislation is still in the process of internal discussion. I
will commit to you to work with that. I do believe that these
efforts are important, and it is critical that the State
Department keep up with modern matters of innovation,
bureaucratically, strategically, given the challenges that we
are facing.
The Chairman. And my last question deals with Iran. Iran is
helping Russia in his war against the Ukraine.
Iran is the facilitator for the terrorist operations in the
Middle East, including Hamas and its attack against Israel, and
Hezbollah, the Houthis, the militias in Syria and Iraq.
How do you see Iran's threat against America's National
Security, and what steps do you think we need to take?
Mr. Campbell. Look, Senator, I think I join with all of you
is that I am quite concerned by a wide array of Iranian
activities. We have seen provocative support to groups around
the Middle East.
I have been very personally concerned by Iranian support
for Russia in Ukraine. I think, as we heard from Senator Risch,
they are increasingly allying themselves--aligning themselves
with China more directly. I think at probably every level, Iran
is our strategic nemesis.
They are seeking to undermine American purpose in the
region, and we must contest that purposely across the board.
The Chairman. Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am going to ask
you--I do not usually do this, but I am going to read you some
questions that I would like a direct yes or no answer to, and
then I have got--I will give you a chance and we will get some
other questions to talk a little bit about. First of all, one
of the things I want to ask you on the record, will you pledge
to provide direct oversight of the Department of State's
implementation of AUKUS?
Mr. Campbell. Absolutely, yes.
Senator Risch. Will you commit to pursuing a thorough
investigation into the decisions made by the State Department
from 2020 onwards that enable China to subject U.S. diplomats
to violations of their privileges and immunities?
Mr. Campbell. Senator Risch, I will. And I must thank you.
I have read the letters that you have sent carefully, and I
fully intend to do so.
Senator Risch. I appreciate that. Will you work to remove
barriers to U.S. agencies supporting natural gas over Chinese
coal?
Mr. Campbell. I believe natural gas plays a critical role
as a transitional fuel. I have worked closely with this
committee and others to ensure that that is the case,
particularly in the Indo-Pacific. Yes.
Senator Risch. Thank you. Will you agree to providing this
committee with a fulsome and detailed explanation of why the
Biden Administration did not repudiate Hong Kong Chief
Executive John Lee's claim of being invited to APEC?
Mr. Campbell. I can give you more background on that now,
if that would be useful, Senator.
Senator Risch. Why do not you do that as a question for the
record. Could you do that for me?
Mr. Campbell. That is great. I will be happy to do that.
Senator Risch. That will give me a chance to----
Mr. Campbell. But I do want to underscore very clearly
here, we made clear to both China and Hong Kong authorities
that he would not be welcomed in San Francisco, and indeed, he
would need to be sending a second, which he did. So, I do want
to underscore that we never intended for him to participate.
Senator Risch [continuing]. And I appreciate your public
declaration of that right here. This one I am going to not
necessarily give you a yes or no. You can talk about it.
And that is, given China's ongoing support for Russia in
its war against Ukraine, what are your thoughts as we get to
the end, and there will be an end, of discussions regarding
ending the war and then on rebuilding Ukraine.
And then I will give you--as a spoiler alert here, I do not
think China ought to have any fingerprints on this whatsoever,
but I appreciate your thoughts on it.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. Look, Senator Risch, I have to say in my
discussions with your team, which were extensive, we had very
clear discussions around this issue. And I will tell you that
they represented your views clearly, unmistakably.
And I do not want to say that they schooled me, but I
really came away with a much deeper appreciation and I think a
greater sense of what the limitations are for any kind of role
that China can or would play in the future.
So, I just want to make clear about that. I will say
personally, I am quite troubled by China's support for Russia
in its war in Ukraine. I think we can see over the course of
the last year and a half or so, China has assisted through a
variety of means, not necessarily direct military means, but
through, you know, support through commercial and other
engagements. But Russia has largely reconstituted militarily.
And even though China purports to be an independent actor
that has not taken sides, very clearly, they have taken sides
here. And that is deeply concerning to me. So, one of the
reasons why, and there are many reasons why we have to be so
committed to Ukraine, is that authoritarians take lessons from
other authoritarian experiences.
And I will tell you, one of the reasons why countries in
the Indo-Pacific are so determined to support Ukraine is
because they do not want the same thing to happen in the Indo-
Pacific.
So, we have to be vigilant here because this is not just
about the future of Europe, which in itself is an enormous and
important concern in the United States. We have to be concerned
of what lessons that China would take from us if it went badly.
Senator Risch. Well, I appreciate that, and I think that is
well said. I do not think there is any question that China will
try to leverage some way into this, trying to bootstrap
themselves somehow in Europe.
And so, I think we need to be very vigilant in that regard.
Well, my time is almost up, but I do--I know you are on the
National Security Council and get to hear about the discussion.
What in the world is the Administration thinking about freeing
up cash to Iran?
I mean, I was aghast when the Administration started with
the first $6 billion, and then even worse than that, after the
fighting started in Israel, they are talking about the other
$10 billion.
So, help me understand this. I just cannot square that
circle. I really cannot.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. Well, look, Senator, I do want to just
underscore a few things. I try to lay out clearly what at least
my view and I think the view of the Administration is on Iran's
role.
I do want to underscore one thing, that despite some
discussions in the media and elsewhere, I do not think anyone
sees that there is any chance in the current environment to go
back to the JCPOA.
It is just not on the table. It is not up for discussion. I
hope that at least provides you some assurance for----
Senator Risch. I think that is pretty straightforward.
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. I agree, but it is still
important to state on the record. So, I will also say that the
Administration has not lifted any sanctions on Iran. And
overall, I think the beginning of the Administration, the
number is about 400 that have been applied. I recognize the
concerns on the $6 billion.
And I keep--you have heard all the arguments more
generally. The money has not been spent. It is still on the
account. We have absolutely full confidence that if money were
taken out of there, that it would be used specifically for the
needs of the Iranian people and for humanitarian concerns.
But I do want to just underscore, Senator, I think we are
in an environment right now where Iran is taking a role that is
so antithetical to our interests that we must be even more
vigilant. We must be sending a military message that
provocations will be met and met with stern responses.
We must isolate them diplomatically, internationally. And I
just want to commit to you, I do think this is a subject that
we need to have close consultations on, and we have got to work
with you not just at the end of policy deliberations, but as
the Senator said, the chairman said, earlier in the process.
So, I think we share many of the strategic assessments of
Iran going forward, and managing this delicate period given the
conflict in Gaza between Israel and Hamas is going to be
critical.
Senator Risch. Thank you for that answer.
The Chairman. Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
Mr. Campbell, I have not had the pleasure of working with
you, so I do not know your views as deeply. And that, and since
your position that you are nominated for is global in nature, I
have a series of questions I want to pursue to get an
understanding of where you are coming from in that regard. For
the first time in history, the Republican Majority in the House
passed a bill conditioning aid to Israel. At the same time, I
have been sensing contradictory messages from the White House
as to whether or not President Biden is considering or would
consider placing conditions on aid to Israel. What is your view
on creating conditions on aid to Israel?
Mr. Campbell. Well, Senator--I think you know this--that
all aid at some level is conditioned. We do not just send money
out the door. We go through a careful process both at the State
Department and the inner agency. So, I just want to just begin
that----
Senator Menendez. I am not talking about.
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. I know you are not. I know you
are not. But, my own personal view is, and I believe that this
is the view of the President and the Administration, is that we
are standing side by side with Israel in an absolutely
desperate fight.
That they are facing enormous challenges. The worst attack,
terrorist attack in their history. Largest loss of life. I do
believe that we have been careful, publicly and very clear
privately, about some of our concerns about the conduct of the
military operation. And we want to make clear that there is a
difference between Hamas fighters and Palestinian civilians
also, and particularly children and women.
And those conversations are ongoing. That is what you do
with close allies and partners. You speak directly to them of
their concerns.
Senator Menendez. I get the conversations, and I am
agreeing with them.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. So, I think that is----
Senator Menendez. But the question is, is creating
conditionality a way to achieve that goal or to hamstring? I
mean, look, I am for our military telling Israel how it meets
the challenge of Hamas in an urban setting. I am not sure that
the standards that we seek of Israel were met in Afghanistan
and Iraq by the United States.
So, the question in my mind is, is it--you are going to be
sitting in a position not only of authority, but of advice.
Would it be your advice to create conditionality on aid to
Israel at this time?
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. It would not be at this time.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you this. With reference to
Iran, I was heartened to hear some of the things you said. You
call it a strategic nemesis. Would you consider Iran an enemy
of the United States?
Mr. Campbell. I think they are an antagonist, Senator. Yes.
Senator Menendez. Well, yes. So here is a country that
continues to violate its obligations under the JCPOA that other
countries still maintain with, that is not forthcoming with the
IAEA about their enrichment operations where we--I do not think
we clearly know what they have and do not have.
Do not come clean with their past pursuit of nuclear
weapons. Here is a country that is giving Russia drones in
Ukraine. Here is a country through its proxies that is trying
to strike at our troops in Iraq and Syria. I do not know how
much more it comes before one says, yes, that is an enemy of
the United States.
And so, is it time to seek to internationalize the
sanctions that we have had? Because we have had sanctions, but
of course, internationalizing sanctions are the way in which we
ultimately have greater results.
Mr. Campbell. Senator, I cannot disagree with anything that
you have said here. And I think if confirmed, frankly, I would
welcome the opportunity to have greater discussions on this,
both with you and the team at the State Department.
I do want to underscore that we are contesting them
significantly. You saw the statement that Secretary Austin made
the day before yesterday, that, yes, some of their associated
groups do occasionally attack us or try to many times and
effectively, but when we strike back at them, we always hit our
target.
I just want to say that I think the Administration remains
absolutely resolute that we will persecute our interests. We
will take necessary military----
Senator Menendez. I appreciate the tit for tat, but I
believe a stronger message has to be sent. Let me ask you, do
you believe that we should be selling F-16s to Turkey when it
continues to not allow Sweden to move forward in its accession
to NATO?
When it continues to threaten its neighbor, the Hellenic
Republic? When it continues to jail lawyers and journalists and
human rights activists and a long list of issues that it faces?
Is that in the national interest and security of the United
States?
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. So, look, I think you point out
the complexities of our relationship with Turkey, and there are
some real concerns here. I cannot get into the details. I am
not specifically briefed about where things stand,
particularly, Senator, on the F-16s.
But I will, if I am confirmed, be involved in those
decisions. I will say that they are involved in many things
that concern us, and I am confident that we will over time
admit Finland into NATO, despite some of the challenges that we
have had procedurally. I will also say there is a modest
balance here.
There are things that Turkey has assisted us with. They
have assisted us in the counter ISIS campaign. They have helped
us in the food, the trans-shipment of grain through the Black
Sea. They have done some things that have been in our
interests.
Senator Menendez. In the weight of it, I would just suggest
to you that those few things far--do not outweigh the various
elements of which there are negativity. I have a series of
other questions.
Obviously, I do not have time for them. I am going to
submit them for the record. I would really like a responsive
answer so that I can decide on your nomination. Thank you.
Mr. Campbell. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. Senator Romney.
Senator Romney. Mr. Campbell, thank you for your
willingness to continue to serve our country in an admirable
way, in an important way. I think we would agree that China
intends to replace us probably by mid-century as the economic,
military, and geopolitical leader of the world, and they are on
a pretty good track so far.
They have convinced a lot of nations that used to be free
nations to side with them relative to Taiwan. They monopolized
a number of industries. They have been able to achieve
dominance of key raw materials for the industries of the
future. They have infiltrated various governments around the
world.
I mean, they have been extraordinarily successful in their
efforts so far. At the same time, they have vulnerabilities,
and their demographic reality is a real vulnerability. The debt
overhang that exists in China is a real vulnerability.
It is an area which is, if you will, absolutely primed for
us having a very effective strategy to figure out how it is
they are so successful in accomplishing certain of things
around the world. They have got--of course, they have gone into
Latin America, to Africa, even to the Caribbean. They are all
around us.
And they say, of course, that they are worried about us,
you know, constraining them and containing them. Well, it is
like, that is so laughable. They are all over the world. They
are far more all over the world even than we are in many
respects. They also say they want to respect the sovereignty of
other nations. That they are not in favor of one nation
interfering with another.
At the same time, they smile and their biggest ally,
Russia, invading their neighbor Ukraine. So, we cannot take
them at their word. The need for a comprehensive strategy, not
necessarily in the public, but one behind the scenes, has never
been greater.
And I appreciate your working with members of my staff and
others to develop that strategy, but Senator Menendez and I
drafted a bill, as you know, to have that strategy developed
and to be provided to this committee by January 9th--excuse me,
July 9th of this year. It is later than that now.
We have not received it. I know you are working to try and
make that happen. What is the holdup and when will we receive
it yet?
Mr. Campbell. First of all, let me just, unbelievably
graciously put. I probably deserve worse. I am committed to get
you both the unclassified and classified versions of this, and
I will deliver it to you personally. I, too, have been a little
bit frustrated.
You know, you do not understand every element of
government. This is something that should be shared and done in
consultation. I will tell you, we have that strategy. We have
followed it.
And look, I think you paint a picture of challenges that we
face, but it is incredibly important for us not to be
completely discouraged and to have confidence in what we are
doing. And I will just give you the other side of that ledger,
if I can, Senator, just very quickly.
I think we have made incredible investments in
technologies, the key technologies of the 21st century. We
understand that this is going to be the high ground where the
battle for supremacy will be fought. We are investing in them.
We are trying to restrict the most critical of those
technologies from going to China. I think that has been largely
a success, bipartisan success. Senator Young leading the way.
Number one.
Number two, look, I would stack up what we have done with
allies and partners with anyone and look at the countries that
in the past that had really flirted with a different kind of
relationship with China and who have made fundamental decisions
to be with us, Great Britain and Australia.
AUKUS is for a significant, inspirational, powerful
program, not just on submarines, but on technology for the
future. India, a key country for the 21st century, working much
more closely with us.
Japan and South Korea, other countries in Southeast Asia.
And what we have done in Europe, all of whom I think some of
the blinders have come off about what they are dealing with
respect to China. We have huge challenges in the global South,
as you rightly point out, we have begun to diversify in terms
of supply chains and critical minerals.
But we are doing better in the contest than I think
sometimes we tell ourselves. And I will say just, Senator, you
are--you understand the history of the region of the Indo-
Pacific. The one theme that has permeated discussions for 50
years in Asia was the idea of American decline.
People thought we were in decline during the Korean War.
They thought we would never recover from the Vietnam War.
Reagan brought us back. Cold War, people thought that Japan was
the ultimate victor.
Each time there is something about the American character,
our inventiveness, our ability to reinvent ourselves that have
propelled us forward. I have confidence that we can do that
again. China believes that we are in hurtling decline. It is
critical that we prove otherwise.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Welcome, Dr. Campbell. I am grateful for the
opportunity to be with you today. And grateful to Lael and your
family, your daughter, Coco, and others for their support and
for the great conversation we had.
I will confess, I have not read your ten books, but I look
forward to reading several of them. You have laid out in great
detail the remarkable record you have at helping stand up
innovative and resolute partnerships between the United States
and key allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific.
And I think you are the right man at the right moment for
this challenge for us. I will also point out that December 7th,
the anniversary of the Pearl Harbor attack, is also the
anniversary of the moment that Senator Vandenberg, a Republican
from Michigan, who was chairman of this committee, dramatically
changed his position from an America First isolationism, urging
that we reach an accommodation with Japan, to recognizing that
our only path forward was a bipartisan one, locking arms across
the aisle here and looking to the world with a common
determination to advance freedom.
Kurt, I am very worried that right now the Senate stands on
the precipice of failing to provide critically needed support
and supplies, funding, and material for the Ukrainians who are
fighting Russian aggression, for our partners in the Indo-
Pacific, for Israel in its fight against Hamas, and for the
humanitarian needs of dozens of countries.
Just briefly, could you say what would the consequences be
for our global leadership if we were to fail to provide the
support critically needed by our allies at this moment?
Mr. Campbell. Well, Senator, thank you for that and thank
you for your nice comments. Look, the truth is the struggle,
the desperate struggle in Ukraine is no longer just a regional
conflict.
Many outside players are hugely invested. What is different
about this conflict, not only have we seen substantial
resources from Europe, even greater than from the United
States, but huge support for the Indo-Pacific because they
understand the stakes about how this region, how Europe is
increasingly linked to the Indo-Pacific more generally.
So, myself personally, I worry that the wrong lessons will
be taken. If you look at the doctrine that was published by
China and Russia before the Beijing Winter Olympics and really
look at it closely, it is a document out of the 1930s where big
countries should dominate smaller countries on their periphery.
That is antithetical to everything we believe and support.
I will say, one of the things that I have appreciated and
enjoyed the most is that, yes, this is a highly contested time.
There is lots of signs of dysfunction.
But I have found the discussions with this community both
together and with individual Senators, I think there is much
more that unite you all than divide you and it has given me
personally much more confidence about the road ahead.
And so, I know that this period is incredibly intense and
difficult. I am not involved in those deliberations. I have
confidence that we are going to find a way to basically secure
support for Ukraine, appropriately working with our allies and
partners, make sure that we take the necessary steps standing
with Israel, but also planning for the future in Gaza and
elsewhere.
I am confident the President said yesterday he is prepared
to make substantial compromises with respect to the border. And
we have critical needs in the Indo-Pacific to stand with
Taiwan, to support the Philippines.
So, I think the comprehensive nature of this budget request
will affirm America's strategic purpose in ways that are deeply
consequential and will go right at the heart at the criticisms
and the hopes of those who wish us ill.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Campbell. Two quick follow on
questions, if I might. And I agree with you that addressing
border security is a critical part of our path forward. A key
piece of the supplemental is also funding for the Compacts of
Free Association States, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia,
Palau.
I think it is critical that we pass robust funding to
strengthen these valuable partnerships with Pacific Islands.
What would the impact be on our position in the Indo-Pacific if
that were knocked out of this package, or if we were to fail to
pass the COFA funding?
Mr. Campbell. So, first of all, I want to thank you. I also
want to again, thank Senator Risch and his staff. I have gone
through all the correspondence, all the suggestions about how
we step up our game in the Pacific, something that is actually
very near and dear to my heart. I am proud of the efforts I
have taken over the last two years in making sure that we do
better in the Pacific, a place that we have enormous strategic,
historic, moral responsibilities.
The COFA agreement, as you know, provides support for the
three nations in the Northern Pacific critical to our security.
I will simply say to the Senate that literally China is
waiting. At the moment that we are unable to fulfill our
commitment, to fulfill the COFA arrangements with these
countries, arrangements that we have enjoyed for absolutely for
decades.
That keeps these countries in our purview that work closely
with us. You could not ask for a better ally in partner than
Palau, President Whipps, a son of Baltimore, wants to be with
the United States. He needs this agreement.
And if we do not get it, you can expect that literally the
next day, Chinese diplomats, military, and other folks will be
on the plane landing in each of these things, trying to secure
a better deal for China. We need to do this.
Senator Coons. Well, thank you for your focus on the
region. I look forward to traveling either with you or informed
by you.
Mr. Campbell. Great.
Senator Coons. Last topic, bipartisan legislation that
Senator Graham and I worked on for years, created the Global
Fragility Act.
I am encouraged by your service at a senior level in the
Pentagon as well as your service in the Navy as you move
towards a senior position in the State Department, because the
whole goal of the Global Fragility Act was to demonstrate that
the strategy that we followed across several Administrations in
Colombia of pulling together jointly across State, AID, DOD in
partnership with a country for a long period of time, was the
best way to deal with a fragile state.
As you know, I have been very frustrated by the initial
period of GFA implementation, both the selection of some
countries that struck me as well outside the scope of it and
the difficulty getting buy in, and in particular from senior
DOD officials.
Will you commit to working with me on Global Fragility Act
implementation, including improving interagency coordination,
targeting sustained funding towards these countries, and making
sure that we prove out the thesis underlying it that was the
result of a two year-long study and development process by
senior experienced diplomats, that we have to figure out a way
to get a 3D strategy right long term?
Mr. Campbell. First of all, Senator, I want to thank you
for your leadership and creativity in putting this piece of
legislation together. It is bipartisan, signed into law by
President Trump. I actually was very grateful.
I argued that one of the countries that I worked on in the
Indo-Pacific, Papua New Guinea be included in that for a
variety of reasons, has vast oil and natural gas reserves, but
continues to be one of the poorest countries in the world. Why
is that? And so, how to think about that going forward.
I think what is most inventive and important about this
legislation is that it encourages, it requires a degree of
coordination between three critical agencies, AID, the State
Department, and the Department of Defense.
If I am confirmed, I think this is a deeply innovative
piece of legislation that should be further implemented. And
frankly, we are dealing in Africa, Latin America, the Pacific,
with increasing number of fragile states that need greater
support. We have got to be careful how we do it. We just cannot
pile resources on.
But a constructive, multifaceted strategy like that you
have laid out, that is the right approach. I am committed to
it.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I look forward to working
together on coastal West Africa, on U.S. engagement with the
global South, on PNG and on other countries, and I look forward
to supporting your confirmation.
Mr. Campbell. Yes, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Coons. And again,
welcome, Dr. Campbell. It is good to see you here.
I think you and I share the understanding of how critical
it is to build bridges between our Indo-Pacific allies, how
critical it is for us to unify our national strengths, how
critical it is for us to work together to advance our common
economic and National Security interests in the region.
One area I wanted to speak with you about today is
regarding energy cooperation between the United States, Korea,
and Japan. I would particularly like you to articulate your
vision to advance energy cooperation and energy security among
the three nations.
And also, just specifically your thoughts on nuclear and
LNG.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. Thank you very much, Senator. And I, if
I could just take a moment to thank you for your leadership on
Indo-Pacific issues, but also for your support for Japan. It is
a country that is dear to both of us. It is a critical partner.
We cannot be successful in the Indo-Pacific unless we work
closely with them. They are your first--when they come to the
United States, your office is their first stop. I am happy to
see them after. So, thank you for what you have done. Let me
just say that my own personal view, and I think the view
increasingly in the Administration, is that given our urgent
and immediate challenges, we need to double down on
transitional fuels.
And I know some people do not like to use that concept with
respect to natural gas. We ultimately want to go to renewables.
But in this critical period, taking advantage of vast stores of
American energy and other places more aligned with the United
States, working with Japan and South Korea to ensure that those
energy supplies are safe and secure.
I will note, and Senator, I know that you know this, and
you encourage this as well, when the energy crisis got most
difficult in Ukraine last year, it was Japan and South Korea
that agreed to do complex swaps so that they provided that
urgent and badly needed energy to Ukraine.
We need to support Japan and South Korea more here. We also
need to work with them on innovative nuclear projects. I think
you know that there are some interesting projects that we are
now working on. Our friend Dan Poneman has pioneered work on
small nuclear reactors. Much safer.
Japan has invested in--you know, basically developed some
innovative technologies. There are some business challenges,
some companies and struggles with, you know, ultimate issues
associated with government backing.
Ultimately, we highlighted this in our engagements with
both individually with South Korea and Japan. As the trilateral
partnership builds momentum, this is going to be at the center
of what we intend to do.
Senator Hagerty. Just a quick point. I have noted the
discussion of the trilateral national laboratories cooperation.
This is parochial question because Oak Ridge National Labs is
in my home State, but do you have a thought of how our
laboratories will be cooperating?
Mr. Campbell. Yes. In fact, I think you know this, the
person that is champion this thing the most is Ambassador
Emanuel, who served us with distinction. He wants that lab to
play a new role. I do, too.
Senator Hagerty. Great. That is great. If I could turn it
again to just an area where I want to congratulate you, and
that is on the role that you played in the Camp David summit,
bringing together the leaders of South Korea, Japan, and the
United States. I think that was an important step.
I was pleased to engage in a complementary trilateral
conference in San Francisco in the margins of APEC. You and I
discussed that we had some 40 CEOs, National Security leaders
and government leaders that attended that.
And I see great promise and great potential there. One
thing that I am curious about, though, is that China is now
trying to establish its own trilateral conference with leaders
in South Korea and Japan. I would be just curious in your
perspective what China's goals here might be.
Mr. Campbell. Yes, thank you. And in fact, Senator, I am
sure you know this, but their trilateral far precedes ours. The
trilateral that went on between China, Japan, and South Korea
was very active in the 2000s.
You know, China had withheld certain engagements from both
South Korea or Japan, and so that has sort of fallen a little
bit by the wayside. But the Chinese have noted the actions that
we have taken. I would say among all the things that we have
done, they look at our engagement with Vietnam, working more on
the security side, what we have done with India, these concern
them. The thing that I think they recognize has the potential,
the most significant in changing the security architecture of
Asia is if Japan and South Korea can finally and fundamentally
put their animosity behind them to focus on the future in
everything, energy, technology, security, people to people,
education.
This is our goal. I do want to thank you for what you are
doing. I do want to also just say it is in our interest to
commend more publicly the risks and the courage that have been
shown by Japan and South Korea.
They need to recognize that we fully support at every
possible level what they have done, and we seek to strengthen
it as it goes forward. Again, I am confident that China will be
unsuccessful in building the kind of bonds of trust that we are
doing now with Japan and South Korea.
Senator Hagerty. Indeed. I appreciate that confidence. I
look forward to supporting your nomination.
Mr. Campbell. Thank you very much, Senator.
The Chairman. As you can tell, members are moving in and
out because of votes on the floor----
Mr. Campbell. I fully understand, Senator. Thank you.
The Chairman [continuing]. Votes on the floor of the United
States Senate.
Senator Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Dr.
Campbell, for your willingness to continue to serve our
country. And I appreciate your comment that you made about
people thinking this country was in decline and being wrong
numerous times in the past.
I remember being a young business school student in the
late 80s and Japan's manufacturing base was going to take over
the world. And obviously, they are a very important ally, but
did not work out quite the way people were predicting at that
time.
Mr. Campbell. Yes.
Senator Ricketts. Anyway, so when you and I spoke in my
office, we talked about what we need to do to deter the
People's Republic of China with regard to any sort of military
aggression toward Taiwan.
And we talked about a number of things, not only the
preparedness of our military, but what we need to do with
regard to investments in technology, working with our partners
and allies. What we need to do with regard to our economic and
investment policies and could not agree more on those things.
And you have highlighted some of the very positive
developments that have occurred that you have participated in
with regard to our partners and allies, but there is one area
that we have not made progress, where we have frankly failed,
which is trade.
And the People's Republic of China is not sitting still on
this. You know, they announced their regional comprehensive
economic partnership, which is their 15 member free trade bloc.
In response, the Administration has put together the Indo-
Pacific economic framework.
This is really aligning regulations and standards around
four pillars. It does not include things such as market access
or tariffs. And my understanding is that the APEC conference,
they had hoped to be able to roll out the Indo-Pacific economic
framework pillars and that got put to the backburner, so that
has not happened.
But maybe you could talk a little bit about--you know,
certainly States like Nebraska, we want to see more open access
and reduce--reduction in tariffs and so forth. We also, we hear
that from our allies. They would like to see the same thing. I
was a supporter of TPP. I believe you were as well. Talk to me
about what are our allies getting with the Indo-Pacific
economic framework, and do we need to start addressing things
like market access and tariffs?
Mr. Campbell. So, first of all, Senator, I do want to thank
you for the meeting I had with you, and I want to commend you
for really focusing on the Indo-Pacific. I do think this--the
thing that we need to underscore is that this body has a long
history of very distinguished members who are committed to the
Indo-Pacific.
And it is nice to see people following in the footsteps of
Senator Lugar, Senator Inouye, and others. So, I wanted to
thank you for that. And I note very clearly your State's
interests in broadening agricultural and other kinds of
engagements in the Indo-Pacific, so I support that.
So, I do want to just take a moment to stand back, and the
larger picture in many ways is quite impressive. We have--we
are the largest investor in the region. Last year was, by most
measurements, the largest trade year in our history with the
Indo-Pacific. It was much more diverse than in the past, not
just with China, other countries.
So, we are diversifying. We are working with allies and
partners on diversifying supply chains and issues associated
with critical minerals, working in technology. So, we are part
and fully integrated into the Indo-Pacific economic and
commercial picture. So, we have to begin with that. But the
truth is that the region expect us to play a role as a
confident, engaged player on commercial and economic matters.
I think, if I am confirmed, I am going to commit to work
with you and others--to see if there is a bipartisan way
forward. I think you, in your remarks, I think you recognize
implicitly that there are challenges on both sides of the
aisle, questions about whether trade or certain kinds of trade
agreements, are they good for the United States? Do they
benefit our workers?
I think we have to take that into consideration, and we
have to see what is possible. I will also say, I think there
are elements of IPEF that are important on diversifying supply
chains, on looking at how taxation policy works.
These are critical operating matters, but the truth is
there is more that we can do. I am committed to working with
you on that going forward.
Senator Ricketts. Is it fair to say that you think IPEF is
important, and I am not trying to argue that regulations and
standards are not important, but that we also need to look for
a way to move forward on other additional trade agreements to
be able to counteract what the PRC is doing in the Indo-
Pacific?
Because I think our allies are expecting us to be able to
provide an alternative. I do not believe that they want to do
these things with China without having us have the same
opportunities. And I think they prefer to be a trade partner
with us rather than the PRC.
Mr. Campbell. So, look, I can say this, Senator. I think it
is absolutely essential that in our future, that we are deeply,
fundamentally intertwined and engaged with the commerce,
business, and economics of the Indo-Pacific. And if we are not,
we will not succeed.
Senator Ricketts. Yes. And I realize I am out of--oh,
Chairman is busy anyway----
Mr. Campbell. Yes, sir. Go ahead.
Senator Ricketts. So, I am out of time, but one of the
thing is I will just highlight----
The Chairman. We are just negotiating in here.
[Laughter.]
Senator Ricketts. One of the reason I think it is important
is, as the former governor of Nebraska, I can tell you that the
PRC was a terrible trade partner. They were a terrible trade
partner.
They certainly have not lived up to their agreements they
agreed to under the Trump Administration, but even before that,
I can tell you the products they bought from us, they would buy
a lot and then they would cut us off. I mean, it was just--they
were not a good trade partner.
So, I think there is an opportunity for us to be able to
push back on them, and we can be successful, but we have got to
make sure that we are working with our partners and get these
trade deals done.
Mr. Campbell. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Dr. Campbell.
The Chairman. Senator Merkley.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And
thank you for your service and your testimony. Do you and does
the Administration support the ability of Palestinians from
Gaza to be able to return to their homes in Gaza when Gaza
starts to rebuild?
Mr. Campbell. Yes. First of all, Senator, thank--I do want
to thank you for hosting me for breakfast, and we are taking
steps to make sure that your famous breakfast order is
enshrined in the menu. And so, thank you for that.
Senator Merkley. The trifecta.
Mr. Campbell. The trifecta, right.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
Mr. Campbell. So, look, I believe that is our policy. I
think that is the just and right thing to do. And I believe
that the United States will need and will want to work with
other partners to ensure that that ability is possible.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. And will the U.S. work with
Israel, with the defense forces, with the national police to
make sure that any armaments we provide, and particularly small
arms and semi-automatic or automatic machine guns, are not
transferred to settlers outside of the INP and the IDF?
Mr. Campbell. Senator, I--to be honest, I do not know
enough about that, those particular provisions. I know that we
are working closely with the Israelis to ensure that actions
taken seek to minimize damage to women and children, to
civilians. I will need to get back to you directly on that
specific question.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. I will just point out that
given the increased settler violence on the--a lot of attacks
on Palestinian villagers, that I would be very concerned, and I
know many Americans would be very concerned for our arms to be
transferred, that are intended for the IDF and the INP, to be
transferred to settlers.
Mr. Campbell. I will say I have seen the statements of
Secretary Blinken and others condemning those actions against
Palestinian civilians. I share your concern here.
Senator Merkley. So, the Administration has expressed
concern about how the expansion of settlements and outposts and
checkpoints make the vision of two states for two peoples a
very difficult path.
Would it make sense to have an annual report that tracks
the expansion of existing settlements, the establishment of new
settlements, checkpoints, and outposts?
Mr. Campbell. Look, I think consultation with the Hill on
this critical set of issues is essential. And I believe that as
we go forward, the only viable way is a two state solution. It
is going to be extremely difficult, as you point out, highly
contentious, but it is the only way to ensure that the region
can live in peace.
I think that there are going to be myriad ways that the
Executive Branch needs to work with partners on Capitol Hill to
ensure that this is truly a national effort. And so, I would
support any appropriate communications or engagement.
Senator Merkley. And one of the reasons I was framing the
questions in this way in terms of the Administration, because
we have heard folks in the Administration say, we do not want
conditions on the bill, but we are intending to press hard on a
series of key issues.
I was trying to clarify whether these were the types of key
issues Administration is planning to press on.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. So, look, Senator, I can say that I know
that there are discussions underway now on how we are thinking
about the way forward after this terrible conflict concludes.
Some of that, frankly, awaits if I am confirmed. And so, I
would like to just suggest to you that if confirmed, I promise
to make sure I am deeply familiar and engaged in those
discussions, and then will engage with you as such.
Senator Merkley. Well, I want to restate how absolutely
horrific the attacks were by Hamas. And I also want to be very
clear that the only future peace, based on positive aspirations
for the Israelis and the Palestinians, does involve two states
for two people and we have to work very hard towards that, and
as you have stated.
Turning to Ukraine, it was in 1938 when Chamberlain went to
Munich and said to Hitler, we will look the other way, we will
declare peace in our time. You go ahead and take that piece of
Czechoslovakia.
Mr. Campbell. Yes.
Senator Merkley. I am concerned that if we fail to provide
support to Ukraine, which will also affect the whole Atlantic
alliance, it will drive cracks in NATO, it will certainly
undermine the support of other nations for Ukraine, that there
is an equivalence to saying to Putin, well, you can take
Ukraine.
And I think I consider this possibility of a Munich style
moment, this style of appeasement of Putin, to be an enormous
mistake, should we fail to provide support to Ukraine. Is there
anything to my analogy that you find resonance in?
Mr. Campbell. Senator, I completely identify with what you
have laid out. I am of a generation that are very familiar with
the false promises of appeasement in the 1930s.
I can remember in debates that in--at Oxford and elsewhere
that the harshest criticism that someone could make at you or
to someone, is where is your umbrella? Like the umbrella that
Chamberlain carried into Munich. So, I do believe
authoritarians follow closely, take lessons.
And I think that this is an intense test of American
commitment. I will say, I think through the support of this
body and others, and the bipartisan efforts that we have seen,
I think if we look at the last two years, this--we have done
remarkable things and we can do more working closely with our
Ukrainian partners, and I am committed to support that.
And I think there are strong supporters on Capitol Hill to
see this through as well.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. Senator Duckworth.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Dr. Campbell,
when we met in my office recently, we discussed the importance
of the United States continued commitment to implementing the
Indo-Pacific strategy, but also the challenge of maintaining
some sort of engagement with the PRC.
Obviously, they are our greatest near-peer competitor.
Obviously, they challenge us on National Security, but we also
have to be able to work with them collaboratively across a
region to do things like counter climate change or counter the
next global public health crisis, deal with economic crises as
well.
So, to live up to our enormous potential, we need to
approach this work through a coordinated whole-of-government
approach. As you move from the NSC to the State Department, you
come with very unique experiences, having been in DOD yourself.
I would like to invite you to speak briefly to how, if
confirmed, you will ensure robust interagency coordination and
continued strengthening of our position and our commitment to
our partnership in the Indo-Pacific.
Mr. Campbell. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Duckworth. I do
want to just underscore one thing that--the Senator said at the
outset that is important. We have had a series of
consultations.
I think what I have been most pleased and impressed by in
our private meetings, Senator Duckworth has come right at me
and been clear about areas where we need to do better. And it
was in 2021 that the Senate came and said, you are not engaging
Southeast Asia effectively enough.
You need to do better. It was from those conversations that
President Biden decided to invite all the ASEAN leaders to
Washington, D.C. for the first time, a major diplomatic
initiative that we have carried forward.
And so, I do want to underscore that these dialogs and
discussions are important in the formulation and execution of
our strategy. So even though it is painful, I want to thank you
for that, Senator.
Look, so for us to be effective in everything we do, there
is a need for a much higher degree of coordination among all
our tools of government. And so, it has been said before, you
know, we have one agency that is massive, huge, with huge
resources at the Department of Defense, and other agencies with
less resources.
Nevertheless, there is huge capacity, economic, diplomatic,
military, that need to be coordinated, particularly in the
Indo-Pacific. I will say that if you look at much of our
strategy, they involve key moving pieces of moving parts in
each of the bureaucracies that I have laid out and beyond that.
I do want to commit to you that if I am confirmed, I will
continue to work as part of a collegial and engaged effort to
ensure that the United States maintains a purposeful engagement
in the Indo-Pacific.
And I also want to thank you that you have constantly
reminded us that even though we are facing hugely hard
challenges elsewhere, we have to be able to focus on the Indo-
Pacific, and I am committed to do that.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. How do you assess our current
staffing levels and resourcing for diplomatic missions across
the Indo-Pacific? You know, the ASEAN mission, you know, I have
talked to you about this.
I think the ASEAN mission itself is under--understaffed.
And also, how will you approach the challenge of balancing our
need to invest in the region, even as we address other urgent
crises around the globe? And I would say that our Africa
experts will say that we are understaffed there, too.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. So, look, Senator, I--you know, there is
a tendency--I worked in the Indo-Pacific, so I noted the lack
of staff in the Pacific, the difficulty in setting up
diplomatic offices there. I thought we had to be more
innovative. I look at certain regions that I think maybe might
be, you know, have more staffing.
I am struck that some of our hardship posts in the Pacific
and Africa, we have had difficulty in filling those. And so, I
recognize that it is not something you can look at just that
one place. You have to look at the totality. I come down to
the--with the inescapable conclusion is that we need to recruit
more people. I love the idea of an innovative effort to look at
how to modernize as part of that.
Does that mean bringing in mid-career people? Does that
mean being able to recruit from other walks of life like the
military and the like? I personally see, and I have seen it up
close, and I will just give you one quick story if I can,
Senator.
I remember last year I went to the Solomons for the first
time. We landed in our plane. We got off. We were met at the
airport by one diplomat, probably the most hard charging guy I
have ever met. And he was exhausted. He was a one person
diplomacy in the Solomons, one of our most contested places.
Was living in a hotel with his dog.
And as we drove into town, we went by the gleaming Chinese
embassy. Dozens and dozens of staffers. We just have to do
better. We have to be able to find more resources and make sure
that we get these people out into the field. And so, look, if I
am confirmed, I am committed to doing that.
I will do everything possible to make sure that our best
and brightest, our most diverse, are serving in the key regions
that are being contested that define American purpose.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I am going to turn the gavel over to Senator
Schatz. I apologize. There are some additional----
Senator Booker. I object.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. You do not get the right to object.
Senator Booker. Okay.
The Chairman. Sorry about that. I would like to, but there
is another issue affecting our committee there on the floor at
this particular moment that I am required to be over for. I
want the members to know they have until the close of business
tomorrow, questions for the record.
And Dr. Campbell, I would ask that you get them back as
quickly as possible and as thoroughly as possible, because we
are trying to expedite the consideration of your nomination,
considering the importance it is to the State Department.
And Senator Risch and I are going to try to expedite the
consideration, but it will require you to make sure you get
your answers back as quickly and as thoroughly as possible.
Mr. Campbell. We will get it done. Chairman, thank you.
The Chairman. And with that, I was going to recognize
Senator Booker, but after his comments, he is going to have to
wait a little bit longer. Senator Booker.
Senator Booker. All right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am
sorry to see you go. I am going to go quickly before the power
goes to Schatz's head. It is great to see you here, especially
with the two women at your back.
You kind of did a daughter diss. She is sacrificing not
taking that test today that she was prepared for, and she was
going to ace, but she decided to come here to support you, and
I am delighted. It is extraordinary to see that.
I am very excited about your leadership. I am very grateful
and excited to vote for you on the floor. I just want to try to
use this as an opportunity to look into the future and talk
about the continent of Africa.
Mr. Campbell. Yes.
Senator Booker. I know your specialty is Asia and that is
such an important part of the globe, but I do not think most
people understand the importance that the emergence of Africa
will have in the next 50 years. I mean, even by 2050 alone,
they are going to be so large that one out of every four people
on the planet Earth will be Africans.
It is a country that has this youth bulge, while China is
declining demographically, Europe is declining demographically.
We have demographic challenges here. That youth bubble in
Africa really is going to have an extraordinary shaping element
on all of humanity.
And then you add into that arts and culture, you add into
their booming tech sector and innovation sector. You add into
that their control of critical natural resources for the future
of our planet.
What is astounding to me is how we, who are only 4 percent
of the globe, of population, do not do more to understand that
our growth, our future, not just our security, but the upside
of the possibilities of humanity in showing up more in
partnership with African nations.
And so, could you please let me--help me understand how you
view this? And clearly, in my opinion, looking at China's
activities on the continent, even Russia's activities on the
continent, we are not necessarily matching in terms of focus,
energy, investment, partnerships to the degree that I think we
should do counter those influences on the continent.
Mr. Campbell. Senator, thank you very much. I do want to
just begin by saying I am grateful that my daughter Coco is
here. And, you know, it is supposed to be the case that the
parents teach the children. There is not hardly a week that
goes by, I have rarely seen a more disciplined person.
You know that old adage, do your job. Coco always does her
job. Never has to be reminded. I am the one who has to be
reminded to do my job. Senator, I have had a number of
conversations with you.
One of things that we have not discussed is that I am
actually an old Africanist. My Ph.D. thesis at Oxford was on
Africa.
Senator Booker. Oh, wow.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. I remember I did get a call a few years
ago saying, congratulations, your thesis has won an award, a
typically British call. And I thought, oh, fantastic, what is
the award? It is a book made most relevant by history. So, it
was Soviet policy towards South Africa.
But, I have traveled extensively in the region. I have gone
overland across Africa several times. I spent a lot of time in
East Africa and the assistance programs. I know Southern Africa
better. I completely associate myself with everything that you
have said, and I would go even further.
You know, you look at the number of coups--Senator,
Chairman Cardin talked about the number of coups that have
taken place in the last several years, the fragility of certain
states, the challenges that we face that some of the dominant
countries that we have based much of our engagement on are
facing challenges.
I think the whole region holds enormous promise, but also
it is an area that we have to step up our game. Now, I have
been very impressed what--with what Secretary Blinken and his
team has done, but there still needs to be more. We need to
make sure that we are working on critical minerals more
directly.
I think advancing governance, democratic practices, human
rights, calling out where we see real challenges, as we saw
yesterday, both the Chairman and the Secretary of State on
Sudan. I do want to just say that if confirmed, I have talked
to the Secretary about this, I intend to offer what assistance
and personal engagement I can.
We have to step up our game. We are being contested in the
global South. It is there that, frankly, I worry the most. I am
not sure that--look, I think a few years ago, some of these
countries looked at China carefully.
I think they are more worried about the model that China
offers, bringing in its own workers, not as much transparency.
I think what we have to offer in terms of our role, our
investment capacity with the DFC and others. I think we have a
lot to bring to Africa, and my hope is that we will be able to
continue to do that.
Senator Booker. So let me say this in conclusion again,
because I fear Schatz is drunk with power over there and might
cut me off because I have gone over my time.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. But just really quickly, there is so much
attention right now on Ukraine and what is happening in Israel
and what is happening in Gaza. But if you look at the sheer
numbers of children that are dying right now from the Horn of
Africa in Sudan to West Africa, it dwarfs, and yet we do not
seem to see the same kind of outrage in our engagement on the
continent.
And in Sudan in particular, with over five million
displaced people. I just want to urge you and our great
Secretary of State to think about a special envoy for Sudan. To
really make that more of a focus and priority of our diplomatic
power.
And then the final thing I will just say, and I am going to
regret this, I am sure, but my childhood nickname by my mother
when I was a kid was Coco. And that is why I just want to make
a predictive element. That as great as her father is, that I
think that the daughter will one day--there will be another
Coco perhaps sitting on this dais in the future.
Mr. Campbell. I concur with that, Senator. I know time is
short. I saw the statement put out by Chairman Cardin yesterday
asking for a special envoy.
I just want to promise you we are going to look at that
very carefully, and we are highly attentive to what we see
taking place there. Secretary Blinken's statement yesterday
speaks for itself in terms of our concerns about war crimes.
So, I take very seriously what you are suggesting, and I do
want to commit to as much focus and attention as I can bring to
the issues.
Senator Booker. I am very grateful. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman, for your grace and mercy.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Booker. Mr. Campbell,
thank you for being here. To your family, thank you for serving
as well. Let us talk about North Korea. You have said that
North Korea is a land of bad options.
Tell me if you have got any creative ideas for risk
reduction. Cards on the table, I think. CVID is a fantasy. I
think that we have been engaged in magical thinking for quite a
while, and I am wondering if, you know, you are known as a
pragmatist and someone who understands the region really well.
What do we do, because clearly our current policy, which by
the way, has been the policy of--on a bipartisan basis for 20
odd years, it is clearly not working. What should we do?
Mr. Campbell. Well, look, Senator Schwartz, let me just
say----
Senator Schatz. Schatz.
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. Schatz, I am sorry. I will say--
this has flummoxed American diplomats for decades. But I am
concerned, as you are, that we are heading into a new period,
and that period could be quite concerning.
The steps that we have taken to date have been primarily to
strengthen the regional deterrent around North Korea. What we
have done with Japan and South Korea and other countries as
well, and I think that is important.
The last constructive, diplomatic engagement that we had
with North Korea was the aborted meeting in Vietnam between Kim
Jong Un and President Trump. Essentially, since then, the North
Koreans have rebuffed every effort that we have utilized to try
to reach out to them.
I will just say, Senator, that we have tried some what I
thought were creative, inventive approaches. We have offered
vaccines during the height of challenge that North Korea faced
with respect to COVID.
We have offered certain kinds of engagements on
humanitarian grounds. We have had difficulty getting any
takers, even in addressing our letters or approaches to them. I
do think this is something that requires deeper consultations
with allies and partners.
I am concerned that North Korea has taken very dangerous
steps with respect to Russia, providing military equipment to
Russia's campaign. I am concerned that North Korea continues to
perfect its long range missile and nuclear capabilities in ways
that are antithetical not only to the region, but to the United
States as well.
And so, to be honest, I share your concerns. I am worried
that North Korea, in the current environment, has decided that
they are no longer interested in diplomacy with the United
States. And that means that we are going to have to focus even
more on deterrence.
Senator Schatz. Two more questions. Two more minutes. Tell
me why it is important that we ratify the Law of the Sea
Treaty.
Mr. Campbell. Well, look, Senator Schatz, I will say this,
this is a treaty that was negotiated in another time, right, in
the 1960s. We abide, even though it has been signed but not----
Senator Schatz. I know, we abide, yes.
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. I know that. I know you
understand it, but it makes it hard for other countries that we
contest with who say, hey, you know, you have--you cannot hold
us accountable to something that is not your own law.
So, it has been a challenge for us. I think the reason that
I am primarily interested in it is that it will provide a
framework for how to think about areas in which China is
contesting our sovereign interpretations in the South China Sea
and elsewhere.
And I think that is difficult for us because even our
allies and partners say, hey, wait a second, you are holding
China to account to something that you yourself----
Senator Schatz. Have not signed up for.
Mr. Campbell [continuing]. Yes.
I would love to see that possible. There is another renewed
effort to go forward. I think we have gotten very close in the
past. I would love to get that over the finish line. I think it
will be challenging. I am committed to it.
Senator Schatz. I think we can get the votes because I
think the politics has changed as we understand the urgent need
for us to act together, collectively, on competition with
China. Final question, and it is a little technocratic, but how
are you going to divide the portfolio with Mr. Verma? Or if you
do not know yet, that is a fair enough answer.
Mr. Campbell. Yes. So, the one thing I will commit to you
is there are very few people that I hold in higher regard than
Rich Verma. He is a longstanding friend. I do not know if it is
possible to be more well prepared.
He has been a diplomat. He has a Ph.D. He has a business
degree. He has been in the Air Force. He is an extraordinarily
able diplomat. He is primarily responsible for resources in the
Department, but my own view is that we are missing his skills
on the field.
And I want to make sure working with Secretary Blinken and
the other key members, that we make sure that his real skills,
not only in Budgets and Management, are seen in the field to
play diplomatically.
Senator Schatz. Yes, that is a fair enough answer--and I
want you to sort of iterate this over time, but I just, I think
it is important for the, frankly, committee members and their
staffs to kind of know who to talk to about what. And so, I
would like to sort that a little further. Senator Van Hollen.
Mr. Campbell. Thank you. I will take that up.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Schatz. Mr.
Campbell, great to see you. Congratulations on your nomination.
Great to see members of your family, Leal, Coco. Thank you,
Leal, for your service as well.
And let me say to you, Kurt, thank you for the great work
you have been doing already as part of the Biden Administration
at the National Security Council with respect to East Asia and
the Pacific, the work on China, Taiwan, the whole region, and
the important role you played supporting the President at the
recent APEC conference in San Francisco.
I think your nomination to be Deputy Secretary of the State
Department signals the importance the Administration places in
that very important part of the world and in our competition
with the People's Republic of China.
Let me also associate myself with the words of some of my
colleagues, including Senator Coons, with respect to the
urgency of providing military assistance to Ukraine as they
face continued assaults from Putin, and that as others around
the world, both friends and foe, watch to see what we will do
in Ukraine.
Now, as Deputy Secretary, of course, you will have a much
broader policy portfolio. And I wanted to ask you a couple of
questions about the situation in the war between Israel and
Hamas. And I had not planned to get into this, but I understand
it came up a little earlier in some conversations.
I just want to quote from what Jon Finer said on national
television recently when he was asked about conditionality of
assistance. And what Jon Finer said in response, and I quote,
``well, I guess what I would say about that, Jake,'' referring
to Jake Tapper, ``at this point is no assistance the United
States provides to any country is unconditional.''
He went on to say, it comes with the requirement that that
aid be used consistent with international law, consistent with
the law of armed conflict. Do you agree with the Deputy's--with
the Deputy National Security Adviser's coming?
Mr. Campbell. Yes, of course.
Senator Van Hollen. And just to understand your response to
an earlier question, I take it to mean that you are not--that
the Administration, as I understand the Biden Administration's
position, the Biden Administration is not asking for additional
conditions on assistance to any of the countries in this
package, whether it be Ukraine, Israel, or countries in the
Indo-Pacific. Is that correct?
Mr. Campbell. Senator, that is my understanding. But I will
also say that there are daily conversations at the very highest
levels between senior officials in the U.S. Government and
Israel, our senior military, their senior military about their
military plans.
And we have expressed very clear views about the conduct of
operations more generally. I recognize that is different than
sort of a legislative approach, but I will say that this--that
we do have very clear interests in ensuring that this conflict
be conducted within what we would view as the humane rules of
war.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I very much appreciate that. I just
had wanted to clarify that your response meant to adhere to
what I understand the Biden Administration's position is, which
is you are not asking for additional conditions at this time,
recognizing what you just said.
And I do think it is very important that the United States,
as we support our friend Israel, that we insist that measures
be taken to better minimize civilian casualties. As of today,
there are over 16,000 people who have died in Gaza, two-thirds
of them are women and children, and that we insist that the
Netanyahu Government fully cooperate with us in the provision
of desperately needed humanitarian assistance there.
And speaking for myself, I think that the Biden
Administration could be doing even more in that regard, and I
know that view is shared with some of my colleagues. I realize
that my time is up. I do want to really, in the remaining time,
ask you about the issue of our economic engagement in the Indo-
Pacific.
And the Administration has put forward a number of
proposals that we have talked about in the past, IPF being one.
There are a number of others as well regarding critical
minerals. So, if you could just talk generally about the
Administration's strategy on the economic front with countries
there.
Mr. Campbell. Great. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate the
question. And I also want to say how much I appreciated our
conversation in your office the other day. It was meaningful
and I took a lot from it.
I would say just that we have already had a little bit of
discussion about the importance of the American economic and
commercial engagement in the Indo-Pacific. Largest investor,
huge trade flows.
I think over the course of the next little while, there are
a number of things that we need to work on even more
intensively. Number one is to diversify our supply chains and
make sure that the watchword that we use in doing so is greater
resilience, working with allies and partners in particular, and
doing that in such a way that we have confidence in a crisis
that we have more than one source.
Second is to take urgent steps on critical minerals and
trace elements that are essential in the modern technology and
all issues associated with long life batteries and the like. I
think the Administration is taking steps in this direction. You
will have seen that we have a new agreement with Australia.
We are exploring next steps with Indonesia. These are all
things that are essential going forward. IPF, I think, as we
have discussed already, does provide some critical standards
and other procedures that improve issues associated with
taxation, matters related to green technologies and
investments.
These are important procedures, procedural steps that I
think are smooth and give us greater confidence about engaging
particular countries. There is more work to be done to ensure
that the United States is deeply embedded in the commerce and
economies of the Indo-Pacific.
My own personal view, Senator, is that this is something
that requires a deeper conversation with the Executive Branch
and with bipartisan members on the Hill. I think everyone on
both sides of the aisle understands that the U.S. role here is
essential, but it has to be designed carefully so that American
workers, American jobs are not sacrificed in the process.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I appreciate that. I do want
to just say in parting, and not asking this as a question, just
something for you to take back.
A lot of us were surprised and alarmed when the USTR seemed
to roll back the longstanding U.S. position in favor of an open
internet because so many countries, especially authoritarian
countries like China and Russia, try to put up these walls to
essentially prevent good information from getting in and also
to track their citizens and dissidents.
So, if you could just that take back to your colleagues, a
lot of us were very surprised, disappointed in that decision.
Based on other hearings we have had, there was no consultation
by the USTR in that process with other parts of the government,
and I hope it will be reversed.
I think that our long standing policy was the right one and
I hope the Administration will undertake a course correction
there.
Mr. Campbell. Thank you, Senator. I will take that back.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen. Mr.
Campbell, thank you for your continued service to the country
and for being open to all members on a bipartisan basis.
The record for the hearing will remain open until the close
of business tomorrow, Friday, December 8th, 2023. Please ensure
that questions for the record are submitted no later than the
close of business tomorrow. This hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:50 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Kurt Campbell by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Corruption has revealed itself to be a top national
security threat. I have been pleased to see the Department use the
Global Magnitsky framework to target corruption in Georgia, Moldova,
and the Western Balkans. Can I expect that you will push the Department
to continue pursuing these types of designations to help vulnerable
democracies stand up to anti-corruption across Eastern Europe? Where do
you think the Department has not paid enough attention to date?
Answer. This administration has vigorously used anti-corruption
designations under the Global Magnitsky program and other
accountability tools and authorities to address systemic corruption and
threats to democratic governance in Georgia, Moldova, and the Western
Balkans. Global Magnitsky has proven an important tool in helping
protect vulnerable democracies from those who seek to perpetuate
corruption, including to enable the malign influence of foreign actors,
most notably Russia. If confirmed, I will strongly support the
continued strategic use of this and related tools wherever appropriate,
but especially in these countries and regions.
Question. How do we ensure that a revitalized Palestinian Authority
is ready to effectively administer both the West Bank and Gaza after
Hamas is defeated?
Answer. A sustained peace between Israel and the Palestinians must
include Palestinian-led governance and a Gaza unified with the West
Bank under the Palestinian Authority (PA). For this to work, the
Palestinian people's voices and aspirations must remain at the center
of post-crisis governance. This will also require that Gaza is no
longer a platform for terrorism and violent attacks, that there is no
attempt to blockade or besiege Gaza, and that the PA respects human
rights and fundamental freedoms and has access to the revenue streams
to which it is entitled under relevant agreements.
Question. What diplomatic steps are needed to maintain support and
participation from Arab states in preparing for the ``day after'' in
Gaza?
Answer. Ensuring support from Arab states for the ``day after'' in
Gaza requires strong U.S. leadership laying out a clear vision for a
two-state solution and for equal measures of prosperity, security, and
dignity for Israelis and Palestinians alike, including by urging Israel
to conduct the current campaign in accordance with international law
and a view towards setting the conditions for peace. Secretary Blinken
took a major step forward in this process in his speech at the G7
Conference in Tokyo on November 8, 2023. If confirmed, I look forward
to continuing these efforts.
Question. What concrete actions can the Administration take against
those who would undermine a two-state solution or try to create a de
facto one state reality on the ground in the West Bank?
Answer. The Administration can continue to support Israel's
security and right to self-defense while also supporting the viability
and renewal of the Palestinian Authority. Both are essential to a two-
state solution. The Administration can encourage Israel to counter
actions that undermine stability in the West Bank, such as attacks by
violent extremist settlers against Palestinians. The Administration has
tools to address these challenges, such as the ``3C'' visa policy
announced on December 5. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring
additional policy options.
Question. What further steps can the U.S. take to help countries in
the Middle East deal with the knock-on effects of Russia's illegal war,
especially regarding food imports.
Answer. The United States continues to engage countries in the
Middle East to hold Russia accountable for its unlawful war against
Ukraine. If confirmed, I will strongly push back against false
accusations that blame sanctions for food insecurity, and I will stress
that Russia's de facto blockade has prevented ships in the Black Sea
from delivering wheat to key partners in the Middle East, North Africa,
and the rest of the world. If confirmed, I will work with our partners
to facilitate more secure and stable alternatives to Russian suppliers.
Question. Can you please outline the implications for U.S. national
security if we do not continue to support Ukraine?
Answer. Lessons of the 20th century make it clear: if we don't stop
aggressors early, we get pulled into a larger war. U.S. leadership is
indispensable to ensuring a strong response that protects our interests
as well as those of our Allies and friends. Friends and foes alike are
watching closely and will draw lessons about American power and
resolve. A lapse in U.S. support for Ukraine would immediately impact
Ukraine's performance on the battlefield, compromise NATO Allied
security, affirm for Putin that he can wait out Ukraine's international
supporters, and call into question our commitment to a free and fair
international system far beyond Europe. It would also risk Allied and
partner unity on sanctions, economic assistance, and other economic
measures meant to change Russia's calculus for this war.
Question. I believe that we have a window of opportunity to help
NATO and EU aspirants, including Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, and
countries in the Western Balkans, to complete their reforms and join
the Euro Atlantic alliance. However, enlargement is both a merit-based
process and a political decision, and I fear that this window will not
last forever. How will you work with these countries, as well as our
NATO and EU counterparts, to operate with a sense of urgency on
completing required reforms and deepening integration with vulnerable
countries?
Answer. I look forward to robustly engaging with the EU and NATO to
support EU candidate and aspirant countries, and I will be committed to
reform efforts that will deepen their Euro-Atlantic integration. As
candidate and aspirant countries like Ukraine, Georgia, and Western
Balkan countries, align with transatlantic values, they will be able to
contribute to protecting shared interests. If confirmed, I will work to
encourage the EU and candidate and prospective candidate countries to
support and accelerate necessary reforms to advance their aspirations.
Question. We are fast approaching NATO's 2024 Washington Summit, an
important opportunity to demonstrate solidarity with Ukraine, as well
as key allies on NATO's eastern flank. What do you hope will be
achieved in Washington this summer to deter Russia and stand with
Ukraine?
Answer. The 2024 Washington Summit will be an opportunity to
reflect on and celebrate the 75th anniversary of the most effective
alliance in modern history. It will also be an important opportunity to
present deliverables that will ensure NATO is ready and able to defend
the security of the United States and Allies for the next 75 years. We
will also make clear that Ukraine's future is in NATO. We are actively
working with Allies to develop robust deliverables that further deepen
Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration and provides Ukraine the practical
support needed to defend against Russian aggression. I look forward to
informing Congress on the deliverable's progress as we get closer to
the 2024 NATO Washington Summit.
Question. I commend allies like Estonia and Lithuania who have
stood with other vibrant democracies like Taiwan. However, especially
in the case of Lithuania, we have seen economic retaliation from the
PRC for our ally's choice to do the right thing. What will be your
approach to maintaining Euro Atlantic unity in the face of Chinese
economic coercion, and what else can we do to stand with our allies
targeted by the PRC?
Answer. Lithuania exhibited extraordinary resilience to PRC
coercion. U.S. economic and diplomatic support helped Lithuania turn
that challenge into an opportunity. Today, Lithuania is thriving, and
replaced PRC trade losses with expanded trade with other partners. The
EU recently passed its Anti-Coercion Instrument, granting authorities
for countermeasures against a country targeting a member state. State
will continue working with the White House, the interagency, and with
allies and partners to exchange information on economic coercion and
coordinate support to targeted countries.
Question. Putin's invasion of Ukraine alarmed many of Russia's
neighbors in Central Asia. Reform-leaning leaders of Kazakhstan and
Uzbekistan are increasingly seeking U.S. partnership. How would you
recommend that the Department seize the momentum of President Biden's
meeting with regional leaders at UNGA, and visits to the region by
Secretary Blinken and Administrator Power?
Answer. Building on the historic C5+1 Presidential Summit in New
York in September, I would, if confirmed, advance U.S. commitment to
the sovereignty and independence of the Central Asian states. These
efforts would include strengthening security cooperation, building
economic resilience, and promoting connectivity. I would advocate for
U.S. initiatives to expand cooperation with Central Asian partners on
critical minerals, establishment of alternative trade routes that
bypass Russia, and creating a favorable business environment for
private sector trade and development.
Question. Putin's invasion of Ukraine alarmed many of Russia's
neighbors in Central Asia. Reform-leaning leaders of Kazakhstan and
Uzbekistan are increasingly seeking U.S. partnership. What legislative
measures would be useful in demonstrating our commitment to expand our
relations and increase investment in the five nations in Central Asia?
Answer. The Department of State supports adoption of legislation
that would authorize the President to grant permanent normal trade
relations status to Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan. Doing so
would send a powerful signal of U.S. commitment to the governments and
peoples of Central Asian countries and create opportunities for
stronger economic partnership and increased foreign investment.
Question. There should never be tradeoffs between pursuing U.S.
national interests and advocating for universal human rights and
promoting democracy. These two aims are one and the same. What are your
views on how we should keep human rights advocacy and democracy
promotion at the center of American diplomacy, and not as a secondary
or tertiary talking point in our engagement?
Answer. This Administration centers human rights in our foreign
policy and has made democratic renewal a top priority. Defending human
rights and democracy around the world advances U.S. interests, by
helping to create a more stable, more open world, with countries that
are better partners to us, more committed to human rights, less prone
to conflict, and more dependable markets for our goods and services.
Free and fair elections, an independent judiciary, robust civil
society, and independent media are crucial to healthy democracies,
prosperous economies, and resilient societies. If confirmed, I will
continue to center these efforts and expand the tent of partners and
allies committed to democratic renewal and human rights, building on
the work of the Summit for Democracy process.
Question. Humanitarian responses for displaced persons are severely
underfunded across the world. As we speak, because of a lack of donor
resources, there are massive cuts underway to food and daily rations
for vulnerable people in Sudan, Afghanistan, the West Bank and Gaza,
Bangladesh, and many others. The U.S. is the largest contributor in
many of these responses and other wealthy nations are not contributing.
If confirmed, how would you encourage shared responsibility to
contribute to these humanitarian responses?
Answer. As the world faces astronomical levels of displacement,
conflict, complex emergencies, and worsening economic realities,
compounded by climate change, resources for humanitarian aid are
struggling to keep up with needs. No one country can meet these
humanitarian challenges alone. If confirmed, I will prioritize
advancing diplomatic efforts to expand resources and robust donor
support for humanitarian action and to pursue innovative new
partnerships to deliver protection, assistance, and durable solutions
to refugees worldwide.
Question. Humanitarian responses for displaced persons are severely
underfunded across the world. As we speak, because of a lack of donor
resources, there are massive cuts underway to food and daily rations
for vulnerable people in Sudan, Afghanistan, the West Bank and Gaza,
Bangladesh, and many others. The U.S. is the largest contributor in
many of these responses and other wealthy nations are not contributing.
How can Congress raise the specter of these global humanitarian crisis
with the American public and the media, given the constant drumbeat of
high-profile crises?
Answer. I appreciate Congress's support in helping the Executive
Branch raise the profile of global humanitarian crises. Your voice is
crucial. One of the most notable ways to raise the profile of these
issues is through congressional travel or public hearings that
highlight specific crises like the renewed conflict in Sudan or the
plight of Rohingya. Op-Eds by Members of Congress also generate
attention and reach new audiences. If confirmed, I will work with
Congress to continue to highlight global humanitarian needs and U.S.
leadership to address them, and to direct careful U.S. stewardship of
humanitarian funding to International Organizations and other partners
to respond to these situations worldwide.
Question. We have been working to secure a State Department
Authorization in this year's NDAA. If enacted, this will be third year
in a row that it is enacted into law. Passing State Authorization is
critical for a number of reasons--chief among them is that it
demonstrates the strong bipartisan support to modernize the Department
and equip our diplomats with the training and skills needed to address
cyber, economic, and other 21st century security challenges. If
confirmed, how do you plan to prioritize and implement modernization
efforts, particularly in the context of increasing strategic global
competition?
Answer. I fully believe we have a workforce of talented
professionals essential to advancing America's interests. Ensuring that
our national security workforce has the necessary tools, training, and
support to fully realize their potential will be a key priority.
Investing in our own capacities and in secure, resilient supply
chains; pushing for a level playing field for our workers and companies
and defending against harmful trade practices are integral to continued
U.S success in global strategic competition. If confirmed and as the
Department continues to move forward in its modernization agenda, I
will be clear-eyed about the challenges posed and actively work within
the Department, across the interagency, with the Congress, and with our
allies and partners to make further progress in strengthening our
shared interests and values to address the challenges in the 21st
century.
Question. We have been working to secure a State Department
Authorization in this year's NDAA. If enacted, this will be third year
in a row that it is enacted into law. Passing State Authorization is
critical for a number of reasons--chief among them is that it
demonstrates the strong bipartisan support to modernize the Department
and equip our diplomats with the training and skills needed to address
cyber, economic, and other 21st century security challenges. How do you
anticipate collaborating with Deputy Secretary for Management and
Resources Verma to guarantee that strategic modernization goals are
achieved?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work collaboratively with Deputy
Secretary Verma and our teams so that together we achieve the
Department's modernization goals. This includes continued engagement
with the Congress to ensure the Department has the tools and
authorities needed to fully implement the Secretary's Modernization
Agenda.
Question. The New START treaty is the last remaining nuclear
weapons treaty between the United States and Russia and it is set to
expire in 2026. This will occur at the same time as China continues the
expansion of its nuclear weapons program. In an era of strategic
competition, what role do you think arms control can play in reducing
nuclear risks and avoiding a costly arms race?
Answer. I support maintaining a safe, secure, and effective nuclear
deterrent and strengthened extended deterrence. I also believe, as
stated in the 2022 Nuclear Posture Review, that ``deterrence alone will
not reduce nuclear dangers.'' With willing partners, arms control can
reduce risk, strengthen stability, head off costly arms races, foster
transparency, limit destabilizing systems, and reduce the chances of
miscalculation. Together, deterrence and arms control can help inform
and shape adversary calculations about the tradeoffs between
cooperation and competition.
Question. The New START treaty is the last remaining nuclear
weapons treaty between the United States and Russia and it is set to
expire in 2026. This will occur at the same time as China continues the
expansion of its nuclear weapons program. What objectives should the
United States have for its arms control and non-proliferation
discussions with China? Have we communicated to China the profound
impact their massive nuclear buildup will have on U.S.-Chinese
relations?
Answer. The United States has communicated to the People's Republic
of China (PRC), including in arms control consultations held November 6
at the Department of State, that the PRC's rapid, diverse, and opaque
nuclear buildup is creating strategic and escalation risks both
regionally and globally. This unexplained buildup is a factor in the
United States strengthening its deterrent and extended deterrence with
Allies and partners. The United States seeks substantive engagement by
the PRC to increase transparency, reduce strategic risks, increase
stability, and manage competition so it does not veer into conflict.
Question. I was pleased to see that as a result of the meeting
between President Biden and Xi Jinping last month, the PRC is taking
important, but long overdue, steps to address its harmful role in
illicit fentanyl supply chains. The fentanyl epidemic has led to the
tragic deaths of hundreds of thousands of Americans, and the role of
PRC pharmaceutical and chemical companies shipping fentanyl precursors
to Mexican cartels has directly facilitated and exacerbated this
epidemic. We owe it to the American public to closely monitor the
implementation of these commitments and ensure we use all tools at our
disposal to stop the flow of the precursor chemicals used to produce
illicit fentanyl. What is your assessment of the impact the PRC's
commitments last month will have in our efforts to counter the
trafficking of illicit fentanyl?
Answer. In their meeting, President Biden and President Xi
announced the resumption of bilateral cooperation to combat global
illicit drug manufacturing and trafficking, with a focus on reducing
the flow of precursor chemicals fueling illicit fentanyl and synthetic
drug trafficking. As part of this cooperation, the PRC is now taking
law enforcement action against illicit precursor suppliers, issued a
notice to industry warning Chinese companies against illicit trade in
precursor chemicals and pill press equipment, and committed to restart
key law enforcement cooperation.
President Biden and President Xi also welcomed the establishment of
a working group for ongoing communication and law enforcement
coordination on counternarcotics issues. To ensure sustained follow-
through, we are working to establish that working group. This progress
will advance our whole-of-government effort to counter this evolving
and deadly threat. Building a more cooperative relationship with the
PRC on this critically important issue has the potential to save
American lives and protect our communities.
Question. I was pleased to see that as a result of the meeting
between President Biden and Xi Jinping last month, the PRC is taking
important, but long overdue, steps to address its harmful role in
illicit fentanyl supply chains. The fentanyl epidemic has led to the
tragic deaths of hundreds of thousands of Americans, and the role of
PRC pharmaceutical and chemical companies shipping fentanyl precursors
to Mexican cartels has directly facilitated and exacerbated this
epidemic. We owe it to the American public to closely monitor the
implementation of these commitments and ensure we use all tools at our
disposal to stop the flow of the precursor chemicals used to produce
illicit fentanyl. Should the PRC fail to follow through on its
commitments, what steps would you advocate that the Biden
Administration undertake to strengthen its response against PRC
pharmaceutical and chemical companies?
Answer. As the President said: trust but verify. We are encouraged
to see that the PRC has already started to take steps to dramatically
curtail illicit fentanyl precursor trafficking as part of this process,
including through law enforcement action against illicit precursor
suppliers, and issuance of a notice to industry warning Chinese
companies against illicit trade in precursor chemicals and pill press
equipment. We continue to work with the PRC on a plan to promote
accountability for individuals and companies that provide chemical
precursors and pill press equipment to illicit drug traffickers. We are
clear-eyed and will continue to work intensively across the U.S.
Government and through this process with the PRC, using all tools at
our disposal to promote accountability and protect our communities.
Question. I believe the strength of U.S. foreign policy rests on
our commitment to our values--to human rights, democracy, and the rule
of law. Our relationships with our allies are stronger, our foreign
assistance--and, ultimately--our foreign policy is more effective when
we center our diplomacy on these values. What have you learned, in all
of your years of experience serving our country, about how best the
United States can lead with our values?
Answer. I believe our strongest and most durable security and
economic partnerships are those rooted in shared respect for human
rights and the rule of law. Democracy remains the best way to realize
lasting peace, prosperity, and human dignity. The transnational
challenges we face today, including authoritarianism, corruption, and a
myriad of other governance challenges, must be met by collective
action. For our efforts to succeed, we need strong alliances and to
ensure that our collective success is a beacon to other nations, whose
freedom and security is intertwined with ours. If confirmed, I commit
to prioritizing these issues in our bilateral relationships.
Question. India is obviously a country we need to engage
strategically, particularly when it comes to China yet the recent
allegations regarding a plot by the Indian Government to carry out an
assassination of a U.S. person on U.S. soil is deeply disturbing. What
calibration do you think is needed to U.S. policy toward India in light
of these events?
Answer. I share your view that this is a very serious matter. If
confirmed, I will urge the Indian Government to conduct its
investigation of the alleged activities in the United States
expeditiously and ensure those responsible are held accountable. India
is an important strategic partner, and we are pursuing an ambitious
agenda to expand our cooperation on defense and security, climate
change, and critical and emerging technologies. We also do not refrain
from addressing with our Indian partners concerns about human rights.
I do not want to jeopardize ongoing legal investigations or pre-
empt the Indian Government's own accountability efforts by commenting
further at this time.
Question. The outbreak of civil war in Sudan has taken a huge
humanitarian toll and there have been significant human rights abuses.
It is clear we need a strong policy response and clear coordination
across the numerous bureaus at the Department who play a role in
helping achieve peace and building lasting stability for Sudan. What do
you think are the necessary steps to ensure effective coordination
across the Department to build a strong policy response to the crisis
in Sudan?
Answer. I agree the Sudan conflict requires an urgent and robust
response. I support the Department's all hands-on-deck effort led by
the Secretary involving close coordination among the Department's
relevant bureaus and offices, including the Bureaus of African Affairs;
Near Eastern Affairs; Conflict and Stabilization Operations;
Population, Refugees, and Migration; Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor; among others. I will identify ways to ensure the newly created
Office of Sudan Affairs in Addis Ababa has the support it needs to lead
diplomacy in the field.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Kurt Campbell by Senator James E. Risch
China
Question. Last year you said that bringing China into a global
climate framework ``is the most important element of the next 10
years.'' Does that mean you think climate is our most important issue
in the China relationship? If so, what concessions on key strategic
issues or constraints on U.S. behavior should we be prepared to give to
China to secure cooperation on climate?
Answer. Climate change is not a bilateral issue, but a global one.
The PRC is the world's largest emitter, and we cannot keep a safer,
1.5-degree Celsius future within reach unless the PRC acts faster to
cut all its greenhouse gas emissions. The United States will continue
to work with the PRC on global and transnational challenges, such as
climate and counter-narcotics, when it is in our interest to do so,
and, as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to us or anyone
else, and never in exchange for walking away from our principles, but
because that is what the world expects. It is also true that China's
steps to date on climate are inadequate to the challenge.
Question. Why is the Biden Administration and the State Department
in particular planning to facilitate cooperation on climate with U.S.
cities, states, and think tanks, when we know that the PRC prioritizes
malign influence operations at the sub-national level to undermine U.S.
foreign policy? What guardrails should be put in place to prevent these
climate working groups, dialogues, and sub-national engagements from
being used to legitimize and facilitate PRC malign influence?
Answer. We are clear-eyed about PRC attempts to co-opt subnational
and non-governmental actors and are determined to push back against
malign influence that exploits our openness. With that always in mind,
we work with the PRC to enhance climate action to help avoid the worst
climate impacts. States, provinces, and cities can play an important
role in these efforts through practical climate cooperation in areas
such as the power, transportation, waste, and building sectors. These
interactions then will need to be carefully calibrated and seriously
evaluated for their overall impact and effectiveness.
Question. Secretary of Treasury Yellen wrote a few weeks ago that a
``constructive economic relationship'' with China can ``serve as a
stabilizing force for the overall relationship.'' Do you agree with her
statement, and will that inform how you approach relations with China
if you are confirmed?
Answer. The United States will explore working with the PRC where
our interests align, such as promoting global macroeconomic stability.
Even as the United States and PRC work together where our interests
intersect, we support de-risking, diversifying, and protecting the
interests of our workers and companies. That means investing in our own
capacities and in secure, resilient supply chains; pushing for level
playing fields for our workers and our companies; defending against
harmful trade practices; and protecting our critical technologies so
that they are not used against us.
Question. Given China's ongoing support for Russia in its war
against Ukraine, do you believe that there is a legitimate role for
China in resolving the war between Russia and Ukraine, or in rebuilding
Ukraine after it is over? Please explain your view in detail.
Answer. We call on all countries to play a constructive role in
securing a just and lasting peace for Ukraine. But I have no illusions
about the nature of the PRC's strategic partnership with Russia, and we
see no indications of that changing. Beijing is not an honest broker,
and I am realistic about Beijing's willingness to play a constructive,
transparent role. The United States has warned the PRC against
providing Russia economic and material support that enables the
Kremlin's war machine. If confirmed, I commit to monitoring Beijing's
activity closely; to raising directly our concerns with the PRC; and to
coordinating closely with our allies and partners on our concerns about
PRC support for Russia.
Question. Several Biden Administration officials, as well as
European allies, have told SFRC that they believe pursuing a ``wedge
strategy'' or exploiting perceived daylight between Russia and China
should be a focus of U.S. foreign policy towards Russia and China. Do
you hold this view? If yes, why do you believe this? Is the
Administration currently pursuing any efforts to exploit perceived
daylight between Russia and China?
Answer. While we continue to take steps to deter China's provision
of support to Russia's war against Ukraine, we are realistic about the
geopolitical reality of the PRC and Russia's alignment. Their strategic
partnership is critical to both countries' global aspirations. There
are areas of friction between the PRC and Russia, such as the PRC's
ambitions in the Arctic and Central Asia, but we do not believe they
will supersede their leaders' impetus to maintain a close and
cooperative relationship.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing securing the release of
detained U.S. citizens Kai Li, David Lin, and Mark Swidan?
Answer. Yes. The release of American citizens subject to wrongful
detentions is a top priority for this Administration, and every high-
level meeting we have focuses on making progress on bringing them home.
Due to the sensitive nature of these conversations, we should not
publicly discuss our efforts or specific cases, but our efforts are
ongoing. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize bringing Americans
home.
Question. Why is the Administration prioritizing increase of
commercial flights between China and the United States, and other
people-to-people exchanges, given the increased risks of traveling to
China for U.S. citizens, the ongoing wrongful detention of three
American citizens, and reports that foreign business executives are
increasingly worried about their physical security in China?
Answer. The United States welcomes tourism and travel from PRC
citizens. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, close to three million PRC
citizens traveled to the United States annually, contributing $33.5
billion to the U.S. economy. Simultaneously, based on ongoing
comprehensive reviews of all available safety information and
developments, we advise U.S. citizens that the PRC Government
arbitrarily enforces its laws, including by wrongfully detaining or
issuing exit bans on U.S. citizens without fair and transparent process
under the law.
Question. If confirmed, will you press for the release of Ekpar
Asat, Ilhan Tohti, and other others detained in Xinjiang?
Answer. Yes. I am very concerned by the cases of Ekpar Asat and
Ilham Tohti, and I have supported senior U.S. officials' raising their
cases with the PRC over the past three years. If confirmed, I will
continue to strongly advocate on behalf of Ekpar Asat and Ilham Tohti
and other individual human rights cases of concern, as well as to work
with our allies and partners to promote accountability for the PRC
Government's ongoing genocide, crimes against humanity, and other human
rights abuses against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious
minority groups in Xinjiang.
Question. If confirmed, will you press for the release Jimmy Lai
and other political prisoners in Hong Kong?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to call on the PRC
Government to respect the rights and freedoms of people in Hong Kong,
as guaranteed by the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration
and will continue to advocate for the release of Jimmy Lai and other
unjustly detained political prisoners in Hong Kong. The Administration
raises human rights issues with the PRC Government at every opportunity
and at the highest levels. In his meeting with President Xi, President
Biden raised concerns about PRC human rights abuses, including in
Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong.
Question. On July 21, 2023, SFRC received an email from the
Department of State through official channels that said the following:
``Please note that the United States will not invite Vladimir Putin or
John Lee because of the sanctions against them and we have informed
government officials in Moscow and Hong Kong of this decision. We have
said we would invite only non-sanctioned officials.'' Several months
later, after Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee made public claims of
being invited, the Department told the press and SFRC staff that
``participating in APEC 2023 will be in accordance with U.S. law and
regulations, including with respect to sanctions.'' I followed up with
a letter, along with Senator Romney, asking whether Lee had in fact
been invited and if he had not, why the Biden Administration did not
repudiate his claims to contrary. I received a belated response that
did not answer the questions asked and repeated the same talking points
the Department had used with the press. In your December 7 hearing, you
committed to providing me with a full and detailed explanation of why
the Biden Administration did not repudiate Lee's claim of being invited
to APEC, and to submitting an answer for the record. Why did the Biden
Administration not repudiate Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee's claim
of being invited to APEC? (Please note that I understand that the
Administration told China and Hong Kong that John Lee would not be in
attendance, but that does not explain the decision not to contradict
Lee's public claims. Therefore, repeating that information alone will
not be considered responsive.)
Answer. The Administration made clear to the PRC Government and
Hong Kong authorities that John Lee would not be welcome at APEC
because the United States had sanctioned him. After the PRC confirmed
that Hong Kong would designate an alternative representative, the
Administration sent a standard APEC invitation letter to Hong Kong. In
keeping with protocol, the letter was addressed to John Lee, as the
leader of an APEC member economy. The fact that the United States
refused to allow John Lee to travel to the United States to participate
at APEC is clear to the PRC Government, the Hong Kong authorities, and
the international community. We have not assessed that additional
statements about John Lee's invitation status are necessary.
Southeast Asia
Question. China's actions in the South China Sea are testing the
credibility and value of U.S. commitments to allies and partners in the
region. Senators Risch, Rubio, and Wicker have requested the Biden
administration provide a full list of plans, branches, and sequels or
other diplomatic or non-defense options developed by the Departments of
State and Defense to support the Philippines and ensure the resupply of
the BRP Sierra Madre. Will you commit to working with colleagues at
State and DOD to do so? What should the United States do to support the
Philippines in the South China Sea?
Answer. I will continue to make clear that the United States stands
with our Philippine allies in the face of dangerous and unlawful PRC
actions that interfere with lawful Philippine maritime operations, and
I will continue to reaffirm that Article IV of the 1951 U.S.-
Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty extends to armed attacks on
Philippine armed forces, public vessels, or aircraft--including those
of its Coast Guard--anywhere in the South China Sea. I am committed to
working with colleagues in the Department of State and with the
Department of Defense to support our Philippine allies' defense
modernization, improve their maritime law enforcement capabilities, and
increase their maritime domain awareness in the South China Sea. To
complement our strong security ties, I am also committed to bolstering
the Philippines' economic resilience.
Question. What in your view is the intended end state of U.S.
policy towards Burma?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support our efforts to
address the worsening crisis in Burma and seek a swift return to the
path of democratic transition. This includes engaging with our
diplomatic partners and allies, accountability for the regime's
atrocities--designed to urge the military regime to reverse course;
release all those unjustly detained, including democratic political
leaders, journalists, civil society advocates, and foreign citizens;
allow unhindered humanitarian access; and engage in meaningful dialogue
that acknowledges the will of the people in Burma and establishes a
path to inclusive, multiparty democracy.
Question. Is ASEAN's consensus-based model of decision making at
odds with ASEAN Centrality?
Answer. No. ASEAN's consensus-based model, which allows the
organization to speak with a single, collective voice, affords it
increased leverage in the region and beyond. This model fortifies ASEAN
centrality, the idea that ASEAN sits at the center of the regional
institutional architecture. Through this position, ASEAN is able to
convene global partners to discuss pressing regional and international
issues, and this matters to the United States because it helps ensure
that ASEAN, rather than the PRC or other strategic competitors, sets
the regional agenda.
Question. The State Department and USAID informed SFRC of their
assessment that new leadership in Cambodia presents a new opening to
improve the relationship. However, PLA activity at Ream Naval Base
continues, most recently with the visit by PLAN vessels to conduct
joint military exercises with the Cambodian military.
Question. Do you agree we have an opening with the new Cambodian
leadership? Why or why not?
Answer. Cambodia's new Government has an opportunity to address a
range of U.S. concerns and thereby to improve the country's
international standing and bilateral ties with the United States.
Cambodia's new generation of mostly young, western-educated leaders
represents a possible opportunity in this regard.
Question. What are the consequences for the United States of a PLA
presence at Ream?
Answer. The Department has serious concerns about reports of PRC
plans for exclusive control over portions of Ream Naval Base. U.S.
officials continue to urge the Cambodian Government to closely examine
the agreements its defense officials have made with the PRC to ensure
the PRC will not be allowed a presence or to install sensitive
technology at the base that undermines Cambodia's sovereignty,
contravenes its constitution, or threatens regional stability.
Question. Have we lost Cambodia to China?
Answer. Cambodian officials continue to highlight their commitment
to a non-aligned, independent foreign policy. U.S. officials have and
will continue to make clear that the U.S.-Cambodia bilateral
relationship cannot reach its true potential unless Cambodia lives up
to this pledge.
Question. What U.S. interests are served by continuing to provide
assistance to Cambodia?
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance to Cambodia allows the United
States to continue supporting the Cambodian people in key development
sectors, including public health. These programs do not preclude the
U.S. call for the new Cambodian Government to make progress on
democracy and human rights-related issues, including by restoring a
free and independent media and allowing all Cambodians a voice in the
governing process.
Taiwan
Question. Do you support providing FMF to Taiwan?
Answer. I am fully committed to supporting the Administration's
enhancement of Taiwan's self-defense capabilities including through
utilizing FMF grant assistance. To date, the Department has notified
$135 million in FMF for Taiwan. If confirmed, I will work to explore
all available options to resource this important policy priority.
Question. Do you support providing Taiwan with equipment through
PDA? Why did the Biden Administration not use the full PDA authority it
received for Taiwan in FY 2023?
Answer. I support the use of the Presidential Drawdown Authority
(PDA) to strengthen Taiwan's self-defense capabilities. The Secretary
of State exercised the drawdown authority for Taiwan on July 28, 2023,
to provide up to $345 million in defense articles from DoD stock and
services to Taiwan. I believe the Department should continue to use all
available tools, including PDA, to support our overarching goal of
maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
Question. In September 2022, SFRC and SASC sent a request for
information to the Administration about Taiwan defense issues. We know
the Departments of State and Defense did the analysis required to
answer these questions, but have received nothing. Why hasn't Congress
received information it has asked for? I asked the same question of
then Deputy Secretary Wendy Sherman on February 9, 2023, and she said
that ``we are working across the interagency to provide the information
Congress has requested.''
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure Congress receives
timely responses to Congressional requests for information. This will
be among my highest priorities as consultation and coordination with
key partners in Congress is essential.
Europe
Question. In your opinion, what is the purpose of the security
assistance we provide Ukraine?
Answer. The security assistance we provide to Ukraine is vital to
sustaining its defense against Russian aggression. Without it, Ukraine
would be unable to hold back Russian attacks - its military would be
defeated - and its people subjugated. Without our support--Ukraine's
quest to join the people of the free world--for which it has fought for
so long--will come to an end. The impact of our assistance goes beyond
Ukraine. Other autocratic regimes with expansionist ambitions are
watching--and they will draw lessons about U.S. power and resolve.
Question. What do you assess to be the primary factors that limit
Ukraine's ability to retake territory more rapidly and what does
Ukraine need in order to overcome those factors?
Answer. This is a war of industrial scale attrition, where a
combination of technological and tactical factors are currently
combined to deny either side the ability to conduct decisive maneuver.
Armor has lost its protection due to drones; minefields cannot be
penetrated; Russian guns cannot be silenced. Given this state of
affairs, in the near term - we must increase the volume and efficacy of
Ukrainian fires so that they can deny Russia safe haven anywhere in
occupied territory and impose undue attritional cost on the occupation.
We must bolster Ukraine's defense on the ground and in the air to blunt
Russian strikes and deny territorial gains. We must rapidly expand our
defense industrial base to field the traditional and new munitions
required to achieve this. Above all, we must work with Ukraine and our
allies to achieve technological and training solutions to the factors
that are holding it back. We must enable Ukraine to return to the
offense--to defeat the Russian military in the field and compel Putin
to negotiate on terms acceptable to us and Kyiv.
Question. What concrete action is the Administration taking to help
Ukraine retake its occupied territory, versus merely helping them hold
the current battle lines and survive?
Answer. The Administration continues to provide Ukraine with the
artillery, air defense, and other weapon systems required to sustain
its defense. This is allowing them to grind down Russian forces--but in
the near term it is insufficient in volume and quality allow the
retaking of territory through combined arms maneuver. Further
investments in our (and our partners) defense industrial bases are
required to produce the volume and quality of weapon systems needed.
This, in concert with further Ukrainian training and prioritization--
may be sufficient to restore a viable offense.
Question. In your assessment, what would be the results if the
United States ends military and economic support for Ukraine?
Answer. A cessation in U.S. support would result in the defeat of
Ukraine and the subjugation of its people. It would divide NATO, worsen
our geostrategic position, and affirm for Putin and other autocrats
that they can wait out the will of the west and do away with the rules-
based international system that has underpinned broad global peace for
the last three quarters of a century.
Question. As Deputy Secretary, how would you work with your
counterparts at the other executive branch agencies like USAID,
Treasury, Commerce, and USTDA to support Ukraine's reconstruction?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with our interagency
partners to help Ukraine rebuild and thrive as a secure democracy
firmly rooted in the rule of law. This includes helping the Government
reform its judiciary, improve corporate governance, and strengthen its
independent anti-corruption institutions, all of which will help
attract international investment. I would also strongly support the
effort of Penny Pritzker, our Special Representative for Ukraine's
Economic Recovery, who is engaging the private sector to mobilize the
innovation, creativity, and investments necessary for Ukraine's
recovery and reconstruction. We will work in concert with the
international community--including the G7 and other partners like the
Multi-Agency Donor Coordination Platform.
Question. In your opinion, how can the seizure and repurposing of
frozen Russian assets in the U.S. contribute to Ukraine's economic
recovery?
Answer. On December 6, the United States and our G7 partners
reaffirmed that Russia's sovereign assets in our jurisdictions will
remain immobilized until Russia pays for damage caused to Ukraine and
that we are exploring all possible avenues to aid Ukraine in obtaining
compensation from Russia, consistent with our respective legal systems
and international law.
Seizing Russian sovereign assets for the benefit of Ukraine is a
complex issue given that most of these assets are located in Europe,
not the United States. I understand legislation is under consideration
to provide the President the authority to seize these assets in the
United States to support Ukraine's recovery, and I look forward to
consulting with Congress on this matter.
Question. Many other countries have pledged support to Ukraine. To
what extent are other countries fulfilling their commitments to
Ukraine?
Answer. The United States has built a global coalition of countries
that are supporting Ukraine and united democracies as never before.
With U.S. leadership, more than 50 partners and allies have stepped up
to support Ukraine and impose costs on Russia in unprecedented ways.
Our partners are providing more assistance to Ukraine than we are,
about $94 billion to our $74 billion. They have funded roughly twice as
much humanitarian assistance and budget support as we have and have
hosted 4.5 million refugees, costing billions more. The EU is working
to secure another 50 billion Euros ($54 billion) for Ukraine's economic
recovery, and U.S. leadership is important to keep partners unified and
engaged.
Question. How will you use your position to urge countries to
increase and fulfill their pledges?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to
urge other countries to fulfill and increase their share of pledges,
including by engaging bilaterally, multilaterally, with the EU, and
through the G7. However, the reliability and regular pace of U.S.
disbursements has been our strongest point of leverage with countries
to increase and fulfill their pledges. Without it, we cannot create
meaningful leverage with our partners, who themselves would likely see
our actions as precedent for not delivering on their commitments.
Question. I have previously expressed my concerns about the
deepening alignment between China and Russia, even as China publicly
signals its desires to mediate and play a role in Ukraine's
reconstruction--potentially undermining U.S. and allied efforts to
shore up a resilient, democratic Ukraine. How has China helped Russia
to circumvent international sanctions?
Answer. The United States has made it clear to the PRC that
providing Russia lethal support would have serious implications for our
relationship. As noted in the Department of State's quarterly report to
Congress on PRC support for Russia, we have concerns that PRC entities
have provided dual use items and other support that Russia has used in
its war against Ukraine. If confirmed, I will be vigilant in monitoring
these actions and in promoting accountability for PRC entities who
support Russia's war effort.
Question. Do you believe that welcoming a potential role for China
in Ukraine could create space or drive a wedge between Russia and
China? If so, why do you hold this view?
Answer. Beijing is not an honest broker in Ukraine, and I have no
illusions about the nature of the PRC's strategic partnership and ``no
limits'' friendship with Russia. The United States has warned the PRC
against providing Russia economic and material support that enables the
Kremlin's war machine. If confirmed, I commit to monitor Beijing's
activity closely and to raise this directly with the PRC, coordinating
closely with our Allies and partners. The United States will need to
remain exceedingly wary of the PRC's role in diplomacy and commerce in
Ukraine.
Middle East Policy
Iran
Question. The Administration's Iran policy runs counter to U.S.
policy goals in Ukraine and the Pacific. Specifically, Chinese
purchases of Iranian oil, the perception of lax Iran oil sanctions
enforcement, provides the Iranian regime with greater resources to arm
Russia and provides China with a cheap source of oil to militarize the
Pacific.
Answer. In line with the President's forward-looking approach, I
support the Administration's work to confront the threats Iran poses to
U.S. interests through a combination of pressure, deterrence, and
diplomacy, in close coordination with our partners and international
bodies. I understand that the main elements of this effort include
constraining Iran's nuclear program, deterring and disrupting Iran's
destabilizing regional actions, countering Iran's increasing military
cooperation with Russia, demonstrating our ongoing support for the
human rights of Iranians, and deterring the wrongful detention of U.S.
citizens in Iran as well as protecting U.S. citizens targeted by Iran.
This is all in line with the Administration's overall priorities of
defending American interests and pushing back against our adversaries'
destabilizing activities wherever they are.
Question. Do you agree that Iran policy runs counter to U.S.
interests in other regions? Explain in detail.
Answer. Iran's activities in the Middle East and globally are
antithetical to American interests and the larger maintenance of peace
and stability. In line with the President's forward-looking approach, I
support the Administration's work to confront the threats Iran poses to
U.S. interests through a combination of pressure, deterrence, and
diplomacy, in close coordination with our partners and international
bodies. I understand that the main elements of this effort include
constraining Iran's nuclear program, deterring and disrupting Iran's
destabilizing regional actions, countering Iran's increasing military
cooperation with Russia, demonstrating our ongoing support for the
human rights of Iranians, and deterring the wrongful detention of U.S.
citizens in Iran as well as protecting U.S. citizens targeted by Iran.
This is all in line with the Administration's overall priorities of
defending American interests and pushing back against our adversaries'
destabilizing activities wherever they are.
Question. If confirmed, how will you coordinate U.S. policy on
Russia, China, and Iran to ensure they are aligned?
Answer. Secretary Blinken has identified the PRC as the most
consequential long-term challenge to the United States and he has
stressed that ensuring Russia suffers a strategic failure in Ukraine is
our most urgent priority. The President has been clear that Iran will
not be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon. All these efforts are
aligned with the overarching U.S. goal to stand up for democracy and
the rule of law in defiance of authoritarianism and aggression.
Question. You played a significant role during the Obama
administration on the ``pivot to the Indo-Pacific.'' The
Administration's stated focus on the Indo-Pacific, arms sales
restrictions, the Afghanistan withdrawal, and Iran policy have pushed
many of our longstanding Middle East partners to diversify their
relationships and has opened the door to China. If confirmed, how will
you prioritize competing global challenges in a manner that does not
fuel a narrative of an American retreat from the Middle East?
Answer. Strategic competition is a global undertaking and we are
engaged in a global context with the PRC for power and influence. If
confirmed, I will make it a priority to articulate an affirmative
vision of the benefits in a long-term partnership with the United
States. The United States remains a committed partner diplomatically,
militarily, economically, and with unprecedented people to people
connections. Our diplomacy, backed by our track record of sustained
leadership to resolve the region's most pressing concerns--something
neither the PRC nor Russia can match--remains the anchor for regional
security, stability, and prosperity.
Question. During your hearing, you said, ``The Administration has
not lifted any sanctions on Iran and overall about 400 have been
applied.'' Yet Iran's oil revenues have skyrocketed to over $80 billion
during the Biden Administration. What more can the Administration do to
enforce sanctions, particularly Chinese purchases of Iranian oil, ship
to ship transfers, teapot refineries, and reduce Iran's oil revenues to
the same level as the Trump administration?
Answer. The Administration continues to enforce sanctions on Iran
and pursue sanctions evaders. The United States has sanctioned dozens
of individuals and entities across multiple jurisdictions, including in
the PRC, UAE, and Southeast Asia for playing a critical role in the
production, sale, and shipment of Iranian petrochemicals and petroleum
products.
The Administration has also engaged in an extensive diplomatic
campaign to ensure that new countries do not become purchasers of
Iranian oil. Also, we assess Iran only gets a fraction of the market
price for its oil sales because sanctions evasion is costly, and buyer
prices for sanctioned oil are discounted.
Question. Less than a month before Hamas' attack on Israel, the
Biden administration issued a waiver to allow $6 billion from South
Korea to be transferred to Qatar for Iran to access for humanitarian
purposes. What do you believe Iran's financial priorities are? Do you
believe Iran prioritizes its defense industry and proxies over the
needs of its people?
Answer. Iran has historically proven that it will always prioritize
support to terrorist groups and its defense sector, regardless of its
economic condition.
Question. During your hearing, you stated, ``We have absolutely
full confidence that if money were taken out that it would be used
specifically for the needs of Iranian people and for humanitarian
concerns.'' Please clarify what gives you confidence that access to $6
billion will not free up funds for Iran to use for terrorism. Isn't all
money fungible?
Answer. The State Department and the Treasury Department have
worked closely together to establish a rigorous oversight process to
ensure that the funds held in restricted accounts can only be used for
approved humanitarian transactions with third party-vendors outside of
Iran. These funds have not and will never enter Iran. To date, none of
the funds equivalent to $6 billion of Iran's own funds that were
transferred from restricted accounts in the Republic of Korea to even
more restricted accounts held by financial institutions in Qatar have
been spent. Consistent with longstanding U.S. policy of ensuring our
sanctions do not prevent food, medicine, and other humanitarian goods
and services from flowing to ordinary people, no matter how
objectionable their governments, these funds may only be used for
humanitarian transactions with third party-vendors outside of Iran.
To the extent food, medicine, or other humanitarian goods flow to
the Iranian people as a result of this arrangement, it is unlikely to
free up funds that the Iranian regime would otherwise have spent on
those goods. The Iranian regime does not prioritize funding to feed its
people first. Iran is a destabilizing regime that always funds its
destabilizing activities first, regardless of its economic condition.
Question. What are the dangers of monetizing hostage policy?
Answer. Bringing U.S. nationals held hostage or wrongfully detained
U.S. nationals home will always be fundamental to our interest. These
negotiations are tough, but not working to secure the release of a U.S.
national wrongfully detained or held hostage is completely
unacceptable. At the same time, I understand the U.S. Government is
continuously working to increase pressure and penalties on those who
would engage in the practice of hostage-taking and wrongful detention
and hostage-taking, and if confirmed, I would support these efforts.
Israel
Question. It is critical for the United States to maintain support
for Israel's operations against Hamas, even in the wake of
antisemitism, misinformation, and criticism. How will you address
reported dissent concerning the Administration's Israel policy within
the Department?
Answer. I am mindful of and value Department of State employees'
right to free speech under the First Amendment. As Secretary Blinken
has said, we should ``be sure to sustain and expand the space for
debate and dissent that makes our policies and our institution
better.'' Moreover, from what I understand the expression of dissent is
unlikely to constitute insubordination. However, in other contexts, in
the event a discipline issue came to me, including insubordination, I
would consult with the Department's experts and attorneys to ensure the
matter is handled appropriately.
Question. Hamas' continuing attacks on Israel and Iranian-backed
militia attacks on U.S. troops in the region have shown that deterrence
has failed. What steps must the United States take to re-establish
deterrence?
Answer. The Administration has used diplomatic, military, and
financial tools to disrupt and deter Iran-aligned militia groups in
Iraq. Secretary Blinken, Secretary of Defense Austin, and U.S.
Ambassador to Iraq Romanowski have all urged PM al-Sudani to stop the
attacks against U.S. and Coalition forces in Iraq and Syria. The United
States conducted strikes in Syria on October 26, November 8, and
November 12 and in Iraq on November 21 and December 3. The
Administration sanctioned individuals affiliated with Kata'ib Hizballah
and IAMG Kata'ib Sayyid al-Shuhada and its leader on November 17. We
will continue to take the necessary steps to preserve peace and
stability in the Middle East and to reinforce a broader deterrence
against our adversaries.
Question. When asked for your view on creating conditions on aid to
Israel, you stated, ``It would not be at this time.'' Under what
circumstances would you support conditioning aid to Israel?
Answer. I cannot speculate on future conditions of foreign
assistance funding. The President has been clear that he believes the
strategy he has pursued thus far has been more effective. Israel has
the right to defend itself, and we must continue to stand by Israel in
this difficult time. Still, more must be done to protect Palestinian
civilians; they should not suffer the consequences for Hamas's
inhumanity and brutality and Israel has the responsibility to
distinguish between terrorists and civilians. I mourn the loss of the
thousands of civilians killed or wounded in Israel, Gaza, and the West
Bank. As with all our partners and allies, the United States expects
the Government of Israel to act consistent with international
humanitarian law, which includes taking feasible precautions to
minimize harm to civilians.
Syria
The United States has not had a consistent Syria policy over
the last 12 years since the beginning of the Syrian civil war.
Consequently, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and others have decided to
normalize relations with Assad, hoping Assad will deliver on
assurances to stem the flow of captagon, remove Iran and Russia
from Syria, and allow Syrians to return without being killed or
conscripted.
Question. Do you believe Assad can be rehabilitated?
Answer. The Administration does not believe Bashar al-Assad has
done anything to merit rehabilitation by the international community.
He remains a brutal dictator who continues to repress and commit
atrocities against his own people. As the Secretary has said, ``Our
position is clear: We are not going to be in the business of
normalizing relations with Assad.''
Question. Do you believe Assad can or will deliver on any of the
assurances listed above?
Answer. The Administration is skeptical of Assad's willingness to
take the steps necessary to resolve Syria's crisis. As the Secretary
has said, ``Our position is clear: We are not going to be in the
business of normalizing relations with Assad.'' That said, with respect
to Syria we share many of the same goals as our Arab partners, who
intend to use our sanctions on Syria as leverage in direct engagements
with the Assad regime to push for and demand progress in these areas.
UNSCR 2254 remains the only viable solution to the conflict.
Question. During your hearing, you said, ``Authoritarians take
lessons from other authoritarian experiences.'' What lessons do you
think authoritarians around the world have taken from recent efforts to
rehabilitate Bashar al-Assad?
Answer. Authoritarians feed on weakness and look for cracks in the
international system to exploit. This Administration has been clear
that democracy--transparent and accountable government of, for, and by
the people--remains the best way to realize lasting peace, prosperity,
and human dignity. The Administration does not believe Bashar al-Assad
has done anything to merit rehabilitation by the international
community. He remains a brutal dictator who continues to repress and
commit atrocities against his own people. As the Secretary has said,
``Our position is clear: We are not going to be in the business of
normalizing relations with Assad.''
Question. The Arab Gas Pipeline intended to deliver natural gas
from Egypt to Lebanon via pipelines in Syria which would enrich Assad.
Do you believe the Pipeline would be compliant with the Caesar Act?
Answer. No final determination has been made about U.S. sanctions
implications of that proposal. The final financing terms and contracts
are still being discussed by the parties and the World Bank. The
Departments of Treasury and State will review details of the final
financing terms and contracts to assess any relevant sanctions
concerns. At that time the Administration will have the information
needed to make any final determinations.
Question. Will you commit to consulting with the committee on
Caesar Act compliance before any issuance of comfort letters, waivers,
or any licenses related to the Arab Gas Pipeline?
Answer. If confirmed as Deputy Secretary, I commit to consulting
with Congress on compliance with the Caesar Act related to the Arab Gas
Pipeline.
Question. There have been public reports that Hamas terrorists who
attacked Israel on October 7 used the drug captagon, reinforcing the
ties between the Assad regime, Iran, and terror proxies like Hamas.
Please explain your understanding of the role captagon plays in Middle
East geopolitics.
Answer. Captagon represents a grave and growing risk to the health
and safety of people around the world. The Assad regime and terrorist
groups such as Hizballah rely on illicit profits from captagon
smuggling to circumvent sanctions and fund their illegal activities.
The United States and our regional partners recognize that combatting
the production and trafficking of these synthetic drugs requires
collective action. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage our
partners in the Middle East to support the Global Coalition to Address
Synthetic Drugs Threats.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Deputy
Secretary to implement the June 2023 State Department report on
captagon?
Answer. I understand the Department of State, led by INL and NEA,
is already taking steps to combat captagon trafficking in coordination
with interagency and regional partners. These include efforts through
the Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats, which Secretary
Blinken launched in July. If confirmed as Deputy Secretary, I will
support efforts to continue to implement the June 2023 report on
captagon.
Africa
Question. Do you agree with my assessment that the United States
needs a presidential special envoy to Sudan who reports directly, and
with unhindered access, to the secretary of State and president? Yes or
No?
Answer. I agree that an envoy would add to the extensive efforts
undertaken by the three ambassadors currently working full time on
Sudan. It is under active and serious consideration by the
Administration.
Question. What is your understanding of the bipartisan, bicameral
Congressional concerns regarding U.S. policy on Sudan?
Answer. I understand that Congress, like the Department of State,
wants to see an immediate end to the conflict, accountability for past
atrocities and prevention of future ones, unhindered humanitarian
assistance to affected communities, and the formation of a democratic
government led by civilians in Sudan. The Department, under the
Secretary's leadership and as part of a whole-of-government,
interagency approach, is working tirelessly and with urgency to achieve
these goals, and is constantly assessing and revising its approach to
promote harmonization of international efforts and ensure we bring the
right leverage to bear on the belligerent parties to resolve this
devastating conflict.
Question. In your assessment, what, if any, practical impact have
the Jeddah talks had on the situation on the ground in Sudan?
Answer. The Jeddah talks have provided a platform and an
opportunity for the SAF and RSF to seek a negotiated end to the
conflict and a channel to facilitate humanitarian assistance. During
the recent talks, they committed to take steps to increase humanitarian
assistance, including enhanced and ongoing coordination with the U.N.
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and to
implement confidence-building measures. Since those commitments were
announced in early November 2023, we have been monitoring their
progress on these steps. We remain ready to facilitate further
technical talks, along with our Saudi and Intergovernmental Authority
on Development for East Africa (IGAD) partners, if the parties
demonstrate that they can implement their commitments and confidence
building measures.
Question. What is your understanding of the roles and
responsibilities of the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa?
Answer. Special Envoy Ambassador Mike Hammer continues to work to
advance peace in Ethiopia and support efforts to achieve a diplomatic
resolution to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam dispute involving
Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan. In addition, on Sudan, Special Envoy Hammer
is engaging international partners in the region, starting with our
African partners from the IGAD and the African Union, as well as other
international partners, like the European Union, to chart a path
forward for ending the conflict and restoring democratic civilian
governance, while mobilizing support for humanitarian needs.
Question. In your assessment, had the Africa Bureau adequately
prepared for a crisis in Sudan that required the evacuation of Embassy/
Khartoum on April 22, 2023? Was the manner in which the evacuation
occurred a best-case scenario or a worst-case scenario?
Answer. The Mission in Sudan was aware of complex security threats
throughout Sudan before the conflict began, as reflected in consular
and public messaging prior to the outbreak of hostilities, in which it
consistently advised U.S. citizens to not travel to Sudan or to depart
the country immediately. When it became safe to do so, the Mission
assisted approximately 1,300 U.S. citizens and their immediate family
members to leave via U.S. Government-organized convoys, flights with
our international partners, and messaging about options to depart
overland and via ferry.
Question. How will you draw upon the lessons from the lead-up to
and evacuation of Embassy/Khartoum to prepare other high-risk posts
where a similar scenario could play out, say in Chad, the Central
African Republic, or South Sudan?
Answer. Following evacuation, the Office of Crisis Management and
Strategy (CMS) coordinated drafting a lessons-learned document to
capture what actions worked and identify opportunities for improvement.
These lessons learned were shared within the Department and with posts
abroad to inform future planning. In addition, the Bureau of African
Affairs hosts periodic virtual workshops on crisis preparation with
posts abroad, with the help of CMS, to discuss recent evacuations and
any lessons learned from recent events.
Question. What lessons have been learned from the recent coups in
Africa (Mali, Chad, Sudan, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger and Gabon) that
should be applied to other countries at risk? How is the Biden
Administration adjusting its approach to countries like Burundi,
Cameroon, South Sudan, Zimbabwe, Nigeria to ensure they remain on a
positive democratic trajectory?
Answer. Recent coups in Africa have highlighted the critical
importance of U.S. efforts to stem democratic backsliding and confront
human rights violations and abuses using both punitive measures and
positive inducements. The Department will continue to support civil
society, ensure members of marginalized groups have a voice in
political processes, and provide resources to encourage democratic
governance, effective service delivery, accountability, anti-corruption
measures, and dialogue between capitals and communities, which are key
to long-term stability and prosperity. At the 2022 U.S.-Africa Leaders
Summit, President Biden announced the United States would increase
political and technical support for democratic transitions through a
new African Democratic and Political Transitions (ADAPT) initiative.
ADAPT resources will provide technical assistance for ongoing efforts
to draft a new constitution and prepare for free and fair elections,
while also laying the groundwork for more effective and inclusive
democratic institutions. Guinea was selected as the first recipient.
Question. How should lessons learned from situations in Mali and
Sudan inform the State Department's sense of urgency in addressing
protracted conflicts and failed peace processes in places like Cameroon
and South Sudan?
Answer. While all have unique causes, at the core of undemocratic
transfers of power and violent conflicts on the continent is a lack of
accountable democratic governance and open political space, and each
requires a democratic governance solution. Sustainable peace and
democracy across the African continent will require continued
investments in institutional reforms and civil society, including by
empowering civil society advocacy through programs like the Bureau of
African Affairs' Civil Society Partnerships for Civilian Security
program.
Question. Given the rapidly deteriorating conditions for
constructive relations with the junta, what are the Biden
Administration's current top priorities for Mali?
Answer. The United States is committed to helping the Malian people
achieve democracy, development, and stability. We are the largest
single donor of development and humanitarian assistance that benefits
the people in Mali. Our priority is to provide the people in Mali with
access to humanitarian assistance, food, healthcare, and education
while growing our relationships through cultural and exchange programs.
While we support Mali's population, we will advocate for the transition
government to return Mali to democracy and provide responsible security
that respects human rights.
Question. With the departure of the French, as well as significant
anti-French sentiment by the junta, which allies does the United States
view as having the most influence with the junta? How are we working
with these allies to advance mutually beneficial outcomes?
Answer. The transition government is not readily influenced by any
allies, although it maintains relatively robust partnerships with some
European partners, including Germany, Spain, and Italy. Russia is the
transition government's preferred partner, which is unfortunate for the
people in Mali who suffer from the abuses of the Wagner Group. We
engage our allies on the ground in Bamako, through capitals, and in
Washington to advocate for mutually beneficial outcomes.
Question. In recent months, Congress has been vocal about its
concerns with South Africa's engagement and embrace of malign actors,
to include the docking of sanctioned Russian vessel the ``Lady R'',
recurring meetings with senior Iranian officials, including the Iranian
president, inviting Putin to participate in the BRICS summit in
Johannesburg, and recurrent engagement with Hamas following its October
7 attack on Israel. Do you agree that South Africa's recent actions,
including those noted here, constitute a threat to U.S. national
security and foreign policy interests?
Answer. We value our partnership with South Africa and the
opportunity to engage in frank discussions on a range of topics. As is
the case with many countries, we have to manage our shared priorities--
including trade, health, and climate change--alongside areas where we
disagree. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with you to clearly
convey our position regarding any actions that undermine U.S. national
security.
Question. How would you characterize the U.S./Zimbabwe relationship
at this time?
Answer. After the poor elections in August, and other attacks on
democratic institutions, the U.S./Zimbabwe relationship remains
strained, which severely limits our ability to form a mutually
beneficial partnership. On December 4, Secretary Blinken announced a
new visa restriction policy targeting those responsible for, or
complicit in, undermining Zimbabwe's democracy. We continue to
cooperate on areas of mutual interest including public health,
humanitarian demining, refugee protection, and combating trafficking in
persons.
Question. What is your assessment of Nigeria's 2023 electoral
process?
Answer. Nigeria's 2023 national and state-level elections took
place on February 25 and March 18, 2023, respectively. Election
observers generally found that the results, including the result of the
presidential race, reflected the will of voters. Nonetheless, I
understand there were significant problems surrounding the electoral
process, including serious technical and logistical challenges, as well
as instances of voter suppression, voter intimidation, and electoral
violence, that left many voters very frustrated.
Question. What is your understanding of the specific acute staffing
challenges facing the Africa Bureau?
Answer. Embassies in AF operate with persistent staffing gaps, with
eight fewer staff per Embassy compared to other regional averages; AF
posts see the highest vacancy rates of any region. Insufficient
infrastructure, inadequate schools, health care challenges, and the
remote nature of many posts in Africa are inherent impediments to
getting our posts to full staffing. The Department continues to use
increased incentives for service in historically difficult to staff
posts, including service needs differential for extended service, along
with hardship differentials, and prioritized assignments to incentivize
service in AF posts. Multiple (10) Ambassadors are awaiting
confirmation in the region.
Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to encourage
experienced ambassadors to bid on priority ambassadorial posts in the
Africa Bureau?
Answer. I am strongly committed to ensuring that the most
experienced and qualified officers in the State Department are selected
for ambassador assignments in the Africa Bureau. If confirmed, I will
chair the Deputies Committee which recommends ambassadorial candidates
to the Secretary and to the President. I am committed to active
outreach to senior officers and will prioritize a thorough review of
candidates' leadership skills, senior-level experience in the region,
and a strong record of policy and management accomplishment.
Question. Do you commit to working with the Africa Bureau, Deputy
Secretary of State for Management and other relevant bureaus and State
Department leaders to address the specific and acute staffing
challenges faced by the Africa Bureau?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Africa Bureau and all
other relevant parts of the Department to address staffing challenges
in Africa. I understand the Department continues to use increased
incentives for service in historically difficult to staff posts around
the world, including service needs differential as an incentive for
extended service, along with hardship differentials, and early
handshakes, among others. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing how we
can improve recruitment so as to fill hard-to-fill posts around the
world, especially in Africa.
The United States and the United Nations
Question. How will you, if confirmed, balance the International
Organizations bureau within the Political Affairs family regarding
decision-making?
Answer. President Biden consistently affirms his commitment to
multilateralism and has advanced U.S. policy objectives at the United
Nations and other international organizations on a range of topics
important to U.S. national security. If confirmed, I commit to working
with the entire Political Affairs family, including the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs, to advance U.S. interests.
Question. There is growing concern about the aggressive efforts of
the Chinese Communist Party to stack U.N. agencies with Chinese
Nationals and secure leadership positions in order to exert undue
influence in International Organizations. Do you share this concern?
Answer. This is a valid concern. Working in coordination with
allies and partners, the United States is committed to upholding the
integrity of the U.N. system and preventing strategic competitors from
exerting undue influence. Our efforts are succeeding. The PRC currently
leads only one U.N. agency, down from four in 2020, while the United
States leads five international organizations. To advance U.S. citizen
employment and ensure U.N. personnel remain committed to the
organization's founding ideals, we are recruiting and advocating on
behalf of U.S. citizens applying for positions at all levels.
Question. Do you believe the United States should craft a
comprehensive strategy to ensure the open and transparent processes for
the selection and promotion of Directors, Secretary Generals, and
Director Generals of all international organizations, including the
U.N. and its specialized bodies?
Answer. We will continue to advocate for transparent processes for
the selection and promotion of personnel in the U.N. system. We are
committed to ensuring the U.N. has skilled, well-qualified, and capable
leadership and personnel to address global challenges. The Office of
Multilateral Strategy and Personnel in the Bureau of International
Organizations Affairs leads the Department's efforts to ensure the
appointment and elections of qualified, independent U.S. and like-
minded candidates to leadership positions in the U.N. system, including
specialized agencies.
Question. What do you believe is the most appropriate level of
funding to the United Nations?
Answer. I believe that funding levels for the United Nations and
other international organizations should be tailored to the amounts
necessary to accomplish each organization's mission and advance our
national interests.
Ensuring budget discipline at international organizations is
especially important given current budgetary constraints and the need
to make the best use of U.S. taxpayer dollars.
Question. Should the U.S. leverage our contributions to promote
necessary reform within U.N. specialized bodies/committees?
Answer. As the largest contributor to the U.N. specialized
agencies, the United States has a special obligation to pursue all
reforms necessary to ensure those entities function as efficiently and
effectively as possible while adhering to best practices for
transparency and accountability.
If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to leverage
our financial contributions to achieve and sustain such reforms.
Question. The U.S. has accrued peacekeeping arrears due to
incongruence between U.S. law and U.N. assessment levels. How will you
advocate for the lowering of U.S. peacekeeping assessments to 25
percent during the scales of assessment negotiations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for better burden sharing by
other countries, especially through preservation of the 22 percent
ceiling that sets the regular budget assessment rate for the United
States. The 22 percent ceiling has had the effect of lowering the U.S.
peacekeeping assessment rate by up to 6 percent points to the current
level of 26.9 percent.
Question. Do you support paying the backlog of U.S. arrears,
including the pre-Helms-Biden agreement arrears, or will you honor the
bipartisan agreement negotiated in the current President's name?
Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with
Congress to allow the United States to meet our current financial
obligations. Given current financial constraints, meeting current
obligations should take priority over older arrears that the
Administration is not seeking to pay.
Question. Given the potential conflict with U.S. policy that U.N.
membership would cause, what actions would the Biden Administration
take if the Palestinian Authority submitted a new application for
membership to the U.N. or attempt to accede to any new U.N. body?
Answer. Efforts by the Palestinians to join international
organizations as a state at this stage are premature and
counterproductive. There are no shortcuts to Palestinian statehood
outside direct negotiations between the parties, and this includes
counterproductive steps to gain membership as a state in the United
Nations or U.N. specialized agencies. If confirmed, I am committed to
ensuring the United States works to deter such actions, including
through calling attention to relevant U.S. statutory provisions.
Question. Do you support establishing an office of U.N. Integrity
within the Political Affairs family to counter malign influence within
the U.N. system and to promote free and fair elections within the U.N.
system?
Answer. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs, which
falls under the Political Affairs family, established the Office of
Multilateral Strategy and Personnel in 2021 in consultation with
Congress. That office coordinates efforts to counter malign influence
within the U.N. system, including those by the PRC, Russia, and others
to undermine the principles and values enshrined in the U.N. Charter.
It also works to ensure the appointment and elections of qualified,
independent U.S. and like-minded candidates to leadership positions in
the U.N. system.
Energy
Question. Do you agree that natural gas plays a critical role in
ensuring affordable and reliable energy security for U.S. allies and
partners around the world?
Answer. The United States is the largest producer and exporter of
natural gas in the world, and natural gas will be a part of the energy
mix for the near term. U.S. LNG exports alongside clean energy
deployment and energy efficiency improvements have played a decisive
role in Europe's ability to reduce dependence on Russian piped natural
gas and ensure the invasion of Ukraine is a strategic defeat for the
Kremlin. The Administration is committed to reducing global fossil fuel
dependence and scaling up clean energy globally to keep the goal of
limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius within reach. The
Administration prioritizes reducing global methane emissions and the
carbon intensity of the oil and gas sector through efforts such as the
Global Methane Pledge.
Question. In your view, and based on your experience in your
current position, does the Administration's International Energy
Engagement Guidance empower or constrain the ability of the State
Department, Treasury, and other agencies to support natural gas
projects in key regions? Please provide a detailed explanation of your
view, including with examples.
Answer. The International Energy Engagement Guidance was designed
to support projects that advance decarbonization but includes specific
exemptions that preserve the State Department's ability to support
highly strategic projects that enable energy access in the most
vulnerable countries or advance U.S. national security interests,
particularly as Russia attempts to leverage its energy supplies as a
tool of coercion. For example, the Biden Administration is helping
Ukraine rebuild its energy infrastructure and has advocated for the
Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria and new regasification terminals in
Europe, which are key to U.S. partners' and allies' efforts to end
energy imports from Russia and accelerate their energy transitions.
Question. What has the Biden Administration done to support natural
gas projects in the Indo-Pacific and Africa?
Answer. We recognize every country will have a unique pathway to
achieving net zero emissions, and natural gas can increase energy
access while replacing more carbon-intensive forms of energy, such as
coal, which we want to phase out as soon as possible. The Department
works with our partners on the responsible development of natural gas,
including methane emissions reductions in the gas supply chain. For
example, in September ENR and the Department of Commerce jointly
released the Methane Abatement for Oil and Gas: Handbook for Policy
Makers to assist hydrocarbon producing countries reduce industry
emissions.
PGII
Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to ensure unity
of effort across the Department's initiatives related to strategic
infrastructure, energy, critical minerals, and other national security-
sensitive projects, including PGII?
Answer. The Department has several initiatives to advance our
strategic and national security goals, including the Partnership for
Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGI), the Administration's
flagship infrastructure initiative and coordinated out of the
Department. If confirmed, I would commit to ensure the Department's
initiatives, which also include, but are not limited to, the Blue Dot
Network, the Digital Connectivity and Cybersecurity Partnership, the
Minerals Security Partnership, and the Transaction Advisory Fund, are
coordinated.
Question. Do you commit to upholding the Department's assurances to
RM Risch that the primary driver for U.S. investments in these projects
will be strategic and national security considerations, regardless of
their nexus to other preferences like climate change or gender?
Answer. The Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment
(PGI) aims to advance global infrastructure that will strengthen and
diversify our supply chains, advance strategic and national security
interests, and respond to the needs of our partners. To advance these
goals, I commit to working with the Office of the Special Presidential
Coordinator for PGI to ensure prioritization of investments in three
core areas: securing clean energy supply chains; fortifying trusted
information and communications technology networks; and building
critical transportation and logistics infrastructure.
Department of State Management and Oversight
Question. Do you commit to pursuing a thorough investigation into
decisions made by the Department State from 2020 onwards that enabled
China to subject U.S. diplomats to violations of their privileges and
immunities?
Answer. As I stated at my hearing, I intend to do so. If confirmed,
I would review all aspects of the status of our mission personnel in
China in consultation with Department experts and would take
appropriate action to ensure protection of our mission personnel.
Should this issue arise again, I would review requests for waivers in
consultation with Department experts and would take appropriate action
to ensure protection of our mission personnel.
Question. Do you pledge to provide direct oversight of the
Department of State's implementation of AUKUS?
Answer. Yes, I intend to help lead the AUKUS effort of the State
Department towards a success in both pillars I and II given their
respective importance to U.S. national security.
Our China policy and prioritization must be driven by the
Secretary and the Deputy--with other Senate-confirmed officials
ensuring the Department executes a unified commander's intent.
That requires a robust policy coordination mechanism, led by
the Secretary or Deputy Secretary, to prioritize China-related
policy lines of effort and provide concrete guidance on
execution, and direct Under Secretaries and Assistant
Secretaries to increase their coordination as well. At all
levels, officials should be held accountable by frequent
touchpoints with the Department's senior leadership to ensure
their actions align with identified priorities and guidance.
China House cannot and should not be a replacement for any of
this.
Question. What is your plan for the Deputy role in driving a
coherent China policy tied to strategic objectives where officials are
accountable to the Secretary and to you for executing that policy?
Answer. I strongly support the bipartisan commitment to focus,
elevate, and integrate the tools of American diplomacy to meet the
generational challenge posed by the PRC. A centerpiece of the
Secretary's modernization agenda, the establishment of the Office of
China Coordination last year focused on equipping and empowering the
Department to meet the challenges and seize the opportunities of the
decade ahead. It signals to the entire Department the critical
coordination role China House plays and enables it to draw on the
strength of the full enterprise, including from regional and functional
bureaus. If confirmed, I will chair the PRC Strategy Group, which
ensures that Department leadership provides regular direction and
guidance on execution of our strategy and various lines of effort and
holds Under Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries accountable for its
implementation. As Deputy Secretary and chair of the PRC Strategy
Group, I will retain responsibility for major policy decisions and
adjudicating relevant disagreements on China policy within the
Department. If confirmed, I intend to continue the heavy focus of the
Deputy Secretary on issues related to the PRC and assure you that China
House will operate under my auspices and that I will continue to
personally oversee the Department's execution of our PRC strategy.
Question. Do you commit to providing SFRC with your office's
evaluation of the effectiveness of ``China House'' within six months of
your confirmation?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining close dialogue with
SFRC on issues related to the PRC, ensuring the Department of State has
the talent, tools, and resources to successfully execute U.S. policy
and strategy towards the PRC as the most complex and consequential
challenge of the 21st century. This includes briefing the committee in
open and classified settings, as appropriate.
Question. The Department of State possesses a wellspring of
expertise among economic officers who will continue to play a critical
role in fostering a more level playing field for U.S. companies,
helping them compete with Chinese companies and succeed despite anti-
competitive economic practices employed by China.
Do you commit to fostering a strong corps of economic officers
within the Department, including through providing tools and
training they need to succeed in addressing issues related to
China's unfair economic practices?
Do you commit, through issuing All Diplomatic and Consular Posts
(ALDAC) cables and via other means, to making sure economic
officers prioritize among their various duties active economic
and commercial diplomacy, including providing tangible support
to U.S. companies as appropriate, tracking China's anti-
competitive economic policies, and developing associated
recommendations?
Do you commit to ensuring that economic diplomacy is a top priority
of every U.S. ambassador, and that performance of ambassadors
will be evaluated in part on their commitment to advancing
economic and commercial diplomacy?
Answer. The scale, scope, and stakes of the challenge posed by the
PRC requires the Department of State to think, organize, collaborate,
and act in new ways--both domestically and overseas--to compete
effectively in this new age. Novel challenges demand novel responses.
Economic officers around the world play a critical role in supporting
economic and commercial diplomacy. I support efforts to engage broadly
to improve supply chain diversity and security and to elevate
standards, resilience, sustainability, and inclusive prosperity at home
and abroad, and I will make this clear to our Chiefs of Mission and to
our economic officers around the world.
Question. Last year, Congress enacted several ranking member
priorities in the NDAA, including the Secure Embassy Construction and
Counterterrorism Act and the Diplomatic Support and Security Act. These
bills together have the potential to make generational change at the
Department to move away from risk avoidance and towards allowing
diplomats to get out from behind Embassy walls and do their jobs.
What is your assessment of the Department's current approach to
risk tolerance?
If confirmed, do you commit to encouraging the swift implementation
and robust practice of these laws at the Department?
How would you work promote cultural and structural changes at the
Department to rebalance risk tolerance?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, ``A world of zero risk is
not a world in which American diplomacy can deliver. We have to accept
risk and manage it smartly.'' If confirmed, I commit to the timely
implementation of the Secure Embassy Construction and Counterterrorism
Act and Diplomatic Support and Security Act. These bills give the
Department greater flexibility to balance diplomatic effectiveness with
security, while institutionalizing a culture of learning. I, likewise,
commit to support Department initiatives to train, encourage,
incentivize, and enable thoughtful risk management.
Question. From your perspective, what are the primary differences
in roles and responsibilities between the Deputy Secretary and Deputy
Secretary for Management and Resources?
If confirmed, how would you work with DMR to ensure there are no
gaps or overlap in responsibilities? Please describe your
understanding of the anticipated work relationship with the
Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources.
Answer. Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources Verma acts as
the Chief Operating Officer of the Department of State and leads
Department efforts on modernization, foreign assistance, and a wide
range of workforce and strategic issues. He is also a longstanding
friend and a brilliant diplomat. If confirmed, I would work closely
with Secretary Blinken, Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources
Verma, and others to discuss and communicate the delineation of
responsibilities between the offices of the Deputy Secretary and the
Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources.
Question. For the past 2 years, this committee has enacted a State
Department Authorization bill into law. In the past, the Department has
been late in providing requests or feedback to the committee, making it
difficult or impossible to include some Department asks.
Answer. I am pleased the Department and Congress have reinvigorated
the State authorization bill process, including through the Department
submitting legislative proposals to committee staff and working the
committees to address feedback and refine the proposals. I deeply
appreciate that the Department of State Authorization Act of 2023
included many provisions that the Department had requested. It is my
hope that our teams will continue to work collectively to even further
streamline the process in order to allow for even more constructive
discussions, direct redline edits, where possible, and real-time
engagement with a particular focus on including Department priorities.
Global Health
Question. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the need for the
United States to have stronger diplomatic foundations with partners
overseas to address global infectious disease threats. My Global Health
Security and International Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness and
Response Act will help to better address these threats before they
become global pandemics.
If confirmed, how do you intend to implement this legislation?
What concrete steps would you take to effectively organize and
resource the Department's new Global Health Bureau to advance
the global health security and diplomacy objectives of the
United States overseas?
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the Global Health
Security Bureau and the Ambassador-at-Large who leads it play
the leading role in executing the U.S. global health security
strategy overseas, including through coordination of diplomatic
efforts and U.S. foreign assistance resources made available to
the implementing agencies (USAID, CDC, Peace Corps) for
pandemic prevention and preparedness?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with my colleagues in the
Department and Congress to ensure this legislation is implemented
effectively. Also, if confirmed, I will continue to strengthen the
Department's work, led by the Bureau of Global Health Security and
Diplomacy (GHSD), to advance U.S. Bureau of Global Health Security and
Diplomacy (GHSD), to advance U.S. Bureau of Global Health Security and
Diplomacy (GHSD), to advance U.S. Bureau of Global Health Security and
Diplomacy (GHSD), to advance U.S. Bureau of Global Health Security and
Diplomacy (GHSD), to advance U.S. Bureau of Global Health Security and
Diplomacy (GHSD), to advance U.S.
Pol-Mil--AUKUS
Question. AUKUS remains a critical effort in building out allied
capabilities to deter Chinese aggression. Pillar 2 would do just that,
providing export control exemptions to expedite the transfer of
critical technology with UK and Australia. However, there are concerns
that the Biden administration might not certify an exemption for the
UK, which would vastly undermine the efficacy and strategic mission of
the agreement.
Do you believe that both the UK and Australia have legal and
regulatory regimes comparable to that of the United States? If
not, what specific changes do you want them to make?
Answer. AUKUS partners remain committed to ensuring appropriate
security as we deepen our defense and security relationships. In recent
months both Australia and the UK have made efforts to strengthen their
controls, and we are in regular discussion with both partners to
understand their controls and any upcoming changes. As key trusted
allies, we intend to work closely with both to improve cooperation in
key technologies.
I understand that National Defense Authorization Act recently
passed by the Senate would require the President within 120 days of
enactment to determine if the UK and Australia have implemented a
system of comparable controls. If confirmed, I look forward to
examining this issue and providing my advice to the Secretary of State
and the President as he makes this determination.
Question. You assert that AUKUS contributes to the deterrence of
China. Deterrence entails manipulating an adversary's cost-benefit
calculation--typically through the issuance of a threat--that leads to
something not happening. Chinese complaints about AUKUS do not mean
that it is being deterred.
In what specific ways does AUKUS deter China? How has China's
behavior changed since AUKUS--what is it not doing now that it
was doing, or was planning to do, before the agreement was
announced?
What, besides deterrence, are the other strategic and political-
military benefits of the AUKUS agreement?
What other allies would you like to see eventually join AUKUS?
Answer. AUKUS is part of a comprehensive Administration strategy to
harness our national strengths and unmatched network of allies and
partners to advance a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific region. AUKUS
deepens our diplomatic, security, economic, and defense cooperation
with two of our closest allies to enhance the security and the military
capabilities of all three partners. The National Security Strategy and
National Defense Strategy describe integrated deterrence as a holistic
response to the strategies that our competitors are pursuing and calls
on us to combine our strengths to achieve maximum effect in deterring
acts of aggression. Allies and partners are a center of gravity for the
strategy. AUKUS provides a mechanism to enhance U.S. and partner
conventional military capabilities, enables a more integrated, capable,
and resilient defense industrial base; increases information-sharing,
and implements cooperative policies that reflect and realize the
concepts laid out in both the National Security Strategy and National
Defense Strategy. Deeper ties with the United Kingdom and Australia
also serve to expand collective defense production and bolster supply
chain resilience, essential elements of integrated deterrence.
We will continue to engage with other partners and allies to
advance AUKUS, including on potential partnership opportunities under
Pillar II activities as our work to build advanced capabilities
progresses.
Question. China's rapid expansion of its nuclear arsenal has placed
it on a trajectory to achieve nuclear parity with the United States by
the 2030s. At the same time, Russia remains the largest nuclear force
in the world with the highest number of nuclear weapons. The present
security environment is a world in which the United States must be
prepared to face two nuclear peer competitors. Do you agree that any
new arms control must include both Russia and China as well as types of
nuclear weapons?
Answer. The type of limits the United States will be able to agree
to in a future strategic arms control instrument with Russia will be
impacted by the size and scope of the PRC's nuclear buildup. While the
United States welcomed the opportunity to highlight its concerns with
China's opaque and large-scale buildup, clear responses to U.S.
proposals to reduce strategic risk will be necessary to determine
whether our bilateral engagement can result in substantive, positive
impacts for U.S. and allied national security. Beijing's nuclear
weapons buildup, however, does not necessarily preclude another
bilateral U.S.-Russia arms control instrument after the expiration of
New START. Addressing all of Russia's nuclear weapons, including its
new, long-range systems and large arsenal of so-called nonstrategic
nuclear weapons, also remains a U.S. arms control objective.
U.S.-China Mil to Mil
Question. Chinese officials have cut regular contact with the U.S.
military for 7 years now. Secretary Blinken has continued to prioritize
the necessity of the mil-to-mil relationship--signaling to the Chinese
that this is an urgent U.S. priority. The Biden Administration often
describes its logic for pursuing these talks as means for reducing
misperception and miscalculation and as an attempt to achieve risk
reduction.
Do the Chinese seek to use mil-to-mil comms as a point of leverage?
Why is it in the strategic interest of the U.S. to keep pursuing
mil to mil dialogue with the Chinese?
Have the Chinese stated that they share our view of the importance
of reducing the risk of miscalculation and misperception? Is it
in their interest to foster uncertainty on the part of the
U.S.--in particular, when it comes to military operations in
the Pacific?
If confirmed as Deputy Sec State, how would you approach the issue
of mil-to-mil communications with the Chinese?
Answer. We are clear-eyed about our diplomatic and military-to-
military engagement with the PRC, and we will continue to vigorously
advance and defend U.S. interests. While it is in the U.S. interest to
maintain open military-to-military communications at all levels to
prevent miscalculation and unintended conflict, clarify intentions, and
ensure the safety of our servicemembers, we will continue to strengthen
our regional deterrence and defense posture as necessary to ensure
peace, security, and stability. If confirmed, I will continue these
efforts to advance and defend U.S. interests.
Western Hemisphere
Question. In 2024 key provisions of the United States' Columbia
River Treaty with Canada are set to expire. The Columbia River Treaty
provides the northwest region stable flood control, hydroelectric
power, and water flow throughout each year. The State Department has
been engaged in modernizing the treaty since 2018. If confirmed, do you
commit to making the renegotiation of the treaty a priority to the
State Department?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize modernizing the
Columbia River Treaty regime and emphasize the urgency to reach
agreement imminently. The Columbia River is the lifeblood of the
Pacific Northwest's environment and economy, and I will pursue a
modernized treaty regime that continues adequate flood control, lowers
the amount of hydropower sent to Canada, and supports flows for salmon
migration.
Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the
resources of the State Department to counter malign Russian Government
behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere.
Answer. The United States raises concerns with its allies and
partners regarding threats of increasing Russian security cooperation
in the Americas. The U.S. Government closely monitors Russian support
for Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, including its provision of military
advisors, training and equipment, disinformation mechanisms, and
financial backing. The United States uses diplomatic, economic, and
public diplomacy tools to counter problematic Russian influence in the
region.
Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the
resources of the State Department to counter malign Chinese Government
behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?
Answer. The U.S. Government--through sustained engagement with the
Western Hemisphere--bolsters the region's coalition of resilient
democracies that champion our shared values. If confirmed, I would work
closely with allies and partners to increase high-standard
infrastructure investment and transparent economic development. If
confirmed, I will urge partners to carefully consider PRC investment in
critical infrastructure or sensitive sectors, which could expose a
country to serious national security and data privacy threats.
Question. What is your assessment of the strategic threat China
presents in the North American Arctic? If confirmed, what strategies
would you employ to strengthen bilateral efforts with Canada to deter
and compete with China in the Arctic region?
Answer. The PRC declared itself a near-Arctic state and
increasingly invested resources that would garner it a greater say in
Arctic affairs, as well as access to shipping lanes and mineral wealth.
If confirmed, I would partner with Canadian colleagues, both
bilaterally and multilaterally, to ensure the Arctic remains a
diplomatic, economic, and strategic priority. We will robustly share
information on the economic and military threats the PRC poses to the
region and work closely with both Arctic and non-Arctic states to limit
the PRC's influence in the Arctic.
Question. Please describe your views about Chinese Illegal,
Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing in the waters of the Western
Hemisphere. If confirmed, what policy tools would you employ to support
Western Hemisphere partners threaten by these malicious activities?
Answer. IUU fishing is a global security threat and it is critical
that all flag States, including the PRC, fully accept and implement
their responsibilities to prevent and deter IUU fishing. The State
Department chairs the Maritime Security and Fisheries Enforcement
(SAFE) Act Interagency Working Group that leads the whole-of-government
approach to combating IUU fishing. The Department is also leading a
series of IUU fishing information exchanges in Latin America, which
bring together U.S. Government interagency experts, foreign government
representatives, and civil society stakeholders to discuss tools for
fisheries governance and establish critical partnerships. If confirmed,
I commit to supporting these efforts.
Question. Is it in the interest of the United States that China
develop and operate maritime ports in the Western Hemisphere, including
the Chancay Port in Peru? Please answer yes or no, and explain why.
Please describe the steps you will take if confirmed to reduce the
security threats posed by these activities.
Answer. It is in the United States' interest to promote democracy,
fair competition, economic growth, security, and human rights in Peru.
If confirmed, I will work with our Embassy in Lima to raise awareness
in Peru about the long-term risks of partnering with the PRC on
infrastructure projects, and I will promote U.S. business and
investment as a partner of choice. We will continue to monitor PRC
investments and provide an alternative model that benefits both the
United States and Peru.
Question. Will you commit to prioritizing efforts to support
providing alternatives to untrusted Chinese vendors and firms in
telecommunications and electricity power grids in Latin America and the
Caribbean? If so, please explain how.
Answer. The United States actively encourages countries in Latin
America and the Caribbean to prioritize security in their
telecommunications and energy infrastructure. If confirmed, I will
ensure the Department maintains its consistent focus on critical
infrastructure security and emphasizes collaboration with likeminded
partners through capacity building, regulatory cooperation, and other
forms of assistance.
Question. What is your assessment of the strategic threat Russia
presents in the Arctic? If confirmed, what strategies would you employ
to strengthen bilateral efforts with Canada to deter and compete with
Russia in the Arctic region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Canadian colleagues, both
bilaterally and multilaterally, to continue deterring and countering
Russia's military build-up in the region, while scrutinizing its
economic and diplomatic efforts. Both Canada and the United States
remain clear eyed about the risks Russia poses in the Arctic. Canada
remains a stalwart ally committed to defending the hemisphere and
fulfilling its NATO- and North American Aerospace Defense Command
(NORAD)-related security responsibilities in partnership with the
United States.
Question. Nicaraguan exports to the United States have increased by
approximately 70 percent since the Dominican Republic-Central America
Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) went into effect in 2006. DR-CAFTA
requires important reforms of the domestic legal and business
environment that encourage competitive business development and
investment, protect intellectual property rights, and promote
transparency and the rule-of-law in the trade partners.
Has Nicaragua instituted reforms that promote transparency and the
rule-of-law over the last 15 years since the trade deal has
gone into effect?
Is Nicaragua abiding by its commitments to DR-CAFTA?
Answer. The Ortega-Murillo regime has minimally fulfilled its
commitments to DR-CAFTA. However, the regime continues to suppress
democracy and fails to respect the human rights of Nicaraguans. The
regime continues to use violence; harsh prison conditions; denial of
respect for freedom of peaceful assembly; closure of civil society
organizations, independent media, and independent academic
institutions; repression of the Catholic Church; and unjust arrests and
sentences for those who criticize the regime.
Question. Is it in the interest of the United States to act on the
request of President Chaves of Costa Rica to allow Costa Rica's entry
into the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), yes or no?
Answer. Costa Rica is one of our closest economic partners in the
region, exemplified by its leadership in the Americas Partnership for
Economic Prosperity (APEP). Costa Rica committed to host the 2025 APEP
Leaders' Summit, to develop a digital economy Center of Excellence, and
to host a semiconductor supply chain and workforce symposium in early
2024. It is in the interest of the United States to consider every
avenue for strengthening the economic partnership with Costa Rica and I
commit to neutrally evaluating all proposed options to do so, if
confirmed.
Question. Do you agree that the absence of a trade agreement with
the United States puts Ecuador at an economic disadvantage compared to
Colombia and Peru?
Answer. The United States is Ecuador's principal trading partner.
Ecuador and the United States have expanded economic and commercial
ties in the past few years. Both countries signed the Protocol on Trade
Rules and Transparency in December 2020, updating our existing Trade
and Investment Council Agreement. In October 2022, USTR Tai and
Ecuador's Production Minister Prado established a Fair-Trade Working
Group on negotiations on labor, environment, and digital trade.
Question. Colombia's crop of illicit coca has reached historically
high levels. Meanwhile, the Petro Government has stopped voluntary,
forced, and aerial eradication, and it is seizing significantly lower
amounts of cocaine and heroin that the previous government. What impact
does this situation have on the security environment in Ecuador?
Answer. The U.S. Government continues to work with the Colombian
Government to address illicit drug production and trafficking, as well
as other transnational crimes.
Over the past few years Ecuador has experienced intensifying
violence and citizen insecurity along its northern border with Colombia
and in coastal areas, including the city of Guayaquil. Violence is
driven largely by local gangs influenced by Mexican transnational
criminal organizations.
Question. Is the Chinese fishing fleet off the coast of Galapagos a
source of concern regarding drug trafficking from South America?
Answer. Yes. To that end, the State Department works closely with
the U.S. Coast Guard, DOD's Joint Interagency Task Force-South, and
other U.S. Government institutions to help Ecuador increase its
maritime domain awareness and defend against security threats such as
illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing vessels and drug
trafficking.
Question. Do you agree that China's growing activity and presence
in and around the Panama Canal poses a threat to U.S. national
security?
Answer. The PRC continues to increase its presence in the
hemisphere, but the United States remains Panama's preferred partner.
The Department maintains close coordination with the Panama Canal
Authority, provides technical assistance, and routinely consults with
Panama on tenders to ensure prioritization of the long-term security of
the canal, Panama, and the region. The Department coordinates with
Panama and the Department of Defense to address threats to national
security, including coordinating on large-scale multinational exercises
such as PANAMAX.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen
U.S.-Taiwan trilateral cooperation across the Western Hemisphere?
Answer. As a leading democracy, Taiwan remains an essential partner
in a region where most countries share U.S. values. If confirmed, I
would continue U.S. support for Taiwan's diplomatic and unofficial
relationships across the Western Hemisphere.
Question. Should the former president of Ecuador, Rafael Correa, be
considered for a 7031(c) designation? Please explain.
Answer. Section 7031(c) requires the Secretary of State to publicly
or privately designate foreign officials and their immediate family
members about whom the Secretary has credible information of
involvement in significant corruption or a gross violation of human
rights. While the U.S. Government does not publicly preview any
possible changes or upcoming actions related to U.S. sanctions, export
controls, or law enforcement activity, if confirmed, I will continue to
use this authority and all available tools to combat corruption
globally.
Question. Should the outgoing vice president of Argentina, Cristina
Fernandez de Kirchner, be considered for a 7031(c) designation? Please
explain.
Answer. Section 7031(c) requires the Secretary of State to publicly
or privately designate foreign officials and their immediate family
members about whom the Secretary has credible information of
involvement in significant corruption or a gross violation of human
rights. While the U.S. Government does not publicly preview any
possible changes or upcoming actions related to U.S. sanctions, export
controls, or law enforcement activity, If confirmed, I will continue to
use this authority and all available tools to combat corruption
globally.
Cuba
Question. For decades, the Cuban Government has harbored a number
of U.S. fugitives of justice, including: Joanne Chesimard, on the FBI's
most wanted terrorists list for executing New Jersey state trooper
Werner Foerster in 1973; Ishmael LaBeet, convicted of killing eight
people in the U.S. Virgin Islands in 1972; and Charles Lee Hill,
charged with killing New Mexico state policeman Robert Rosenbloom in
1971; among others.
Does Cuba's provision of food, housing, and medical care for these
U.S. fugitives constitute support for international terrorism?
If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing the extradition of all
fugitives from U.S. law enjoying safe harbor in Cuba?
Should the United States remove Cuba from the list of state
sponsors of terrorism (SST) while they continue to harbor U.S.
fugitives?
Would you advise establishing diplomatic relations with Cuba while
it continues to provide safe harbor to fugitives from the U.S.
justice system?
Please submit the list of specific assurances provided by the
Government of Cuba in relation to its removal from the list in
2015.
Answer. In the Department of State's designation announcement of
Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism (SST) in January 2021, it noted
that ``the Cuban Government has fed, housed, and provided medical care
for murderers, bombmakers, and hijackers, while many Cubans go hungry,
homeless, and without basic medicine.'' If confirmed, I will prioritize
seeking the return of U.S. fugitives from Cuba. U.S. law establishes
statutory criteria for rescinding an SST designation. If confirmed, I
would ensure that any review of Cuba's status would be based on the
criteria in the law established by Congress.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that U.S.
public and private engagement in Cuba does not disproportionately
benefit the Cuban military, intelligence, or security services or
personnel at the expense of the Cuban people?
Answer. The private sector holds the most promise for improving the
lives of the Cuban people. Since 2021, the Cuban Government authorized
the operation of over 9,000 private companies. The Administration's
support for entrepreneurs seeks to maximize benefit for the Cuban
people, while minimizing benefit to the Government. For example, in
2022, the Administration pushed the Cuban Government to move the
processing of U.S. remittances outside of military channels. If
confirmed, I will ensure future initiatives do not disproportionately
benefit the Cuban Government.
Question. In the Mais Medicos program, which ran from 2013-2018,
the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) facilitated the deployment
of thousands of Cuban doctors to Brazil, some of whom subsequently
alleged misconduct and abuse. If confirmed, do you commit to working to
ensure PAHO implements necessary governance changes to ensure increased
oversight of future projects or programs such as Mais Medicos?
Answer. The Department of State documented Cuba's labor export
program and its strong indicators of forced labor, and the
Administration seeks every opportunity to bring abuses to light. The
United States proposed governance reforms to prevent the recurrence of
PAHO's involvement in projects like Mais Medicos, and PAHO's Directing
Council approved the reform proposal by consensus in September 2020. If
confirmed, I will continue this engagement with PAHO leadership to
increase PAHO's transparency and accountability.
Central America
Question. Please describe the nexus between transnational criminal
organizations and human smuggling/trafficking across Central America
and Mexico? What financial benefits would you estimate drug trafficking
groups are reaping from the increased flows of illegal migrants
arriving at our Southwest border?
Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) based in
Central America and Mexico profit from migrant smuggling and
trafficking in persons (TIP) across Central America and in Mexico by
engaging directly in those illicit activities or charging fees for
migrants, smugglers, and traffickers to cross TCO-controlled territory,
including along the U.S.-Mexico border. TCOs also gain from exploiting
migrants and TIP victims, such as through kidnapping for ransom,
particularly if TCOs believe migrants heading to the United States have
relatives who can pay ransoms.
Question. With illegal migration through the southwest U.S. border
at a 21-year high, what actions will the Administration take to
incentivize the Governments of Mexico and northern Central America to
uphold their domestic and international obligations regarding refugee
and asylum seekers?
Answer. The Department encourages governments throughout the
Western Hemisphere, including Mexico and Central America, to uphold
their international obligations to provide protection for those who
need it through bilateral and multilateral engagement. Through
humanitarian partners, we build governments' asylum capacity to screen
individuals and provide protection. We also participate in the asylum
working group of the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and
Protection to promote a regional approach so people can find safety
closer to home.
Question. Guatemala is the largest country in the world to
recognize Taiwan and one of three countries in continental Latin
America to do so.
If confirmed, what actions would you take to encourage stronger
Guatemala-Taiwan relations?
Please describe how Guatemala's diplomatic recognition of the PRC
could affect U.S. interests and programs in Guatemala.
Answer. Taiwanis a reliable, likeminded, and democratic partner and
its relationship with Guatemala provides significant and sustainable
benefits to the Guatemalan people. As a leading democracy, Taiwan
remains an essential partner in a region where most countries share
U.S. values. If confirmed, I would continue U.S. support for Taiwan to
build relationships across the Western Hemisphere.
Question. China has shown interest in critical sectors in Guatemala
like technology and nickel mining. In 2020, Huawei donated a
telecommunications tower to Guatemala to train 4G and 5G technicians.
If confirmed, how would you communicate with Guatemalans about the
risks of the PRC's predatory economic practices and of
untrustworthy technologies like Huawei to Guatemala's
sovereignty and national security?
What impact would the presence of untrustworthy technologies, such
as those of Huawei, may have on our security partnership with
Guatemala?
To your knowledge, how many individuals and entities in Guatemala
has the United States sanctioned for engaging in corrupt
practices with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support Guatemala's telecommunications
infrastructure security and caution against untrustworthy, high-risk
vendors. I will also work with authorities to expose any corrupt or
problematic business activities in Guatemala, particularly those
seeking a foothold in strategic industries, pointing out the strength
of U.S. alternatives and leveraging appropriate sanctions. The United
States has not levied and leveraging appropriate sanctions. The United
States has not levied
Question. In 2022, the U.S. sanctioned entities tied to Solway
Investment Group, a Russian enterprise that has exploited Guatemala's
nickel mining sector. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure
Solway Investment Group does not continue its corrupt activity in
Guatemala and to support Guatemala's legitimate mining sector?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support the strategic use of anti-
corruption and human rights-related tools to promote accountability and
call out and impose costs on corrupt actors. The United States used
financial sanctions in Guatemala to counter corruption, including in
the mining sector. Such sanctions are most effective when used
alongside other anti-corruption tools. For example, the Department and
USAID implement foreign assistance projects in Guatemala that address
top U.S. priorities, including countering corruption and supporting
economic development.
Question. Guatemala designated Hezbollah in its entirety as a
terrorist organization in October 2020. If confirmed, do you commit to
encourage Guatemalan authorities to maintain that designation and
strengthen counterterrorism cooperation with the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to encouraging the Guatemalan
Government to maintain its designation of Hizballah as a terrorist
organization. I will also work to strengthen bilateral and regional
counterterrorism cooperation, including through the Bureau of
Counterterrorism's Law Enforcement Coordination Group, focusing on
Hizballah activity globally.
Question. Would Guatemala's ascension to the USMCA help strengthen
critical supply chains in the Western Hemisphere and fight corruption
in Guatemala?
Answer. I fully support strengthening critical supply chains in the
Western Hemisphere and fighting corruption in Guatemala. Guatemala and
the United States are party to the Dominican Republic-Central America
Free Trade Agreement. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring
enhancing trade and investment relations with Guatemala under
President-elect Arevalo's administration.
Question. Is it in the interest of the United States that China
develop maritime port projects in Honduras and El Salvador? Please
describe what steps you will take if confirmed to undermine these
efforts.
Answer. The PRC's record of unkept promises and underdelivering on
projected results for economic development projects, including maritime
port projects, fall short of international best practices and fail to
benefit partner countries in the long term. Poorly executed economic
development projects are not in the interest of the United States or
its partners in the region. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department
continues to engage with regional partners, including El Salvador and
Honduras, to make clear the risks of partnering with the PRC on
maritime port projects.
Drugs
Question. Mexican transnational criminal organizations produce
increased quantities of fentanyl. Cartels, such as the Sinaloa and the
New Generation Jalisco Cartel, are the primary trafficking groups
responsible for smuggling fentanyl into the United States from Mexico.
What specific actions should Mexico take to meaningfully tackle
transitional criminal activities through its territory,
including trafficking of fentanyl and other illicit narcotics?
If confirmed, do you commit to encourage Mexico to deepen bilateral
cooperation on the destruction of illicit chemical precursors
fueling the synthetic opioid crisis in the United States?
Do you support the United States leverage the possibility of
tariffs on certain Chinese products to pressure the PRC
Government to stem the flow of fentanyl precursors to the
Western Hemisphere? Please answer yes or no and explain why.
Answer. Under the Bicentennial Framework, the United States and
Mexico continue joint efforts to disrupt the illicit synthetic drug
supply chain, combat the production of these substances, investigate,
and prosecute transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) and their
finances, and prevent the flow of illicit goods from crossing the U.S.-
Mexico border. If confirmed, I will encourage Mexico's continued
leadership in Secretary Blinken's Global Coalition to Address Synthetic
Drug Threats. Disrupting the global illicit synthetic drugs supply
chain remains a top priority, and, if confirmed, I will continue to
explore all possibilities to keep these deadly substances out of our
communities. Argentina
Question. In July 2019, President Mauricio Macri signed Decree 489,
which created a framework for Argentina to designate terrorist
organizations take law enforcement actions, such as asset freezes and
travel bans entities associated with such designated foreign terrorist
organizations.
What is your assessment of the commitment of the incoming
government of President Javier Milei in Argentina to enforcing
the designation of Hezbollah as an FTO, the designations of
Hezbollah financiers in the Tri-Border Area (TBA), and the
designations of former and current Iranian officials who are on
Argentina's terrorism list?
If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing U.S. support for the
Interpol red notices issued on current and former Iranian
officials involved in the bombing of the AMIA Jewish community
center?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's policy
to cooperate with partners and allies worldwide to combat terrorist
threats and bring known terrorists to justice. As such, I will continue
to coordinate with the Argentine Government regarding its terrorist
designations against individuals and organizations. I will also ensure
continued U.S. support for Argentina's efforts to bring to justice the
perpetrators of the 1994 bombing of the AMIA efforts to bring to
justice the perpetrators of the 1994 bombing of the AMIA efforts to
bring to justice the perpetrators of the 1994 bombing of the AMIA
Question. Will you commit to working with President Milei and his
government, if confirmed, to reduce the security threat posed by
China's deep-space station in Neuquen, Argentina? If so, please explain
how.
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise concerns about the
risks associated with dual-use facilities that have People's Liberation
Army (PLA) linkages in Argentina. I will also continue engaging with
the Argentine Government on space-related issues.
Venezuela
Question. Please describe your understanding of Russia's interests
in the survival of the Maduro regime.
Is it in the interest of President Putin for the Maduro regime to
end?
If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend as Secretary
of State to diminish Russian influence in Venezuela?
Answer. I take seriously problematic actors like Russia's attempts
to expand their activities and influence in Venezuela. Russia considers
Maduro an important geopolitical ally. Russia spreads Spanish language
disinformation in Latin America, including in Venezuela, to garner
support for Russia's other malign activities like its unprovoked war
against Ukraine. If confirmed, I will continue to coordinate with
interagency partners and allies to monitor Russia's problematic
activities in Venezuela and will support the democratic aspirations of
the Venezuelan people.
Question. Please describe your understanding of Cuba's interests in
the survival of the Maduro regime.
Is it in the interest of the Cuban regime for the Maduro regime to
end?
If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend as Secretary
of State to diminish Cuban influence in Venezuela?
Answer. Cuba and Venezuela share a mutually beneficial relationship
and Cuba has an interest in maintaining that relationship. For example,
Venezuela sends oil and diesel to Cuba in exchange for Cuba sending
doctors and military advisors to Venezuela. This exchange speaks to the
isolation of Cuba and Venezuela and constraints on their economies. If
confirmed, I will support the democratic aspirations of the Cuban and
Venezuelan people to promote a peaceful and democratic Western
hemisphere.
Question. Please describe your understanding of China's interests
in the survival of the Maduro regime.
Is it in the interest of China for the Maduro regime to end?
If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend as Secretary
of State to diminish Chinese influence in Venezuela?
Answer. I take seriously external actors' attempts to expand their
activities in Venezuela, including those of the PRC. The PRC seeks to
recover billions in unpaid debts from Venezuela. If confirmed, I will
continue to coordinate with interagency partners and U.S. allies to
monitor the activities of the PRC in Venezuela and act where
appropriate. This relationship demonstrates the isolation of the Maduro
regime within the global community.
Question. Please describe your understanding of Iran's interests in
the survival of the Maduro regime.
Is it in the interest of Iran for the Maduro regime to end?
If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend as Secretary
of State to diminish Iranian influence in Venezuela?
Answer. I take seriously the efforts of external/problematic actors
like Iran to expand their activities and influence in Venezuela. Iran
considers Venezuela an important geopolitical ally. If confirmed, I
will continue to coordinate with interagency partners and our allies to
monitor the activities of Iran in Venezuela and will continue to
support the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people. Maduro's
relationship with Iran demonstrates how isolated Maduro has become.
Question. Please explain your understanding of how the Maduro
regime operates as a narco-terrorist regime. Please describe the role
of the Venezuelan military in narcotics trafficking. Please explain the
relationship between the Maduro regime and United States-designated
foreign terrorist organizations, FARC and ELN.
Answer. Corruption remains endemic in Venezuela and facilitates the
operations of drug-trafficking organizations. Armed gangs originating
in Venezuela's prison system and pro-Maduro armed groups are deeply
involved in drug trafficking, as are the military and security
services. The United States revoked the designation of the FARC as a
terrorist organization in November of 2021. The National Liberation
Army known as ELN historically used Venezuelan territory to operate
and, if confirmed, I would welcome the August 4, 2023, ceasefire
announced between the ELN and the Government of Colombia.
Question. Do you agree Nicolas Maduro is an international criminal
and a fugitive of U.S. justice?
Answer. The Department of Justice's March 26, 2020, indictment of
Nicolas Maduro and others remains in effect. The Department of State
continues to offer a reward of up to $15 million for information
leading to the arrest and/or conviction of Nicolas Maduro. For further
comment I refer you to the Department of Justice.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking steps to ensure
that Nicolas Maduro is arrested and extradited if he travels to any
country with which the United States shares an extradition treaty?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to take steps that will support the
democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people. The Department of
Justice's March 26, 2020, indictment of Nicolas Maduro and others
remains in effect. The Department of State continues to offer a reward
of up to $15 million for information leading to the arrest and/or
conviction of Nicolas Maduro. For further comment I refer you to the
Department of Justice.
Question. Please describe how the Maduro regime's involvement in
transnational criminal activities affects peace and stability in
Colombia.
Answer. Maduro and his representatives historically created a
permissive environment for transnational criminal groups to operate in
Venezuelan territory. If confirmed, I would welcome the news of a
preliminary six-month ceasefire agreement between the Government of
Colombia and the National Liberation Army (``ELN'') and condemn those
who undermine Colombia's hard-won peace through narcotics trafficking.
Question. Please explain why the Administration has not issued a
single sanction in Venezuela since it came to office in January 2021.
Answer. I understand that the United States remains committed to
leveraging sanctions on Venezuela to support the democratic aspirations
of the Venezuelan people. The United States supports negotiations
between the Venezuelan opposition Unitary Platform and representatives
of Maduro, including the October 17 electoral roadmap agreement, as the
best chance to achieve U.S. objectives in Venezuela.
Question. On October 18, 2023, Secretary Blinken said ``the United
States has also conveyed our expectation and understanding that
Venezuela will take the following steps before the end of November,''
including ``Define a specific timeline and process for the expedited
reinstatement of all candidates'' and ``begin the release of all
wrongfully detained U.S. nationals and Venezuelan political
prisoners'':
Are the above-mentioned expectations and understandings
memorialized in any document?
Will you commit, if confirmed, to transmit those ``expectations''
and ``understandings'' to Congress?
What is the Administration's ``expectation'' of a ``specific
timeline and process'' for the reinstatement of all
candidates?''
Answer. Secretary Blinken's October 18 statement conveyed the
United States' expectations regarding Venezuelan actions by the end of
November. Administration officials have stated that these expectations
were based on previous diplomatic discussions with Maduro
representatives. The Norwegian Government, as the facilitator of the
negotiations between the Venezuelan opposition Unitary Platform and the
representatives of Maduro, publicly announced the mechanism for
candidate reinstatement, which the Maduro representatives provided.
This mechanism provides a clear process for reinstatement of all
candidates.
Question. On October 18, Secretary Blinken pledged ``Failure to
abide by the terms of this arrangement will lead the United States to
reverse steps we have taken.''
Is the Maduro regime meeting the terms of the deal it reached with
the Biden administration? Please answer yes or no, and explain
why.
Should the Biden administration immediately snapback the sanctions
relief granted on October 18? Please answer yes or no, and
explain why.
Should the Biden administration snapback the sanctions relief
granted since November 2022? Please answer yes or no, and
explain why.
Answer. If confirmed, I welcome the developments related to the
electoral roadmap agreement, including the November 30 announcement of
a process to reinstate all candidates for the upcoming elections and
the October 18 release of five Venezuelan political prisoners. However,
as the State Department has indicated, Maduro and his representatives
have not yet fully met the expectations outlined in Secretary Blinken's
October 18 statement. I support the United States' position that absent
further progress, the United States will take steps to reimpose some
sanctions.
Question. How much revenue has the Maduro regime received because
of the sanctions relief granted on November 2022?
Answer. As money goes into the oil and gas sector, Venezuela likely
accrued additional revenue. I would refer you to the individual
companies for information about the cash flow associated with their
operations in Venezuela.
Question. How much revenue is the Maduro regime estimated to
receive because of the sanctions relief granted on October 18, 2023?
Answer. The United States provided limited relief, but Venezuela
will likely accrue additional revenue as money flows into the energy
sector. However, this will happen slowly. Investors generally seek
greater certainty about the sustainability of business and political
conditions, repayment guarantees, and assurances against expropriation
before they commit significant resources to a country like Venezuela.
Question. What impact would such revenue have on the Maduro
regime's capacity to threaten its democratic neighbors, especially
Guyana?
Answer. The United States provided limited sanctions relief to
Venezuela in support of progress towards democratization in Venezuela
through the October 17 electoral roadmap agreement signing. Venezuela
will likely accrue some additional revenue, but this will happen
slowly. The United States urged Venezuela and Guyana to continue to
seek a peaceful resolution of their dispute, including by the
International Court of Justice.
Question. Is it in the interest of the United States to deter the
Maduro regime from starting a potential military conflict in Guyana? If
so, please describe what steps you will take to support these efforts.
Answer. The United States seeks to promote a peaceful and
democratic Western hemisphere. The 1899 arbitral award determined the
land boundary between Venezuela and Guyana and should be respected
unless, or until, the parties reach a new agreement, or a competent
legal body decides otherwise. The United States urged Venezuela and
Guyana to continue to seek a peaceful resolution of their dispute,
including by the International Court of Justice. The U.S. maintains
robust military-to military engagement with Guyana, including visits,
exchanges, and participation in joint multilateral military exercises
in the Caribbean.
Haiti
Question. Is Haiti a failed state?
Answer. Haiti is not a failed state, although the Government's
ability to provide security and governance for all its citizens is
highly strained. Haiti faces multiple and competing crises, all of
which are exacerbated by gang violence in and around the capital city
of Port-au-Prince. It is my understanding that the U.S. interagency
works closely with the Haitian National Police and civil society
organizations, respectively, to build institutional police capacity and
provide humanitarian relief. The Government still provides services
within its limited capacity throughout much of the country.
Question. What is your assessment of China's efforts to leverage
Haiti's economic and political perils to its advantage?
Answer. The United States remains concerned regarding PRC efforts
to leverage crises around the world to its advantage, especially in
developing nations. My understanding is that such efforts have to date
had limited success in Haiti. Haiti has diplomatic ties with Taiwan and
partners with Taiwan in international organizations and on humanitarian
priorities.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to ensure
Haiti maintains its diplomatic recognition of Taiwan?
Answer. As a leading democracy and technological powerhouse, Taiwan
is a key U.S. partner and a reliable partner to Haiti as well as other
countries in the Americas and globally. Taiwan's relationships with
partners around the globe provide significant economic and security
benefits to the citizens of those countries. If confirmed, I will
ensure that the United States continues to show support for
partnerships between Taiwan and the region, including with the
Government of Haiti, in line with longstanding U.S. policy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Kurt Campbell by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. For months, we have seen the Armenian community of
Nagorno-Karabakh be under attack by the brutal Azerbaijani regime. It
is the United States' responsibility to prevent ethnic cleansing and
not stand by while the Aliyev regime carries out its brutal campaigns
of starvation and military action. In September, we saw Azerbaijan
retake the remainder of Karabakh; what is your assessment of the
security and humanitarian implications of the ethnic cleansing of
Armenians?
Answer. By way of a personal note at the outset, I grew up in an
Armenian community, studied at a conservatory of music in Erevan,
Armenia, and remain very focused on Armenia's progress in the world. If
confirmed, I look forward to engaging directly on matters that affect
Armenia's progress, security, and democracy.
The most effective means of ending three decades of violence will
be the establishment of a durable, dignified peace between Armenia and
Azerbaijan. The Administration prioritizes this effort and continues to
support Armenia's efforts to aid displaced persons, while working to
strengthen Armenia's resiliency. The United States continues to urge
the Government of Azerbaijan to ensure ethnic Armenians who departed
Nagorno-Karabakh are guaranteed a safe, dignified, and sustainable
return, should they choose, with security and protections for their
rights.
Question. If confirmed, how would you hold Azerbaijan accountable
for using military power to exert control over the region of Nagorno-
Karabakh?
Answer. The Administration publicly condemned Azerbaijan's use of
force and reaffirmed U.S. support for Armenia's sovereignty,
independence, and territorial integrity. Furthermore, it suspended
high-level meetings and engagements in the immediate aftermath of the
military operation and is closely reviewing the section 907 waiver
extension as part of the annual process. The Administration does not
rule out the use of any of the tools at its disposal to achieve its
foreign policy goals.
While I welcome the Biden Administration's ongoing diplomatic
efforts and engagement with Venezuela, we must ensure the
Maduro regime fully follows the terms of the agreement
announced in October. We should not continue to preemptively
remove our sanctions until there are real, tangible results
from the Maduro regime. Last week, the Administration expressed
``deep concerns about the lack of progress on the release of
wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and Venezuelan political
prisoners.''
Question. If the Maduro regime continues to fail to implement
substantive deliverables on its commitments, when would the
Administration reinstate sanctions and additional measures to hold the
regime accountable?
Answer. The Secretary welcomed the developments related to the
Barbados electoral roadmap agreement, including the announcement of a
process to reinstate all candidates and the release of five Venezuelan
political prisoners. Nicolas Maduro and his representatives have yet to
fully meet the expectations outlined in the Secretary's October 18
statement. I understand the United States will review its sanctions
policy and intends to suspend some sanctions relief if adequate
progress toward these commitments has not been made.
Earlier this year, under my leadership, this committee passed
the Taiwan Tax Agreement Act, legislation that would authorize
the President to negotiate a tax agreement with Taiwan, modeled
on existing tax treaties we already have with several
countries. At my urging, the President also launched the U.S.-
Taiwan Initiative on 21st Century Trade, reaching an agreement
in June that will deepen our economic relationship with this
key trading partner.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to continuing these efforts
to deepen our diplomatic and economic relationship with our key ally
and trading partner, Taiwan?
Answer. Yes, I have been a strong supporter of Taiwan throughout my
career. Taiwan is a critical investment and trading partner, which
plays a crucial role in our ability to achieve the goals of the CHIPS
and Science Act, including strengthening supply chains and creating
jobs. If confirmed, I would continue these efforts to deepen our
unofficial relations such as through the U.S.-Taiwan Initiative on 21st
Century Trade.
Question. If confirmed, how would you propose to further engage and
strengthen our relationship with Taiwan?
Answer. The United States' unofficial relationship with Taiwan has
never been stronger or more wide-ranging. We enjoy close people-to-
people ties, economic and trade relations, and cooperation across the
spectrum of topics from public health to cybersecurity. Consistent with
our longstanding one China policy, we will continue to provide Taiwan
with defense articles and services necessary for Taiwan to maintain a
sufficient self-defense capability, and we will deepen our economic
relationship, including via the U.S.-Taiwan Economic Prosperity
Partnership Dialogue.
The White House has reiterated the urgent need for the
approval of U.S. assistance to Ukraine before the end of the
year. Ukraine and its people continue to emphasize that if we
do not come to an agreement on further funding for their cause,
we may witness a reversal of hard-fought Ukrainian gains
against Russia's brutal aggression.
Question. As Ukraine prepares to defend itself in the winter
against Russia's aggressions, what are the security, economic, and
humanitarian challenges the people of Ukraine will face if the United
States and other allies do not provide assistance?
Answer. U.S. leadership is indispensable to ensuring a strong
response that protects our interests as well as those of our Allies and
friends. Friends and foes alike are watching closely and will draw
lessons about American power and resolve. A lapse in U.S. support for
Ukraine would immediately impact Ukraine's performance on the
battlefield, compromise NATO Allied security, affirm for Putin that he
can wait out Ukraine's international supporters, and allow him to
undermine with impunity the post-WWII order upon which we have relied
for our security for almost eighty years. This will call into question
our commitment to a free and fair international system far beyond
Europe. Security and economic assistance are intertwined and essential
to Ukraine's survival. Putin seeks to break Ukraine's economy and hopes
that by weakening Ukraine's will on the home front he can win.
Additionally, U.S. humanitarian assistance is particularly important as
Ukraine enters its second winter of the war, and needs endure. If we
end our military, economic, and humanitarian assistance, the impacts
will be compounded, particularly as other countries may question their
contributions
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Kurt Campbell by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the Peopless
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all
of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests across a range of sectors via our ``invest, align, compete''
strategy, together with likeminded allies and partners, to push back
against PRC efforts to expand its influence and undermine the rules-
based international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the CCP's having become more
repressive at home and more aggressive abroad, as Secretary Blinken has
stated.
According to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence's
2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S.
influence, drive wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster
some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States must manage this competition responsibly so that
competition does not veer into conflict. The United States works with
the PRC to address transnational challenges, such as climate and
counter-narcotics, when it is in our interest to do so--as Secretary
Blinken has said, not as a favor to us or anyone else, and never in
exchange for walking away from our principles, but because that is what
the world expects. If confirmed, I will work, as I have done
consistently in my current post at the National Security Council, with
the Department of State's Office of China Coordination to advance U.S.
objectives and counter harmful behavior by the PRC around the world.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests and countering efforts by our strategic and regional
competitors, including the PRC, to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen the collective capacity of
our partners in the region. If confirmed, I will support Secretary
Blinken in leading the Department of State, while working closely with
our interagency colleagues and Congress, to implement our ``invest,
align, compete'' strategy and address China's efforts to expand its
influence at home and abroad.
Question. As you may be aware, a group of federal employees penned
an open letter to President Biden criticizing U.S. support for Israel
in the aftermath of Hamas' brutal terrorist attack on October 7, 2023.
Efforts like these directly undermine the duty of our diplomats to
advance the policies of the President of the United States. Yes or no,
did you sign the letter to the President expressing opposition to the
President's Israel policy?
Answer. No, I did not sign the letter.
Question. If confirmed, would you define one of your employees or
contractors signing an open letter criticizing you, or policies you
undertake at the instruction of the President, as insubordination as
defined by the Government Accountability Office?
Answer. I am mindful of and value Department employees' right to
free speech under the First Amendment. Moreover, I recognize that the
expression of disagreement does not in and of itself constitute
insubordination. If confirmed, I would work with the Department's
Office of the Legal Adviser to determine the proper course of action in
this or any other specific cases.
Question. In your view, are the actions these federal employees
took, by anonymously signing a letter to the President of the United
States, covered as ``whistleblowing?''
Answer. As a general matter, I support any federal employee's right
to free speech and expression. If confirmed, I would work with the
Department of State's Office of the Legal Adviser to understand whether
an action constituted whistleblowing. Moreover, if confirmed, I will
ensure that I and other managers in the Department protect
whistleblowers' rights, including the right to free speech under the
First Amendment.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address discipline issues,
such as insubordination, that do not take established dissent channels?
Answer. I am mindful of and value Department of State employees'
right to free speech under the First Amendment. As Secretary Blinken
has said, we should ``be sure to sustain and expand the space for
debate and dissent that makes our policies and our institution
better.'' Moreover, from what I understand the expression of dissent is
unlikely to constitute insubordination. However, in other contexts, in
the event a discipline issue came to me, including insubordination, I
would consult with the Department's experts and attorneys to ensure the
matter is handled appropriately.
Question. Have you ever expressed support for an Israeli ceasefire
in Gaza?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree that Hamas is an antisemitic entity?
Answer. Yes, Hamas is a terrorist group and antisemitic entity that
seeks to eliminate the State of Israel and whose founding charter calls
for the killing of Jewish people.
Question. Would a ceasefire allow these groups to reconstitute and
attack Israel, and Americans, in the future?
Answer. Yes, a ceasefire right now would give Hamas time to regroup
and would fail to prevent Hamas from continuing terror attacks and
firing rockets at Israel.
Question. Do you agree that calling for a ceasefire in Gaza means
calling for Israel to stop its pursuit of Hamas, a designated foreign
terrorist organization, that orchestrated the October 7 attacks and
still refuses to release Israeli and American hostages?
Answer. It is the policy of the Administration to support
additional temporary humanitarian pauses to enable a sustained flow of
aid and to allow the voluntary movement of civilians who are seeking to
move to safer locations. Further, the U.S. Government is actively
working with partners to secure the release of all hostages held by
Hamas. The U.S. Government supports Israel's right to protect itself
from Hamas' terrorism, consistent with international law, but continues
to encourage the Government of Israel to prioritize the protections of
civilians, as required by international humanitarian law.
Question. Do you believe that Israel, in its operation against
Hamas, which is known to use civilians as human shields, is taking all
necessary steps to minimize civilian casualties?
Answer. Israel has the right to protect itself, consistent with
international law. The United States has urged Israel to differentiate
between civilians and Hamas terrorists and do everything possible to
avoid civilian casualties. Hamas's use of civilians as human shields, a
blatant violation of international law, does not lessen Israel's
obligations under international humanitarian law.
Question. Today's world is one where a loose coalition of states
opposed to the world order are coalescing under the leadership of the
CCP. Though not a formal alliance, China is aided by its junior
partners of Russia, Iran, and North Korea, as well as anti-American
regimes in the Western Hemisphere such as Venezuela and Cuba. How
should the State Department counter this budding coalition?
Answer. The National Security Strategy makes clear the pressing
strategic challenge posed by powers that layer authoritarian governance
with a revisionist foreign policy. As we compete, the United States and
our allies and partners have an opportunity to shape the external
environment around the PRC and Russia, as well as that of other smaller
autocratic powers acting in aggressive and destabilizing ways such as
Iran and the DPRK. We will continue to push back on actions by the PRC
and others that run counter to U.S. interests and values, while
deepening ties with allies and partners to strengthen a free, open,
prosperous, and secure international order.
Question. China has placed a particular emphasis on courting
countries in the Global South, such as those in Africa and Latin
America. These countries often want to cut the best deal possible for
themselves, which makes sense. However, what this means in practice is
these countries will seek U.S. assistance on the one hand but then
partner with Beijing on the other. What strategies would you employ to
get these countries to align with the U.S. on a more consistent basis?
Answer. U.S. strategy toward the PRC prioritizes aligning efforts
with allies and partners. U.S. policy doesn't ask our partners to
choose between the United States and the PRC, or any other partner.?
However, many allies and partners, including in Africa and Latin
America, have faced PRC coercion. We support their ability to make
sovereign decisions in line with their interests and values, free from
external pressure and coercion, and work to provide high-standard and
scaled investment, development assistance, and markets. For example,
the Administration has established new regional forums for economic
cooperation, such as the Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity,
that reaffirm U.S. economic leadership in the region.
And we are deepening ties between the U.S. Government and
multilateral development banks to channel more high-standard
investments to critical sectors such as infrastructure in allied and
partner countries. We act in common purpose to advance shared interests
and values and address issues such as untrusted digital infrastructure,
forced labor in supply chains, andillegal, unreported, and unregulated
fishing.
Question. At some point, do you think we should force these
countries to choose the U.S. or China? Why or why not?
Answer. The United States is clear-eyed that the PRC is the only
competitor with both the intent and increasingly the capability to
reshape the international order -- and the PRC's assertive and coercive
behavior has caused other countries to push back and defend their
sovereignty for their own legitimate reasons. As Secretary Blinken has
said, this is not about forcing countries to choose, but rather about
giving them a choice and the ability to make their own sovereign
decisions. This is a critical difference between our vision, which aims
to preserve the autonomy and rights of less powerful states, and that
of our rivals, which does not. It is our hope that key states will
align with the United States on the most critical matters in support of
our mutual interests.
Question. You are a known advocate of increasing our relationships
with countries in the Indo-Pacific in order to counter the CCP. This
includes traditional allies such as Japan, Korea, Australia, and the
Philippines, but you have also advocated for much closer ties to
countries who are not allies, such as India and Vietnam. How important
is it to successfully court countries such as India and Vietnam?
Answer. Strengthening our relationships across the Indo-Pacific
with partners like India and Vietnam is critical to our efforts to
build and sustain a free and open Indo-Pacific. Engagements like Prime
Minister Modi's visit to Washington, during which the U.S.
substantially advanced strategic technology and defense industrial
cooperation with India, and President Biden's historic state visit to
Hanoi, during which we upgraded the U.S.Vietnam relationship to a
Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, have strengthened a latticework of
alliances and partnerships built around shared interests and a shared
vision for the future. Our alliances and partnerships represent a
source of strength the PRC cannot match.
Question. What about other countries in the region that attempt to
be neutral in the U.S.-China competition, such as Indonesia and
Malaysia?
Answer. We believe countries want a stable, open, prosperous, and
secure region and world that respects sovereignty and territorial
integrity, allows countries to make their own decisions free from
coercion, promotes shared prosperity, and enables cooperation on shared
challenges. While the PRC is a global strategic competitor, U.S. policy
does not ask countries to choose between the United States and the PRC,
but rather focuses on giving them a choice and the ability to make
their own sovereign decisions. Countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia
are important partners on a range of global and regional priorities. We
intend to continue deepening our partnerships with them, as we did last
month in upgrading our relationship with Indonesia to a Comprehensive
Strategic Partnership, as well as with othersin the Indo-Pacific region
and beyond.
Question. What is your benchmark for success?
Answer. The goal of the United States is clear--an international
order that is free, open, prosperous, and secure. Our approach is
successful when it works toward that goal, advances U.S. interests and
values, and counters the efforts of others, including the PRC, to
undermine that order. The United States will continue to compete
vigorously with the PRC, and the United States will responsibly manage
the competition, so that competition does not veer into conflict. What
the United States seeks instead is a positive, steady state, one where
our interests and those of our allies and partners are protected.
Question. Our European allies have a slightly different view than
us on China. On the one hand, they see China as destabilizing for
supporting Russia's war against Ukraine. On the other hand, many
European countries have traditionally sought to maintain positive
relations with Beijing, largely for economic reasons. In fact, last
year, French President Emmanuel Macron said ``is it in our interest to
accelerate [a crisis] on Taiwan? No. The worse thing would be to think
that we Europeans must become followers on this topic and take our cue
from the U.S. agenda and a Chinese overreaction.'' How can we educate
our European allies about the dangers of Beijing?
Answer. The United States has worked closely with European allies
and partners on addressing the challenges posed by the PRC, including
through the U.S.-EU China Dialogue and the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology
Council, and will continue close communication with European allies and
partners and the European Union to exchange concerns and coordinate
responses related to the PRC. There is increasing alignment between the
U.S. and many key European states on our assessment of the security and
political environment in the Indo-Pacific. As affirmed during the
recent U.S.-EU Summit on October 20, the United States and the EU have
a shared commitment to address, and to communicate directly to Beijing
regarding, our shared concerns over challenges posed by the PRC's non-
market economic practices, maintaining peace and stability in the
Taiwan Strait, upholding international law in the South and East China
Seas, voicing our concerns on human rights abuses, and calling on
Russia to stop its war of aggression against Ukraine while countering
Beijing's efforts to support Moscow.
Question. In your view, what would be Europe's reaction to a CCP
invasion of Taiwan? Would our European allies support the U.S. or
strike a deal with China?
Answer. As affirmed in the joint statements from the U.S.-EU
Summit, U.S.-EU Dialogue on China, and the G7 Japan Foreign Ministers
Statement, European allies and partners have spoken out strongly in
support of cross-Strait peace and stability and the need for peaceful
resolution of cross-Strait issues. We have also seen European allies
and partners express concerns regarding cross-Strait peace and
stability in their interactions with the PRC and in their recent China
and Indo-Pacific Strategies.
Question. Some of our Middle Eastern allies and partners, such as
Israel, have sought to have cordial relations with China, even
welcoming significant Chinese investment in Israel's technology sector.
Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Arab partners have welcomed Beijing's Belt
and Road Initiative. Has Hamas' brutal terrorist attack and Beijing's
support for Iran changed perceptions in the Middle East?
Answer. PRC officials are using the Israel-Hamas conflict as an
opportunity to criticize the West, curry favor with Arab partners, and
position the PRC as a purported champion of the ``Global South.''
Israel has criticized the PRC for its unbalanced approach. Arab states
have generally adopted a similar posture to the PRC on the Israel-Hamas
conflict in fora like the U.N., but they acknowledge the United States
is the most essential outside diplomatic actor in the region.
Question. What more should the U.S. be doing to drive a wedge
between China and our allies and partners in the Middle East?
Answer. The PRC is the most consequential geopolitical challenge
facing the United States. The United States continues to strengthen our
partnerships in the Middle East to pursue shared interests of regional
security, stability, and prosperity. Our sustained affirmative
engagement counters efforts by the PRC and other strategic competitors
to undermine those interests, while demonstrating the value of a long-
term partnership with the United States. If confirmed, I will continue
to coordinate closely with regional allies and partners to counter the
PRC's efforts to expand its influence in the region.
Question. In 2020, the Congress passed my bill, the Uyghur Human
Rights Policy Act, which mandates sanctions on Chinese officials
responsible for human rights abuses committed against Uyghurs and other
ethnic groups in Xinjiang. For nearly four years, both this, and the
previous administration, have failed to uphold the law and impose these
sanctions because the President declined to delegate his authorities to
either the State Department or the Treasury Department. This delegation
was recently given to the State Department. If confirmed, do you commit
to swiftly imposing sanctions on all Chinese officials responsible for
the ongoing genocide against the Uyghurs?
Answer. On December 8, the State Department issued a report to
Congress, and in conjunction with the Treasury Department, sanctioned
PRC government officials pursuant to UHRPA and the Global Magnitsky
Program for their connection to ongoing serious human rights abuse in
Xinjiang. State concurrently designated one of the officials under
Section 7031(c) for gross violations of human rights, while the other
was previously designated in 2021. These steps were in addition to the
dozens of PRC officials and entities who have previously been held
accountable over the past three years for their connection to ongoing
serious human rights abuse in Xinjiang.
If confirmed, I commit to promoting accountability for PRC
officials' involvement in genocide and crimes against humanity in
Xinjiang as well as in human rights violations and abuses in Tibet,
Hong Kong, and elsewhere in the PRC.
Question. The last confirmed Deputy Secretary of State, Wendy
Sherman, reportedly refused to approve sanctions, even for grave human
rights abuses, on members of China's Politburo, out of a fear that
doing so would anger the Chinese. Do you believe that Politburo members
should be immune from sanctions, even if they are responsible for human
rights abuses?
Answer. This Administration has utilized, and will continue to
utilize, a wide range of tools and diplomatic tactics to promote
accountability for PRC officials' and entities' involvement in
atrocities in Xinjiang, and for human rights violations and abuses in
Tibet, Hong Kong, and elsewhere in the PRC.
If confirmed, I will continue these efforts.
Follow-up Question
Question. Thank you for committing to continue the
administration's efforts to promote accountability for PRC
officials' and entities' involvement in atrocities in Xinjiang.
Do you believe that imposing sanctions on members of the
Chinese Communist Party Politburo who are credibly implicated
in these atrocities would further accountability, or do you
believe that the United States should refrain from sanctioning
Politburo members?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to evaluate actively the
tools at our disposal to promote accountability for PRC human
rights abuses. I take this matter extremely seriously and will
not hesitate to work with Departments and Agencies to evaluate
the full range of authorities and options available to us,
including sanctions, as part of a robust interagency process. I
would not prejudge the outcomes of those interagency
deliberations in regards to specific persons but I will commit
to being firm and principled in promoting accountability for
PRC human rights violations. We will not pull our punches.
Question. Specifically, should Ma Xingrui be sanctioned?
Answer. While the U.S. Government does not publicly preview any
possible changes or upcoming actions related to U.S. sanctions, export
controls, or law enforcement activity, the Biden-Harris Administration
has shown that it takes extremely seriously issues related to the PRC's
ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang. We do not
pull our punches with the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to secure the
release of Uyghurs and other political prisoners in China who are being
held in order to pressure their overseas family members to mute their
activism against the Uyghur genocide?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly and vigorously call upon
PRC authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all
arbitrarily detained people and abolish the internment camps; to cease
forced sterilizations; to end all torture; and to stop persecuting
Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in
the PRC and to halt its transnational repression campaign around the
world, including here in the United States.
Question. Specifically, will you commit to raising the cases of
Gulshan Abbas, Ekpar Asat, and the parent of Nury Turkel?
Answer. I am very concerned by the cases of Mr. Turkel's mother, of
Gulshan Abbas, and of Ekpar Asat, and I have supported senior U.S.
officials' raising their cases over the past year. I know Nury well and
meet with him regularly to get an update on his family's circumstance
in the PRC. If confirmed, I would continue to strongly advocate with
the PRC government on their and other individual PRC human rights cases
of concern.
This past October, authorities in China forcibly repatriated
around 600 North Koreans, sending these individuals to certain
torture and death in North Korea. I worked with Senator Kaine
to reauthorize the North Korean Human Rights Act to include
authorization of sanctions on Chinese officials responsible for
forced repatriations of North Koreans.
Question. If confirmed, will you support imposition of sanctions on
Chinese officials responsible for the forced repatriation of North
Koreans?
Answer. The United States is deeply concerned by credible reports
that the PRC has repatriated large numbers of North Koreans, including
defectors. Upon return, defectors are reportedly tortured, subjected to
forced labor, or executed. The United States has demanded the PRC offer
appropriate protection to defectors and allow their transit to a safe
third country and will continue to press Beijing to uphold its non-
refoulement obligations under the 1951 Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees, its 1967 Protocol, and the 1984 Convention Against
Torture.
Question. Do you believe the United States should apply greater
scrutiny on imports from northeast China and other regions where there
is a greater likelihood that goods are produced with North Korean
forced labor?
Answer. The use of forced labor offends our values and undercuts
American businesses and workers. The United States is committed to
doing our part to promote accountability for human rights abuses,
including forced labor. We urge that businesses undertake appropriate
human rights due diligence measures to prevent inclusion of goods
containing materials made with forced labor in their supply chains,
including in Northeast China. Through the Department of Homeland
Security led Forced Labor Enforcement Task Force (FLETF), we also
continue to closely scrutinize goods being imported into the United
States and apply a rebuttable presumption of forced labor when linked
to North Korean labor regardless of the location.
Additionally, the United States encourages allies and partners to
take joint action to prevent and/or address forced labor in global
supply chains.
Question. Since 2019, and the violent quashing of peaceful protests
in Hong Kong, the People's Republic of China, and its puppets in the
Hong Kong government, have detained dozens of political prisoners,
including Jimmy Lai and Joshua Wong. Until these prisoners are released
and afforded the rights guaranteed to them under Hong Kong's basic law,
will you, if confirmed, continue to advise the Secretary that Hong Kong
does not merit the same status it enjoys under U.S. law as it did in
1997?
Answer. Since 2021, Secretary Blinken has certified three times
that Hong Kong does not warrant treatment in the same manner as U.S.
laws were applied before July 1, 1997. The PRC continues to take new
actions that are inconsistent with the Basic Law and the PRC's
international obligation to afford Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy.
If confirmed, I would continue to call on the PRC to release
individuals unjustly detained in Hong Kong, and to respect the human
rights of all individuals in Hong Kong.
Question. It's been almost two years since Russia launched its
brutal invasion of Ukraine. I have supported assistance in the past,
but the path President Biden has set us on is unsustainable. There
isn't a clear end state or objective, and our interests haven't been
properly articulated to the American people. That said, if we just
abandon them outright, it would send a signal that the U.S. is weak. We
need to prioritize our efforts and avoid overstretch around the globe--
something that would benefit China, our primary adversary. How do you
view the war in Ukraine, and if confirmed, what actions will you take
to support Ukraine?
Answer. Our goal is for Ukraine to emerge from this war as a
democratic, independent, sovereign, and prosperous nation that can
deter and defend itself against future aggression. If Ukraine achieves
this objective, it will have won the war. U.S. leadership is
indispensable to ensuring a strong response that protects our interests
as well as those of our Allies and friends. Friends and foes alike are
watching closely and will draw lessons about American power and
resolve. A lapse in U.S. support for Ukraine would immediately impact
Ukraine's performance on the battlefield, compromise NATO Allied
security, affirm for Putin that he can wait out Ukraine's international
supporters, and call into question our commitment to a free and fair
international system far beyond Europe.
It is important to remember that U.S. troops are not fighting in
Ukraine. Ukraine bears the brunt of this fight, and when Russia
invaded, Ukraine's started this war with an army that was far weaker
than that of Russia. And yet it has demonstrated its bravery, its
determination, and the unbreakable spirit of its people on the
battlefield time and again. Our strategy in Ukraine is to offset
Russia's relative advantages by making Ukraine more capable on the
battlefield through a mixture of advanced weaponry, training, and
assistance.
If confirmed, I would work with our global coalition of more than
50 Allies and partners to ensure unity in our enduring support for
Ukraine and its people as they defend their country against Russia's
aggression. Security, economic, and humanitarian support are all
critical to this effort. I would also focus on Ukraine's long-term
success, supporting and encouraging progress on reforms needed to
advance its Euro-Atlantic integration.
Question. How would you balance the Biden Administration's
commitment to supporting Ukraine with other pressing needs, such as
countering China in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. As the President said, the United States is a great power
and can manage both of these priorities while maintaining our national
defense. We have the capacity and an obligation to do so at this
inflection point in history. As the National Security Strategy states,
the United States has a vital interest in deterring aggression by the
PRC, Russia, and other states, which is why our strategy is one of
integrated deterrence, with the PRC as our pacing challenge.
Question. In 2013, you founded The Asia Group, a consulting firm
that offers to help companies break into markets across Asia, including
the People's Republic of China. I have long called attention to the
danger posed by firms like this, that often rely on maintaining
friendly relations with the Chinese Communist Party as part of their
business model. I understand that you left The Asia Group after being
appointed to the National Security Council, but because NSC
appointments are not Senate-confirmed, The Asia Group's decisions under
your tenure have not been publicly scrutinized. Can you summarize for
the committee the extent of your role while at The Asia Group,
especially your connection to the group's office in Shanghai?
Answer. It was a matter of practice at The Asia Group during my
tenure that we had no Chinese clients, did not work with Chinese
companies, and had no interactions with the Chinese Communist Party. I
left The Asia Group at the end of 2020, and it is my understanding that
the company opened a small office in Shanghai in 2023, several years
after I had left the firm.
I founded The Asia Group in 2013 after serving as Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs with the express
intent to support Americans in their business and commercial endeavors
not in the People's Republic of China, but rather in the countries of
allied and friendly partners across the Indo-Pacific. My time at the
State Department made clear to me that as companies diversified their
activities into key markets outside of the People's Republic of China,
they required more assistance in understanding the foreign policy,
domestic considerations, and regulatory environments in each of these
countries. As such, my work centered on advising defense and security
firms, advisory groups, academic institutions, accounting firms,
insurance companies, and technology firms on engagements in Japan, the
Republic of Korea, Taiwan, Australia, India, Singapore, and Indonesia.
Since joining the NSC as the Coordinator for Indo-Pacific Affairs,
I recused myself from all activities associated with The Asia Group and
the companies I engaged with during my tenure as Chairman and CEO of
The Asia Group between 2013-2020. I have provided that list of
companies from which I was formally recused to the Committee. I believe
my work at The Asia Group with American companies in the markets of our
allies and partners is fully consistent with and complimentary to my
role in support of allies and partners around China first as Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs and currently as
Deputy Assistant to the President and Coordinator for Indo-Pacific
Affairs.
Question. While at The Asia Group, did you meet with any senior
members of the Chinese Communist Party, and did those contacts continue
during your tenure at the National Security Council? If so, who?
Answer. No, to my knowledge I did not meet with any senior members
of the Chinese Communist Party while at The Asia Group. In my current
capacity as Coordinator for Indo Pacific Affairs at the National
Security Council, as part of my duties, I occasionally meet with
Chinese Communist Party officials in formal government-to-government
settings. These meetings are always fully coordinated within the United
States Government and are undertaken to advance issues of American
foreign policy.
Question. Does The Asia Group have any ongoing contacts with senior
members of the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. Not to my knowledge, but I would need to refer you to The
Asia Group for questions on their contacts. I have been recused from
all contacts with any business or commercial matters related to the
Asia Group since I left the firm at the end of 2020.
Question. On The Asia Group's website, under a heading touting the
firms ``results'' is a mention of The Asia Group helping a ``major U.S.
financial company'' to secure licensing approvals in China, while
another celebrates efforts to secure ``Chinese antitrust approval for a
major multi-jurisdictional technology M&A transaction.'' Do you support
American companies' participation in the Chinese economy, even if that
means the transfer of advanced and sensitive technology that the
Chinese could use against us in a future military conflict?
Answer. I have no knowledge of or involvement in the specific
business matters referenced in the question as they pertain to a period
after I left The Asia Group at the end of 2020. It was a matter of
practice at The Asia Group during my tenure that we had no Chinese
clients, did not work with Chinese companies, and had no interactions
with the Chinese Communist Party. I was formally recused from any
matters relating to The Asia Group upon joining the Administration in
January 2021.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the Administration's
actions to prevent the transfer of advanced and sensitive technology.
As demonstrated by the Administration's unprecedented controls on
advanced semiconductor chips, the Administration does not support
American companies' participation in the transfer of advanced and
sensitive technology that could be used for PRC military modernization.
I was deeply involved in these decisions of the Administration to
restrict certain technology flows to the People's Republic of China
that might imperil U.S. national security. If confirmed, I intend to
continue to build on these efforts and to support Administration policy
at the State Department.
Question. Is the ``major multi-jurisdictional technology''
referenced on The Asia Group's website one of the critical technologies
identified by the Biden Administration as subject to technology
transfer restrictions to China?
Answer. I have no knowledge of these commercial interactions
undertaken by The Asia Group as they pertain to activities that took
place after I left the firm at the end of 2020. It was a matter of
practice at The Asia Group during my tenure that we had no Chinese
clients, did not work with Chinese companies, and had no interactions
with the Chinese Communist Party. I would refer you to The Asia Group
for questions on the details of their specific projects, including this
project of which I was in no way involved.
Question. Our enemies seem to be strengthening alliances against
the United States. Nicolas Maduro is scheduled to meet with Russian
President Vladimir Putin this year, and Cuba's Diaz Canel met with the
world's biggest supporter of terrorism and financial supporter of
Hamas, Iran. Why isn't the Biden administration enforcing our
diplomatic tools and reimpose targeted sanctions against these regimes?
Answer. The United States takes seriously malign actors' attempts
to expand their activities in Venezuela and Cuba, including those of
Russia and Iran. The United States will continue to coordinate with
interagency partners and our allies to monitor and counter their
activities in the region. I defer to the Treasury Department for any
questions regarding U.S. sanctions or other sanctions enforcement
questions.
Question. Why don't we expel their ambassadors and diplomats from
the U.S.?
Answer. United States policy in Cuba and Venezuela remains focused
on the well-being of their peoples. The United States continues to work
with the international community to support democracy, the rule of law,
and fundamental freedoms in both countries.
The United States will never stop raising our human rights and
democracy concerns with the Cuban government and Maduro and his
representatives, including by underscoring the importance of
accountability for their officials involved in violations and abuses.
Question. In October, the Venezuelan opposition and the Maduro
regime signed the Barbados agreement to provide a framework to hold
general elections next year. As part of that agreement, the United
States has reportedly agreed to lift broad sectoral sanctions on
Venezuelan oil and gold, but reserved the right to reimpose those
sanctions if, by November 30, 2023, Maduro did not return wrongfully
detained American citizens, release Venezuelan political prisoners, and
provide a way for Maria Corina Machado, the opposition's presidential
nominee, to run in the election. It is now past the deadline, and
Maduro has done nothing. Should sanctions be re-imposed?
Answer. The Secretary of State welcomed the developments related to
the Barbados electoral roadmap agreement, including the announcement of
a process to reinstate all candidates and the release of five
Venezuelan political prisoners. Nicolas Maduro and his representatives
have yet to fully meet the expectations outlined in the Secretary's
October 18 statement. I understand the United States will review its
sanctions policy and, if adequate progress toward these commitments has
not been made, intends to suspend some sanctions relief.
Question. If sanctions should not be re-imposed, then at what point
should the U.S. reimpose sanctions?
Answer. It is my understanding the United States will continue to
reevaluate its sanctions policy in coordination with Venezuelan
democratic actors and international partners in response to positive
steps by Maduro and his representatives toward a revitalization of
democracy in Venezuela, including efforts to implement the October 17
Barbados Agreement. Likewise, I understand the United States intends to
reassess and reimpose sanctions if Maduro and his representatives fail
to follow through on its commitments.
Question. Should the U.S. keep in place sanctions imposed using the
authorities of the 2014 Venezuelan Defense of Human Rights and Civil
Society Act on Venezuelan officials responsible for human rights abuses
beyond their expiration at the end of this year?
Answer. I understand it is the intention of the United States to
continue to hold accountable those who seek to thwart the will of the
Venezuelan people and commit human rights abuses. I understand the
United States remains firmly committed to the Venezuelan people and
will continue to work with the international community to support the
restoration of democracy and the rule of law so that Venezuelans can
rebuild their lives and their country.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Kurt Campbell by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Can you speak to how our relations with the European
Union, its member states and NATO support our policy toward the PRC and
the broader Indo- Pacific region? For example, can you speak to your
coordination with EU President von der Leyen ahead of her visit to
Beijing this week?
Answer. We are coordinating with our partners in Europe on the
Indo-Pacific in unprecedented ways. The United States works closely
with the EU, NATO, and bilaterally with member states and Allies to
support our China and Indo-Pacific policies, including through the
U.S.-EU China Dialogue, the U.S.-EU Consultations on the Indo-Pacific,
the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, and the meaningful PRC-
focused policy work at NATO that informed discussions at last summer's
Vilnius NATO Summit and will continue to drive forward work at the
upcoming Washington NATO Summit. During the October 20 U.S.-EU Summit
and in regular interactions with EU President von der Leyen, the United
States and EU affirmed support for a free, open, and prosperous Indo-
Pacific, and expressed shared interests in warning the PRC against
providing lethal aid for Russia's war against Ukraine and opposing any
unilateral attempts to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait.
Likewise, with NATO we are stepping up cooperation with our Indo-
Pacific partners, including on cyber defense, emerging and disruptive
technologies, resilience, and countering disinformation.
Question. If confirmed, can I receive your commitment to prioritize
proactive engagement with European Union partners, especially on the
Western Balkans?
Answer. I am committed to continuing the Administration's proactive
engagement with the EU and its member states on our many shared
priorities, including in the Western Balkans. Completing the European
integration of the region will strengthen Europe as our partner and
Ally in facing the full range of challenges to transatlantic security
and prosperity. This requires our continued support for real reforms by
Western Balkan aspirants tied to clear conditionality as part of their
accession processes.
Question. It is the policy of the United States to prioritize the
engagement of women in all matters of conflict prevention, mitigation
and peace building. We now have a clear example of the risks of not
including women in these processes, as the Taliban takeover of
Afghanistan has demonstrated. If confirmed, how would you ensure that
our Women, Peace and Security policies are incorporated into the U.S.
response to conflict resolution and peace negotiations in a country
like Sudan?
Answer. I understand that, though Women, Peace, and Security is a
globally important agenda, it is far from reality in practice. While
women were on the forefront of protests that led to the overthrow of
dictatorship in Sudan, political processes to date have largely
excluded women. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of Global
Women's Issues, and others across the Department, to implement the U.S.
Strategy and National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security; and
advocate for women's meaningful participation to achieve a sustainable
democratic transition in Sudan.
Question. I have long supported robust funding to the international
family planning account and was pleased to secure long overdue
increases for bilateral international family planning funding UNFPA
accounts in the FY 24 Appropriations bill. It is one of the best
investments we can make in global development. Research indicates that
achieving universal access to contraception could result in long-term
health and economic benefits worth $120 for each dollar spent on family
planning. If confirmed, can I receive your commitment to continue to
advocate for robust international family planning funding.
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to support the U.S. role as
the largest bilateral donor of global family planning assistance. The
Administration remains committed to investing in client-centered sexual
and reproductive health services that improve women's wellbeing,
advance health outcomes, and promote gender equality. The United States
supports the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA), which plays a critical role
in accelerating progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals
related to improving access to sexual and reproductive health services,
preventing maternal mortality, and ending gender-based violence.
Question. Can you share the Administration's plans for expected
deliverables for the Washington Summit, particularly as it relates to
NATO's relations with our Indo-Pacific partners?
Answer. The Administration is actively working to develop a robust
set of 2024 Washington Summit deliverables. We look forward to engaging
our Allies to finalize these deliverables in time for the Summit.
NATO's Indo-Pacific partners are highly capable and share the
Alliance's core values. We seek to further deepen the NATO-Indo-Pacific
partner relationship by, among other things, inviting their leaders to
the Summit, as we did at the Madrid and Vilnius Summits. Doing so would
strengthen the linkages between Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific
democracies and further our shared understanding of the global threats
and challenges we face.
Question. This week, President Erdogan commented that Congress
should move forward on F-16's before Turkey ratifies Sweden's accession
protocols. What does this tell about our bilateral relationship with
Turkey if we cannot take them for their word? What are the next steps
in the U.S.-Turkey relationship if Turkey does not ratify Sweden's
accession protocols by the end of the year?
Answer. President Erdogan sent the measure to ratify the accession
protocol for Sweden to the Turkish Parliament on October 27, and Turkey
is moving forward on the approval of Sweden joining NATO. The Secretary
has raised Sweden's accession with the Turkish Foreign Minister in
every meeting over the past few months. We expect the Turks to stay
faithful to the commitment President Erdogan made to President Biden in
supporting Sweden's accession. If I am confirmed, Sweden's NATO
accession will be a top priority if it has not been completed, and I
will urge Turkey to finalize the accession protocol immediately.
President Biden has long been clear he supports modernizing Turkey's F-
16 fleet and believes it is in the best strategic interest of the
United States and NATO.
__________