[Senate Hearing 118-582]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 118-582
NOMINATIONS OF THE 118th
CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, PART I
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
January 3, 2023 to January 3, 2024
----------
Part I
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
S. Hrg. 118-582
NOMINATIONS OF THE 118th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, PART I
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
before the
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
January 3, 2023 to January 3, 2024
__________
Part I
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
58-988 PDF WASHINGTON : 2025
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
118th Congress, 1st Session
January 3, 2023 to September 23, 2023
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut PETE RICKETTS, Nebraska
TIM KAINE, Virginia RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
September 23, 2023 to January 3, 2024
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland, Chairman
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut PETE RICKETTS, Nebraska
TIM KAINE, Virginia RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Responses to additional questions from members of the committee
and any other material submitted for the record are located at
the end of each hearing transcript.
----------
Part I
February 16, 2023................................................ 1
Verma, Hon. Richard R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy
Secretary of State for Management and Resources............ 6
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 27
March 1, 2023.................................................... 47
Murthy, Dr. Vivek Hallagere, of Florida, nominated to be
Representative of the U.S. on the Executive Board of the
World Health Organization.................................. 53
FitzGibbon, Kathleen A., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Niger........................ 56
Kneedler, Eric W., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Rwanda....................... 60
Tremont, Pamela M., Tremont, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe..................... 62
Mills, Hon. Richard, Jr., of Georgia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria.............. 65
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 90
March 15, 2023................................................... 189
Yon, Hugo Yue-Ho, of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Maldives................................ 195
Allen, Elizabeth, of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy.................... 198
Strong, Martina Anna Tkadlec, of Texas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates..................... 201
Rood, Elizabeth, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to Turkmenistan............................................ 204
Sasahara, Karen, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the State of Kuwait..................................... 207
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 224
(iii)
March 30, 2023................................................... 249
Theriot, Nicole D., of Louisiana, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Co-Operative Republic of Guyana..................... 251
Yastishock, Ann Marie, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea,
and to serve concurrently and without additional
compensation as Ambassador to the Solomon Islands and
Ambassador to the Republic of Vanuatu...................... 253
Dunnigan, Robin, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
Georgia.................................................... 256
David J. Kostelancik, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Albania................................. 258
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 272
May 4, 2023...................................................... 287
Nyhus, Roger F., nominated to be Ambassador to Barbados,
Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Antigua, and Barbuda,
the Commonwealth of Dominica, Grenada, and Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines......................................... 292
Lempert, Yael, nominated to be Ambassador to the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan.......................................... 294
Brown Arthur, W., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador 297
Syptak-Ramnath, Stephanie, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Peru.................................................... 299
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 321
May 16, 2023..................................................... 367
Escrogima, Ana A., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Sultanate of Oman...................................... 369
Johnson, Lisa A., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Lebanese Republic...................................... 372
Massinga, Ervin Jose, of Washington, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.. 374
Hunt, Bryan David, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Sierra Leone............................... 377
Popp, William W., of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Uganda..................................... 380
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 399
May 17, 2023..................................................... 469
Adams, Dr. Jennifer M., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo Verde................... 471
Variava, Heather Roach, of Iowa, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Lao People's Democratic Republic.................... 473
Turner, Julie, of Maryland, nominated to be Special Envoy On
North Korean Human Rights Issues, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 476
Murray, Matthew D., of Maryland, nominated to be the United
States Senior Official for Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) with the rank of Ambassador during his
tenure of service.......................................... 479
Johnson, Jennifer L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Federated States of Micronesia...................... 481
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 494
June 13, 2023.................................................... 519
Kierscht, Hon. Cynthia, of Minnesota, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti..................... 523
Ehrendreich, Joel, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Palau...................................... 526
Libby, Mark W., of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Azerbaijan.............................. 528
Kagan, Edgard D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
Malaysia................................................... 532
Biswal, Hon. Nisha Desai, of Virginia, nominated to be Deputy
Chief Executive officer of The United States International
Development Finance Corporation............................ 534
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 552
Part II
June 21, 2023.................................................... 577
McDonald, Kara C., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Lithuania.................................. 579
Shea, Hon. Dorothy Camille, of North Carolina, nominated to
be the Deputy Representative to the United Nations and the
Deputy Representative of The United States in the Security
Council of the United Nations.............................. 582
Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Italian Republic, And to Serve
Concurrently And Without Additional Compensation As
Ambassador to the Republic of San Marino................... 586
FitzPatrick, Vernelle Trim, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Gabonese Republic........................ 589
Peterson, Hon. Lisa, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Burundi................................. 592
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 600
July 26, 2023.................................................... 641
Hankins, Hon. Dennis B., of Minnesota, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti........................ 646
O'Brien, Hon. James C., of Nebraska, nominated to be An
Assistant Secretary of State (European And Eurasian
Affairs)................................................... 649
Rayes, Nathalie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Croatia................................. 651
Bradley, Tobin John, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Guatemala.................... 654
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 672
October 18, 2023................................................. 721
Lew, Hon. Jacob J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to the State of Israel..................................... 725
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 771
October 19, 2023................................................. 887
Riley, Richard H. IV, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia.............. 889
Toner, Mark, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Liberia.................................... 892
White, David E. Jr., of New York, nominated to be Deputy
Director of The Peace Corps................................ 895
Garg, Herro Mustafa, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Arab Republic of Egypt................... 897
Martin, Hon. Paul K., of Maryland, nominated to be Inspector
General, United States Agency for International Development
(USAID).................................................... 900
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 927
November 16, 2023................................................ 973
Prescott, Jeffrey, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
be U.S. Representative to the United Nations Agencies for
Food and Agriculture, with the rank of Ambassador.......... 977
Maloney, Hon. Sean Patrick, of New York, nominated to be
Representative of The United States of America to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation And Development, with
the rank of Ambassador..................................... 980
Crist, Hon. Charlie, of Florida, nominated to be
Representative of The United States of America on the
Council of The International Civil Aviation Organization,
with the rank of Ambassador................................ 983
Richardson, Cardell Kenneth, Sr., of Virginia, nominated to
be Inspector General, Department of State.................. 1000
Shampaine, Nicole, of California, nominated to be United
States Representative to the Organization for The
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, with the rank of
Ambassador during her tenure of service.................... 1003
Lockard, Joann M., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
Burkina Faso............................................... 1005
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 1013
December 7, 2023................................................. 1057
Campbell, Hon. Kurt, nominated to be Deputy Secretary of
State...................................................... 1063
Additional Material Submitted for The Record................. 1091
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:31 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Kaine, Schatz, Van Hollen, Duckworth, Risch, Hagerty,
and Ricketts.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
Today, we are considering one of the most critical
positions of the Department of State.
Ambassador Verma, welcome. Thank you. You have served with
great distinction. We appreciate your willingness to return to
public service.
I understand that Senator Cardin wants the privilege of
introducing you to the committee and so we will recognize him
for that purpose.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for
giving me the opportunity to introduce Ambassador Verma to our
committee. I welcome you and thank you for your willingness to
continue in public service.
You have a very distinguished career in serving, and I also
want to thank your family because we recognize you cannot do
this without an understanding family. It is really a family
commitment. So thank you for your willingness to serve our
country.
Ambassador Verma spent 30 years working in law, foreign
policy, and national security. He is a veteran of the U.S. Air
Force. He worked here in the Senate for many years as Senator
Harry Reid's national security adviser.
He is a former Assistant Secretary of State, a
distinguished U.S. Ambassador to India, and now he is general
counsel of one of America's most well known and reputable
companies, MasterCard.
I cannot think of a more qualified nominee to take over the
Deputy Secretary position for Management and Resources.
And by the way, Mr. Chairman, he is also a Marylander.
[Laughter.]
Senator Cardin. Ambassador Verma's father, Professor Verma,
who joins us today, provides us a classic American immigrant
success story. He arrived in the United States in 1963 with $14
and a bus ticket and nothing else. No family, no support
system.
Yet, he went on to become a professor at the University of
Pittsburgh at Johnstown where he taught for 43 years as a
scholar in English and South Asian literature.
Another connection--I am also a graduate of the University
of Pittsburgh. So good choices.
Both of Ambassador Verma's parents became educators. His
mom worked many years as a special needs teacher. They would
raise five children, Rich being the youngest. Ambassador Verma
launched his career with the help of the U.S. Air Force,
securing a full Air Force ROTC scholarship to Lehigh
University.
At this early age he knew he wanted to serve his country
and that has not changed. We are so grateful for his service
back then and here again today.
Ambassador Verma's spouse Pinky's family also overcame so
much to be here today, her grandparents surviving the great
atrocities in the last century committed against the Armenian
people. They settled in New York in the early 1920s.
Like Ambassador Verma, Pinky's father was also a veteran
and he also worked right here as chief counsel for the Senate
Judiciary Committee. Another impressive family member of
service.
So both Ambassador Verma and his wife have raised three
wonderful children. The State Department is a great institution
but it has a lot of needs. It needs bold, forward-thinking
leaders who have a wide range of experiences to help us
modernize and have even a greater impact globally.
This committee moved forward and the Congress did as well
with several pieces of legislation that Senator Hagerty and I
sponsored in the previous Congress that came out of our
subcommittee on the State Department.
I look forward to working with Ambassador Verma in his new
position to implement those provisions in law. Ambassador Verma
is the kind of leader the department and the country needs at
this time.
In addition to all the things I have already mentioned, he
serves on several important boards, including the President's
Intelligence Advisory Board, the Ford Foundation, Lehigh
University, the National Endowment for Democracy, and a
Maryland company, T. Rowe Price.
Ambassador Verma is the right person at the right time to
take on this position and I am proud to introduce him to our
committee.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for that glowing
introduction. He normally gives Marylanders a pretty
significant introduction but this is beyond the pale, I just
want you to know.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. The Deputy Secretary of State for Management
and Resources is key to a functioning department and effective
U.S. diplomacy worldwide, and there are no shortage of
challenges.
In recent years, State personnel have encountered a series
of mounting and complex challenges, from rebuilding morale
after years of decimation over the last four years to
navigating COVID at home and abroad to responding to urgent
crises around the world.
And yet, day in and day out our diplomatic corps works
tirelessly, often around the clock, to protect Americans
overseas, to advance U.S. interests, and meet the challenges of
the 21st century.
We owe them the support, the resources, and the leadership
they need to succeed because when our diplomacy succeeds the
United States succeeds. That is why for the last two years this
committee has worked diligently to reestablish the once common
practice of enacting State Department authorization bills.
I am proud that this has been a robust bipartisan effort
and I appreciate the partnership and contributions of the
ranking member. It speaks volumes about the value that this
committee places on the department, its personnel, and the
importance of U.S. diplomacy. I hope that message is heard loud
and clear.
I look forward to working with Senator Risch and members of
this committee to keep up that progress by passing State
authorizations again this year and regularly, going forward.
Ambassador Verma, if confirmed, I look forward for you to
partner with us in that effort because we need to make good on
the promise of modernizing our premier American foreign policy
institution.
That means recruiting from across America, from the cities
and coasts of New Jersey to the foothills in Idaho. It means
cultivating and retaining a diverse and expert workforce to
harness our nation's technological advances and keep pace with
other countries.
It means making a career where you move your family from
country to country work for spouses, partners, and children.
It means making sure our overseas footprint reflects the
reality of the global challenges facing us today and in the
years to come, not 50 years ago, and it means focusing on how
we promote and retain personnel so we do not lose talented
individuals after years of investment.
Ambassador Verma is a former ambassador, Assistant
Secretary of State, Senate staffer. You, certainly, have the
experience to be successful in this position. I know that you
are up to the task. We need you to be.
More than a year ago Secretary Blinken laid out his vision
for what needs to happen to make sure that the State Department
is equipped and agile enough to address the global challenges
facing us, and while there has been progress I have yet to see
the bold action that is needed--the hard decisions, the
reorienting of resources to make sure that we are competing
with China, the efforts needed to push back on malign actors in
backyards around the world, the strategic focus on diplomacy to
strengthen relationships where we need them most for the next
10, 20, and 50 years.
I look forward to hearing your plans for how we meet this
moment, how to make good on the promise of truly modernizing
the department, and support our personnel from D.C. to South
Carolina to Abuja to Beijing.
Given the challenges we are facing from climate change to
China to the war in Ukraine to food insecurity and global
migration, we need to get this right. The future of our foreign
policy and national security depends on it.
With that, let me turn to my friend, the ranking member,
for his remarks.
Senator Risch?
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Verma, we see a lot of people here with
impressive resumes but this one, as the Chairman has said, is
stunning, really. How they pulled you out of the private sector
to do this is beyond me. But thank you for doing that.
The Chairman and I share an abiding conviction in our
oversight role to see that the State Department does what it is
supposed to do and does it in a way that moves us as a country
forward and we do not step on our toes as we are trying to move
forward.
And this position is absolutely critical, as the chairman
indicated, in that regard, and as Deputy Secretary of State for
Management and Resources you have an important task ensuring
the department is organized and resourced to address the
multitude of foreign policy issues facing the United States.
Strategic competition remains the overriding challenge
demonstrated by China flying spy balloons over the middle of
America and Russia continuing to pursue its unlawful war of
aggression in Ukraine.
In order to properly respond, the American people need a
State Department firing on all cylinders and effectively and
efficiently using its budget. For years the department's
cautious security approach made it difficult for American
diplomats to get outside embassies and consulates to meet with
locals.
Thankfully, my Secure Embassy Construction and
Counterterrorism Act and the Diplomatic Support and Security
Act were signed into law last year.
If confirmed, you will be responsible for implementing
these efforts to move the department away from past policies of
absolute total risk avoidance and instead get our diplomats
back to advancing American interests abroad.
I expect the department to use these authorities in this
law and I know you will help pursue that. This is particularly
important in Ukraine where we need to rapidly increase staffing
at the embassy and allow our diplomats to get outside the
capital city to conduct oversight on the billions of dollars in
assistance rightfully flowing to Ukraine.
More personnel are also needed to conduct oversight over
the economic, military, and humanitarian assistance that are
critical to helping the Ukraine people defend themselves and
retake territory from the Putin regime.
The White House also needs to stop micromanaging Ambassador
Brink's authority as Chief of Mission to get the job done. In
June, I visited the embassy in Kyiv and I was really impressed
with the facility there. Unfortunately, there were only a half
a dozen people that were there, for obvious reasons. The war
was heated up at that time.
Ambassador Brink had just been appointed at that time. She
was here when I was over there. We met before I left and I was
impressed with the things she wanted to do there and I know you
will continue that forward.
Along these lines, reopening an embassy in the Solomon
Islands is an important step in elevating historic ties and
building stronger partnerships with Pacific allies. China's
corrupting political influence and its increased presence in
critical maritime areas and its construction of certain
undersea cables pose severe challenges to us and our partners.
I strongly support a rapid and fully resourced approach to
standing up new diplomatic posts in the Pacific Islands, the
Maldives, and other critical locations. Opening these
diplomatic facilities is vital. We are moving too slow and not
thinking creatively to get that done.
If confirmed, you will be charged with coordinating the
implementation of this legislation. The department must be
organized and resourced to lead health diplomacy including the
execution of a coherent pandemic security strategy overseas.
On the personnel front, I continue to be deeply concerned
by the appalling treatment endured by U.S. diplomats in China
in the name of complying with Chinese COVID protocols.
No U.S. diplomats should have ever been detained in fever
camps separated from their children, subjected to invasive
medical testing and monitoring procedures, or silenced when
they tried to raise concerns.
But what is worse is that the department legally permitted
this treatment by partially waiving diplomatic immunity not
once but twice, most recently in April of 2022.
We are determined to ensure accountability for U.S.
personnel responsible for enabling this unacceptable treatment.
I want to work together to accomplish this.
One thing the Administration could do immediately would be
to commit to not nominate or renominate anyone significantly
involved in developing or enabling those policies.
This committee must also do our part to make sure we do not
reward poor judgment, incompetence, and undue deference to
foreign government demands with promotions and prestigious
appointments.
Thank you for your willingness to serve. With that, I yield
back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
Ambassador Verma, we will turn the floor to you. Your full
statement will be included in the record without objection.
Please--if you wish, please introduce your family members.
We understand this as a family affair. Everybody sacrifices
along the way so we appreciate their willingness to have you
serve as well.
And with that, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. RICHARD R. VERMA, OF MARYLAND,
NOMINATED TO BE DEPUTY SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
MANAGEMENT AND RESOURCES
Mr. Verma. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, thank you very much to
members of the committee.
Senator Cardin, thank you for a really gracious
introduction and I am honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the Deputy Secretary of State for
Management and Resources.
I want to express my appreciation to President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their trust in nominating me for this
position and the opportunity to serve our country again.
This is my third time appearing before this committee and
this has been made possible through the support, patience, and
understanding of my loving family, who are with me today.
My wife, Pinky, my children, Zoey, Lucy, and Dillan, my
dad, my sisters, my sister-in-law, my brothers-in-law, and all
of my family who are here today and who have always been by my
side.
The Chairman. You could run for office in Maryland.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Verma. I know I sit here today because of the sacrifice
of those who came before me. As Senator Cardin mentioned,
Pinky's grandparents escaped the carnage of the Armenian
genocide and her father served this country in World War II.
My parents fought for Indian independence, helped build a
post-colonial India, and bravely set out for the United States
60 years ago seeking a better life for their children and
arriving here with virtually nothing.
Their story is the story of the American dream and my
appearance before you today is a testament to the profound
promise and power of that dream.
I am here because of their hard work and courage in
addition to those of my teachers, coaches, neighbors, friends,
mentors like Congressman Murtha, Senator Reid, Secretary
Clinton, who stood by me. To all of them I say thank you.
Across a career spanning three decades I have been
privileged to serve here in this esteemed institution as well
as in the State Department, the military, and the private
sector and, if confirmed, I will seek to bring this
constellation of experiences to this role.
I have a strong appreciation for this committee's important
work from my time as a Senate staffer and as Assistant
Secretary for Legislative Affairs. In fact, when I served in
the Leader's office working for Senator Reid, the staff
director of this committee was one Tony Blinken.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely and
collaboratively again to advance shared bipartisan priorities.
I know the Secretary is fiercely committed to this as well.
I was honored to have served as the U.S. Ambassador to
India from 2014 to 2017 where we advanced critical priorities
in the bilateral relationship.
In India, I was able to work closely with extraordinary
career professionals from across the State Department and every
agency of the U.S. Government to create a lasting impact.
If confirmed in this role I commit to serve the
department's workforce here in Washington and around the world.
Our people are our greatest asset.
We must train and invest in their professional development
and support and retain this talent over time, dismantling any
structural barriers that keep too many people from joining or
advancing in the department's ranks.
I will support our entire workforce from our locally
employed staff, our contractors, our eligible family members,
civil and foreign services and to our interns.
Secretary Blinken has also made clear that advancing
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility is everyone's
responsibility and I look forward to championing this effort.
I will be steadfast in the management and oversight of
taxpayer dollars. I will advance a strategic vision that aligns
our resources with our national security priorities and that
will be delivered operationally through our workforce, through
updated information technology and modern facilities as well as
through impactful foreign assistance programs at the department
and USAID.
And I will prioritize and advance Secretary Blinken's
agenda to modernize American diplomacy. I am encouraged by the
efforts already underway to enhance the department's capacity
and expertise to address critical missions, to modernize
training and professional development, to institutionalize an
agile and hybrid workforce, to attract and retain talent, to
modernize technology and the use of data and to shift toward
decisive leadership, innovation, and agility.
Today's world suffers from no shortage of challenges, from
the war in Ukraine to renewed great power competition to
evolving transnational threats. One could easily become
discouraged.
But there is reason for hope and I am truly optimistic
about America's ability to lead on the global stage and to meet
this critical moment in time. The America that welcomed my
family here six decades ago did so on the promise of
opportunity, of freedom and democracy, values we see threatened
around the world today.
The U.S. State Department is more important than ever to
advance these values and, if confirmed, it will be an honor to
return to the department and support Secretary Blinken in his
mission to equip and empower the department and its workforce
to meet the challenges of the 21st century.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you
today and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Verma follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Richard Verma
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
the President's nominee to serve as the Deputy Secretary of State for
Management and Resources.
I want to also express my gratitude to President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their trust in nominating me for this position
and for the opportunity to serve our country again.
This is my third time appearing before this committee. This has
been made possible through the support, patience and understanding of
my loving family, who are with me today. My wife Pinky, and my
children, Zoe, Lucy and Dylan. And to my dad, sisters, and all my
family who are here today as well, you have always been by my side.
I know I sit here today because of the sacrifice of those who have
come before me. Pinky's grandparents escaped the carnage of the
Armenian genocide, and her father served in World War II. My parents
fought for Indian independence, helped build a post-Colonial India, and
bravely set out for the United States 60 years ago, seeking a better
life for their children, arriving here with virtually nothing. Their
story is the story of the American dream--and my appearance before you
today is a testament to the profound promise and power of that dream.
I am here because of their hard work and courage, in addition to
those of my teachers, coaches, neighbors and friends who stood by me.
To all of them: thank you.
Across a career spanning three decades, I have been privileged to
serve in this esteemed institution, as well as in the Department of
State, the military, and the private sector. If confirmed, I will seek
to bring this constellation of experiences to this role.
I have a strong appreciation for this committee's important work
from my time as a Senate staffer and as Assistant Secretary of State
for Legislative Affairs.
In fact, when I served in the Leader's office working for Senator
Reid, the staff director of this committee was one, Tony Blinken. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely and collaboratively with
this Committee again to advance shared, bipartisan priorities. I know
the Secretary is fiercely committed to this as well.
I was honored to have served as U.S. Ambassador to India from 2014
to 2017, where we advanced critical priorities in the bilateral
relationship. In India, I was able to work closely with extraordinary
career professionals from across the State Department and U.S.
Government to create a lasting impact.
If confirmed in this role, I commit to serve the Department's
workforce here in Washington and around the world. Our people are our
greatest asset. We must train and invest in their professional
development and support and retain this talent over time, dismantling
the structural barriers that keep too many people from joining or
advancing in the Department's ranks.
I will support our entire workforce--from our locally employed
staff, contractors, eligible family members, Civil and Foreign
Services, to our interns.
Secretary Blinken has also made clear that advancing diversity,
equity, inclusion, and accessibility is everyone's responsibility. I
look forward to championing this effort.
I will be steadfast in the management and oversight of taxpayer
dollars. I will advance a strategic vision that aligns our resources
with our national security priorities, operationally through our
workforce, information technology, and facilities, as well as through
foreign assistance programs at the Department and USAID.
I will also prioritize and advance Secretary Blinken's agenda to
modernize American diplomacy. I am encouraged to learn of the efforts
already underway to enhance the Department's capacity and expertise to
address critical missions; to modernize training and professional
development; institutionalize an agile and hybrid workforce; attract
and retain talent; modernize technology and the use of data; and shift
toward decisive leadership, innovation, and agility.
Today's world suffers from no dearth of challenges. From the war in
Ukraine, to renewed great power competition, to evolving transnational
threats. One could easily become discouraged. But there is reason for
hope. I am truly optimistic about America's ability to lead on the
global stage and meet this critical moment in time.
The America that welcomed my family here six decades ago, did so on
the promise of opportunity, freedom, and democracy--values we see
threatened around the world today. The U.S. State Department is more
important than ever to advance these values. If confirmed, it will be
an honor to return to the Department and support Secretary Blinken in
his mission to equip and empower the Department and its workforce to
meet the challenges of the 21st century.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador, for your statement.
Let me first start off with a series of questions that we
ask of all of the nominees on behalf of the committee as a
whole. They go to the responsiveness of nominees to the
committee and to Congress.
First, I would like to ask you just simply provide a yes or
no answer. Do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keeping the committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. Okay. The nominee having answered yes to all
those questions on behalf of the committee so we will start a
series of five-minute rounds.
What do you see, and understanding you are not there now
but you have been there and have also been able to see the
department from the various vantage points of your career, as
the most pressing and difficult questions facing the department
and how would you go about trying to tackle them?
Mr. Verma. Senator, thank you. I have thought a lot about
this question and, obviously, having the experience of three
years in India and seeing the department at work I am just
extraordinarily proud of the department.
But as this committee has pointed out, the world is
changing rapidly--the challenges that are emerging from
technology to renewed great power competition to climate change
to transnational threats--and I think at the core of it we have
to have a department that is ready to meet the challenges of
today and not yesterday.
And so that is what the Secretary's modernization agenda is
about. That is what is working with all of you to make sure we
have the budget and resources we have to meet that need, make
sure we get our risk tolerance right so we are actually out
engaging with people around the world.
But, fundamentally, to answer your question, it is making
sure we have the tools, the resources, and the training to meet
the quintessential and current strategic challenges--the war in
Ukraine, the competition with China. I could go on. But that is
how I see this job and that is how I see the challenge.
The Chairman. In that regard the Secretary has created what
he calls China House. We all, I think, on a bipartisan basis
agree that China is the biggest geostrategic challenge for the
United States now and in the future.
How do we equip and resource to compete with China? We just
put out a report--the majority report--that shows our
challenges in the Indo-Pacific as part of that--meeting that
challenge.
How do you plan to approach reorienting State Department
personnel and resources to better set U.S. diplomacy up for
strategic competition with China and as well--this is a multi-
dimensional challenge--to address inroads China has made, for
example, in Africa and Latin America?
Mr. Verma. Right. Senator, again, having spent three years
in the region kind of watch the competition play out in front
of me and there is no more important challenge facing the
country, and the President and Secretary have laid out, I
think, a very comprehensive strategy--invest here at home,
align with our partners, and compete and compete vigorously and
responsibly to prevail.
So what does that mean from the department's perspective?
That means, again, being present. Opening embassies in the
Pacific Islands, for example, is a great step and this
committee has been a leader in pushing the department in that
regard.
But it is not just in the Asia Pacific. It is also in
Africa. It is in Latin America. It is showing up. It is having
the resources, again. It is also competing against ideas that
are challenging the post-war rules-based order and I think we
have to be out there getting our message out, U.S. values out,
and I do think the department is well positioned.
When I look at our tradecraft it is still the best in the
world. We just have a competitor that is now trying to compete
with us not just in Asia Pacific but around the world, and I
really believe if we invest in our people adequately and as the
committee has done, we will compete again responsibly and we
will win this competition. It is essential for the--for this
century's peace and stability.
The Chairman. Towards that goal, as I mentioned earlier,
for two years in a row the committee has successfully passed
the State Department authorization bill. Last year's bill
advances recruitment/retention efforts, updates embassy
security processes, codifies the new Cyber Bureau, among other
provisions.
Will you commit to the committee to ensuring that the
department is fully implementing these laws?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to ensuring that the department
will be ready to fully implement the amendments to the CASE Act
as soon as they take effect in September of this year?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. As you know, I have been a longstanding
champion of diversity, equity, and inclusion in international
affairs, calling for a government wide DEI strategic plan in
legislation in 2020, holding the committee's first ever DEI
hearing last year, ensuring our State authorization bills
advance the department's efforts. If you could just give me a
yes or no to these questions.
If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring DEI and equity
efforts are a properly staffed resource, that there is
transparency and accountability around implementing those
plans?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to continuing diverse
recruitment pipelines Congress has supported including paid
internships, the Charles Rangel-Thomas Pickering Fellowship
programs, the Colin Powell Leadership Foreign Affairs IT, and
William D. Clarke Diplomatic Security fellowships?
Mr. Verma. Yes.
The Chairman. And do you commit to advancing partnerships
nationwide with the Hispanic Association of Colleges and
University, historically Black colleges, and other institutions
that draw diverse talent and innovative approaches to the
department from different groups and geographic regions?
Mr. Verma. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. Okay. Let me turn to Senator Risch for his
questions.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I wonder, understanding you are new to this, are you
familiar with the situation we had regarding the waivers of
diplomatic immunity during the COVID situation?
Mr. Verma. I have been briefed on it, Senator, and I know
your concern about what took place. But I was not personally
involved on this.
Senator Risch. No, I get that. I understand that. Do you
have some thoughts you could share with us on this? This was
stunning. When we get--
Mr. Verma. Sure.
Senator Risch. I mean, our diplomats have certain
immunities that they absolutely have to have and when they get
waived it makes you sit up and take notice.
Mr. Verma. Sure.
Senator Risch. Have you got thoughts on this?
Mr. Verma. Sure. I mean, let me also just credit Ambassador
Burns for the fact that upon his first day in country he made
it clear to the PRC that U.S. diplomatic personnel would not be
appearing in their fever hospitals or in any of their
quarantine situations, and I appreciate what the department did
to actually set up medevac for the personnel.
As I go back, and I know you are interested in how it
happened, but to suggest COVID was unprecedented it was truly
unprecedented--
Senator Risch. Fair point.
Mr. Verma [continuing]. And China was not the only place,
Senator, where we had to comply with local laws in order for
our personnel to be there, and as I understand it the difficult
decision that is made is do you show up for the job in a
difficult location or do you not, and I think this is what was
presented to us, not only in China but in dozens of
jurisdictions around the world.
And I know that is not probably an adequate answer but
those are the real-time tough decisions and I think the
calculation, and I am happy to go back and look at this, was
that it was better to be present than not be present.
Senator Risch. That is a realistic answer and, certainly,
it requires a balancing answering the question you just
proposed, and that is do you comply or do you leave? That is
really what it comes down to.
I think in the case of what happened in China the things
they were asking were just--I guess I would have come down the
other way on it if I had to make that decision because to put
one of our diplomats through what some of them went through
under those circumstances was more than I would want to expect
from our diplomats.
Mr. Verma. Yes, Senator, I agree. The hardship that was
experienced by a number of personnel and their families was
intolerable and we want to see that that sort of thing does not
happen again.
Senator Risch. Speaking of the pandemic, my Global Health
Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response Act, which was
passed with the help and the collaboration of the chairman, is
something that we have in--we put in place to try to answer
when this happens again, and I do not think you can find
anybody that would think that this is not going to happen
again.
We are going to face this kind of a challenge again. Maybe
not as bad, maybe worse. We do not know. But in any event, we
were very much unprepared for this. You can argue fault if you
want. But, again, it was unprecedented and it is understandable
that people responded in a way they did in some instances.
What we tried to do is put together a response that that
states U.S. policy in this regard and thus the bill, and that,
of course, includes the department--a new global health bureau
to advance these issues. But what--have you had a chance to
review that yet and what are your thoughts on that if you have?
Mr. Verma. I have not had a chance to look at the
legislation specifically. But I know that the global health is
the top--one of the top issues for the department and the new
bureau will be essential working with you and your staff on
these sets of issues because I concur with you, Senator.
We are going to face these kinds of transnational threats
again in the future and we have to be ready and so the new
bureau, along with the authorities that have come from this
committee I think are going to be critically important.
Senator Risch. I appreciate that, and I think once--the
pandemic is kind of behind us now and we are focused on other
things, which we have to be, of course.
But in the meantime, I think we really need to keep this on
our minds because it comes out of nowhere. I mean, it is like
other tragedies that happens in life. They just show up and,
hopefully, this legislation that we have passed is going to put
us in a better position next time, as we go forward.
We know how small the globe has become and these things
happen quickly in another place and all of a sudden they are
right here on our shore and what we have done, what you have
done, the department has done, certainly, will make a
difference in the future for better or for worse and,
hopefully, this legislation will get us to where we want to be.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you for being here. Thank you to your family. I want
to ask you about climate.
U.S. diplomatic posts and activities are not immune from
severe weather risks, flooding, interfering with the safety and
accessibility of our facilities--severe storms, droughts,
wildfires--and increasing demand for U.S. disaster relief
resources.
How are you thinking about more frequent and more severe
weather events in the context of foreign policy?
Mr. Verma. Yes, Senator. It is an incredibly important
issue. We see the impacts of climate change across the world.
We see climate migration taking place. You see instability,
civil unrest, can bring down governments in unstable parts of
the world.
And so this is one of the President's top priorities and it
is one of the department's top priorities, and it is so,
obviously, recognizing the threat but also then how is the
department going to respond to it and will we actually have
members of the team trained up to be able to go out and work on
climate-related issues.
And, again, I appreciate your leadership on this issue. I
think we are moving aggressively in that direction.
Senator Schatz. Yeah. I just think it is important to kind
of--to break up the kind of lines of effort as it relates to
climate.
Obviously, we are trying to encourage other countries to
take climate action. But it seems to me where the rubber hits
the road in terms of our embassies and our presence abroad is
actually helping our friends and allies to adjust to severe
weather, to prepare for it, to respond to it, and to recover
from it.
And so I am just--I want to encourage you to flesh out what
they are doing at the embassy level and the consular level, and
also to make sure that--everyone says whole-of-government but
there are datasets from NOAA and the National Weather Service
and others, even the Department of Defense, that can inform our
foreign policy thinking in a particular country and I want to
make sure that it is not just that we list as one of our
bullets we hope you comply with your nationally declared
climate goals. That is great. That is important.
But also I think to the extent that we are projecting power
abroad we want people to know we are here to help you with this
new problem.
Mr. Verma. Right. Senator, I should mention that for the
first time ever we have a designated kind of discipline as a
climate officer. The first cohort of climate officers are going
through the Foreign Service Institute right now.
Secondly, the Foreign Service Institute has incorporated
the entire set of climate issues into its training. That
includes management officers who have to run the large
facilities that we have around the world and understand our
carbon footprint, what we can do better, how we work with host
governments, but also our political officers and our economic
officers who are in country doing negotiations, interacting
with their colleagues on this set of issues.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
In April of last year, Secretary Blinken established the
Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy, which includes a unit
on digital freedom. How are you going to ensure that CDP
thrives, given the importance of cyberspace and digital policy
and human rights issues?
Again, it is sort of a--it is the same question as I asked
on climate. I understand we are going to prioritize digital
freedom. How are we going to do that?
Mr. Verma. Well, this new bureau is actually very cutting
edge and going to be super important because how we use
technology and talk about technology around the world requires
U.S. leadership.
But your point about internet freedom and digital freedom
is even more important because as there is more people around
the world, over 5 billion on the internet, it is both a tool
for development and liberation and information and it can also
be a tool for oppression and censorship and misinformation.
And so we--part of our Democracy Bureau, part of the new
bureau, part of a new senior official responsible for digital
freedom and internet freedom, working with all of them will
continue to be even more important and we see this play out in
front of us in real time all over the world.
Senator Schatz. Ambassador, in the interest of time I will
leave you with a question for the record. You mentioned
increasing our diplomatic presence everywhere but in particular
that there were some pretty encouraging announcements in the
Pacific.
I am a little worried, having met with Pacific Island
leaders multiple times. First of all, I think this is a good
step. It is better than what we were doing, which was,
essentially, ignoring them and taking them for granted and
looking at a relationship that with them as sort of a place to
park our military assets. So I think we made a bunch of
progress.
What worries me the most is this sense that they have that
now we have made an announcement, we have checked the box
called we are doing the Pacific now, and we will move on from
that and go back to whatever it is that we always worry about
institutionally.
I would just like for you to do some thinking and get back
to the committee on what is the next tranche of executive
actions that can be taken in the Asia Pacific region to
strengthen our relationships with our friends, allies, and
partners.
Thank you.
Mr. Verma. Will definitely do that. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you,
Ambassador Verma, for your service to our country and for your
interest in continuing to serve our great nation, and I also
want to thank your family because I know they serve and
sacrifice alongside you when you do that.
So you are going to be the deputy of--Deputy Secretary of
Management and Resources, and some of your responsibilities
will include overseeing the department's personnel, facilities,
managing foreign contracts, grants, foreign aid, and the
acquisition and upkeep of technology.
Roughly, do you have an idea of how many people you would
be responsible for?
Mr. Verma. Well, it is a great question. The department has
well over 70,000 people if you include locally employed staff
and contractors. So it is a big, big group of folks. But we
also have a pretty extensive and highly qualified team. So,
thankfully, I am not the only person responsible for that.
Senator Ricketts. Right. So talk to me a little bit about
some of your past experience in managing large teams like that
and also maybe touch upon some of your past experience with
some of the things we have talked about like with grants,
facilities, technology, that sort of thing.
Mr. Verma. Sure. I mean, obviously, I have never managed
77,000 people before but, again, that is why we have the
secretary, the head of management. In India we probably had a
team of 4,100 people, which was a large, complicated
organization. We had every agency of the U.S. Government. We
had four consulates. We had a budget of a half a billion
dollars.
Senator, I cannot say that that is exactly what this job
will entail. But it gave me a flavor for how the department
operates and how we can have impact, and I think we did a
pretty decent job of it.
With regard to grants and the administration of grants, I
also worked at the National Democratic Institute as a grantee.
I was a field representative in Eastern Europe. I have sat on
the board of NDI. I am on the board of the National Endowment
for Democracy. I am on the board of the Ford Foundation.
I have a pretty good feel for the grant process and how to
have an impact and what I think we owe to the American people
when we put money out the door.
Senator Ricketts. All right. Very good.
Talk to me a little bit about when Secretary Blinken was
talking about his modernization agenda what does that say to
you? What are you thinking about when you hear that?
Mr. Verma. Yeah. So I hear first and foremost that we have
to have the capability set for the challenges of today. So a
new Cyber Bureau, a new Health Bureau, ready on climate change,
for example.
Secondly, have an agile hybrid mission-focused workforce.
Third, having the kinds of technology that is required to
meet the challenges of today and the proper cybersecurity
protocols, having a diverse and inclusive workforce, having the
proper resources to do the mission. Those are some of the
things that I think about when it comes to modernization.
Senator Ricketts. Have you had any experience working with
any sort of process improvement methodologies? And the reason I
ask this question is as governor one of the things I brought to
the state of Nebraska was Lean Six Sigma and that is one of the
methodologies but there is a number of them out there that
really works with your frontline people and teams to be able to
figure out how we can do a better job providing services and
also lets you keep control of your costs as well.
Do you have any experience with any of those kind of
methodologies? I know you were in the private sector at
MasterCard but did your job involve that at all?
Mr. Verma. I do not know if it is credible to say I have an
industrial engineering degree as well from about 35, 40 years
ago.
But no, I think, look, this is why we have teams of experts
to go out and make sure that when we procure services we are
doing them with the--having the greatest impact and the
greatest efficiency, that we use data to make decision making.
And, again, Senator I would not presume to know what our
teams of people know. It is even more complicated for the
department because we are in places that are not often
permissive, that do not often want us there, and so the
security situation becomes quite difficult. So there is a lot
of factors that go in to State Department procurement that are
incredibly complicated.
I would also say it has been a department that was under
resourced for far too long. Now, that has started to change but
I think we are in a far better place than where we were. But I
take the thrust of your question, which is make sure you are
doing it right when you are spending the money.
Senator Ricketts. Yeah, absolutely. It is about leveraging
better technology and better processes, reducing the number of
steps, for example, to take--to do the kind of average things
that you do on an operational basis.
In the state of Nebraska we created a center of operational
excellence to train all of our teammates on how to do that and
it is one of the things that I did not see in Secretary
Blinken's talk about the modernization agenda is about being
able to be effective and efficient in controlling costs.
I would ask you to really think about that as you are--
presuming you get confirmed here about how you can help drive
that, especially with your background, to be able to make sure
that the dollars that we are responsible for are being employed
in the most effective and efficient way.
Thank you.
Mr. Verma. It is a great point. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and, Mr. Chairman,
thank you for your focus on driving a State authorization bill
every year.
I think you and the ranking member and the members of this
committee have a real opportunity here and, in particular, in
close consultation with Ambassador Verma, should he be
confirmed--and I look forward to supporting your nomination--to
focus on some of the operational issues that Senator Ricketts
was just raising, issues around workforce, recruitment,
retention, diversity, whether or not the embassies we have
around the world are striking the right balance between
security and engagement, whether or not we are finding the
right people for the right roles and whether given some of the
very demanding environments in which our diplomats operate
whether or not we are making it an attractive work environment
and a successful and productive career environment.
If I could, from the modernization initiative, Mr.
Ambassador, modernizing training and professional development
and shifting the State Department's culture toward decisive
leadership and agility.
I, as a county executive, had a responsibility over the arc
of 10 years in county government for a workforce that was very
bureaucratic, very heavily controlled by a series of civil
service protections.
Hiring was very difficult. Knowledge transfer was
difficult. There was not a lot of, I would say, decisive
agility, and the training and professional development and the
ability to deliver customer services well was something I also
focused a lot on.
We did end up with some greenbelts from Six Sigma training
in partnership with DuPont. I think I succeeded mostly in
confusing the county employees who I encouraged to participate
in this. I came out of a manufacturing background.
There are disciplines and there are experts in how to
motivate and engage and mobilize and sustain global workforces
from diverse backgrounds. I would be interested in where you
think we might make the greatest contributions to sustaining a
high-quality and effective workforce but making progress in
these two areas, in training and professional development and
in shifting culture towards leadership and agility. Both of
these interest me a great deal.
Mr. Verma. Senator, on the second one, on shifting the
culture on more kind of decisive leadership and leading in the
face of risk and not being risk averse, again, I will tell you
from my experience in New Delhi I saw a very engaged and active
State Department that wanted to be everywhere.
In fact, we went to every Indian state, the first time a
mission had done that. We landed on three aircraft carriers. We
flew over the Himalayas. We were on the border--contested
border with China.
Now, that was what the department wanted to do and I think
that is the culture of the department. They do not want to be
behind big walls. They do not want to be away from city
centers, and over time the pendulum swung back to kind of the
kind of risk aversion as opposed to leading in the face of risk
and I think the department's heart and gut is really about
being out and being engaged.
I am actually quite confident on that if we do it right
and, again, taking the safety and security of our families and
the workforce top of mind, there is a way to do this and I
think it fits well with the culture.
On the training and professional development, I think good
progress has been made, actually. There is now for the first
time ever 1,100 members of the Foreign Service in a training
float for four to six months where they will actually get
professional training.
We have new mid-level training for folks and this is
actually important not only to give people the skills, it also
is a retention factor as well. So I could not agree with you
more. There is a lot we can do in this area.
I continue to believe this is the best diplomatic corps in
the world. But they want and deserve these kinds of up-to-date
training modules, which I think we can deliver.
Senator Coons. Thank you. As the chairman of the
Appropriations Subcommittee that funds the State Department I
look forward to working more closely with you.
I think there has been a lot of discussion about risk
tolerance in some of the more challenging posts in Chad, in
Mali, in other countries I visited in recent years.
We had built in some cases around the continent of Africa
new fortresses well removed from the downtown, better protected
against potential attack. But I met with career professionals
who were deeply frustrated at the inability to go out and
engage and have an impact, and we face a strategic competitor
in China that is flooding the zone with agile and engaged
diplomats and development professionals and we need to meet
that challenge in a way that strikes the right risk tolerance.
I think the department may have over learned some lessons
from recent years and I think we have a role to play in
providing resources, staffing, and direction on how to strike
that risk tolerance balance.
Mr. Verma. Senator, I agree with you and I do think it is
changing. I understand last year alone 95 percent of all
requests made to diplomatic security to move around were
approved. So that is a good indicator.
Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Verma, welcome. It is good to see you again.
Mr. Verma. Good to see you.
Senator Hagerty. If confirmed, Ambassador Verma, like so
many other members of this committee I am looking forward to
working with you on the modernization of the State Department.
But before we get into that topic, I just want to make
certain that we are on the same page on an issue that I
discussed with the former holder of this office back in October
of 2021 and that issue is a controversial plan by the Biden
administration to reopen a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians
in Jerusalem.
And I would like to say this, that such a move is strongly
opposed by the Israeli Government. It would basically establish
a second competing U.S. mission in the capital city--Israel's
eternal capital city.
I would like to go back to the question that I asked then
Deputy Secretary of State Brian McKeon and repeat what I asked
him.
Is it your understanding that under U.S. and international
law the Government of Israel would have to provide its
affirmative consent before the United States could reopen the
U.S. consulate to the Palestinians in Jerusalem? Or does the
Biden administration believe they can move forward to establish
a second U.S. mission in the Israel capital city of Jerusalem
without the consent of the Government of Israel?
At the time, Deputy Secretary McKeon answered, and I quote,
``Yes, that is my understanding, that we need the consent of
the host Government to open a diplomatic facility.'' That is
the end of the quote.
Ambassador Verma, I just simply want to ask you whether you
agree with then Deputy Secretary McKeon's answer.
Mr. Verma. That is my understanding as well, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Okay. Good. I just wanted to make certain
that we had that understanding.
To make certain that the Biden administration does not
subvert the law I am going to plan to reintroduce my Upholding
the 1995 Jerusalem Embassy Law Act this Congress and ensure
that there is only one U.S. mission--U.S. embassy to Israel
that is resident in Israel's eternal and indivisible capital.
To turn to State Department modernization, Ambassador,
Senator Cardin and I worked very hard in this committee to
include the Commission on Reform and Modernization of the
Department of State in last year's State reauthorization law,
and I want to thank Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch
for their support.
The commission is authorized to conduct a comprehensive
review and offer legislative proposals to modernize the State
Department. For the commission to be successful it is going to
require close cooperation from the State Department, and I
appreciate your and Secretary Tony Blinken's commitment to
prioritizing modernization of American diplomacy in your
opening statement.
Now, Ambassador Verma, I just want to make certain that you
support the objectives of this commission and to get your
commitment to working with the commission and all the matters
that are related to the law that created it.
Mr. Verma. Absolutely, Senator--
Senator Hagerty. Excellent.
Mr. Verma [continuing]. And will work closely with the
commission and look forward to that.
Senator Hagerty. Certainly. And one other related question
to that. If you are confirmed will you support the inclusion of
the commission in the President's fiscal year 2024 budget?
Mr. Verma. I would presume--yes. In order for the
commission to do its work I assume it needs to be funded. But I
will also say I am not close enough to what was actually in the
budget this year in terms of what was requested.
Senator Hagerty. I understand. I think your presumption,
though, is a very logical one. It absolutely needs to be
included if it is going to be operative and I think that shows
me your instincts are like mine. You want to see something get
done and have the resources to do it.
I would say that--Senator Cardin, I believe, joins me in
this--we are very enthusiastic about the potential here. We
look forward to working with a great team of people like you. I
believe that our State Department and our diplomats are the
best in the world and we want to see them properly resourced as
agile, as Senator Coons said, and effective as they possibly
can be. I am looking forward to working with you and spending a
lot more time in the details on this.
Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Verma. Appreciate it.
Senator Coons [presiding]. Thank you, sir.
Senator Duckworth? Yes.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I know you and
the Chairman have talked about the importance of resourcing our
missions in the Indo-Pacific and I think that was a very
important conversation.
I just want to emphasize the importance of that
particularly with regards to the ASEAN mission itself. I hope
your commitment there also extends to Southeast Asia. I believe
strongly in the importance of the role that ASEAN plays in
regional stability and believe we should be strengthening our
partnerships with ASEAN.
That is why I am going to be traveling to Jakarta this
coming week and it is also why when I am there I am going to be
specifically visiting the mission--the ASEAN mission itself--
and to also meet with ASEAN member country leadership.
I will be discussing supply chain transparency, economic
cooperation, trade facilitation, labor practices, and defense
of maritime security. I look forward to bringing these
discussions back to inform my work on this issue.
I just want to emphasize the importance of ASEAN.
Mr. Verma. Senator, I could not agree more with you and I
think it is an incredibly important part of the world, getting
even more important. ASEAN and our ASEAN friends and partners
are--again, are critically important and I look forward to
hearing about your trip and some of the learnings when you come
back.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
I am going to shift gears a little bit, and it is
unfortunate that Senator Hagerty has left because I was going
to give him some kudos.
One issue that has come up repeatedly in my discussion with
our various missions around the world is the problem of
accessibility at overseas missions and residences. While the
State Department has made considerable efforts to incorporate
accessibility features into new design and construction, it has
devoted far fewer resources to upgrading existing facilities.
I remember on a trip to Japan when Ambassador Hagerty was
the--where my colleague was the Ambassador to Japan and one of
the staff members there, when I said there are no accessible
bathrooms that I can get to, the response was, oh, we are in
Japan. This is not the ADA. It does not apply to Japan. And I
said this is American soil. This is the U.S. Embassy.
And under then Ambassador Hagerty's leadership they
actually went through and fixed everything. So it was quite
wonderful.
But I just found out again since his tenure there the
bathroom in the ambassador's residence is still not accessible.
They have put grab bars and all the stuff in there but the door
is still not within ADA--is not in compliance with the ADA.
The lack of accessibility at so many of our facilities is a
serious obstacle to the full participation of people with
disabilities who want to serve their nation and advance U.S.
policy overseas.
It also makes it extremely difficult for nondisabled
individuals with family members who are disabled to be able to
serve our government overseas. Because it is difficult to find
accessible facilities in homes abroad our nation's diplomats
often have to make very tough choices and we must make sure
that the best, most qualified people are posted to each of our
missions. But they cannot do that and they cannot go to the
countries where we need them to if such barriers are getting in
their way.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to make sure that
our overseas missions and residences are fully accessible in
compliance with the ADA--it has been 32 years since ADA
passed--to all U.S. governmental employees and their families,
and will you commit to working with me to make concrete
progress towards achieving full accessibility?
Mr. Verma. Yes, Senator, absolutely, a hundred percent and
I--it is an incredibly important issue.
As you probably know, our facilities are not as up-to-date
as they should be and this is from a variety of perspectives,
and so we need to make sure that our people are not limited in
any way by the facilities where they serve.
I look forward to working with you closely on it and I will
say even more than that. I think accessibility, as you have
pointed out many times, is only part of the answer. There is
also making sure that we are promoting and retaining and
recognizing and advancing people with disabilities throughout
the State Department. I look forward to working with you on
that as well.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you.
I would also like to ask you about accessibility and the
prioritization of disability rights within the State Department
here at home.
As you know, it is one of the things to be in compliance
with the law but it is another to encourage and cultivate a
culture that welcomes values and empowers people with
disabilities.
What actions will you take, if confirmed, to foster such a
culture at the State Department here at home?
Mr. Verma. Yeah. Again, I will just restate this is
important to me personally and I will make sure that this is a
priority on my team and I already know it is a priority for
Secretary Blinken.
I have seen the DEIA strategic plan. I have seen the
detailed benchmarks that they are putting in place, some 200
measurable performance measurements on this scale. So
accessibility but, again, the whole suite of kind of issues
that go with it are going to be very, very important, if
confirmed.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. I yield back, Chairman.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Duckworth.
I will tell you I met with a U.S. Ambassador yesterday who
raised this exact issue about making reasonable investments to
ensure that there is accessibility in our facilities.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Congratulations--Mr. Verma:
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen.--Ambassador Verma, and thank you for your
willingness to continue to serve this country.
I would actually like to begin with an issue that we
discussed when we met last week. I know it is not directly
within your portfolio but as the former ambassador to India can
you talk about why this Senate needs to act to confirm an
ambassador to the country of India, the largest democracy in
the world?
Mr. Verma. I will just say, Senator, I continue to believe
this is the defining partnership for this century. The
relationship is so consequential in so many ways and having a
senior official on the ground that represents the President
makes a big difference.
And so I think everyone, hopefully, appreciates the urgency
with the need to put someone there as soon as possible. It is
also, I would say, a morale issue for the team but, more
importantly, just delivering on the President's priorities.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Hopefully, we will see some
action soon.
Another area where, sadly, the Senate has been lacking in
its responsibility is in confirming an ambassador to head the
Office of Global Women's Issues. That office has been without
an ambassador for five of the last six years.
Without that ambassador, it is--the office is inhibited in
its ability to ensure that a gender lens policy is done
throughout our Department of State and in terms of our foreign
policy, and I wonder if you could comment first on why having
that gender lens on our foreign policy is important and,
secondly, how you would see working with Secretary Blinken and
a future ambassador of global women's issues to engage in
having that gender lens on all aspects of our foreign policy.
Mr. Verma. Senator, it is so important, and from the
President early on through his leadership and the Secretary has
made gender equality and fighting gender discrimination around
the world a foreign policy priority, and when women and girls
cannot reach their full potential those countries are not as
successful. They are not as impactful. They are generally not
as democratic, and so it is a key component of our foreign
policy.
The position that that you mentioned, the global
coordinator for women's issues, is so essential to make sure
that we continue to have it at the forefront.
I know it is a super high priority for the Secretary. It
will be for me. It was when I was in India and we were carrying
out the agenda there. And so this has been a high commitment
for me and it will continue to be.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much and, hopefully, we can
see some movement on that appointment as well.
We have had a law around women, peace, and security since
2017, recognizing that having women at the table as we are
looking at conflict areas and looking at how we address peace
and stability throughout the world it is very important to have
women as part of that.
I understand that a number of your questions have been
around diversity and equity and inclusion at the State
Department. How do you see the women, peace, and security
initiative being integrated into those efforts to address
diversity and equity?
Mr. Verma. It is absolutely essential and it goes along
with the--again, the national strategy on gender equality. It
goes along with our own department's strategy on women and
girls, as I said.
But, again, having women at the table on the key issues of
the day in senior leadership positions, I think the Secretary
has demonstrated that with his appointments, frankly, within
the department and that will continue.
But we also have work to do to make sure in the senior and
mid-level components of the department that there is greater
parity--gender parity--and, again, still a journey. We are not
where we need to be and we have to do a better job.
I just want to thank you for everything you have done to
call out this issue and all I can say is I look forward to
working with you as we give the department even more of a focus
on this.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
I am almost out of time but I just want to raise another
issue that we discussed when we met and that is around the
Afghan SIV process.
Since the U.S. left Afghanistan in August of 2021 there
have been 200 to 300 reports of credible--Taliban murdering
Afghans who worked with the United States Government and our
allies in Afghanistan.
This comes when, according to State's reporting, only 2,646
SIV applications were issued in fiscal year 2022 and that
compares to 3,626 visas in 2016 and 4,120 in 2017.
We are not doing what we need to do in this area. We talked
about that when we met. I know you understand that. But we have
got to do better.
It is just not acceptable that we are doing worse now in
terms of those SIV applications, given all of the attention
that has happened on Afghanistan in the last few years.
So I would just say to you I hope you will take that as a
directive from Congress to address that.
Mr. Verma. I absolutely will, Senator. I know how important
this is and I know how many people are now charged with making
sure we are living up to that commitment to our Afghan partners
and friends and there is a lot of resources being put at this.
There is a new unit in Doha, as you know. There are thousands
of people in the process.
I know it is difficult. There is also a security element to
this that we cannot underlook as well. But I take your
directive quite seriously.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Kaine [presiding]. Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
Ambassador Verma, it is great to see you. Great to have a
fellow Marylander at least now here. Thanks for your service on
the Hill and your previous service as Ambassador to India,
among other posts.
And I do want to second what Senator Shaheen and maybe
others have said about the importance of us confirming an
ambassador right away to represent the United States in New
Delhi, as you did so ably.
I want to raise a couple issues with you in my time. One
has to do with the passage of the Foreign Service Families Act.
I co-chair along with Senator Sullivan the bipartisan Foreign
Service Caucus and we are very focused on trying to make sure
we have strong morale in the Foreign Service and the State
Department overall.
We passed something called the Foreign Service Families Act
as part of the last State Department authorization bill that
was included in the NDAA and I look forward to working with you
and your team to implement it.
My staff has asked for a report on the implementation and
so I just look forward to working with your team on that
process. The idea is to extend some of the same benefits to
Foreign Service families that military families enjoy. That is
one aspect of it.
I just look for your commitment to make sure that we fully
implement that act.
Mr. Verma. Hundred percent. Absolutely.
Senator Van Hollen. Appreciate that.
Let me turn now to consular services. Look, we went through
a COVID pandemic. Understand that there were delays on both
issuing U.S. citizens passports and also issuing foreigners,
including a lot of family members with loved ones who are U.S.
citizens.
I understand the delays, but the delays have been
continuing and this is no hit on the people who are working
every day very hard to try to process the passports and
nonimmigrant and immigrant visas.
They are just under resourced and it really ends up, I
think, hurting the United States when people are able to travel
to other countries--they want to come to the United States but
they are able--other countries but just cannot get a
nonimmigrant visa. And then, of course, there are people who
would like to come, for example, from India to see their
relatives in Maryland for a wedding or for a funeral.
Do you have any idea what the current wait time is for a
nonimmigrant visa in New Delhi?
Mr. Verma. It is too long, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. It is 612 days. I mean, I do not know
how many people plan weddings, you know, two weeks ahead.
Certainly, people do not plan their funerals.
It is just really--it is really hurting us, in my view. It
is, certainly, hurting constituents here in Maryland and around
the country, and on U.S. passports the delay is now 12 to 18
weeks still.
I mean, that is--it is unacceptably long and, again, the
people doing this work they are doing it well. They just need
to be better resourced.
Do I have your commitment to work on this issue?
Mr. Verma. Yes, but maybe I could just add a couple
observations here because I have stood in the visa line myself
out in our consulates. I know how important this is to folks.
I will say our biggest challenge is not in every category.
It is in the tourist visa--the first time applicants for
tourist visas--and it is not globally. It is in a few select
countries and, in fact, we have exceeded our wait times and
made good progress in the other categories.
But you are right. In these high population countries with
the surge in travel--India, Mexico, and some others--we have to
get those numbers down. I think there is a plan to get those
numbers down. I will also say on passport services, as I
understand it, we are back to kind of the standard routine
processing time of six to nine weeks.
Senator Van Hollen. I know you are working to that. I have
12 to 18. Let us compare notes afterwards. But it has improved,
obviously, since the pandemic period but I do think we have a
long way to go.
I do want to follow up with you after this on two things.
One are security clearances, where there have been significant
improvements. Ninety percent of State Department security
clearances now come in below the government standard. There is
still 10 percent that are agonizingly long and, again, hurt the
State Department's ability to do its work, mostly in other
federal agencies. So I want to work with you on that.
Mr. Verma. Agree.
Senator Van Hollen. Visa waiver program--the visa waiver
program obviously provides great convenience and is also
designed to provide security with that convenience. It is a
good program where it works.
But, as you know, I think the key part of the visa waiver
program includes reciprocity, equal treatment of American
citizens of all faiths and backgrounds traveling overseas. You
know that, right?
Mr. Verma. Absolutely.
Senator Van Hollen. We do not have any measure of that
right now in our current visa waiver program. We have no way to
measure whether or not Americans of one faith or another, one
ethnicity or another, are being treated differently than other
Americans when they are traveling abroad under the visa waiver
program.
Will you work with me to make sure that we have a standard
to measure that?
Mr. Verma. Absolutely.
Senator Van Hollen. I look forward to that because blue is
blue and we want to make sure all Americans are treated equally
when they are traveling under the visa waiver program. Anywhere
we want that but the visa waiver program is something we set
up. It is within our control. So I look forward to working with
you on that.
Mr. Verma. It is a great point.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen, and
Ambassador Verma, great to see you again.
There is a vote ongoing. I will ask questions and then I do
not believe Senator Risch has any follow-up so we will likely
then conclude unless another member comes in.
I want to ask you about Havana syndrome. We had a hearing
in May around State Department reauthorization and the then
Deputy Secretary Brian McKeon testified a bit about this.
He reported that the DNI-commissioned reporting showed a
number of cases and that they were explained by environmental
health factors but many still did not have an explanation and
the U.S. Government was still unable to attribute incidents to
a particular actor.
If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that the department
fully supports the provision of all appropriate health care and
reasonable accommodations to State Department employees who are
suffering from Havana syndrome symptoms incurred while serving
the country?
Mr. Verma. Absolutely. Yes, sir.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Ambassador Verma.
I want to ask you a question about the workforce. A
sizeable percentage of the State Department workforce live in
Virginia. They are constituents of mine.
The GA--I am sorry, the OPM does an annual employment
survey. It is the FEVS--Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey--and
for many, many years the State Department, of the 17 large
agencies that tend to be surveyed, again and again ranked near
the top in terms of job satisfaction. But in recent years--and
the most recent FEVS we have is from 2021--the job satisfaction
in the department has dramatically declined.
What would you do in your role, if confirmed, to try to
really work on these internal morale issues and return the
State Department to the place that it has traditionally been?
Mr. Verma. It is really important, Senator, and I think
trying to get at the root--what is driving that attitude, what
is happening that people feel that way--and there has been a
number of surveys. There has been some early feedback and the
Secretary, I think, has set out really in a focused way.
I mean, the modernization agenda is really about taking
care of the workforce and making sure they have what they need.
So do they also have--are benefits competitive? Do we have the
right childcare subsidy? Do we have the right kind of agility
in our workforce compared to other federal agencies?
These are all things that we are looking at. I still think
the mission of the department attracts the best people from
around the country but we got to make sure we are actually
living up to our commitment to them to make sure they are
getting the best of what they need.
I really--again, my experience overseas helped me see what
people need and how they live and how it works in practice day
to day and I think we do an exceptionally good job of taking
care of people around the world.
But we have got to do better. We want to be at the top part
of that survey and not lagging behind.
Senator Kaine. Just to share an insight with you, when I
travel abroad I usually try to have a meeting with first or
second tour FSO State Department folks at embassies without the
ambassador there, without any supervisor there, and I ask them
this question.
You obtained a very difficult job. To get--I mean, to get
to be a Foreign Service officer incredibly difficult to get
there. What will be the determinant about whether you make this
a career or make this a shorter term job, and I hardly have to
say another word and then I just listen for about 90 minutes,
and I will say a lot of the discussion tends to revolve around
we are not given enough latitude to make decisions.
Somebody once said to me, I had to pass a security vetting
that was super intense but if I want to requisition five
pencils they treat me like I am going to steal one of them and
I have got to account for all five and what I am going to do
with them.
You have been there. You have been an ambassador but you
have also worked your way up. You understand the sacrifices and
the frustrations. I think you would be uniquely situated to
deal with this.
But I would just encourage you to and, kind of
additionally, the surveys tend to show that you are doing--the
State Department's efforts around recruiting are okay but maybe
you are falling short on the retention side.
Mr. Verma. Right.
Senator Kaine. So I would urge you to focus on that.
Last thing. I know--as far as I know, Congress has not yet
been provided the 2022 FEVS results. Do you have any idea about
when we might see those?
Mr. Verma. I do not but I will definitely find out and come
back to you as quickly as possible.
Senator Kaine. If you could that would be great.
Mr. Verma. Senator, your point on retention is really
important and there is a retention working group that is
focused on this coming out with a number of recommendations and
already taken some steps.
But training is a big part of it, making sure people have a
pathway to promotion. There is a lot that will go into
retention. But it is not just recruiting great people. It is
making sure they stay.
Senator Kaine. I think you are uniquely qualified to help
us get better at this.
Mr. Verma. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I am going to go vote.
The Chairman [presiding]. Okay.
Ambassador, for a position of this consequence this type of
hearing is unremarkable so that is a good thing, testament to
you.
This record will remain open--let me see until when--will
remain open until the close of business tomorrow. There may be
questions for the record. I would urge you to answer them
expeditiously and as fully as you can so that we can consider
your nomination at a business markup.
With the thanks of the committee for your appearance here
today, his hearing is adjourned.
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard R. Verman by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Congress enacted the Lateral Entry into the Foreign
Service Pilot Program in December 2016. Fast forward six years later,
and the program has yet to take off the ground. One of the purposes of
the pilot program was to provide State additional avenues for targeting
and recruiting ``mid-career individuals from the civil service and
private sector who have skills and experience that would be extremely
valuable to the Foreign Service.'' Individuals with skillsets in the
areas of critical and emerging technologies such as information and
communications technology, cybersecurity, and artificial intelligence
have been and will continue to be extremely valuable for the Foreign
Service given the Department's new international cyber and digital
policy mission. This is particularly true with the recent establishment
of the Bureau for Cyber and Digital Policy and the Office of the
Special Envoy for Critical and Emerging Technologies. Will the
Department commit to utilizing the Foreign Service lateral entry pilot
program provided by Congress beginning in FY 2023?
Answer. Despite delays due to lack of funding, hiring freezes and,
most recently, COVID, the Department is committed to and actively
developing the lateral entry pilot program. The program will target
critical skills gaps and allow the Department to fill positions to
support the Secretary's modernization agenda, including in emerging
technologies and critical missions. If confirmed, I commit to
prioritize and implement this program in 2023.
Question. How does the Department intend to use the flexible-hiring
mechanism provided by the pilot program?
Answer. The 3-year lateral entry pilot program will enable the
Department to hire qualified mid-career professionals from the Civil
Service and private sector into the Foreign Service to fill identified
gaps in talent needed to support the Secretary's modernization agenda
in the following six critical areas: cyberspace and emerging
technologies; climate, environment, and energy; global health security
and diplomacy; strategic competition with the People's Republic of
China (PRC); economic statecraft; and multilateral diplomacy. If
confirmed, I am committed to implementing this pilot program.
Question. In October 2021, the Department released its first ever
Enterprise Data Strategy, which seeks to promote data-informed
diplomacy by bolstering the Department's data analytics and management
and building a ``data-savvy'' workforce. As your predecessor once said,
``the Department of State must leverage data as a critical instrument
of diplomacy.'' How do you intend to continue the Department's efforts
to data-informed diplomacy?
Answer. Data-Informed Diplomacy is a core element of the
Secretary's agenda for modernizing American diplomacy. If confirmed, I
will continue my predecessor's approach of implementing the Enterprise
Data Strategy through campaigns that surge data and analytics resources
on priority issues such as Strategic Competition; Multilateralism; and
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA). I also intend
to accelerate the use of the Department's enterprise analytics
platform, Data-State, and champion data science hiring and training
initiatives that strengthen data skills within our workforce.
Question. Which areas of the modernization agenda could use further
congressional support?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to advancing the Secretary's
Modernization Agenda to ensure the Department is ready to meet the
tests of the 21st century. I look forward to working with Congress to
ensure the Department has the necessary resources and authorities to
meet these challenges. This includes flexible hiring authorities
tailored to the Department's national security mission to ensure our
workforce is positioned to address mission critical areas, including
China, climate, global heath security, cyberspace, economic statecraft,
and multilateral diplomacy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard R. Verma by Senator James E. Risch
Question. During his confirmation process, this committee asked
Secretary Blinken: ``Under your leadership as Secretary of State, what
actions will you pursue to ensure that hard-to-fill posts in Sub-
Saharan Africa are sufficiently and consistently staffed?'' On January
19, he replied in writing: ``If confirmed, I will work with the White
House and relevant State Department bureaus and offices to ensure that
all posts in Sub-Saharan Africa are sufficiently and consistently
staffed with the appropriate personnel.'' During his confirmation
process, I similarly asked your predecessor, if confirmed, as Deputy
Secretary of State for Management and Resources, Brian McKeon, what he
``viewed as the most pressing management and staffing challenges facing
the Department's Bureau of African Affairs,'' to which he replied, in
part, ``The Bureau of African Affairs has been chronically understaffed
both domestically and overseas, impeding the Department's ability to
achieve the Administration's goals, as well as to seize opportunities
when they appear. If confirmed I will explore enhancing incentives to
serve at hardship posts, including those in Africa, and will look for
other ways to ensure that our vacancies are filled.'' What is your
understanding of actions taken to date by the State Department under
the Biden Administration to address acute challenges to fully staffing
the Africa Bureau?
Answer. I understand the Department continues to use increased
incentives for service in historically difficult to staff posts around
the world, including service needs differential as an incentive for
extended service, along with hardship differentials, and early
handshakes, among others. Additionally, several initiatives are
underway to address these gaps, including development of regional
support models and use of a new assignments process based on medical
resident matching. If confirmed, I commit to overseeing a holistic look
at recruitment incentives to fill hard-to-fill posts around the world,
especially in Africa.
Question. When was the last time an Africa Bureau-specific culture
survey was conducted?
Answer. I understand from the Department that an Africa Bureau
Domestic Workplace Climate Survey was conducted in August and September
of 2022.
Question. What was the response rate in the last Africa Bureau-
specific culture survey?
Answer. I understand from the Department that 51 percent of
domestic employees in the Bureau of African Affairs responded to the
Workplace Climate Survey.
Question. What were the findings of the last Africa Bureau-specific
culture survey?
Answer. I understand that staff indicated in the AF climate survey
that they truly enjoy their work, appreciating it makes an impact in
Africa and advances U.S. foreign policy interests. They expressed
strong frustration with low staffing levels and feeling overworked,
however, underscoring the importance of domestic hybrid workplace
flexibilities, expressing concern these arrangements might change in
the future. Civil Service staff communicated a strong desire for more
opportunities to do long-term TDYs and to spend time in the field.
Question. When were the results of the last Africa Bureau-specific
culture survey shared with the Africa Bureau workforce and by whom?
Answer. I understand that, on behalf of the Africa Bureau's
Diversity and Inclusion Council and Assistant Secretary Phee, Deputy
Assistant Secretary Lord shared the results of the Africa Bureau
workplace climate survey with domestic staff on November 29, 2022.
Question. Do you feel that sufficient and timely action is being
taken to address the acute and disproportionate staffing challenges
that are faced by the Africa Bureau?
Answer. The challenge of filling positions in historically
difficult to staff posts, of which those in Africa comprise more than
half, is one that the Department is deeply committed to resolving.
Insufficient infrastructure, inadequate schools, health care
challenges, and the remote nature of many postings in Africa are
inherent impediments to getting those posts to full staffing. I believe
the Department is working to address these challenges, and if
confirmed, I commit to maintaining a focus on finding solutions.
Question. Please provide a breakdown of Africa Bureau civil service
staffing by office, including GS level? Please provide comparative
information for other regional bureaus.
Answer. With 46 embassies supporting bilateral relations with 49
countries and the African Union, I understand from the Department that
the Africa Bureau employs 120 Civil Service employees across ten
domestic offices, of which 11 are GS-15, 23 are GS-14, 44 are GS-13, 15
are GS-12, 14 are GS-11, 8 are GS-9 and 5 are GS-8. In comparison, the
Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs employs 70, the Bureau of
European and Eurasian Affairs employs 142, the Bureau of Near Eastern
Affairs employs 158, the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs
employs 62, and the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs employs 100.
Question. How many civil servants have left the Africa Bureau since
the start of the Biden Administration? Please detail vacated positions,
and the length of time to fill the vacated position (from date of
announcement to date of onboarding).
Answer. I understand from the Department that 22 civil service
employees left their positions in the Bureau of African Affairs since
the beginning of the Biden Administration. As rank is in position, not
person, for the civil service, promotions necessitate leaving a
position. On average, it takes 90 calendar days to fill a position from
date of announcement to date of onboarding.
Question. What will you do to address the length of time it takes
to hire civil servants for the Africa Bureau?
Answer. The Africa Bureau has a similar timeline for hiring civil
service (CS) employees as compared to other bureaus. I understand from
the Department that the GTM's Shared Services center hires about 50
percent of the Department's civil service, including AF, and has worked
with Diplomatic Security to reduce the time it takes for security
clearances by 120 days, installed new technologies such as a case
management system, and implemented an onboarding system to streamline
CS hiring.
Question. What specific actions will you prioritize in your role to
ensure that the Africa Bureau's staffing efforts focus on building
regional expertise, diversity, and preparedness so the Department can
sufficiently and consistently staff hard-to-fill posts in Africa?
Answer. With more than half of all historically difficult to staff
posts located in Africa, this is an important issue. If confirmed, I
commit to overseeing a holistic look at recruitment incentives to fill
hard-to-fill posts around the world, including in Africa.
Question. Similarly, 27 of the last 43 career Foreign Service
nominees for ambassadorial posts in the Africa Bureau were to serve as
first time ambassadors. While every ambassador has a first post
somewhere, first time ambassadors have been nominated for positions in
highly complex political and conflict environments that are stated
national security priorities for the United States in Africa, including
Ethiopia, Sudan, South Sudan, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. If
confirmed, will you commit to work with Secretary Blinken to ensure
that first-time career ambassadorial nominees will not be the first
choice when identifying nominees for high-profile and strategic U.S.
missions in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Answer. The Department has a robust process for choosing Chiefs of
Mission candidates to recommend to the President for nomination. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with the Secretary and Department
leadership to ensure the Department continues to identify officers with
demonstrated relevant experience and a track record of successful
leadership in challenging posts. As evidenced by the outcome of the
above selection process, sometimes the best qualified officer has not
yet been an ambassador.
Question. What specific challenges does the Africa Bureau face in
recruiting experienced ambassadors to posts in the region?
Answer. The same challenges the Africa Bureau faces in recruiting
staff to fill all positions impact the Department's ability to recruit
ambassadors to serve in the region. Inadequate infrastructure, health
challenges, lack of adequate schools, and remoteness are just some of
the factors that influence an employee's assignment process.
Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to encourage
experienced ambassadors to bid on priority ambassadorial posts in the
Africa Bureau?
Answer. The Department has a robust process for choosing Chiefs of
Mission candidates to recommend to the President for nomination. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with the Secretary and Department
leadership to ensure that the Department continues to identify officers
with a demonstrated relevant experience and a track record of
successful leadership in challenging posts.
Question. What Chief of Mission positions in the Africa Bureau does
the Administration believe will soon require nominations for their
replacements?
Answer. I understand from the Department that roughly one-third of
the 46 Chief of Mission positions in sub-Saharan Africa rotate in any
given year. There currently are eight Chief of Mission nominations
pending confirmation in the Senate: U.S. Mission to the African Union,
Cabo Verde, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, and Zimbabwe.
Question. Section 5105 of the National Defense Authorization Act
(NDAA) for Fiscal Year 2022 conditions the appointment of any Special
Envoy (or similar position) exercising ``significant authority'' at the
Department on obtaining the advice and consent of the Senate. This
section also states that, in order for the President to appoint a
Special Envoy not exercising significant authority pursuant to the laws
of the United States, the President or Secretary must submit a timely
notification to Congress which includes the following: ``(A) A
certification that the position does not require the exercise of
significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United States. ``(B)
A description of the duties and purpose of the position. ``(C) The
rationale for giving the specific title and function to the position.''
Section 5105 of the FY22 NDAA took legal effect on January 3, 2023. If
confirmed, do you commit to upholding the requirements of this statute
in a timely manner and to making your staff available to routinely
brief SFRC on implementation of the law?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to immediately reviewing the
waivers of diplomatic immunity for our mission personnel in China, and
revoke them?
Answer. If confirmed, I will review all aspects of the status of
our mission personnel in China in consultation with Department experts
and take appropriate action to ensure protection of our mission
personnel.
Because I have been outside the Department since before the COVID-
19 pandemic began, I was not part of the deliberations on limited
waivers of personal inviolability. My understanding from news reporting
is that the lifting of the PRC's Zero-COVID policies has significantly
eased the strain on all living in China, including U.S. diplomats.
I also understand that upon arriving at post, Ambassador Burns
committed to the Embassy community and subsequently communicated to the
PRC that he would not permit any American Mission personnel to be
forced into a fever clinic or COVID hospital.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to review similar waivers the
U.S. agreed to in more than 50 other countries?
Answer. My hope is that the declining emergency of the COVID-19
pandemic in most of the world has made such waivers no longer relevant.
If confirmed, I would review all such waivers in consultation with
Department experts and take appropriate action to ensure protection of
our mission personnel.
Question. Would you agree to waivers of diplomatic immunity for
embassy personnel in an adversarial country like China?
Answer. I was not part of the deliberations on waivers of personal
inviolability in China with respect to COVID-19. If confirmed and
presented with a decision on any waiver of diplomatic immunity for our
personnel in any country, I would weigh the merits of the decision
while considering all aspects of the situation, including the impact on
the U.S.'s national security interests and personnel.
Question. Do you commit to consultation with Congress before taking
any steps to waive diplomatic immunity for embassy personnel in an
adversarial country like China?
Answer. If confirmed and presented with a similar decision on
waivers of diplomatic immunity for Embassy personnel in an adversarial
country during a pandemic or other global health crisis, I would weigh
the merits of the decision while considering all aspects of the
situation, including the impact on the U.S.'s national security
interests and personnel, and keep Congress informed on such matters.
Question. Does the Department commit not to nominate or re-nominate
to a Senate-confirmed position any officials who were involved in
developing or approving the policy to comply with the PRC's COVID
protocols, including detention in fever clinics, invasive, non-
transparent testing procedures, and arbitrary movement restrictions and
lockdowns, family separation, and the limited waivers of inviolability
(in 2020 and 2022) that allowed these practices to happen?
Answer. Decisions with respect to nominating or re-nominating
officials to Senate-confirmed positions are made by the President. The
Department has a robust process for choosing Chiefs of Mission
candidates to recommend to the President for nomination. If confirmed,
I am committed to working with the Secretary and Department leadership
to ensure the Department continues to identify officers with
demonstrated relevant experience and a track record of successful
leadership in challenging posts.
Question. In briefings to SFRC staff and in formal front-channel
communications, the Department confirmed that 30 Americans had been
detained in Chinese fever clinics. Following press reports on the
situation at Mission China, this number was revised to 16. What
accounts for the change in the number of Americans the Department says
were detained in Chinese fever clinics? During which period of time and
under what definitions of ``American,'' and ``detained,'' were these
figures determined?
Answer. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
safety of our personnel, family members, and facilities overseas. I was
not serving in government during this time period. But I do understand
that upon arriving at post, Ambassador Burns committed to the Embassy
community and subsequently communicated to the PRC that he would not
permit any American Mission personnel to be forced into a fever clinic
or COVID hospital.
Question. When the United States re-imposed COVID testing
requirements for Chinese citizens traveling to the United States, did
the PRC Embassy submit an LWOI or equivalent in order for its diplomats
to comply when entering the United States?
Answer. The United States did not impose testing on PRC diplomats
in the United States. My understanding is that pre-flight testing of
PRC diplomats in China does not implicate their immunity.
Question. Please explain why it takes so long to build an embassy
and why it is so expensive?
Answer. I understand the Department plans, designs, and executes
worldwide construction projects in dangerous and unpredictable
environments facing rapidly changing security risks, unrest, evolving
climate threats, and malign influencers. These factors, combined with
the cost of building increasingly complex facilities to stringent U.S.
design and life safety building codes, legislated procurement and
contracting regulations, host country permits and labor laws, and SECCA
1999 security standards, resulted in increased costs for site
acquisition and construction and extended project timelines.
Question. If confirmed, what structural changes would you make to
streamline this process to promote efficiencies and save taxpayer
dollars?
Answer. I understand SECCA 2022 empowered the Department to develop
solutions that balance mission location, footprint, setback, and
colocation and will provide increased flexibility for site selection,
design, and construction. If confirmed, I am committed to promoting
further efficiencies such as using the design-build contracting
methodology (as mandated by the FY 2022 State Authorization Act) and
exploring ways to increase the number of contractors bidding on these
complex construction projects.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to implementing as quickly
as possible the Secure Embassy Construction and Counterterrorism Act of
2022 (SECCA)?
Answer. Yes. I understand the Department formed a high-level
coordination group and is working to develop a full implementation
plan. If confirmed, I am committed to implementing SECCA 2022 and
enhancing diplomatic presence agility; managing risk in the planning,
design, and construction of the Department's facilities to respond to
evolving national security priorities; and ensuring responsible
stewardship of taxpayer dollars.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to implementing as quickly
as possible the Diplomatic Support and Security Act (DSSA)?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to timely implementation of the
Diplomatic Support and Security Act. I appreciate Congressional
attention to reforming the Accountability Review Board process and
providing the Department with greater flexibility to advance U.S.
national security priorities and foreign policy.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to briefing my staff on the
Department's implementation of SECCA and DSSA within your first 90
days?
Answer. As noted in my confirmation testimony, I have a strong
appreciation for the work of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely and collaboratively with
the committee and its staff to advance shared, bipartisan priorities,
to include regular briefings on the Department's progress toward
implementation of SECCA and DSSA Reforms.
Question. Do you believe that there are posts where U.S. diplomats
struggle to get outside of embassy or consulate on a regular basis?
Answer. Engaging with foreign government partners and members of
society abroad is critical to advancing U.S. national security
interests. While the vast majority of U.S. Government personnel
worldwide interact outside embassy walls unencumbered, there remain a
select few locations where factors can occasionally limit or preclude
certain engagements. I am heartened by the fact that, even at our high
threat/high risk diplomatic missions, roughly 95 percent of engagement
requests are approved. As Secretary Blinken said, ``we have to accept
risk, and manage it smartly.'' I commit to doing so if confirmed.
Question. Do Chinese, Russian, or Iranian diplomats have trouble
accessing local populations in countries in which they operate?
Answer. Foreign diplomats have traditionally been targeted less
than American diplomatic personnel. However, based on open-source
reporting, Chinese and Russian diplomats may be engaging more
frequently in certain high threat locations, but they have done so at
great cost. In the last six months alone, Russian diplomats in Kabul,
for example, have been killed in front of their own embassy. A Chinese
delegation was present during an attack at the Afghanistan Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, while visiting members of the Taliban in their
offices. These foreign diplomats were killed while operating with a
lower risk threshold than that which the Department insists on to
safeguard our personnel.
Question. How to you intend to improve the access of U.S. diplomats
to local populations at our posts abroad, especially in high-threat
posts where embassy rules make getting off the compound difficult or
nearly impossible?
Answer. Department leadership acknowledge that the U.S. foreign
policy mission entails diverse types of risk and remain committed to
managing it smartly and appropriately, such as the Department's efforts
to re-open Embassy Kyiv. If confirmed, I will ensure the implementation
of recent legislation enabling the Department to quickly establish new
facilities and continue to expand diplomatic outreach. I look forward
to supporting Department initiatives and I will have no higher priority
than the safety of U.S. personnel, family members, and facilities
overseas.
Question. If confirmed, you do you commit to increasing the number
of Diplomatic Security officers to better staff priorities and avoid DS
personnel burnout?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing Diplomatic Security
staffing levels and if appropriate, to reviewing existing security
requirements and newly implemented NDAA changes and increasing staffing
levels as permissible within budgetary limits. In the interim, DS will
continue to align its personnel to meet the Department's most critical
mission requirements, ensuring the Department is addressing world-wide
security incidents and concerns.
Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to implement the Global
Health Security and International Pandemic Prevention and Preparedness
Act?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to following and implementing all
laws, including the Global Health Security and International Pandemic
Prevention and Preparedness Act. I commend Congress for the attention
it has brought to strengthening capacities and resources to prevent,
detect, and respond to infectious disease threats, including the newly
established Pandemic Fund, and I commit to working to ensure the Act's
successful implementation at the Department, including in alignment
with the Department's proposed Bureau for Global Health Security and
Diplomacy.
Question. What concrete steps would you take to effectively
organize and resource the Department's new Global Health Bureau to
advance the global health security and diplomacy objectives of the
United States overseas?
Answer. A unified bureau will streamline internal coordination
between the Department's global health security foreign policy efforts
and assistance programs, including PEPFAR, by placing these functions
under one organizational umbrella within the Department. At the
country-level, Chiefs of Mission will continue to direct, supervise,
and coordinate all U.S. Government executive branch employees in the
country or area of responsibility.
Question. The Department has been late in providing requests or
feedback to our committee on State Department authorization, making it
difficult or at points impossible to include some Department asks. If
confirmed, do you commit to working in a positive manner with our
committee on State Department authorization bills?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to provide the Department's
authorization requests by March 17, 2023?
Answer. I recognize and appreciate that working together to develop
flexible authorization legislation for the Department is an important
process premised on close and transparent communication. If confirmed,
I am committed to working within the Department and with interagency
partners throughout my tenure to identify and propose to Congress in a
timely manner authorities for Department operations that will help the
Department advance U.S. foreign policy objectives and take care of our
employees both domestically and abroad.
Question. The Department recently agreed to limit severely the
definition of worldwide availability and has not been responsive to my
requests for a briefing on the situation. What do the words,
``worldwide availability'' mean to you?
Answer. I understand the Department is considering whether to
continue with the specific term ``worldwide availability.'' The
proposed medical standard for pre-employment clearance of career
Foreign Service applicants is that they meet the minimum medical
qualifications to serve at all MEDEVAC posts (currently Bangkok,
London, Pretoria, and Singapore) and a unique standard would apply to
applicants for medical specialist categories. Assignments will not be
limited to those four posts, and employees--including those with a
disability--will be expected to bid competitively and serve at a wide
variety of posts in consultation with the Bureau of Medical Services.
Question. In your opinion, has the Department effectively
eliminated ``worldwide availability'' by reducing it to just a handful
of posts?
Answer. I understand that while the proposed pre-employment medical
eligibility standard requires that applicants meet the minimum medical
qualifications to serve at MEDEVAC posts, assignments will not be
limited to those posts, and employees--including those with a
disability--will be expected to serve at a wide variety of posts, in
consultation with the Bureau of Medical Services. There are several
dozen posts, in every geographical region, with medical capabilities
equivalent to those at MEDEVAC posts. I understand this eligibility
standard moves the Department towards more diversity, equity, and
inclusion throughout the Foreign Service.
Question. I frequently here from the Department and its personnel
that the Foreign Service is akin to the U.S. armed forces. Does the
change in definition of ``worldwide'' availability diminish the
similarities between the Foreign Service and our armed forces? If yes,
does that demand a reevaluation of employee benefits for the Foreign
Service?
Answer. I understand career Foreign Service candidates will still
be expected to serve at a wide variety of posts around the world, and
the revised standard proposed is not expected to have a material
operational effect on the Department's ability to meet its foreign
policy and national security mission at posts throughout the globe. I
understand the proposed policy will provide more career opportunities
in the Foreign Service for persons with a disability as the Department
seeks to welcome a broader array of qualified individuals into the
ranks of the Foreign Service.
Question. I was troubled to learn last year that the Department has
been medically clearing terminally ill Foreign Service Officers for
duty abroad, so long as they can receive medical care similar to what
they would receive in the United States. What is the purpose of a
medical clearance if it does not indicate whether someone is fit for
service?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to
issue medical clearances for assignments in a manner consistent with
law and Department policy. Federal privacy laws prevent the Department
from commenting on specific cases, and as a nominee I am not privy to
this type of information.
Question. In your opinion, should the Department be assigning
personnel abroad who are terminally ill?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to
issue medical clearances in a manner that is consistent with Federal
law and Department policy. As things stand, the Department issues a
Class 1 clearance to those with no significant medical condition or a
Class 2 clearance for those persons for whom the availability of
adequate medical care may depend on the post to which they could be
assigned. Employees suffering from unstable terminal illnesses are
issued a Class 5 clearance. Individuals issued Class 5 clearances are
limited to service within the United States.
Question. Does the Department believe a Foreign Service Officer has
a right to die while serving abroad?
Answer. I understand the Department works diligently to ensure our
employees and their family members are assigned to posts where they can
obtain the medical care needed to support medical conditions. In the
event an individual's condition deteriorates to the point where local
resources cannot provide adequate care, the Department, pursuant to 22
U.S.C. 4081, will evacuate the employee and/or their family either back
to the United States or to a regional medical evacuation center where
they can obtain the care they need.
Question. Given the small number of posts who can handle Class II
cases, does the Department risk overwhelming the capacity of those
embassy medical units?
Answer. I understand many, if not most, of the Department's posts
support the medical needs of employees with Class 2 clearances, better
known as post-specific clearance. In the event post health units are
unable to manage the specific medical condition of an employee, I
understand health units will work to arrange for the employee to obtain
appropriate care in the country of assignment, and in the event the
medical needs of the employee cannot be supported abroad, MED will
provide evacuation services as consistent with 22 U.S.C 4081.
Question. What is the ideal time for the State Department to
process the average visa and what is the current average time? What
accounts for this discrepancy?
Answer. The long wait times for first-time B1/B2 visitor visas in
some countries are the result of pent-up visa demand outpacing consular
staffing levels when pandemic-related travel restrictions ended.
Nonimmigrant visa (NIV) interview wait times are coming down faster
than projected due to policy changes, innovations, and staffing surge
efforts. For a visitor visa, the median interview wait time is less
than two months, half what it was in June 2022. Wait times for all
other NIV categories, including students and temporary workers, are at
or below pre-pandemic levels.
Question. What steps is the State Department taking to speed up the
visa approval process and are there viable alternatives to in person
interviews?
Answer. The State Department is pursuing multiple strategies to
streamline visa processing and to dedicate more resources to reducing
wait times consistent with national security. This includes surging
staff overseas, working with DHS to pursue expanded interview waiver
authorities for additional categories of low-risk visa applicants, and
expanding the development and use of technological solutions to
remotely adjudicate applications that do not require interviews. The
Department also will soon pilot domestic revalidation of certain
petition-based nonimmigrant visas.
Question. Due to the wide variation in wait times for visa
appointments, is the State Department focusing on consulates with
longer than average wait times? If so, what is the Department doing to
support consulates with a longer than average wait time?
Answer. In FY 2022, the Department exceeded pre-pandemic levels of
non-immigrant visa issuances in several categories critical to economic
and bilateral interests, including for seasonal workers, students, and
crewmembers. The Department is surging resources where wait times for
B1/B2 visa interviews, needed by would-be first-time visitors, remain
high, such as India and Mexico. Consular officers in some locations are
remotely adjudicating tens of thousands of interview-waiver visas each
week. Visa renewal wait times, crucial to the economy, are low.
Question. Do you have the funding and other resources necessary to
reduce wait times for appointments? If not, what do you need in order
to reduce the backlog?
Answer. Over the last year and a half, the Department reduced gaps
in consular staffing overseas caused by the drop in fee revenue due to
the pandemic's near-shutdown of international travel. With the
resurgence of travel, the Bureau of Consular Affairs' financial
situation has improved. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure that as
many adjudicators as possible are assigned to overseas positions, to
reach worldwide pre-pandemic staffing by the end of this year.
Maintaining expanded spending authorities and additional fee
flexibilities would help allow for continued innovation and additional
hiring.
Question. When will the State Department return to pre-pandemic
processing times?
Answer. In many places, visa wait times have returned to pre-
pandemic processing times. Except for first time B1/B2 visitors in
certain countries, wait times for all other nonimmigrant categories,
including students and temporary workers, are at or below pre-pandemic
levels. The Department updates nonimmigrant visa (NIV) wait time
information on its public website weekly. Wait times vary depending on
the visa category, appointment availability, and demand. The Department
issued 13 percent more NIVs in the first quarter of FY 2023 than the
same period in FY 2019.
Question. What is the ideal time for the State Department to
process the average passport renewal and what is the current average
time?
Answer. Processing times vary throughout the year and are dependent
upon workload, which increases with seasonal spring and summer travel.
I understand from the Department that processing time for passport
applications was at pre-pandemic levels until February 6, when it
increased with the normal cyclical demand. Processing times are now 8
to 11 weeks for routine service and 5 to 7 weeks for expedited service.
The goal is to ensure the average application is processed within
service commitments. Most applicants receive their passports weeks
earlier than advertised.
Question. What steps is the State Department taking to speed up the
passport approval process?
Answer. Processing time for passport applications was at pre-
pandemic levels until February 6 when it increased with the normal
cyclical demand. I understand from the Department that the Department's
Bureau of Consular Affairs (CA) instituted an ``all hands on deck''
posture requiring Passport Services headquarters employees to
adjudicate; authorized 30,000 hours of monthly overtime; and recruited
volunteers, including re-employed annuitants, to work in the
Washington, DC, Satellite Office (akin to a medium-sized agency). Since
January 2022, CA hired more than 100 new staff, with more than 200
additional employees in the recruitment pipeline.
Question. From your perspective, what are the differences in roles
and responsibilities between the Deputy Secretary of State for
Management and Resources and the Undersecretary of State for
Management?
Answer. The Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources
and the Under Secretary of State for Management play critical,
complementary roles in support of the resilience of our workforce and
effective functioning of the Department. If confirmed, I look forward
to working closely with the Under Secretary for Management and would
focus my efforts on addressing enterprise-wide challenges and
opportunities domestically and overseas at the intersection of policy,
management, and resources.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Undersecretary
of State for Management to ensure there are no gaps or overlap in
responsibilities? Please describe your understanding of the anticipated
work relationship with the Undersecretary for Management.
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Department to approach
issues and resource needs that are cross-cutting and interdisciplinary,
in coordination with OMB, Congress, and other departments and agencies.
The Under Secretary of State for Management has a mix of operational
responsibilities in support of the Department's ongoing mission and a
focus on implementation and planning to ensure proposed improvements to
workforce policies, management practices, and the Department's
facilities and associated services are sustainable and effective in a
wide range of operating environments, both domestically and overseas.
Question. The Office of the Inspector General found that during the
pandemic, the Department encouraged maximum telework for both domestic
and overseas staff. COVID-19 cases have drastically declined in the
United States and around the world. The Biden administration declared
its intent to end the national emergency and public health emergency
declarations related to the COVID-19 pandemic on May 11, 2023. If
confirmed, would you advocate for the full return to work for all State
Department employees, especially when the emergency public health
declarations are over?
Answer. Most domestic positions and all overseas positions are on-
site routinely to meet mission critical goals. Given its global
purview, the Department has always had an asynchronous and distributed
workforce. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to
improve its agility in the face of 21st century challenges--most
notably, the need to support global coverage and to recruit and retain
top talent, particularly in competitive fields like information
technology.
Question. The Office of the Inspector General found that during the
pandemic, the Department encouraged maximum telework for both domestic
and overseas staff. COVID-19 cases have drastically declined in the
United States and around the world. The Biden administration declared
its intent to end the national emergency and public health emergency
declarations related to the COVID-19 pandemic on May 11, 2023. How can
employees who regularly handle classified information consistently work
from home?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's mission-first
priorities. Employees who need classified access will continue to work
on-site, with extremely limited exceptions due to security
considerations. A very small number of secure communications kits,
which allow access to classified information from approved alternate
work locations--a home office, for example--are made available to
approved personnel to facilitate 24/7 access.
Question. Diversity is now included as a promotion precept at the
Department of State. How will the diversity precept be measured or
evaluated for promotion?
Answer. I understand the Department issued a document defining the
new Core Precept of Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility
(DEIA) for the global workforce and for the Foreign Service Selection
Boards (FSSB). I understand the bureau of Global Talent Management is
creating a ``Procedural Precepts'' document to define for FSSB members
the relevant criteria and processes for promotion, including how to use
the Core Precepts document to measure performance. I understand that
before implementing these guidelines, the Department will negotiate
them with AFSA.
Question. What types of activities will reflect positively for
promotion in terms of diversity?
Answer. I understand Department employees should promote and
demonstrate DEIA principles in interactions with colleagues and
interlocutors. Some examples of this would include collaborating with
others to achieve Department goals through inclusive teamwork;
developing accessible communications for events, engagements, and
interactions with the full complement of employees, interlocutors, and
the public; actively recruiting and retaining diverse teams and
improving methods of attracting diverse candidates for positions; and
supporting equity in staff opportunities, roles, and recognition.
Question. What role does the Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer
play in the selection process for Deputy Chiefs of Mission and other
senior foreign service positions?
Answer. Beginning in 2021, Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer
(CDIO) Abercrombie-Winstanley joined the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM)
Committee, which has oversight of the selection process for DCM,
Principal Officer, Deputy Principal Officer, and senior foreign policy
advisor (POLAD) positions. The CDIO also joined the D Committee,
chaired by the Deputy Secretary, which makes all Chief of Mission
recommendations to the Secretary of State, and approves selection of
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretaries and Deputy Assistant
Secretaries. The CDIO, along with all committee members, encourages
applicants from a variety of diverse backgrounds to compete for these
positions, but selection is based on merit.
Question. The State Department has prioritized recruitment efforts
in densely populated geographic locations and coastal cities over rural
areas. This contributes to overrepresentation by Foreign Service
officers from cities and those who can afford to travel great distances
in order to take the oral exam required for entry into the Service. If
confirmed, how would you work to reduce the costs and other obstacles
placed on applicants?
Answer. I understand that the Department has successfully assessed
specialist candidates using a virtual platform and is currently working
to do the same for Foreign Service generalist candidates, making the
hiring process more accessible to all individuals. If confirmed, I will
work to continue efforts to reduce obstacles and ensure that oral
assessments for FS generalists are also transitioned to a virtual
platform.
Question. Our veterans sacrificed much to protect our nation and
freedom. Their service, perspective, and experience is immensely
valuable, and should be better harnessed by our State Department to
advance diplomacy. If confirmed, how would you work to increase
veterans' preference in the Foreign Service?
Answer. Upon application, and after passing the Foreign Service
Oral Assessment, veterans receive additional points, allowing them to
move higher on the rank-ordered Foreign Service specialist and
generalist registers. Additionally, veterans may also receive an age
waiver to enter the Foreign Service, allowing them to bypass the
mandatory age requirements of the Foreign Service. If confirmed, I will
work with veterans' groups and Department leadership to determine if
additional benefits can be provided within the Federal hiring rules.
Question. A transparent promotion process has the potential to
improve the quality of the workforce while also increasing diversity.
What actions should the Department take to increase transparency in the
promotion process Should the Department consider changes to the
promotion process? If yes, at what levels?
Answer. I understand the Department is developing a scoring tool
for Foreign Service Selection Board (FSSB) members to use when
evaluating candidates at all levels, as well as a new annual Employee
Evaluation Report form that will measure employees at all levels using
the same assessment as the FSSB, increasing transparency. With the
implementation of the scoring tool, all promotion candidates will now
see their average score on each Core Precept, as well as their total
score across all Core Precepts, compared with the average total score
of those against whom they competed and those who were promoted from
their FSSB.
Question. The Department has notified Congress of its desire to
create an Office of Anti-Harassment and Bullying Intervention. How is
bullying defined? If confirmed, what safeguards would you put in place
to avoid the weaponization of anti-bullying efforts through the filing
of false claims?
Answer. I understand the Department defines bullying as a single,
significant incident and/or pattern of unwelcome behavior that for a
reasonable person creates an intimidating, hostile, threatening, or
offensive work environment and/or interferes with an individual's work
performance. Behavior that to a reasonable person has a demonstrable
impact on others may constitute bullying, even if the recipient or
target of the bullying behavior indicates they are not offended and/or
affected. If confirmed, I will support a standardized and transparent
approach to investigate allegations of bullying.
Question. The Inspector General's statement on the Department of
State's major management and performance challenges for Fiscal Year
2022 highlighted that Department information systems are subject to
serious threats that can lead to exploited weaknesses and compromised
sensitive information. An audit of the information security program
identified weaknesses in eight of nine information security domains. If
confirmed, what steps would you recommend the Department take to ensure
that the information systems are authorized to operate and effective
monitoring programs are in place?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of State to
continue addressing the findings identified in the FY 2022 OIG FISMA
Audit. I will also work with the Department to continue implementing a
Zero Trust architecture set forth by Executive Order 14028 and the
Federal Chief Information Officer. Finally, if confirmed, I will
partner with the CISA, the NSA, and other partners to implement
cybersecurity best practices, remediate vulnerabilities, and monitor
new and existing threats.
Question. The Inspector General's statement on the Department of
State's major management and performance challenges for Fiscal Year
2022 found that public members serving on the Department's Foreign
Service Selection Boards did not fully meet Department qualifications
and that family members and personal friends of Department employees
had been selected for these roles. Please describe your view on the
importance of transparency in the Foreign Service Selection Board's
process. If confirmed, how would you improve management oversight of
the public member selection process?
Answer. It is imperative that the State Department ensure the work
of the Foreign Service Selection Boards is conducted in a manner that
is fair, transparent, and objective. If confirmed, I will hold the team
accountable for abiding strictly by the newly issued written policy
regarding public member referrals and recusals. I will work closely, if
confirmed, with the Director General to oversee the process in which
all resumes submitted are collected and tracked centrally, and all
public member candidates are interviewed by a panel and ranked on a
score sheet that documents their qualifications to serve on a board as
established in the Foreign Affairs Manual.
Question. The Inspector General's statement on the Department of
State's major management and performance challenges for Fiscal Year
2022 found that Department entities did not consistently and adequately
monitor and document contractor and grantee performance. Please
describe the importance of conducting oversight of contracts, grants,
and foreign assistance domestically and abroad, and explain how you
would improve oversight efforts if confirmed.
Answer. I understand the Department will realize better acquisition
outcomes by more closely monitoring and frequently assessing contractor
and grantee performance. Investing in a quality assurance program and
enabling executive decision-making by bolstering access to, and use of,
actionable data to monitor cost, schedule, and performance baselines is
a must. If confirmed, I would ensure the Department's quality assurance
program is improved and augment it with data informed, executive-level
governance to drive planning and performance oversight of major
business investments.
responses to follow-up questions
Thank you for the request to expand on my responses to
several questions. I appreciate the Senator's engagement and
leadership on these issues, and if confirmed, I look forward to
working with the Senator and his staff to address any remaining
concerns.
If confirmed, the safety and security of the Department's
personnel, family members, and facilities will be my first and
foremost priority. As I said during my nominations hearing,
COVID-19 presented an unprecedented challenge. This is true not
only for the Department, but for organizations around the
world.
As I understand it, the Department was faced with balancing
compliance with certain local regulations on COVID-19 testing
that would permit our personnel to remain in China and 50 other
missions around the world, and asserting diplomatic immunity to
object to such testing which would have prevented them from
entering China or would have led to their departure. The
balance the Department struck is one that allowed U.S.
personnel to enter and remain in the country. The alternative
was to exit China and over 50 other missions around the world,
thus, severely impacting our diplomatic footprint at a time
where direct engagement and international cooperation and
coordination were critical.
Staying or getting into a country, in some cases, meant that
the U.S. Government had to authorize limited waivers of
personal inviolability for U.S. personnel, who enjoyed personal
inviolability based on their particular accreditation status in
order to allow them to be tested on arrival and in some
circumstances quarantined. As a nominee who was not at the
Department during the relevant period, I am not familiar with
the specific cases, but I do commit to go back and review the
situation at the Mission in China if confirmed, and to draw any
lessons learned and process improvements that could be made for
the future. I would intend to work closely with the committee
on this set of issues.
I was not surprised to hear, and am encouraged, that upon
arriving at post, Ambassador Burns committed to the Embassy
community, and subsequently communicated to the PRC, that he
would not permit any American Mission personnel to be forced
into a Chinese ``fever hospital'' or COVID isolation hospital.
I strongly support that decision, and if confirmed, I will work
to ensure that protocol continues.
Original Question. If confirmed, do you commit to immediately
reviewing the waivers of diplomatic immunity for our mission
personnel in China, and revoke them?
If confirmed, do you commit to review similar waivers the
U.S. agreed to in more than 50 other countries?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to review the limited
waivers of personal inviolability of our mission personnel in
China, as well as similar diplomatic waivers across more than
50 other countries. I will conduct this review in consultation
with Department experts and take appropriate action, as needed,
to ensure protection of our mission personnel and the
maintenance of an effective diplomatic footprint. I will
certainly confer closely with the committee on this.
My understanding from the Department is that these waivers
were not ``blanket'' in nature, but rather individual. That is
to say, waivers were specifically issued for each traveler or
group of travelers that came to post that applied to a specific
testing requirement. Therefore, there are generally not ongoing
waivers to revoke or rescind with the host nations.
Question. Would you agree to waivers of diplomatic immunity
for embassy personnel in an adversarial country like China?
Answer. As noted in my QFR's, if confirmed and presented with
a similar situation of waiving diplomatic immunity in an
adversarial or other country, I would weigh the hardship placed
on the Mission's personnel by the particular local requirement
at issue, the consequences to our diplomatic presence of
asserting immunity and not complying with the requirement, and
the national security interest of remaining in country. It's
hard to predict where I would come out in a hypothetical
without knowing the full set of facts applicable to each case,
but I can assure you, if confirmed, the safety and security of
the Department's personnel, family members, and facilities will
be my first and foremost priority with respect to any decision
that comes before my desk. If and when these situations arise
in the future, we would certainly keep you and the committee
fully informed and apprised.
Original Question. Do you commit to consultation with
Congress before taking any steps to waive diplomatic immunity
for embassy personnel in an adversarial country like China?
Answer. If confirmed and presented with a similar decision on
waivers of diplomatic immunity for Embassy personnel in an
adversarial country during unusual circumstances, such as those
seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, I commit to keeping Congress
regularly informed on our policy and approach with respect to
such matters. This includes, but is not limited to, abiding by
the statutory notification requirements recently enacted under
the NDAA.
Original Question. Does the Department commit not to nominate
or re-nominate to a Senate-confirmed position any officials who
were involved in developing or approving the policy to comply
with the PRC's COVID protocols, including detention in fever
clinics, invasive, non-transparent testing procedures, and
arbitrary movement restrictions and lockdowns, family
separation, and the limited waivers of inviolability (in 2020
and 2022) that allowed these practices to happen?
Answer. As noted in my initial responses, decisions with
respect to nominating or re-nominating officials to Senate-
confirmed positions is solely the prerogative of the President,
not the Department. Even if I were in a position to make such a
commitment, I could not do so as a nominee without knowing all
of the facts and circumstances that went into those decisions.
If confirmed, I will serve on the committee that recommends
career Chief-of-Mission candidates. I will take that
responsibility seriously and I am committed to working with the
Secretary and the Department leadership to ensure the
Department identifies officers that exercise sound judgment and
leadership in challenging posts, including reviewing decision-
making in the wake of COVID-19.
Original Question. In briefings to SFRC staff and in formal
front-channel communications, the Department confirmed that 30
Americans had been detained in Chinese fever clinics. Following
press reports on the situation at Mission China, this number
was revised to 16. What accounts for the change in the number
of Americans the Department says were detained in Chinese fever
clinics? During which period of time and under what definitions
of ``American,'' and ``detained,'' were these figures
determined?
Answer. My understanding from the Department is that a total
of 30 individuals (including U.S Government employees or family
members) tested positive for COVID-19 upon arrival in China and
entered PRC COVID protocols. Of these 30, 16 spent some time in
a fever hospital. The remaining 14 were able to clear COVID
protocols by PRC health authorities short of fever hospital
admittance.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard R. Verma by Senator Chris Van Hollen
Question. I understand that State has made significant improvements
to the security clearance process in the last three years, and that 90
percent of cases are now processed well under the government-wide
standard. However, 10 percent of cases take considerably longer, often
due to delays within the U.S. Government, as other agencies do not
respond in a timely manner. This leaves jobs unfilled and employees
frustrated by the opaque process. If confirmed, how will you engage
with other government agencies to ensure that the U.S. Government is
not responsible for egregious delays in processing security clearances?
Answer. The Department continues to foster relationships with
interagency partners to coordinate the expedient processing of security
clearances and ensuring a trusted workforce. By bridging the
communications gap, the Department has already seen a decrease in
response times and faster timelines.
If confirmed, I commit to aiding Diplomatic Security to further
modernize the security clearance process in line with the Secretary of
State's modernization agenda and to ensuring that 10 percent of cases
that may take longer than the average processing time are being
addressed appropriately.
Question. Foreign national employees are the backbone of our
foreign policy operations abroad. As U.S. Ambassador to India, you have
firsthand knowledge of the critical role that our local experts play,
from knowing the roads and traffic patterns in order to safely
transport employees, to providing critical political insight on local
issues. Since 1952, the U.S. has had a program to reward our most loyal
employees abroad by allowing them to seek an immigrant visa after 15
years of exceptional service. However, I understand that this program
is now in jeopardy due to increased demand for other visas in this
category and resultant wait times. Can you explain how this program has
ended up with such a concerning backlog, after operating without issue
for nearly 70 years? Can you provide estimated numbers of the backlog?
Answer. The EB-4 immigrant visa category covers multiple categories
of ``special immigrants,'' including our locally employed (LE) staff
overseas, ``special immigrant juveniles'' (SIJs)--certain unaccompanied
minors who arrive at the southwest border--and other important groups.
Congress sets an annual cap on the number of EB-4 visas available.
Increased demand and a lower EB-4 limit for FY 1A2023 means LE staff
and others now face an unusually long waiting period before visas are
available. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and
our interagency partners on how to reduce this backlog.
Question. Can you describe the importance of the special immigrant
visa program for U.S. Government employees abroad, and the impact that
any disruption in this program will have on morale and retention?
Answer. The services provided by our locally employed U.S.
Government colleagues overseas are indispensable, and the sacrifices
they make on behalf of the United States are deeply valued. Due to
recent increased demand for immigrant visas in the employment based
fourth-preference category, local staff approved for special immigrant
visa status now face a multi-year wait for a visa, as the demand
exceeds the limited number of EB-4 visas available under the annual
statutory cap. This wait and uncertainty harms local staff morale,
recruitment, and retention. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with Congress and our interagency partners on how to reduce this
backlog.
Question. What steps is State taking to address the increased
demand for this visa category? What additional legislative authority is
needed to remedy this issue?
Answer. Demand for the EB-4 immigrant visa category derives from
geopolitical and migration realities outside of the immediate control
of the Department.
The Department of State cannot meet demand under the numerical
limitations of the statute. Amending the INA could help to ensure
certain groups covered under the EB-4 visa category are able to obtain
immigrant visas upon completion of their qualifying service.
Question. Both the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the U.S.
Department of State are charged with the protection of U.S. citizens
abroad. However, it appears that we have allowed 40 countries to enter
the Visa Waiver Program without a clear way to measure or assess
reciprocal treatment of U.S. citizens, despite reciprocity being a key
feature of the Visa Waiver Program. This program has existed since
1986, but there has been no effort to confirm that U.S. citizens are
being treated fairly regardless of race, national origin, ethnicity, or
religious background. If confirmed, how will you work to protect U.S.
citizens abroad, and assess reciprocal treatment in all visa waiver and
visa waiver-aspirant countries?
Answer. A key statutory requirement is that all Visa Waiver Program
(VWP) countries extend privileges to U.S. citizens and nationals
reciprocal to those that the U.S. extends to the citizens of VWP
countries. This important principle includes that all U.S. citizens and
nationals are treated equally without regard to race, religion,
ethnicity, or national origin. The Department of Homeland Security in
consultation with the Department of State is statutorily required to
review at least every two years the effects of each VWP country's
program designation on U.S. national security, law enforcement, and
immigration interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Richard R. Verma by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power violate the sovereignty of
the United States by flying spy balloons over our country, committing
an ongoing genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl,
and emit by far the largest quantity of greenhouse gases. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. Under
President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become more repressive at
home and more assertive abroad. We will defend and strengthen U.S.
national security, prosperity, and values; defend international law and
agreements and the other principles and institutions that maintain
peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and sovereign
nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist and
cooperate.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The United States will work with the PRC where our
interests are aligned. We cannot let the disagreements that divide us
stop us from moving forward on transnational issues that demand that we
work together, for the good of the American people and for the good of
the world.
Question. I note that you worked at Albright-Stonebridge Group, a
consulting firm that does a significant amount of business in China.
This is rather concerning. Do you have any remaining business interests
in China or with Chinese companies?
Answer. No.
Question. Are there any areas in which the Chinese Communist Party
could constructively work with the United States in good faith? If so,
what are they?
Answer. The United States will work with the PRC where our
interests are aligned. This includes exploring possible cooperation on
transnational challenges such as counter-narcotics, global health, and
food security. We cannot let disagreements that divide us stop us from
making progress on the priorities that demand we work together, for the
good of the American people and for the good of the world.
Question. Are you confident that our facilities and personnel in
the People's Republic of China are safe from Chinese Communist Party
directed interference and harassment?
Answer. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
safety of U.S. Government personnel, family members, and facilities
overseas. All U.S Government facilities, to include the U.S. Mission in
China, operate consistent with applicable security programs and in
consultation with Mission China leadership standards. Protecting
personnel and facilities through the pandemic took extraordinary
efforts by the Department's team and this focus will continue to be
required as the operating environment changes.
Question. If confirmed, what policies would you put in place to
ensure the safety and security of American diplomats posted to China?
Answer. The Department continues to evaluate and adjust the
security posture as needed to ensure the safety of U.S Government
personnel, and family member, and facilities in the People's Republic
of China. If confirmed, I will have no greater priority.
Question. Last month, the Administration stated it will terminate
the COVID-19 public health emergency in May 2023. During the pandemic,
the State Department significantly expanded telework eligibility for
Civil Service and Foreign Service employees domestically, as well as
overseas. It is time to bring back these employees into their
respective offices, embassies, and consulates to properly provide
services for the American people and conduct in-person diplomacy. U.S.
Passport adjudication backlogs cannot be completed from an employee's
dining room table and diplomacy to counter CCP influence around the
world should not be conducted via a video conference on a boat in the
Caribbean.
Answer. Overseas, all U.S. direct hire employees are in the office.
As of April%, 2022, the Department adopted an All-Functions posture
domestically, enabling full onsite engagement for all tasks requiring
in-person presence. If confirmed, I will continue to support the
Secretary's Modernization Agenda, under which the Department's Future
of Work Plan employs a ``Mission First'' core guiding principle. This
principle ensures that flexibilities augment our ability to deliver on
our mission.
Question. Are you aware of the current backlog of U.S. Passports
applications?
Answer. In FY 2022, Consular Affairs adjudicated the highest number
of passport products in history. I understand from the Department that
processing time for passport applications was at pre-pandemic levels
until February 6 when it increased with the normal cyclical demand. New
application volumes are higher than volumes seen at the same time of
year pre-pandemic. The Department increased capacity by hiring new
staff, recruiting internal volunteers, requiring Passport Services
headquarters employees to adjudicate, and authorizing 30,000 hours of
monthly overtime.
Question. Should all Consular Affairs employees be back in the
office to clear this backlog?
Question. In FY 2022, Consular Affairs (CA) adjudicated the highest
number of passport products in history. I understand from the
Department that processing time was at pre-pandemic levels until
February 6 when it increased with the normal cyclical demand. As of
late August 2021, all adjudicators returned to work in the office. CA
instituted an ``all hands on deck'' posture, requiring Passport
Services headquarters employees to adjudicate; authorized 30,000 hours
of monthly overtime; and recruited volunteers, including re-employed
annuitants, to work in Washington D.C.'s Satellite Office (akin to a
medium-sized agency).
Question. Should employees assigned to overseas posts be authorized
telework from another country or domestically?
Answer. I understand in certain circumstances employees assigned to
our overseas posts may be granted permission to telework while on
medical travel or emergency visitation travel in the United States.
This policy both helps posts accomplish their missions and take care of
people. I understand employees assigned overseas are not permitted to
telework from another overseas location or in other circumstances from
the United States and ``Third country'' telework is not permitted.
Question. If telework remains authorized for our diplomatic
missions overseas, why should the U.S. have a physical presence in our
embassies and consulates if the work can be done remotely from the
United States?
Answer. I understand Department policies do not allow for regularly
scheduled or core telework for U.S. direct hire employees assigned
abroad. Department telework policy permits situational telework only
for U.S. direct hire employees assigned overseas. This means that
supervisors have discretion to permit their employees to telework in
certain circumstances including security situations, traffic
disruptions, quarantine due to COVID-19, and other situations when the
supervisor deems telework the best option for the employee to meet the
needs of the mission.
Question. Should the U.S. taxpayer cover the costs of housing and
other benefits for diplomats assigned overseas, but choose to work from
the United States?
Answer. Housing and benefits are based on the location of
assignment, which is the physical location where the officer is
stationed. Foreign Service Officers and specialists assigned overseas,
work overseas. Only in exceptional, temporary circumstances would they
work from the United States. The Department provides housing for
diplomats stationed overseas to ensure that employees at our over 260
U.S. diplomatic missions around the world have secure and functional
residences to carry out U.S. foreign policy objectives consistent with
their assignment abroad.
Question. It is critically important that we have a Foreign Service
that is designed to meet the needs of this century. The talent we have
recruited to the Foreign Service is impressive, but there are ways to
further strengthen how we identify new talent and train the workforce
that we have. During the Cold War of the last century, the State
Department recognized the need to deal with the global threat of the
Soviet Union, by hiring Russian speakers and experts on communist
ideology. To meet the challenges of this century, our Foreign Service
must be structured to counter the malign influence of the Chinese
Communist Party, which is now our main geopolitical threat. If
confirmed, what would you do to shift the focus of the Foreign Service
toward developing regional expertise and advanced language skills,
particularly in the Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. The State Department is focused on ensuring its foreign
affairs professionals have the regional expertise and language skills
necessary to responsibly manage engagement with the PRC, the United
States' most complicated bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I would
support the Department's recent launch of a Global China training
course to deepen officers' understanding of how China exercises
influence around the world and how the U.S. can counter that influence.
If confirmed, I would also support the Department's plan to train
additional critical officers in Chinese and to maintain advanced
Chinese language skills.
Question. If the generalist model is to be retained, are you
prepared to carve out a separate track for political and economic
officers who specialize in one region and/or critical language?
Answer. While I am open to exploring changes, if confirmed, I
understand that the current system ensures the Department has a well-
rounded, skilled diplomatic corps. Foreign Service Generalist Officers
are our key interlocutors with foreign governments, engage with foreign
citizens, work to ensure the safety and security of U.S. citizens, and
advance U.S. interests abroad. Many gain expertise in a language or
region over their career. Given the global scale on which we compete,
it is important that our officers be able to succeed in a variety of
circumstances and conditions.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to an evaluation of the
personnel numbers in each region and adjust accordingly?
Answer. Yes. I understand the Department is currently in the
process of reviewing positions, both domestically and overseas, for
potential realignment to better support policy priorities.
Question. Since the start of the Biden Administration, the State
Department has been in the business of exporting the same ``woke''
policies that divide our nation to our allies and partners. From
sponsoring drag theater performances in South America to criticizing
partners in the Indo-Pacific for same-sex marriage laws, State has
placed divisive social objectives over our stated national security
priorities. You are currently a member of the board of trustees with
the Ford Foundation, correct?
Answer. Yes.
Question. I assume you are aware of the Ford Foundation's stated
position to promote abortion access overseas in the name of democracy?
Answer. I am aware of the Ford Foundation's position on women's
rights, including reproductive health services. Members of the board of
trustees do not approve individual grants.
Question. If confirmed, will you support policies that put the
American taxpayer on the hook for providing abortions for State
Department employees, even if those employees are stationed in a nation
where abortion is illegal?
Answer. I recognize and respect there are restrictions under U.S.
federal law on using government funds for abortion services. If
confirmed, I will execute the duties of my office and execute the
functions of the Department consistent with federal law and Department
policy both domestically and overseas.
Question. After the tragic East Africa bombings of the 1990s, the
State Department's Accountability Review Board recognized the need for
Diplomatic Security Special Agents, called Regional Security Officers
(RSO) when overseas, to have direct lines of communication to convey
accurate and timely threat information and provide security advice to
senior State department leadership. Those recommendations resulted in
the RSO no longer reporting to Management officers overseas and
directly to the Ambassador. Unfortunately, those recommendations were
only implemented overseas and as the events unfolded in Benghazi,
Libya, the Assistant Secretary of Diplomatic Security in State
Department headquarters did not have the ability to directly brief or
provide advice to the Secretary of State, or Deputy Secretaries, here
in Washington, without going through multiple layers of bureaucracy. In
an increasingly dangerous world, where authoritarian regimes are waging
war on sovereign states and operating undercover overseas police
outposts, this inability to report unvarnished, accurate, and timely
threat information regarding our overseas operations to our chief
decision makers in the department puts our diplomats at risk.
Why does the Assistant Secretary for Diplomatic Security still
report to the Undersecretary for Management, instead of
directly to the Secretary in Washington, given the need to
provide direct and timely security advice and while this
reporting chain was eliminated at our overseas missions?
Answer. Direct engagement with foreign partners outside embassy
walls is at the heart of diplomacy. From my time as Chief of Mission in
India, I recognize the importance of direct and frank threat security
assessments from Diplomatic Security (DS) advisors to guide how the
U.S. Government balances foreign policy imperatives and risks to U.S.
Government personnel. By law, the DS Assistant Secretary reports
directly to the Secretary as threats and circumstances require. If
confirmed, I am committed to ensuring the Department respects
Congress's intent of direct access to the Secretary.
Question. Would you agree that the passage of timely threat
information and advice needs to be received in a timely manner directly
to the Secretary and Deputy Secretaries, while not being pre-screened
by a non-security professional?
Answer. I agree accurate and timely threat information reporting
and security advice is critical to smartly balancing risk and our
foreign policy objectives. By law, the Assistant Secretary for
Diplomatic Security has direct access to the Secretary as threats and
circumstances require. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring the
Department respects Congress's intent of direct access to the Secretary
by the Assistant Secretary for Diplomatic Security, so that the
Secretary has a comprehensive view of the risks inherent in diplomacy.
Question. The Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism
(SEAS) is responsible for developing and implementing policies to
combat antisemitism overseas and plays a critical role in urging and
advising foreign governments to take measures to ensure the safety and
security of their respective Jewish communities. Vital to its mission
is adequate staffing levels and continuity between Administrations. How
many positions (full time, part-time, and temporary) currently exist
within the SEAS Office as well as the title, hiring mechanisms, and
funding sources for such positions.
Answer. I understand from the Department that the staffing of J/
SEAS currently consists of five FTEs, three of which are career (two
Civil Service, one Foreign Service), one presidential appointment, and
one schedule C, all funded via the American Salaries operating account
within the Diplomatic Programs appropriation. FTEs include a Special
Envoy, a Deputy Special Envoy, one Political Officer, and two Foreign
Affairs Officers.
Question. Are there plans to provide the SEAS Office with
additional positions or adjust staffing in the coming year?
Answer. I understand there are no current plans to provide
additional positions to the SEAS Office or to adjust staffing at this
time.
Question. What is the State Department's plan to ensure continuity
within the SEAS Office between administrations and before a Special
Envoy is confirmed?
Answer. Antisemitism is rising rapidly around the world. I know
both the Department and Congress takes countering global antisemitism
seriously. The SEAS Act, which elevated the rank of the U.S. Special
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism to the rank of Ambassador, was
signed into law in January 2021. It is my understanding the Department
is still formulating a comprehensive plan to ensure continuity between
administrations and special envoys. If confirmed, I will ensure the
SEAS office receives the resources it needs and a continuity plan is in
place so the important work of the office can continue without
disruption.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Richard R. Verma by Senator Todd Young
Question. The President has issued the PMA (or the President's
Management Agenda) for initiatives designed to make government more
citizen-centered, effective, and efficient. Using the passport
processing crisis as an example--current passport processing times are
not at pre-pandemic levels and the expediting program called ``Hand-
Carry'' which supports urgent passport processing for Americans is not
back to full operation. If confirmed, what would be your plan to return
all remote workers to on-sight work and how should the Department
leverage or utilize existing technologies in the private sector that
improve the efficiency and effectives of those workers?
Answer. In FY 2022, Consular Affairs adjudicated the highest number
of passport products in history. Processing time for passport
applications was at pre-pandemic levels until February 6, when it
increased with the normal cyclical demand. As of late August 2021, all
adjudicators returned to work in the office. Counter and courier
services are at or above pre-COVID levels. The Department is evaluating
strategies and leveraging existing technologies to alleviate backlogs
and manage the demands of our workload effectively, including by
piloting remote processing via Online Passport Renewal.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 1, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:33 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Cory A.
Booker presiding.
Present: Senators Booker [presiding], Cardin, Coons, Kaine,
Van Hollen, Risch, Young, Barrasso, Hagerty, and Ricketts.
Also Present: Senator Casey, Jr.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Booker. I am now going to officially gavel the
hearing in. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will now come to order.
We are here today to consider five truly important
positions of great service to our nation. The first is Vivek
Murthy to be the U.S. Representative on the Executive Board of
the World Health Organization. The next is Ms. Kathleen
FitzGibbon to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Niger.
Next is Eric Kneedler to be the Ambassador to the Republic
of Rwanda. Next is Ms. Pamela Tremont to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Zimbabwe, and finally, Mr. Richard Mills to be the
Ambassador to the Republic of Nigeria.
As chair of this committee's Africa and Global Health
Policy Subcommittee this Congress, I am eager to hear from each
of you on how you intend to pursue the United States' interests
in the countries and organizations you will respectively be
serving in should you be confirmed by the United States Senate.
But it is also important for us to see how these interests
fit in with deepening and expanding our relationships and
shared opportunities with countries across Africa.
We know that too many people paint Africa, this massive
continent, with broad strokes, ignoring the incredible
diversity and dynamism across the continent.
I am hopeful that in the aftermath of December's U.S.-
Africa Leadership Summit, the United States will chart an
emboldened path forward to strengthen U.S.-Africa relations
defined by shared visions and with an eye towards prosperity
and sustained engagement as partners.
In particular, I would like to highlight the significance
of the President's $55 billion commitment to advance Africa's
economic and human capital development priorities, and the
appointment of the Special Representative to ensure
implementation of this and other summit deliverables is really
a welcome sign.
I am looking forward to working with the administration and
all of you to secure support for this financial commitment and
ensure accountability from African leaders to deliver for their
citizens.
Now it is an absolute pleasure for me, it truly is, to
introduce the nominees before us, who are dedicated Americans
in their service--already shown and demonstrated service.
The first is someone I have known for quite a long time,
Vivek Murthy. It is my honor to introduce him as the
President's nominee to become the Representative--the next
Representative of the United States on the Executive Board of
the World Health Organization, also known as the WHO.
Dr. Murthy is the current U.S. Surgeon General--he does not
just dress that way for his fun and enjoyment--and has served
our country through one of the worst public health crises in
modern history.
Thanks to his effective and steady leadership and at the
direction of the President of the United States, he was able to
vaccinate millions in record time.
Dr. Murthy also served as U.S. Surgeon General under
President Obama where he oversaw the United States response to
the Ebola and Zika viruses, underscoring his ability to
spearhead government wide responses to public health threats.
He has ample experience interacting with global health
leaders, including the WHO director general and foreign health
ministers from around the world.
I will spare the committee the rest of his incredible
resume. But I will say it is a quite extensive and impressive
resume. It is truly a testimony to his qualifications for his
role and how he is one great American dedicated to the health
of our country.
We have learned from this pandemic. We have learned about
infectious diseases and we know that such diseases have no
borders nor ideology. They affect human populations regardless.
It is imperative that we have strong representation at the WHO.
Dr. Murthy, I look forward to hearing from you and how and
why U.S. leadership and engagement at the World Health
Organization is critical to fostering sustainable, resilient,
and innovative developments in public health around the world.
Ms. Kathleen FitzGibbon, you have been nominated to be the
U.S. Ambassador to Niger. It is--you are a career member of the
Foreign Service, of which this committee is grateful.
You have served as deputy chief of mission in Nigeria. Your
track record across Africa spans more than two decades--you
started when you were 12--and includes tours in Sierra Leone,
Gabon, Uganda, and Chad.
You are the recipient of multiple performance awards
including one for leadership during the West Africa Ebola
crisis. You have served under multiple presidents and dedicated
yourself to this country's mission.
Your assignments here in D.C. are also highly relevant
having worked in the State Department's Office to Combat and
Monitor Trafficking in Persons and later in the Department's
Bureau of Intelligence and Research as the Office of Africa
analyst director.
As a native of New York, known for its greatness in its
proximity to New Jersey, Ms. FitzGibbon attended Hartwick
College and earned a master's degree from UC Davis, which is
considered the Rutgers of the West.
Ms. Pamela Tremont--Ms. Tremont is nominated to be the U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe, is also a career member
of the senior Foreign Service, and you have again demonstrated
patriotism, service, and leadership over the course of your
career.
Your most recent posting to the U.S. Embassy in Stockholm
included an 18-month stint as the Charge d'Affaires. Ms.
Tremont has wide-ranging experience across multiple regions in
substantive areas.
She was assigned to the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine and served
as Deputy Chief of Mission of the U.S. Embassy in Cyprus. She
has not--she has also held positions in Washington related to
NATO policy as well as overseas at the U.S. Embassy in Zambia.
Ms. Tremont earned degrees from Baylor and the National Defense
University.
Mr. Richard Mills--Mr. Richard Mills' 30-year career in the
Foreign Service includes tours in challenging security
environments, work in sub-Saharan Africa, and experience
leading large interagency teams.
You are the acting head of mission to Canada and previously
served as the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia. Your incredible
service of patriotism to your country also includes overseas
postings in Lebanon, Malta, Iraq, and the United Kingdom.
Prior to joining the Foreign Service, Mills was an attorney
and received a law degree from the University of Texas. Mr.
Mills currently serves as U.S. Deputy Representative to the
United Nations, where he has a front row seat to witnessing
Nigeria's diplomatic clout and its role--and role on the world
stage.
As the President's nominee to the U.S. Ambassador to
Nigeria, many of us are eager to hear your thoughts on
Nigeria's recent elections and how you would work with the new
government to advance U.S. interests.
And the final intro, last but definitely not least, Mr.
Eric Kneedler nominated to be U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda. You
have the fortunate distinction amongst this group of five of
not being introduced by me. Congratulations.
Instead, we have up on this screen--I am going to try to do
this looking like I am controlling this like an orchestra
conductor--we are going to hear from Senator Bob Casey of
Pennsylvania.
Roll the tape.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, thank you
for the opportunity to speak in support of the nomination of a
fellow Pennsylvanian and devoted civil servant, Eric Kneedler.
Eric, thank you for your willingness to serve. I would also
like to thank Mr. Kneedler's family, his wife Kristin, and two
children, Toren and Ella. No one enters public service alone.
The commitments of such a role mean public servants' families
make sacrifices as well.
The role of ambassador to Rwanda is a critical diplomatic
position for the U.S. Government. As both Rwanda and the United
States form more perfect representative and inclusive unions
our continued partnership is vital.
The United States is the largest bilateral supporter of
Rwanda and the ambassador plays an important role in ensuring
that those U.S. dollars do the most good they can for the
Rwandan people.
As Rwanda is one of the Feed the Future program's target
countries, Mr. Kneedler will be implementing the Global Food
Security Act on the frontlines, fighting the root causes of
hunger, poverty, and malnutrition while lifting up communities
through agricultural development.
Mr. Kneedler's quarter century of diplomatic experience
makes him well equipped to strengthen the U.S.' relationship
with Rwanda.
Most recently he served as political counselor, Chief of
Mission, and Charge d'Affaires in nearby Kenya for five years.
While serving as charge last October, Mr. Kneedler gave an
important speech that made reference to people with
disabilities.
At the inclusive Africa Conference, Mr. Kneedler talked
about the need to build on the Americans with Disabilities Act
and the Convention of Rights of Persons with Disabilities to,
quote, ``unlock the hidden potential of every person to
contribute to a brighter future for Africa,'' unquote.
Every community from here to Rwanda is better off when
people with disabilities are able to fully participate in their
communities. Mr. Kneedler's service, his qualifications, and
experience have prepared him well to honorably represent U.S.
interests abroad and prioritize the human rights of all people,
including those with disabilities.
And while his career has required Eric to leave
Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania has never left him. Once a week
during football season you can find him awake in the middle of
the night watching the Steelers.
I strongly support Eric's nomination to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to Rwanda and thank you again for the opportunity to
speak on his behalf.
Senator Booker. I am sorry that he mentioned that you were
a Steelers fan. I think you just lost four votes up here.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. I have to say that Mr.--Senator Hagerty is
relieved he is no longer the acting ranking member of this
committee hearing. He and I as junior senators now turn it to
the far more experienced, the far more senior, the wise
sagacious soul that is sitting to my left.
I now bring you the ranking member, former chairman of the
Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Risch.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Mr. Chairman, flattery will get you
everything. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate the merriment we
are having here at the beginning with some good interaction.
But this is really serious. I mean, this panel is made up of
people who are going to very difficult places and I have a few
things I want to say on the record before we start and I am
going to begin with the nomination of Dr. Murthy to be U.S.
Representative to the World Health Organization.
The WHO is a flawed organization and I say that from
experience. I dealt with them deeply as the COVID matter
started, and the pandemic was difficult, as we all know, at the
best and I just simply was not getting out of WHO what I wanted
and I think most people saw what was happening there.
The COVID-19 pandemic exposed critical weaknesses in the
organization's structure and leadership. It failed to act
quickly in response to the COVID-19 outbreak and it yielded--
this was the thing that really troubled me--it yielded to the
Chinese pressure in stalling the investigation.
I remember I was shocked when I talked to the head of the
WHO and asked him how they went about this right at the
beginning, and they went to China but they were stuck in a
hotel for two weeks before the Chinese would let them get out
of their hotel to go look at what was going on and they--WHO
has failed to hold China accountable for its lack of
transparency.
These failures contributed to the deaths of millions of
people around the world. It put politics ahead of human health.
The WHO has also been plagued by allegations, as we all know,
of sexual exploitation and abuse including in response to the
Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
These unconscionable acts cannot be swept under the carpet.
The WHO employees responsible for these crimes must be fired,
banned from future service in the U.N. system, and held
personally and criminally liable.
There are apparently discussions going on between the White
House regarding some kind of an agreement on the pandemic--on
any future pandemic with the WHO.
I am disappointed that the White House has not included
me--I do not know if they have included the Democrat members--
in these discussions, but our side has not been included in
this.
This is incredibly important that Congress be read in on
this. We certainly should be asked to approve any agreement
that is entered into since it will be a treaty. I introduced a
resolution this week that would ensure the Senate gets an
appropriate opportunity to consider any such agreement.
The administration should also refrain from increasing U.S.
contributions to the WHO without targeted verifiable reforms
that ensure the WHO is properly tasked and fully accountable.
If confirmed, you will be responsible to hold the line on
these principles.
On the nomination of U.S. Ambassador to Zimbabwe I am
appalled by the continued abuses of power, excessive
corruption, and horrific human rights record by the country's
leadership. These not only inhibit the U.S.-Zimbabwe
relationship but also deprive the region of benefiting from a
prosperous Zimbabwe.
With elections expected this summer we already see the
Zimbabwean regime taking the country down a dark and familiar
path of electoral violence, repression, and impunity.
Our ambassador must hold firm in the support for the people
of Zimbabwe while committing to uphold U.S. values on human
rights and democracy and engaging the Zimbabwean Government.
I look forward to hearing how Ms. Tremont plans to--Ms.
Tremont plans to do this.
On the nomination of U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda, this is
always an important job on the continent but even more so now
that the U.S. has critical priorities where Rwanda can either
be a constructive partner or an unhelpful constraint.
Important issues include the regional conflict in eastern
Congo and the reengagement of M-23 and other rebel groups, the
Rwandan Government's detention of U.S. permanent resident and
recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and also
Rwanda's role in helping to stabilize northern Mozambique and
Central African Republic.
I am keen to hear from Mr. Kneedler about how he will
confront the challenges while shaping a U.S. policy in Rwanda
that requires greater clarity and direction.
Moving on to the nomination of U.S. Ambassador to Niger,
Ms. FitzGibbon's most recent experience as chief deputy--or
excuse me, as deputy chief of mission in Nigeria is probably
the best preparation one could get for this role.
Both countries battle significant insurgent threats, are
essential U.S. security partners, and face severe challenges to
democracy, which can be overcome with commitment and support.
The situation in the Sahel has deteriorated dramatically in
the last few years, particularly with the coup in Mali and
Burkina Faso and the entry of Russian-backed Wagner Group into
Mali.
I look forward to hearing how Ms. FitzGibbon will support
the U.S.-Niger security relationship while being a visible
proponent for developing resilient democratic institutions in
Niger.
Finally, the nomination of U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria--this
country is undergoing a rapid transformation. We must commit to
working with Nigeria to capitalize on opportunities to build
its economy and democracy while confronting significant
challenges like insecurity.
Elections in Nigeria always serve as a vital test for
Nigeria's democracy and have a lasting impact on the region.
While the result of last Saturday's presidential election was
announced today, it is clear that many of the technical and
institutional challenges that have previously plagued Nigerian
elections continued into this process.
It is critical that Nigeria finds a path forward that
serves the will of the Nigerian people.
Mr. Mills, if confirmed, will need to lead U.S. efforts in
Nigeria to support the development of strong democratic
institutions including political parties.
Lastly, the human rights record of Nigeria's military gives
us pause about how we provide the country with much needed
security assistance. Nigeria's partnership with the U.S. must
include lasting solutions to seemingly unending human rights
abuses. I look forward to hearing how Mr. Mills plans to
approach these issues.
So, again, I come back, Mr. Chairman, to the fact that this
is a panel made up of very qualified people to take these
issues on. I am keen to hear from them how they are going to do
that.
We do not often see a panel with as many challenges
collectively as all of you have. But we hope you are up to the
task. Thank you for taking this on.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. No, Mr. Ranking Member, thank you for your
opening remarks and for your insights into these challenges as
well as your affirmation of the qualities of the people before
me.
We are now going to open for opening testimonies. We are
going to start with Dr. Murthy. Then we are going to go to Ms.
FitzGibbon, then Mr. Kneedler, then Ms. Tremont, and then the
mighty Mr. Mills.
I am going to have to run to the floor to vote. Should we
get done with the opening testimony before I return--I doubt
that will happen--you are very fortunate because the acting
Chairman of this committee will be the former Chairman of the
entire Foreign Relations Committee, a dear friend who also I am
stuck between, unlike the Rutgers University between Harvard
and Princeton here. So----
Senator Risch. Who is Harvard and who is Princeton?
Senator Booker. Sir, you are whoever you want to be.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. But I will direct Dr. Murthy to please
begin with your opening statement, sir, and to please take no
disrespect from me turning my back on you and walking out.
Dr. Murthy. It is all good. I appreciate that.
Senator Booker. All right.
STATEMENT OF DR. VIVEK HALLAGERE MURTHY, OF FLOR-
IDA, NOMINATED TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED
STATES ON THE EXECUTIVE BOARD OF THE WORLD HEALTH
ORGANIZATION
Dr. Murthy. Chairman Booker, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply honored for
the opportunity to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as the Representative of the United States to
the Executive Board of the WHO.
I would not be here today if it were not for the love and
support of my wife and best friend, Alice Chen, my children,
Teyjas and Shanthi, my sister and brother-in-law, Rashmi and
Amit, my grandmother, Sarojini, and especially my parents,
Hallegere and Myetraie Murthy.
It was my father and mother who inspired me to become a
doctor and to enter public service. I spent afternoons after
school and on weekends in the small clinic that they ran in
Miami, Florida. I was greeting patients and watching my parents
at work.
Over time I came to see that healing was about more than
diagnoses made and medicines prescribed. It was also about
building relationships and empowering people with the tools
necessary to keep themselves and their families healthy.
Through their words and actions my parents taught me that
health is the most important investment that we can make. It is
the foundation for prosperity and happiness, and I came to see
that this was true not only for individuals but also for
communities, nations, and for the world.
This lesson became the foundation of my career in medicine
and in public health. Nearly 30 years ago, it inspired me to
launch VISIONS, an organization focused on HIV/AIDS prevention,
that organized youth-led workshops and trained students to be
educators and community leaders.
It is a lesson that guided me when launching the Swasthya
Community Health Partnership in rural India, which trained
local young women to be community health workers and community
leaders.
It has informed the way I have cared for patients and their
families over the years, and the lesson from my parents has
also guided my work as Surgeon General. Over two terms I have
had countless conversations with fellow Americans to learn
about their health concerns and needs. I have worked to advance
solutions to opioid addiction, tobacco-related disease, mental
illness, and other public health challenges.
I have had the privilege of working with community
organizations, government leaders of all levels and from both
parties, and countless Americans to address global health
threats that have impacted the United States from Ebola and
Zika to COVID-19.
My experiences dealing with domestic and global health
matters have made it clear to me that the health of Americans
requires effective partnership and coordination with the rest
of the world to ensure the early detection, rapid response, and
containment of public health threats.
This is a place where the World Health Organization has a
vital role to play and the United States must ensure that the
WHO plays this role effectively. That is why my top priorities
for this position, if confirmed, are strong governance at the
WHO and making sure we are better prepared for the next
pandemic.
Now, given this significant longstanding investment in the
WHO by the United States we have both the ability and the
responsibility to demand clarity, transparency, and
accountability in all WHO operations.
That includes ensuring that the WHO uses its position to
help build stronger and more resilient health systems around
the world, that its approach to public health threats is rapid
and robust, that resources are used responsibly and that
decision making is transparent.
It also means demanding that the WHO workforce be held to
the highest ethical standards and that there is a zero
tolerance policy for abuse and exploitation that is enforced.
Ensuring we are better prepared for the next pandemic will
ensure the WHO--will require the WHO to see that the lessons of
COVID-19 and prior infectious disease threats are in fact
reflected in a clear strategy for addressing future pandemics
including effective surveillance and detection, rapid response,
and sustained efforts to support recovery.
It will also require successful engagement on negotiations
currently underway to strengthen the international health
regulations and develop a new pandemic accord to address
broader gaps in pandemic preparedness.
An effective WHO can help the world address not only future
pandemics but also ongoing public health challenges from
maternal mortality, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, to
noncommunicable diseases and mental illness, which are robbing
more and more people of their health, productivity, and
fulfillment.
Mental health is an area that I have focused on during my
tenure as surgeon general. It has become a global crisis and I
believe the United States is uniquely positioned to provide the
empathetic, thoughtful, and urgent leadership that this issue
demands.
If I had the privilege of serving as U.S. Representative to
the WHO Executive Board, it is my intention to strengthen
America's voice and leadership on mental health on the world
stage.
I recognize this is a time of great challenge for America
and the world when it comes to health. But I also believe we
have a window of opportunity to strengthen our institutions and
processes so we are more prepared than before COVID-19 and that
is my guiding principle.
I hope to have the opportunity to do so as U.S.
Representative to the WHO Executive Board, working hand in hand
with partners in Congress and across the administration.
I thank you for your consideration of my nomination and I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Murthy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Vivek Hallagere Murthy
Chairman Booker, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of the
committee--I'm deeply honored by the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to serve as Representative of the
United States on the Executive Board of the World Health Organization.
I would not be here today were it not for the love and support of
my wife and my best friend, Dr. Alice Chen; my children, Teyjas and
Shanthi; my sister, Rashmi and brother-in-law Amit; my grandmother
Sarojini; and especially my parents, Hallegere and Myetraie Murthy.
It was my father and mother who inspired me to become a doctor and
to enter public service. I spent afternoons after school and on
weekends in the small clinic they ran in Miami, greeting patients and
watching my parents at work. Over time, I came to see that healing was
about more than diagnoses made and medicines prescribed; it was also
about building relationships and empowering people with the tools
necessary to keep themselves, and their families, healthy.
Through their words and actions, my parents taught me that health
is the most important investment we can make--it is the foundation for
prosperity and happiness. I came to see that this was true not only for
individuals, but for communities, for nations, and for the world.
This lesson became the foundation of my career in medicine and
public health. Nearly 30 years ago, it inspired me to launch VISIONS,
an organization focused on HIV/AIDS prevention that organized youth-led
education workshops and trained students to be educators and community
leaders. It's the lesson that guided me when launching the Swasthya
Community Health Partnership in rural India, which trained local young
women to be community health workersand community leaders. It informed
the way I have cared for patients and their families over the years.
And the lesson from my parents has guided my work as Surgeon
General. Over two terms, I've had countless conversations our fellow
Americans to learn about their health concerns and needs. I've worked
to advance solutions to opioid addiction, tobacco-related disease,
mental illness, and other public health challenges. And I've worked
with community organizations, government leaders at all levels and from
both parties, and countless Americans to address global health threats
that have impacted the United States, from Ebola and Zika to COVID-19.
My experiences dealing with domestic and global health matters have
made clear to me that the health of Americans requires effective
partnership and coordination with the rest of the world, to ensure
early detection, rapid response, and containment of public health
threats. This is a place where the World Health Organization has a
vital role to play. And the United States must ensure that the WHO
plays this role effectively.
That's why my top priorities for the position, if confirmed, are
strong governance at the WHO and making sure we're better prepared for
the next pandemic. Given the significant, decades-long investment in
the WHO by the United States, we have the ability and the
responsibility to demand clarity, transparency, and accountability in
all WHO operations. That includes ensuring that the WHO uses its
position to help build stronger and more resilient health systems
around the world, that its approach to public health threats is rapid
and robust, that resources are used responsibly, and that decision-
making is transparent. It also means demanding that the WHO workforce
be held to the highest ethical standards, and that there is zero
tolerance for abuse and exploitation.
Ensuring we are better prepared for the next pandemic will require
the WHO to see that the lessons of COVID-19 and prior infectious
disease threats are reflected in a clear strategy for addressing future
pandemics, including effective surveillance and detection, rapid
response, and sustained efforts to support recovery. It also will
require successful engagement on negotiations currently underway to
strengthen the International Health Regulations and develop a new
pandemic accord to address broader gaps in pandemic preparedness.
An effective WHO can help the world address not only future
pandemics, but also ongoing public health challenges, from maternal
mortality, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria to noncommunicable
diseases and mental illness, which are robbing more and more people of
their health, productivity, and fulfillment. Mental health is an area I
have focused on during my tenure as Surgeon General. It has now become
a global crisis. I believe the United States is uniquely positioned to
provide the empathetic, thoughtful, and urgent leadership that this
issue demands.
If I have the privilege of serving as U.S. Representative to the
WHO Executive Board, it is my intention to strengthen America's voice
and leadership on mental health on the world stage.
I recognize that this is a time of great challenge for America and
the world when it comes to health. But I also believe that we have a
window of opportunity to strengthen our institutions and processes so
we are more prepared than before COVID-19. That is my guiding
principle. I hope to have the opportunity to do so as U.S.
Representative to the WHO Executive Board, working hand-in-hand with
partners in Congress and across the Administration.
Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward
to your questions.
Senator Cardin [presiding]. We are going to have a roving
chairmanship here until our Chairman gets back.
Ms. FitzGibbon?
STATEMENT OF KATHLEEN A. FITZGIBBON, OF NEW YORK, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY, OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF
NIGER
Ms. FitzGibbon. Thank you.
Mr. Acting Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the next ambassador to
the Republic of Niger.
I deeply appreciate the confidence and trust that the
President and the Secretary of State have shown in nominating
me for this position and I thank you for your consideration.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
advance our interests in Niger.
My family members could not be here with me today but
because of their support I am sitting before this committee. My
father, sisters and brothers, aunts and uncles and cousins, are
all watching from Bills country in western New York, Virginia,
and family outposts in North Carolina and Washington State, and
my colleagues in Africa are, watching represented here by Katie
Donohoe from Team Nigeria, and then I also have behind me my
desk officer from Team Niger. So I am going to be traded from
one team to the other, if confirmed.
My mother and sister are no longer here with us but they
were important players in my story. My commitment to sub-
Saharan Africa began as a Hartwick College intern at
INTERACTION where I worked with nongovernmental organizations
and the Select Committee on Hunger, mustering support for the
Ethiopian famine in 1984.
This motivated my academic focus on African politics and
development at the University of California at Davis and
teaching African politics at Mary Washington College in
Fredericksburg, Virginia.
These experiences enabled me to springboard into diplomatic
service, which was a lifelong dream which seemed far out of
reach from my small working-class town of Caledonia, New York.
I started my State Department career as a civil service
officer and then converted into the Foreign Service thanks to a
program initiated by Secretary Powell to make our diplomatic
face abroad look more like America.
My dream job has allowed me to be a participant in historic
junctures in Nigeria, Chad, Uganda, Sierra Leone, Gabon, and
Sao Tome and Principe. These assignments built my experience in
security and counterterrorism, conflict resolution, refugee and
migration affairs, trafficking in persons, human rights,
democratic reforms, and commercial advocacy, as well as
humanitarian and health diplomacy.
I led interagency teams that managed U.S. Government
resources as deputy chief of mission in Gabon, Sierra Leone,
Nigeria, and as charge d'affaires for a year in Sierra Leone
during the West Africa Ebola crisis.
In these positions I mentored our next generation of
diplomats so they too could have the skills they need to
succeed.
I also take very seriously my responsibility to protect
American citizens overseas. Serving in Africa, I coordinated
military and law enforcement activities during numerous
situations of political unrest, terrorist threats, and
kidnapping for ransom. In 2020, I secured Nigerian permission
for a successful cross border rescue of an American hostage.
If confirmed, I will make use of these rich experiences to
reinforce the strong partnership between Niger and the United
States. Niger faces major terrorist threats on multiple borders
and is a critical partner in our efforts to combat violent
extremism and in strengthening democratic governance and
adherence to international humanitarian law in West Africa.
It is a linchpin of our rebalance stabilization strategy
for the Sahel that seeks governance solutions to the security
problems plaguing Niger and its neighbors. Our objective is to
address Niger's many development deficits while strengthening
its military capacity to restore the security necessary to
defeat the terrorists on and within its borders.
If confirmed, I will lead our interagency team's efforts to
enhance the Government's delivery of critical services in
health, education, agriculture, food security, and the rule of
law. Through these efforts I will seek to deepen Niger's
democracy, provide economic opportunity, and deny violent
extremist organizations the ability to recruit neglected youth.
Fundamental to our assistant strategy is the promotion and
respect for human rights and humanitarian principles for which
I will be a relentless advocate.
Early in my career female activists told then Secretary
Albright that in Africa poverty has a woman's face. These words
resonate as a sobering reality in Niger. I look forward to
working with President Bazoum, who is prioritizing the
betterment of women and girls as a major pillar of the
country's economic development plan.
Our USAID mission, which opened up after a 22-year absence,
is a critical player in our whole-of-government approach to
investing in Nigerian people, especially women and girls.
This long-term investment will require buy in from Niger's
political class, a challenge that I will gladly take up,
although I also understand local absorptive capacity could
limit the pace of our progress.
Finally, I will support inclusive democratic processes and
transparency to strengthen the foundation of governance
necessary to meet the aspirations of Niger's youthful
population.
Senators, the United States has an important role and stake
in helping Niger succeed in its uphill battle. If confirmed, I
look forward to leading U.S. Government efforts to consolidate
Niger's democratic gains and create a secure environment in
which Nigeriens can prosper.
Close coordination and consultation with Congress will be
essential to achieving these goals.
Mr. Acting Chairman and Mr. Ranking Member, thank you for
the opportunity to be here before you today and I look forward
to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. FitzGibbon follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kathleen A. FitzGibbon
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee for United States Ambassador to the Republic of Niger. I deeply
appreciate the confidence and trust the President and Secretary of
State have shown in nominating me for this position. Thank you for your
consideration and if confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress
to advance our interests in Niger. My family members could not be here
today, but because of their support, I am sitting before this
committee. My father, sisters and brothers, aunts, uncles, and cousins
are watching from Bills country in Western New York and our family
outposts in North Carolina and Washington State. My mother and sister
are no longer with us, but they also were important players in my
story.
My commitment to sub-Saharan Africa began as a Hartwick College
intern at INTERACTION, where I worked with non-governmental
organizations and the Select Committee on Hunger mustering support
during the Ethiopian famine in 1984. This motivated my academic focus
on African politics and development at the University of California at
Davis and teaching African politics at Mary Washington College. These
experiences enabled me to springboard into diplomatic service, which
was a lifelong dream that seemed out of reach from my small, working-
class town of Caledonia, New York. I started my State Department career
as a civil service officer and then converted into the Foreign Service,
thanks to a program initiated by Secretary Powell to make our
diplomatic face abroad look more like America.
My dream job has allowed me to be a participant at historic
junctures in Nigeria, Chad, Uganda, Sierra Leone, Gabon, and Sao Tome
and Principe. These assignments built my expertise on security and
counterterrorism, conflict resolution, refugee and migration affairs,
trafficking in persons, human rights, democratic reforms, commercial
advocacy, as well as humanitarian and health diplomacy. I led
interagency teams and managed U.S. Government resources as Deputy Chief
of Mission in Gabon, Sierra Leone, and Nigeria and as the Charge
d'Affaires for a year in Sierra Leone during the West African Ebola
crisis. In these positions, I mentored our next generation of diplomats
so they could have the skills they need to succeed.
I also take very seriously my responsibility to protect U.S.
citizens overseas. Serving in Africa, I coordinated military and law
enforcement activities during numerous situations of political unrest,
terrorist threats, and kidnapping-for-ransom cases. In 2020, I secured
Nigerian permission for a successful cross-border rescue of an American
hostage.
If confirmed, I will make use of these rich experiences to
reinforce the strong partnership between Niger and the United States of
America. Niger faces major terrorist threats on multiple borders and is
a critical partner in our efforts to combat violent extremism and in
strengthening democratic governance and adherence to international
humanitarian law across West Africa. It is a linchpin in our re-
balanced stabilization strategy for the Sahel that seeks governance
solutions to the security problems plaguing Niger and its neighbors.
Our objective is to address Niger's many development deficits while
strengthening its military capacity to restore the security necessary
to defeat terrorists on and within its borders. If confirmed, I will
lead our interagency team's efforts to enhance the Government's
delivery of critical services in education, health, agriculture, food
security, and the rule of law. Through these efforts, I will seek to
deepen Niger's democracy, provide economic opportunity, and deny
violent extremist organizations the ability to recruit neglected
youths. Fundamental to our assistance strategy is the promotion of
respect for human rights and humanitarian principles, for which I will
be a relentless advocate.
Early in my career, female activists told then-Secretary Albright
that ``in Africa, poverty has a woman's face.'' These words resonate as
a sobering reality in Niger. I am looking forward to working with
President Bazoum, who is prioritizing the betterment of women and girls
as a major pillar of the country's economic development plan. Our USAID
mission, which reopened after a 22-year absence, is a critical player
in our whole-of-government approach to investing in the Nigerien
people, especially women and girls. This long-term investment will
require buy-in from Niger's political class, a challenge that I will
gladly take up though I also understand that local absorptive capacity
may limit the pace of our progress. Finally, I will support inclusive
democratic processes and transparency to strengthen the foundation of
governance necessary to meet the aspirations of Niger's youthful
population.
The United States has an important role and stake in helping Niger
succeed in its uphill battle. If confirmed, I look forward to leading
U.S. Government efforts to consolidate Niger's democratic gains and
create a secure environment in which Nigeriens can prosper. Close
coordination and consultation with Congress will be essential to
achieving these goals.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Kaine [presiding]. Thank you very much.
Mr. Kneedler?
STATEMENT OF ERIC W. KNEEDLER, OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF RWAN-
DA
Mr. Kneedler. Acting Chairman, Ranking Member,
distinguished members of the committee--and a special thank you
to Senator Casey for the very kind introduction--it is a
tremendous honor and privilege to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Rwanda.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence and trust and, if confirmed, I look forward to
working with the committee and other members of Congress to
strengthen the bilateral relationship for the benefit of both
of our countries.
Before I begin I would like to take a moment to thank my
wife, Kristin, who is also a U.S. diplomat and is with me here
today along with her sister, Kelly, for her unwavering support
and partnership throughout our Foreign Service journey.
It has been a true team effort from the beginning, and I
would also like to thank our son, Toren, and daughter, Ella,
for weathering the many moves and disruptions to their lives,
mostly with good humor and a sense of adventure.
I also want to thank my parents, Dick and Suzette, who are
tuning in from Florida and taught me the importance of hard
work and public service. I would like to thank my sister,
Rebecca, as well who is watching in Arkansas, in addition to my
Aunt Rebecca.
I am also grateful for the support of friends across the
country and around the globe and to the many State Department
colleagues with whom I have had the pleasure of serving,
particularly our locally employed staff, friends, who keep our
missions running. Thank you.
As this committee is well aware, this is an important
moment in our relationship with Rwanda. There are significant
ways in which U.S. and Rwandan policy views diverge.
As Secretary Blinken noted during his visit to Kigali
earlier this year, or last year, the United States has concerns
about the human rights climate in Rwanda and believes citizens
in every country should be able to express their views without
fear of intimidation, imprisonment, violence, or any other
forms of repression.
I would like to underscore that support for democracy,
respect for human rights, and the rule of law remain
cornerstones of U.S. policy in Rwanda. If confirmed, I will
work tirelessly to promote freedom of expression, democratic
governance, and access to justice, just as I have done at every
stop of my 24-year career, including most recently as the
charge d'affaires at our embassy in Nairobi.
Since November of 2021 the violence in eastern Democratic
Republic of the Congo has caused significant human suffering.
We appreciate Rwanda's engagement in the Nairobi and Rwanda
processes, and urge Rwanda and all signatories to abide by the
commitments in the November 23 Luanda communique.
Given the legacy of the Rwandan genocide, we strongly
condemn anti-Rwandaphone hate speech and any collaboration with
armed groups which espouse genocide ideology. As we have noted
publicly in various fora, however, there is evidence Rwanda has
provided support to the U.N.- and U.S.-sanctioned M-23 armed
group responsible for much of the recent violence, and
consistent with the Luanda communique we call for an end to
that support.
If confirmed, I will use every tool at my disposal to help
deescalate tensions, promote respect for sovereignty and
territorial integrity, and assist ongoing African-led mediation
efforts.
At the same time, the United States and Rwanda share many
global, regional, and local priorities and we have a broad
partnership with the people of Rwanda. If confirmed, I would
work to advance our cooperation with the Government and people
of Rwanda in many of these areas, including global health
security, the economic and commercial relationship,
environmental and climate issues, and peacekeeping.
We are also now seeing the benefits of our decades of
assistance helping Rwanda to strengthen its public health
system. For example, Rwanda rapidly achieved one of the world's
highest COVID-19 vaccination rates, in part due to this
longstanding assistance and the U.S. donation of over 7 million
vaccine doses in partnership with COVAX.
In addition, the United States and Rwanda have worked
together to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS. If confirmed, I look
forward to building on these successes and advancing our shared
health priorities.
U.S. business interests in Rwanda are also expanding, with
private U.S. investment increasing in key sectors including
energy, water treatment, and telecommunications. Informal
university partnerships also continue to grow between our two
countries, and the only American research university with a
full time faculty and operations in Africa plans to expand
opportunities at its Kigali campus.
Meanwhile, over 1,200 Rwandans studied in the United States
during the last academic year and 2,500 Rwandans are alumni of
U.S. Government-sponsored exchange programs. If confirmed, I
will look for ways to advance U.S. values and promote our
shared interests.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today and I
look forward to your questions.
Prepared Statement of Eric W. Kneedler
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee: It is a tremendous honor and privilege to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Rwanda. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for their confidence and trust, and if confirmed, I look
forward to working with the committee and other Members of Congress to
strengthen the bilateral relationship for the benefit of both of our
countries.
Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to thank my wife
Kristin, who is also a U.S. diplomat, for her unwavering support and
partnership throughout our Foreign Service journey. It has been a true
team effort from the beginning. I would also like to thank our son
Toren and daughter Ella for weathering the many moves and disruptions
to their lives mostly with good humor and a sense of adventure. I also
want to thank my parents Dick and Suzette, who are tuning in from
Florida, and taught me the importance of hard work and public service.
I'd like to thank my sister Rebecca as well, who is watching in
Arkansas, in addition to my Aunt Rebecca. I am also grateful for the
support of friends across the country and around the globe. And to the
many State Department colleagues with whom I have had the pleasure of
serving, particularly locally employed staff friends who keep our
missions running--thank you.
As this committee is well-aware, this is an important moment in our
relationship with Rwanda. There are significant ways in which U.S. and
Rwandan policy views diverge. As Secretary Blinken noted during his
visit to Kigali last year, the United States has concerns about the
human rights climate in Rwanda and believes citizens in every country
should be able to express their views without fear of intimidation,
imprisonment, violence, or any other forms of repression. I would like
to underscore that support for democracy, respect for human rights, and
the rule of law remain cornerstones of U.S. policy in Rwanda. If
confirmed, I will work tirelessly to promote freedom of expression,
democratic governance, and access to justice, just as I have done at
every stop of my 24-year career, including most recently as the Charge
d'Affaires, a.i. at our Embassy in Nairobi.
Since November 2021, the violence in eastern Democratic Republic of
the Congo has caused significant human suffering. We appreciate
Rwanda's engagement in the Nairobi and Luanda processes and urge Rwanda
and all signatories to abide by the commitments in the November 23
Luanda communique. Given the legacy of the Rwandan genocide, we
strongly condemn anti-Rwandaphone hate speech and any collaboration
with armed groups which espouse genocide ideology. As we have noted
publicly in various fora, however, there is evidence Rwanda has
provided support to the U.N.- and U.S.-sanctioned M23 armed group
responsible for much of the recent violence, and, consistent with the
Luanda communique, we call for an end to that support. If confirmed, I
will use every tool at my disposal to help deescalate tensions, promote
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and assist ongoing
African-led mediation efforts.
At the same time, the United States and Rwanda share many global,
regional and local priorities and we have a broad partnership with the
people of Rwanda. If confirmed, I would work to advance our cooperation
with the Government and people of Rwanda in many of these areas,
including global health security; the economic and commercial
relationship; environmental and climate issues; and peacekeeping.
We are also now seeing the benefits of our decades of assistance
helping Rwanda to strengthen its public health system. For example,
Rwanda rapidly achieved one of the world's highest COVID-19 vaccination
rates in part due to this longstanding assistance and the U.S. donation
of over seven million vaccine doses in partnership with COVAX. In
addition, the United States and Rwanda have worked together to combat
malaria and HIV/AIDS. If confirmed, I look forward to building on these
successes and advancing our shared health priorities.
U.S. business interests in Rwanda are also expanding, with private
U.S. investment increasing in key sectors including energy, water
treatment, and telecommunications. Informal university partnerships
also continue to grow between our two countries, and the only American
research university with a full-time faculty and operations in Africa
plans to expand opportunities at its Kigali campus. Meanwhile, over
1,200 Rwandans studied in the United States during the last academic
year, and 2,500 Rwandans are alumni of U.S. Government sponsored
exchange programs. If confirmed, I will look for ways to advance U.S.
values and promote our shared interests.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Booker [presiding]. Thank you very much for that
opening statement.
We will now move on to Ms. Tremont.
STATEMENT OF PAMELA M. TREMONT, OF VIRGINIA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF
ZIMBABWE
Ms. Tremont. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of this committee, it is the greatest honor of my 30-
year diplomatic career to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
of Zimbabwe.
I am profoundly grateful to the President and Secretary
Blinken for entrusting me with this tremendous responsibility.
This nomination is a culmination of my family's public
service to the American people. My parents, Linn and Jan
Danielski, who are just behind me, instilled in me a spirit of
public service through my father's 28-year Army career.
They and my sister Stacey encouraged my dreams when at the
age of 16 I announced my future was in the U.S. Foreign
Service. But I am particularly indebted to my best friend and
husband of 31 years--to this side--Eric Tremont, who has always
prioritized me and our family above himself. I would not be
here today without him and our 17-year-old son, Peyton, who has
served alongside us in five countries and who was one of the
last Eagle Scouts out of Troop 980 in Kyiv, Ukraine. He is
undoubtedly watching from the ski slopes in Europe, although he
should be studying physics.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Tremont. My family's values and the support of many
dear friends have been crucial along this journey and they
inspire me every day to seek diplomatic solutions to global
challenges.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, along that
journey I have been privileged to represent the United States
in eight countries across three continents, including seven
years working on Southern African affairs.
The common thread among people everywhere is a desire for
representative governance that respects their human rights and
offers them economic opportunity free from corruption and
supported by rule of law. In a word, they want dignity, and I
firmly believe the Zimbabwean people want and deserve that,
too.
Throughout my career I have promoted these foundational
values by supporting electoral assistance in countries such as
Comoros, Zambia, and Ukraine, where I headed electoral
assistance to the 2019 presidential election just months after
Russia attacked Ukrainian ships, which ushered in a period of
martial law.
Our assistance gave Ukrainians confidence in the electoral
system to elect the leader of their choice. This year
Zimbabweans will go to the polls for the second time in the
post-Mugabe period. Zimbabwe's constitution guarantees its
citizens the right to choose their leaders through free and
fair elections, to participate in political parties and
organizations, and to campaign freely and peacefully.
But too often Zimbabweans have been denied these rights and
I share the committee's concerns over the increasing instances
of political violence, intimidation, and lawlessness.
The Government of Zimbabwe has an opportunity to uphold its
own constitution and deliver on President Mnangagwa's yet to be
realized commitment of peaceful democratic electoral processes.
If confirmed, I will actively work to support the
democratic aspirations of the Zimbabwean people and I will seek
partnership with those in Zimbabwe who are doing the same.
The U.S. commitment to the Zimbabwean people is clear.
Since we recognized the new state of Zimbabwe immediately after
independence in 1980 the U.S. Government has invested more than
$4.5 billion in humanitarian aid and development assistance to
the Zimbabwean people.
Millions of Zimbabweans are alive today because of the
PEPFAR program. Yet, the potential of the Zimbabwean people is
stymied by corruption, economic mismanagement, and a lack of
investment in human capital that have undermined this former
breadbasket of Africa, the home of Great Zimbabwe.
If confirmed, I will work with this committee to promote
economic reform, rule of law, transparency, and women's
empowerment to unleash Zimbabwe's economic potential and offer
opportunities to U.S. business. Together we can address poverty
and food insecurity in Zimbabwe and the entire region.
My highest priority will be the safety and security of
Americans in Zimbabwe including the Embassy staff and our local
staff who have come under increasing pressure as a result of
their employment with us.
My leadership touchstone has always been that diverse teams
properly resourced in a secure environment can do anything and
I have always confronted harassment and discrimination head on.
If confirmed, I will carefully steward U.S. resources, hold
my team to the highest possible standard, protect them at all
costs, and empower them to work with Zimbabweans who share our
goal of peaceful democratic nations working together to
overcome global challenges.
Thank you for your consideration and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Tremont follows:]
Prepared Statement of Pamela M. Tremont
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, it is the greatest honor of my 30-year diplomatic career to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe. I am profoundly grateful
to the President and Secretary Blinken for entrusting me with this
tremendous responsibility.
This nomination is a culmination of my family's service to the
American people. My parents, Linn and Jan Danielski, instilled in me a
spirit of public service through my father's 26-year Army career. They
and my sister Stacey encouraged my dreams when, at 16, I announced my
future was in the U.S. Foreign Service. But I am particularly indebted
to my best friend and husband of 31 years, Eric Tremont, who has always
prioritized me and our family over himself. I would not be here today
without him and our 17-year-old son Peyton, who has served alongside us
in five countries and was one of the last Eagle Scouts out of Troop 980
in Kyiv. He is undoubtedly watching from Europe, where he goes to
school. My family's values and the support of many dear friends have
been crucial in this journey, and they inspire me every day to seek
diplomatic solutions to global challenges.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, along that journey I
have been privileged to represent the United States in eight countries
across three continents, including seven years working on southern
African issues. The common thread among people everywhere is a desire
for representative governance that respects their human rights and
offers economic opportunity free from corruption and supported by rule
of law. In a word, they want dignity. I firmly believe the Zimbabwean
people want and deserve this too. Throughout my career, I have promoted
these foundational values, including through U.S. electoral assistance
programs in the Comoros, Zambia, and Ukraine, where I coordinated U.S.
assistance for the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election just months
after Russia's attack on Ukrainian ships ushered in a period of martial
law. Our assistance gave Ukrainians confidence in the process to elect
the leader of their choice.
This year, Zimbabweans will go to the polls for the second time in
the post-Mugabe period. Zimbabwe's constitution guarantees its citizens
the right to choose their leaders through free and fair elections, to
participate in political parties or organizations, and to campaign
freely and peacefully. Too often Zimbabweans have been denied these
rights, and I share the Committee's concerns over the increasing
instances of political violence, lawlessness, and intimidation. The
Government of Zimbabwe has the opportunity to uphold its own
constitution and deliver on President Mnangagwa's yet-to-be-realized
commitment to a peaceful, democratic electoral process. If confirmed, I
will actively work to support the democratic aspirations of those
advocating for Zimbabwean's constitutional rights, and I will seek
partnership with all those in Zimbabwe who are doing the same.
The U.S. commitment to the Zimbabwean people is clear. Since we
recognized the new state of Zimbabwe immediately after independence in
1980, the U.S. Government has invested more than $4.5 billion dollars
in humanitarian and development assistance for Zimbabweans. Millions of
Zimbabweans are alive today because of the PEPFAR program. Yet the
potential of the Zimbabwean people is stymied by corruption, economic
mismanagement, and a lack of investment in human capital that have
undermined this former breadbasket of Africa, home of Great Zimbabwe.
If confirmed, I will work with this committee to promote economic
reform, rule of law, transparency, and women's empowerment to unleash
Zimbabwe's economic recovery and offer opportunities for U.S. business.
Together we can address poverty and food insecurity in Zimbabwe and the
region.
My highest priority will be the safety and security of American
citizens and the very talented Embassy staff, including our local staff
who have performed admirably under pressure stemming from their
employment with us. My leadership touchstone has always been that
diverse teams can do anything when properly resourced in a secure and
respectful environment, and I have always confronted harassment and
discrimination head-on. If confirmed, I will carefully steward U.S.
resources, hold my team to a high standard, protect them at all costs,
and empower them to work with partners in Zimbabwe who share our vision
of peaceful, democratic nations working together to overcome global
challenges.
Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Booker. Thank you for that very strong opening
statement.
I would like to now turn to the mighty Mr. Mills.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. RICHARD MILLS, JR., OF GEORGIA,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERAL REPUB-
LIC OF NIGERIA
Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking
Member Risch and other members of the committee. It is an honor
to appear before this committee once again as a nominee to
represent the United States as one of her ambassadors.
I am joined today by my better half, my wife, Leigh, who
knows well the challenges and the satisfactions of diplomatic
service, having served herself for three decades as a Foreign
Service officer. I am very thankful that if I am confirmed she
will be with me in Abuja.
Senator Booker. And forgive me for the unorthodox
interruption, but where is your wife from, for the record?
Mr. Mills. Good question. New Jersey, I believe.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Mills. I would also like to recognize my parents who
are not from New Jersey but whose influence definitely inspired
me to join the Foreign Service. They are not here with me today
but they are with me in spirit.
Like others on this panel I am very grateful to President
Biden and Secretary Blinken for the trust and the confidence
they have shown in nominating me for this position.
If confirmed for this challenging job I will draw upon the
experiences and skills gained from my 35-year career in the
Foreign Service, experience which Senator Booker has shared
with the committee.
Committee members, Mr. Chairman, this is a unique moment
for U.S.-Nigerian relations and for Nigeria as a whole.
President Buhari is stepping down after his constitutionally
limited two terms.
As Senator Booker has already referenced, overnight Bola
Tinubu was declared the winner of the election. I and the U.S.
Government congratulate the people of Nigeria, President-elect
Tinubu, and all political leaders on this competitive election.
While I understand that many Nigerians and some of the
parties have expressed frustration about certain aspects of how
the process was conducted, there are well established
mechanisms in place to adjudicate electoral disputes and the
U.S. Government and I certainly encourage anyone seeking to
challenge the outcome to use those mechanisms.
We call on all parties, candidates, and supporters to
continue to avoid any inflammatory rhetoric during this period.
Going forward, this new government will be faced with many
challenges, some of which Senator Risch has identified--how to
beat back the threat from ISIS, Boko Haram, and other criminal
elements in Nigeria, how to reduce intracommunal strife in the
country that has claimed the lives of far too many Nigerian
Christians and Muslims, and how to harness Nigeria's vast oil
wealth to improve the lives of its citizens.
If confirmed, I am committed to leveraging all elements of
American diplomacy and foreign assistance to help Nigeria and
its new government tackle these goals.
A top U.S. priority and one for me will be combating the
insecurity that plagues the Nigerian people with nearly all the
country's 36 states experiencing some level of violence. From
terrorism in the northeast and elsewhere to criminal attacks in
the Niger Delta to piracy off the coast, crime and insecurity
are nationwide problems.
If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to work with the
Nigerian Government to help professionalize its security
services in order to create a professional Nigerian military
and police force that respects human rights, can protect
civilians, and hold those who do commit abuses to account.
Finally, Nigeria is an important economic partner for the
United States with over $10 billion in two-way trade between
our nations, and the Nigerian economy itself, while still
primarily reliant on oil, is increasingly diversified and as
the largest in Africa offers real opportunities for mutually
beneficial trade.
I look forward to leveraging the ingenuity of the American
private sector as well as our own Nigerian diaspora community
here in the United States to continue to improve the economic
relationship between our two countries.
Let me end by saying for all this wealth from resources and
trade I know too little of it makes its way down to the average
Nigerian. Illegal oil bunkering and criminality in the Niger
Delta limits the ability of Nigeria to benefit from its natural
resources, and endemic corruption throughout the country
further limits the ability of all Nigerians to profit from
their nation's wealth.
If confirmed, I will continue to press the Nigerian
Government to tackle corruption and improve the rule of law.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee,
when I appeared before this committee eight years ago to be
confirmed as the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia I committed to
working transparently with committee members to advance
American interests in Armenia and overseas. I renew that
commitment to you and your staffs today and I look forward to
your questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Mills follows:]
Statement of Hon. Richard Mills, Jr.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee: It is an honor to appear before this committee once again as
a nominee to represent the United States as one of her ambassadors. I
am joined today by my wife, Leigh, who knows well the challenges of
diplomatic service having served for three decades as a foreign service
officer herself. I am grateful that, if I am confirmed, she will be
with me in Abuja. I would also like to recognize my parents, whose
influence inspired me to join the Foreign Service. Although they cannot
be here with me today, they are with me in sprit.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
trust and confidence they have shown in nominating me for this
position. If confirmed, I will draw upon the experiences of my 35-year
career in the foreign service.
As Charge at Mission Canada, I sharpened my skill at coordinating
policy and consistent public messaging among the many U.S. Government
agencies in Canada, almost as many as operate on the ground in Nigeria.
As U.S. Ambassador to Armenia, I learned how to effectively raise
difficult issues--such as fighting corruption and ensuring human rights
are respected--with a government that has otherwise strong ties to the
United States. And in my current assignment as the Deputy Permanent
Representative to the United Nations, I see first-hand Nigeria's
diplomatic heft and leading role on the world stage so I recognize the
importance of ensuring Nigerians understand and support key global U.S.
foreign policy objectives.
Mr. Chairman, this is a unique moment for U.S.-Nigerian relations
and for Nigeria as a whole. President Buhari is stepping down after his
constitutionally limited two terms and we are looking forward to the
announcement of the outcome of this past weekend's elections. As
Nigeria is Africa's largest democracy, we know that these elections
will be watched across the continent. I am pleased that, based on
preliminary reports and assessments by election monitoring groups on
the ground, despite some incidents of violence and delays at certain
polling stations, the voting on election day generally unfolded
peacefully.
However, after this election, whichever candidate is chosen, the
new government will be faced with many challenges: how to beat back the
threat from ISIS, Boko Haram, and other criminal elements in Nigeria;
how to reduce intra-communal strife in the country that has claimed the
lives of far too many Nigerian Muslims and Christians; and how to
harness Nigeria's vast oil wealth to improve the lives of its citizens.
If confirmed, I am committed to leveraging all elements of American
diplomacy and foreign assistance to help Nigeria in tackling these
goals.
A top U.S. priority is combatting the insecurity that plagues the
Nigerian people, with nearly all the country's 36 states experiencing
some level of violence. From terrorism in the northeast and elsewhere,
to criminal attacks in the Niger Delta and Southeast, to piracy off the
coast, crime and insecurity are nation-wide problems. If confirmed, I
will continue our efforts to work with the Nigerian Government to help
professionalize its security services in order to create a professional
Nigerian military and police force that respect human rights, protects
civilians, and holds those who commit abuses to account.
Finally, Nigeria is an important economic partner for the United
States with over ten billion dollars in two-way trade between our
nations. And the Nigerian economy itself--while still primarily reliant
on oil--is increasingly diversified and, as the largest in Africa,
offers real opportunities for mutually beneficial trade.
And yet, for all this wealth from resources and trade, too little
of it makes its way down to the average Nigerian. Illegal oil bunkering
and criminality in the Niger Delta region limits the ability of Nigeria
to benefit from its natural resources. And endemic corruption
throughout the country further limits the ability of all Nigerians to
profit from their nation's wealth. If confirmed, I will continue to
press the Nigerian Government to tackle corruption and improve the rule
of law. Additionally, I look forward to leveraging the ingenuity of the
American private sector, as well as our Nigerian diaspora community in
the United States, to continue to improve the economic relationship
between our two countries.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, when I
appeared before this committee eight years ago to be confirmed as the
U.S. Ambassador to Armenia, I committed to working with Committee
members to advance American interests overseas. I renew that commitment
today to you and your staffs.
Thank you and I welcome your questions.
Senator Booker. I think the thanks is ours. The ranking
member and I have known each other for about 10 years now and
there are things we disagree on but one thing we both agreed
on, as you all were speaking, we have a lot of humility, as we
sit before career diplomats who have dedicated themselves to
what you do, and as a result, your whole family has made this
extraordinary dedication.
This is how we are going to roll now, if you all do not
mind. I am going to ask some perfunctory questions or, should I
say, some technical questions. Then I am going to hold my
policy questions and let Mr. Risch, out of respect, start the
questioning.
If no Democrats show up, I am going to let Mr. Ricketts go
second, actually, and then I will save my policy questions for
the end.
But as far as the procedural questions, I would like to
ask, each of you should just answer yes or no and directly we
can just go down the line, starting with Dr. Murthy, or General
Murthy or however you would like to be recalled, my friend. Dr.
General, Mr. Murthy?
Dr. Murthy. Vivek is fine. I am informal.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. We will start with you and we will just go
down.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. Do you commit to promptly responding to the
requests for briefings and information requested by this
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. All right. I say thank you for that. And,
again, I will reserve my questioning for the end. I want to
be--give deference to my colleagues.
And with that, I ask Ranking Member Risch for his
questions.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I join in your
humble appreciation for the cast that we are looking at today.
Your resume--your collective resume--is indeed impressive.
Dr. Murthy, I want to talk to you a little bit about the
WHO. You heard me in my opening statement talk about how
staggered I was as at their incompetence when admittedly I had
never worked with them before on anything, and when COVID
raised its ugly head we needed help and we needed help badly
and the place we turned to was the WHO, and I was just blown
away at the incompetence that I ran into there.
It needs reform. It needs lots of different stuff. What are
your thoughts on how you are going to approach that?
Dr. Murthy. Thank you, Senator, and I must say your
statements at the opening about your concerns about the WHO,
about the need for it to be effective and competent in what it
does, I think I understand those and I share a deep concern for
the status quo being continued.
I think we have got to make things better. Here is how I
think about it, sir. I think one of the things that we have got
to focus on is accountability at the WHO. We are the biggest
investor in the WHO and the real question is are we delivering
the value for the American people that those dollars should
get.
I do not think we are there yet. I think we need to know
that the WHO has transparency when it comes to how funds are
being used, that we have clarity about goals, what those goals
are, what the timeline is and which are being accomplished.
I think we also need transparency in decision making, which
has not always been there, and, finally, we need workforce
accountability. The allegations of sexual exploitation and
abuse, these are horrifying. There should be no tolerance for
that kind of behavior from any organization, much less one
entrusted with the safety and the health and well being of
people around the world.
But I also think, sir, when it comes to pandemic
preparedness the world needs to be able to rely on the WHO to
function and function well both during a pandemic but also
beforehand to help prevent the next one and ensure we are
prepared and that means setting up the kind of surveillance and
rapid alert systems and transparent data sharing that we need
but do not quite have yet.
It means having a robust rapid response, ensuring that we
have the ability to manufacture and distribute countermeasures
around the world so that everyone can benefit from the
discoveries and scientific advances that ultimately help us get
through pandemics.
So these are some of the areas where I believe we need to
focus. That is why my priority, if I have the privilege of
serving, sir, would be to focus specifically on these two areas
of pandemic preparedness and better governance and transparency
of the WHO.
And I would look to do that both in my voice at Executive
Board meetings working in consultation and partnership with you
and other members of this committee and with partners in the
State Department, USAID, and our Department of Health and Human
Services.
Senator Risch. I think you got that exactly right. I think
both of those areas of focus are incredibly important,
particularly the preparation for the next one.
After we have been through this as a world we know the
heartache and issues that this causes and there is no reason we
should not be prepared--much more prepared for the next one,
also getting accurate information.
One of the things I get most from constituents is they
really do not believe they got accurate information from the
very beginning. They still do not think they are getting
accurate information and that is it--and sometimes you just do
not know and it is better to say that than to try to give
information that misleads people.
Anyway, thank you for that. I think you got that right. My
time is short. But I do want to--I do want to ask--because of
the pool of talent we have here I do want to ask--I get reports
regarding the Sahel. I am also senior Republican on the
Intelligence Committee so I get it here and I get it there, and
it has been one of the most disheartening things for me is to
watch how the Sahel has deteriorated in recent years.
Part of it, of course, is because of our success in the
Middle East. We drove a lot of the terrorists out of there.
Where did they go? They went to the next weakest link in the
chain and that was the Sahel.
And it looks to me--I could be wrong on this but it looks
to me like it is going to be even tougher in the Sahel because
of the weakness of the governments there and the corruption and
everything else that is there.
It is going to be even more difficult there to take on the
terrorism issue that we have had to deal with in the Middle
East.
Somebody help me out here. Give me some optimistic view
and, if not, how we are going to do that. You all have--you all
have tremendous resumes. Who wants to take a shot at this?
Ms. FitzGibbon. My team is throwing me under the bus.
[Laughter.]
Senator Risch. There you go. Been there.
Ms. FitzGibbon. It is very interesting. We do need to make
a more concerted effort not to just focus on security
assistance, which is very important and vital. We need to keep
our security assistance to countries like Niger.
But, more importantly, is we need to help reinforce state
legitimacy with their people. We have got to make sure that
governments are making those connections and that service
delivery is happening and fighting corruption is very important
in that.
But even more important is people need to feel that their
government is protecting them and their government is providing
for them, and if that is not happening these youngsters in
Niger, in particular, 70 percent of the population is youth and
they are very, very easily led astray by violent extremist
organizations.
So without--we have to have that total whole-of-
government--we call it the 3 Ds, you know, defense, democracy,
diplomacy, and development--package to make sure that we are
trying to alleviate the conditions that are creating the
recruitment or the recruits for those organizations.
But we still do need to undergird that with security
assistance. I know that Niger is--right now, and Nigeria, the
two countries still standing as democracies in the region, and
we need to work more closely together between those countries
and ECOWAS to strengthen the institutions, the security
apparatus, to fight terrorism, but also to fight terrorism and
make sure that the next elections in Niger, which are coming in
a few years, that we are working towards that now. We cannot
just wait till an election comes and then have a crisis and a
military coup happen.
Senator Risch. With the increase that we have had in
terrorist activity in the Sahel do you think that countries are
getting any better in dealing with that on a positive basis or
are they are they just accepting it? What is your view of that?
Ms. FitzGibbon. My experience has been Nigeria is getting
better at it. Part of it is some of the foreign military sales
that we have made to Nigeria that is making them more attuned
to being precise in their attacks and also more collaboration
with the neighbors in information sharing.
In Niger's case I think our partner capacity that we have
been building is doing a good job for them. The most recently
trained--U.S.-trained unit just went to the border with Benin
so they are actually positioning those troops where they should
be, not keeping them back in Niamey. They are putting them out
on the front line.
So in Niger I think we are making progress. In the other
countries and the Sahel with the military takeovers that we
have had I would argue that we are not.
The other thing in Niger is that they are very much against
the incursion of Russian organizations like Wagner. They are
very attuned to what is happening in Benin and Burkina Faso.
So bolstering their resolve and bolstering their capacity
to protect their borders and be able to be a beacon in the
region for what democracy can bring to their people is the way
we have to go.
Senator Risch. Thank you. I appreciate your thoughts on
that and my time is way past up. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. We have a light attendance today so you
should feel comfortable doing that.
I am going to turn to Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank all
of you for your service. Congratulations on your nominations to
these ambassadorial positions.
And just--Ms. FitzGibbon, I just returned from a trip along
with some of my colleagues from this committee--Senator
Menendez, Senator Coons, Senator Graham from another
committee--and one of our stops was Niger. They may have
already discussed it in this hearing.
But I just want to underscore your statement. I do think
that we need to be doing more to support Niger. While we were
there our country team and folks on the ground indicated that
there were requests for certain additional helicopters and
things like that, and given what has happened in Mali, Burkina
Faso, I just think that that is a priority, as you know.
Ambassador Miller, thank you for your earlier service in
Armenia, among other posts. I know you have discussed the
election that just took place in Nigeria and I know you also
mentioned in your testimony here the issue of endemic
corruption in Nigeria, which is really holding the country back
in many, many ways when it comes to any kind of confidence of
investors in the economy.
Can you just talk about what your plan would be to address
that issue?
Mr. Mills. Thank you, Senator. Yes. I think in my
experience the number-one question I hear from U.S. business
and investors is what is the corruption situation in Nigeria--
what is being done to address it.
The mission in Nigeria has a full range of programs
designed to promote anti-corruption activities. We also address
it at the highest levels and it certainly, as I said in my
statement, will be a priority for me.
The mission supports the Department of Justice efforts to
claw back a lot of the illegally-obtained resources that are
overseas in the United States, including those that came during
the presidency of President Abacha, and a lot of those clawed-
back resources when they come back are put directly into
programs and infrastructure to benefit the Nigerian people
themselves.
In my experience dealing with the issue of corruption,
which is pervasive and in many places that I have served and
can happen anywhere, is that it is important to identify local
voices, people in the country that will speak out against
corruption.
You often hear--I heard it in several of the places I have
served--this is our system. This is our culture. Do not imply--
sort of impose your values on how we do business here.
So I find it most valuable to identify and amplify those
voices in the culture that say no, corruption is not part of
our culture. This is not how we do business. So I think that
will be a real emphasis for me in Nigeria.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, no, I appreciate that and I
think--look, the election results are in. I know some people
are asking questions.
But we know that there is a history of corruption among
many of the players who were involved in the election. So I
wish you the best and look forward to staying in touch with you
on that.
Mr. Kneedler, congratulations to you as well. Lots of
issues to cover in Rwanda. I look forward to continuing our
conversation on the M-23 threat in the eastern part of Congo
and Rwanda's role in that.
But I wanted to ask you about the decision that was made in
May by the State Department when they categorized the Rwandan
Government's arrest and imprisonment of Paul Rusesabagina, who,
of course, is known to many Americans through the portrayal in
``Hotel Rwanda,'' a legal permanent resident of the United
States as a wrongful detention.
So how would we--how do you propose to address that issue?
Because I think many of us--former Senator Leahy, myself, and
others--have been following this case closely.
Mr. Kneedler. Sure. Thank you very much, Senator, for the
question. I have been following Mr. Rusesabagina's case very
closely.
As you noted, the State Department determined that he was
wrongfully detained last year. The State Department has also
outlined concerns about the lack of free trial guarantees
observed during the course of his trial and convention--
conviction, rather, and also underscored the importance of
ensuring that he is afforded every legal protection, going
forward.
Senator, if confirmed, I would look forward to working with
members and staff from this committee, with his family, with
our special envoy for hostage affairs, who has the lead on this
case, to do everything possible to resolve this case as quickly
as possible.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. As you know, there
are also a lot of concerns about the Rwandan Government's
tactics of harassing and even reports of sometimes killing
dissidents abroad. So I think we have got a lot of work to do
in this particular area.
I look forward to working with you and I thank all of you
for your service and I look forward to supporting all of your
confirmations.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen. I
apologize to Senator Ricketts. I thought you were going to be
second in questioning. You now have been bumped back to fifth,
man, and----
Senator Ricketts. I am the new guy. I get it.
Senator Booker. I appreciate that. But I respect you
deeply, not just because you are my fellow colleague but
because you have got the best haircut on this entire panel.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. So I would like to go to Mr. Hagerty,
please.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and my
apologies, Senator Ricketts. But I appreciate the opportunity
to discuss a topic that is very disturbing to me and, I think,
perhaps to all of us here.
I would like to start with you, Dr. Murthy. I want to ask
you if you believe that China should be held accountable for
any of its malfeasance during the COVID pandemic, including
their stonewalling, the lying, misleading the world about the
pandemic's origin and its spread.
I would just appreciate a simple yes or no answer.
Dr. Murthy. Yes, Senator. I think it is important for all
countries to be held accountable when--especially for lack of
transparency.
Senator Hagerty. I would say the country that--where the
origin started is the one I am focused on right now. Next
question, do you believe that the World Health Organization
should be held accountable for initially covering up the
possibility that COVID came from a Chinese lab leak?
And, again, I would appreciate a yes or no answer here.
Dr. Murthy. Senator, yes, I do believe accountability is
important with the WHO as well when it comes to COVID origins.
Senator Hagerty. I absolutely agree. Their performance in
this regard was absolutely pathetic. They were late to the game
and they were very quick to dismiss the possibility that this
leak came from the Wuhan lab.
Specifically, in February of 2021, more than a year after
COVID emerged, a WHO investigation team finally gets there and
then they almost immediately determined that it was, quote,
``extremely unlikely'' that COVID came from the Wuhan lab and
they recommended against further investigation.
Yet, according to news reports the Department of Energy's
Office of Intelligence and Counterintelligence just recently
joined the FBI in assessing that COVID likely originated from a
lab leak in China.
I would also note that the Energy Department's intelligence
arm employs actual biologists, virologists, and other
scientists in this regard. Moreover, just yesterday FBI
Director Wray publicly reiterated that COVID most likely came
from the Wuhan lab.
So, Dr. Murthy, do you think it is extremely unlikely that
COVID came from a lab leak in China?
Dr. Murthy. Senator, thank you for raising this issue. I
think there is currently a range of opinions, as I understand
it, in the intelligence community about the origins of COVID-
19. The lab leak theory is one of those possibilities and I do
not think it is proper to discount a theory until it has been
properly investigated.
Senator Hagerty. I could not agree with you more.
Dr. Murthy. My big concern, though, is the lack of
transparency that we have had from China when it comes to
gathering the information needed to actually get to the bottom
of that story and to do a complete investigation that has
integrity.
Senator Hagerty. We share that concern. Yet, the WHO was
more than willing to write this off and let the CCP get away
without revealing base data and to quickly dismiss this.
Given the recent DOE and FBI reports do you believe that
the WHO report was actually wrong to conclude that the lab leak
was extremely unlikely and to recommend against any further
investigation?
Dr. Murthy. I think it is clear that further investigation
is needed and that is something that President Biden has been
clear on--that is, when he directed the intelligence community
to double down.
Senator Hagerty. I think, clearly, the report was wrong.
Clearly, it was premature to shut down further investigations
into the lab leak theory.
The WHO is alarmingly close to the CCP and the previous
administration rightly withdrew from that organization. Despite
all of this, President Biden unconditionally rejoined the WHO
immediately after taking office. The United States is now,
again, the WHO's largest donor. We are paying them more than
$400 million dollars per year.
Dr. Murthy, do you trust China to be a good partner to the
United States the next time we have a pandemic?
Dr. Murthy. I think we have got to ensure that there is
accountability that comes through assistance. It means that the
money we give, Senator, the money you referenced should not be
a blank check to the WHO.
It should come with assurances that the reforms that we are
seeking are actually happening. And look, in this--one of the
things we learned from COVID-19 that----
Senator Hagerty. We did not get any assurances when we
agreed to come back into the WHO organization. Have you got new
information for me that we got assurances from the WHO when we
agreed to come back in?
Dr. Murthy. I do think being a part of the WHO and engaging
with them is the best way to change them and to----
Senator Hagerty. So we stepped back up to be the largest
donor, yet we have got, as far as I know, no guarantees that
they are going to reform. Certainly, their performance does not
support this.
I think it is something that is deeply, deeply concerning.
There is another area, though, that I am deeply concerned about
and this has to do with our sovereignty.
So I want to ask you this question as well. Should the
United States ever under any circumstance cede its sovereign
policymaking authority, for example, to the CCP during a
pandemic?
Dr. Murthy. No, Senator. We should retain----
Senator Hagerty. I agree with you. I did not think--I think
that is correct. Next question, though, which is closely
related to this, then should the United States ever under any
circumstance cede its sovereign policymaking authority to the
WHO under these circumstances?
Dr. Murthy [continuing]. We should retain our sovereignty
when it comes to making decisions for the American people's
health and well being.
Senator Hagerty. I very much appreciate that answer. I am
also very concerned. As you know, the Biden administration is
actively negotiating with other countries right now on a new
agreement on a global pandemic response that will give the WHO
greater influence and control. This is a draft of the
agreement.
Dr. Murthy, if concern--if confirmed, I just would like to
know if you will commit to me and to this committee that you
will not participate in any effort to enter into any
international agreement that would give the WHO greater control
over future American pandemic responses.
And, again, I would appreciate a yes or no answer.
Dr. Murthy. Yes, Senator, I can assure you that one of my
guiding principles will be maintaining American sovereignty in
our decision making. We know our people the best. We know what
our people need here in America and we have got to have and
retain always the ability to make decisions for America.
Senator Hagerty. So I can take that as a commitment that
you will not cede greater control to the WHO over pandemic
response here in America through the course of this agreement
or any other?
Dr. Murthy. I will always seek to retain our sovereignty
when it comes to our health.
Senator Hagerty. Is that a yes or no answer?
Dr. Murthy. It is what I said, Senator. I will strive to
retain our sovereignty and that is important. I do not want to
cede that to anyone.
Senator Hagerty. I certainly would hate to see our
sovereignty be given away in this agreement.
Mr. Chairman, I would just like to enter this document into
the record.
Senator Booker. Without objection.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
hearing's transcript.]
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank
you, Dr. Murthy.
Dr. Murthy. Thank you.
Senator Booker. I turn now to Senator Coons. I am the
chairman of the Africa Subcommittee but this is the, in many
ways, expert on issues regarding Africa. So, sir, would you
please take us to a higher level?
Senator Coons. I wish I could. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Actually, the experts are the people in front of us, folks
who have served and both serve for long periods of time in the
field and many who are with you. I appreciate the compliment
but I am undeserving. I am confident of that.
Having just returned alongside Senator Van Hollen and a
bipartisan group from a visit to a number of countries--I think
this has already been brought up--I just want to start by
expressing my deep gratitude to each of you, to your families,
for your willingness to continue to serve our country in a
number of contexts that are very challenging. So let me get to
it and try to be brief, if I can.
Dr. Murthy, it is great to see you again. I know it is
somewhat unprecedented for there to be a requirement for a
separate hearing for WHO representation but you have just heard
some of the reasons why there are heightened concerns. I
greatly appreciated your coming to Delaware and to visit some
of our young people, our healthcare professionals, and to talk
about how we move forward here domestically.
Your previous experience in this role and in other roles in
the U.S. Public Health Service Commission Corps, I think, makes
you abundantly qualified for this position. I hope you are
promptly confirmed.
If you would like to just take one more minute and talk
about how you would promote U.S. interests at the WHO, if
confirmed, I would appreciate that.
Dr. Murthy. Thank you so much, Senator Coons, and thank you
again for the invitation to come to Delaware, and I really
enjoyed and learned a lot from my visit there.
In my view, Senator, as you know well, our health and well
being in the United States does depend on what happens
elsewhere in the world. We saw that with COVID. We have seen
that with other infectious disease threats.
In order--my privilege as the surgeon general has meant to
look out for the health and well being of Americans and that,
to me, involves, in some ways, a natural extension into this
role if I am privileged to have the opportunity to serve in it,
which is to work on the global stage to also safeguard the
health and well being of Americans.
How we do that means that we have got to ensure that we
have better collaboration, coordination, and transparency with
other governments and that includes in the areas of data
surveillance and data sharing. It means we need early detection
systems but we also need rapid response operations, again, a
place where the WHO needs to have an effective role.
But it also means that when it comes to the production of
countermeasures, Senator, we know, again, that all of us are
better off when the entire world is better off and when the
entire world has access to countermeasures like vaccines and
therapeutics.
And so part of the work, I believe, that we need to push
and engage the WHO on is the work of ensuring that we have
adequate production distribution capacity when it comes to
manufacturing and distributing these countermeasures.
To me, these are all parts of what we need to do to ensure
we are prepared for the next pandemic.
But finally, I will say this, Senator. We need an effective
WHO not just for pandemic preparedness but for many of the
other health threats that we are facing and for the WHO to be
effective there it has to be credible, which means it needs to
be able to deliver on promises.
It needs to be transparent in decision making, and its
workforce also has to adhere to the highest ethical standards
and those are the issues, again, that I hope to focus on if I
have the opportunity to serve.
Senator Coons. Terrific. Thank you very much.
Part of our trip was celebrating the accomplishments of 20
years of PEPFAR launched by President Bush, the single largest
public health intervention in world history, which has saved
more than 25 million lives.
Its path forward will in no small part come through this
committee and we got to see, for example, in the country of
Zambia how significant investment of the United States has
saved huge numbers of lives. In South Africa the same.
I hope to work with you both on pandemic prevention but
also in celebrating some of the ways in which our investments
in public health infrastructure on the continent of Africa and
elsewhere in the developing world have made us safer and have
helped avoid preventable deaths.
If I could, two more questions.
Ms. FitzGibbon, just interested in what you think of the
stability of the Bazoum Government. Our time in Niger was
disconcerting and they are, I would say, an island of stability
in a region beset by chaos.
I am very concerned about Russia's presence and the way in
which Wagner has taken a more and more aggressive posture to
the east and west of Niger.
I would be interested in how you think we could
successfully counter Russian disinformation, which has had an
impact in all of the countries to which you are nominated to
serve, and how we might more successfully engage the people of
Niger and the Sahel region in a way that would promote
stability.
Ms. FitzGibbon. Thank you for that question. We have
answered the Government's request for help on disinformation,
whether it is Russian disinformation or Chinese disinformation.
Our senior bureau official for public affairs went out to Niger
in November.
We have brought down experts to help strengthen the
journalistic infrastructure, so to say, so that--to help the
journalists understand better how journalistic integrity is
very important to putting word out to whatever information they
are putting out.
And then we have helped point out to them when we see
disinformation and to all that, and China has put on a big PR
blitz in Niger but its actual popularity ratings are going down
despite how much money it is putting into there.
So something is working there. Part of it, I would like to
say, is our U.S. Embassy's public affairs program and reaching
out to people. Our people-to-people relations are working.
And with Wagner--we have a strong ally in President Bazoum
on Wagner. The smallest of our Ds as we were talking about a
little bit earlier is our democracy funding.
But one of the things we can make up for that with is
diplomatic engagement and I intend to work very hard--and I
have done this in every country I have served in--with the
political elite to make them understand that there are a lot of
political tradeoffs that need to be made for the long-term
stability of the country, and the economic and social
investments that need to be made in Niger need to be made now.
Senator Coons. Agree.
Ms. FitzGibbon. And that means the opposition and members
of the ruling party and aspirants to be the next president of
Niger need to have that buy in because the country's stability
is at risk and the time is now.
The attention from the United States and the attention from
other donors is now, too. So this is the time that the country
can benefit most and I believe that President Bazoum has that
commitment and we will make sure that we are talking frankly to
him when we see things that might be done better.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Ms. FitzGibbon. So I am hoping to have a good relationship
there.
Senator Coons. I look forward to hearing from you.
Could I beg the indulgence of one more question, Mr.
Chairman? He is distracted.
So if I could, Ambassador Mills, I am interested in each of
your countries. I apologize, but I am already out of time.
You will represent us in Abuja in one of the most populous
countries in the world, a real linchpin for West Africa and its
stability, and where the outcome of the election, I think, is
leading to some widespread disappointment amongst those who had
hoped for change and the possibility for real continuity.
What do you expect out of the Tinubu Government? What do
you think his previous service as governor of Lagos State, if I
am not mistaken, is going to lead to and how do we build a more
stable, sustainable relationship between the United States and
Nigeria, given some of our issues in terms of the conduct of
the Nigerian Armed Forces, internal division, and the very
strong and robust diaspora community here in the United States?
Mr. Mills. Good question. Sorry. And in a way, that is the
answer. It is a holistic approach. It is--if we are going to
deepen the relationship, which is actually quite strong--we
have quite an engaged relationship with Nigeria across the
board economically, diplomatically, culturally--we have to use
all the tools, as I mentioned in my statement.
In terms of the election, I would point out that there was
some good news from the election. Candidates--the top three
candidates each won over 12 states in the election, which is
new, and I think that reflects the diversity of the political
system there and a lot of new voices taking part in this
election. That is very encouraging.
I think if President-elect Tinubu is listening, he knows
that there was a great demand for change. The campaign that in
many ways supported the candidacy of Peter Obi, a lot of young
people came out and I think he will be aware of that. We
certainly will remind him of the need to be responsive to that,
moving forward.
In terms of our priorities, we have long for a long time
our work in Nigeria, guided by the administration's Africa
policy, Africa strategy, and the mission's own strategy, has
focused on really four key areas that we are engaged on:
improving security--Nigeria is a counterterrorism partner.
We have to improve their ability to fight the terrorism
threat that they are facing; working to develop the economy
through mutually beneficial trade; human rights--huge, huge
issue that we need to promote and we need to increase
accountability; and the transnational issues that the doctor
mentioned. Nigeria is a partner is transitional--transnational
health issues and crime issues. So those are our priorities, I
think.
You mentioned security in particular, and to get to Senator
Risch's question about the Sahel, I think in some ways there is
a success story in Nigeria. The last couple of years, as
Kathleen knows well, we have sold to the Nigerians at their
request some important military precision munitions and
aircraft.
Those aircraft in the last two years have made a difference
in their ability to fight the terrorism threat, especially in
the northeast. It has reduced--those precision munitions--
civilian casualties, and I think more importantly, and this is
the secret, we sold these weapons and nested inside the Sahel
were important human rights components, important new steps we
said if we are going to share these weapons--sell these weapons
to you you need to take these actions, everything from new air
to ground integration teams that have really reduced civilian
casualties wherever the air force is working in Nigeria, but we
have put in a military justice advisor.
We have put in a new advisor into how to work with the
civilian communities and I think that is a real model for
moving forward and that will be a priority, moving forward, to
continue monitoring that and building on that.
Senator Coons. Thank you. It is a complex issue. I
appreciate your answer. I have been to Borno state. I have been
to Nigeria several times. I look forward to staying in touch
with you, and I apologize for running over.
Please, Mr. Kneedler, Ms. Tremont, give my regards to
President Kagame and President Mnangagwa and thank you to all
of you and your families for your willingness to serve.
Senator Booker. Senator Coons' 12 minutes of questioning
represents the grandeur of his mastery of these issues. But I
am now happy to turn to Senator Young.
Senator Young. I will try and keep mine a concise 10
minutes or so.
[Laughter.]
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Senator Young. All right. I welcome all our panelists.
Congratulate each of you for your nominations and we will look
forward to serving with most or all of you here in the future
on behalf of our country.
Dr. Murthy, as you know, the United States lost more than a
million lives due to COVID. Equally as concerning are the
effects of the pandemic on untold millions of children from
education to socialization to mental health.
It is clear, Doctor, that the United States has a vested
interest in the renegotiation of the World Health
Organization's pandemic response policies to mandate
transparency and cooperation during the next pandemic, which
undoubtedly will occur.
If confirmed, sir, you will have a central role in ensuring
that our country and our children are protected from
malfeasance during future health emergencies.
Dr. Murthy, do you support the proposed draft agreement as
currently written and, if confirmed, what specific changes to
the regulations will you propose to mitigate the damage during
the next public health crisis?
Dr. Murthy. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
And let me just say at the start that I really appreciate
you bringing up the impact this pandemic has had on our
children and on mental health, more broadly, because the impact
has been profound.
I have seen that in my own family and I have certainly seen
that in my community and it is one of the reasons why I feel
very strongly that I want to do everything I can to ensure we
are better prepared for the next pandemic because there is a
lot at stake, most importantly our children.
A few things that I think would be important that I would
look to focus on when it came to pandemic preparedness, as you
noted, one is to ensure that we have the early detection
capabilities and early data sharing. That is so vital to
understanding when a threat is emerging. If we had had that in
place effectively this past time around with COVID I daresay we
may have been in a better place.
But the second thing that we need is to be able to mobilize
a rapid----
Senator Young. And, sir, can I just interject----
Dr. Murthy. Of course.
Senator Young [continuing]. Because it is an important
point. Is it accurate to say that we would have had a lot more
lead time or we gave up some valuable lead time to prepare, to
harden ourselves, by producing or sourcing PPE, by protecting
people against the virus, which presumably if you had the data
would have had a better chance of identifying the nature of the
virus, it would have saved countless lives?
Dr. Murthy. The short answer is yes, Senator. Yeah, it is--
the benefits of longer lead time are both in preparation from a
materials perspective but also scientifically that gives
scientists a head start on trying to understand and collaborate
on understanding what the actual pathogen is and then starting
the process of developing countermeasures. So that is
absolutely right.
So that early detection, that surveillance, that data
sharing is really critical. What we also need to do, though, is
ensure that we have the ability to respond in terms of
countermeasures. That is both in the development of
countermeasures but also in the production and distribution of
those countermeasures.
This is the challenge we had during COVID-19. How do we--it
is one thing to develop a vaccine. It is another to manufacture
and distribute it at scale to everyone who needs it and that is
a place also where we have to work hard because as we saw with
COVID-19, COVID is not immutable.
It changes. It mutates, and the more uncontrolled spread
there is the more mutations there are, the more dangerous
variants can develop and that can come back to hurt us, as has
happened several times during this pandemic.
Finally, I will just say, Senator, again, to come back to
something you raised in the beginning about mental health, I
think as we think about our own country and our response to
this, this is part of the longer tail, the deeper consequence
of COVID-19 that we have to grapple with and one of the reasons
that I have been so focused on mental health and well being in
my work as surgeon general, one of the reasons why I also want
to make mental health part of our focus on the global stage is
because we are not alone in those struggles.
A lot of countries are struggling with the mental health
impact of COVID-19. That is part of how we have to respond to
this pandemic and be prepared for the next.
Senator Young. Thank you, Doctor. Everything you said makes
great sense. You mentioned relationship building as a key
factor in negotiations and in cooperation from member states
during the next global health crisis.
It was something that you underscored in your written
testimony. Two-part question. Do you believe that relationship
building will be sufficient? It may be necessary but will it be
sufficient to tackle the next global pandemic?
It seems to me, and this is the second part of the
question, that we should be supporting some sort of regulations
that establish punitive consequences from governments that do
not comply with or cooperate with other countries during such
emergent circumstances.
Dr. Murthy. Yes, Senator, I am glad you raised this.
I would say relationships are necessary but insufficient on
their own to generate the results that we want. The
relationships build familiarity and trust. They make it easier
to work together more quickly. So that is essential.
But we also need our agreements with teeth. There needs to
be accountability in this process. We cannot have another
instance where there is not transparency and data sharing that
helps us get to the bottom of COVID origins, for example, that
helps us understand when a threat has emerged so we can leap to
action together as a global community to address it with
maximal lead time.
So all of that, I believe, is important in the components
we need to assemble for an effective pandemic response.
Senator Young. Lastly, I am going to ask you about Taiwan.
For the last two years the Biden administration's pledge to
bring Taiwan back into the World Health Assembly as an observer
and for two years straight China has blocked that from
happening.
Is the fact that the administration, despite its best
efforts, has been unable to win this status for Taiwan--does
this constitute some evidence that the organization is
deferring to the Chinese Communist Party and its wishes or is
it something else?
Dr. Murthy. It is a good question, Senator. This is one of
the areas that I would be happy to get into if I had the
opportunity to serve. Once I have the opportunity to start in
the position, my hope would be to approach this with a clear
set of priorities but also with an intent to understand how
decisions have been made. It has been--we have been clear about
Taiwan, how--what role we think Taiwan can and should have in
terms of conversations related to global health and that is an
area where I am certainly prepared to weigh in as well if I
have the chance to serve on the Executive Board.
Senator Young. Thank you, Doctor.
Dr. Murthy. Thank you.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much. The prodigiously
patient patriot, Mr. Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and you have got
a heck of a barber, too.
Well, I want to thank--again, add my thanks to all the
panelists for your service to our great nation and I also want
to thank your families as well because I know they serve
alongside you as you are serving our country, and especially to
our members of the Foreign Service, thank you.
As governor of Nebraska I had the opportunity to lead about
two trade missions a year around the world and I got to tell
you, every time I was in an embassy I was very impressed with
the quality of people who are representing our country
overseas. So thank you very much for your service. In
particular, I had direct experience with that.
Dr. Murthy, so I share also some of my colleagues'
disappointment with the WHO and specifically around the COVID
pandemic. Again, as I mentioned, I was governor and so I had
kind of a front row seat to the failures of the WHO as we went
through that pandemic on a number of different levels.
But what I want to focus on is kind of something that
Senator Hagerty mentioned about before. If you are confirmed
will you ensure that the WHO conducts a true and thorough
investigation into the origins of the COVID pandemic, the
actions of the Chinese Communist Party?
There has been a lot of folks that the WHO claim to be
committed to getting real answers about the pandemic and claim
to be tough on China.
But as soon as the Chinese Communist Party pushes back, for
example, denies entrance to a lab or refuses to allow a doctor
or scientist have access for us, they all kind of back down and
do nothing and, certainly, I think that a lot of the
information early on especially it seemed like the WHO was
really being deferential to the CCP, which I think all of us
would agree does not share our values here in the United
States.
I think the U.S. Representative at the WHO needs to have a
specific plan to--when you arrive on how are you going to get
these answers.
So do you have a specific plan on how to ensure the WHO
conducts a thorough investigation and gets--the best that we
can gets the origins of the COVID pandemic and the Chinese
Communist Party's role in that?
Dr. Murthy. Yeah, thank you, Senator.
I continue to believe this is a very important issue for us
to get to the bottom of. We cannot afford to cast it off and
just move on for two critical reasons. One is understanding the
origins of this pandemic will help us be better prepared for
the future.
But there is also to me a more important--an equally
important principle at play here, which is that if we are truly
in the era of global health we need to be a global community.
That means we all have to be transparent, open, and
cooperative, and it cannot be allowed for one nation to not be
transparent, to not allow a thorough investigation with
integrity to take place.
That just--that does not only put at threat our ability to
understand COVID but it puts a threat, I believe, our ability
to be effective and demand transparency from all countries in
future responses.
So if I have the opportunity to serve this is an issue that
I would press as an Executive Board member. I would work
together with our other colleagues in the administration who
also feel strongly that we need to get to the origins and the
bottom of the story about COVID origins and this is something I
would look to engage directly with the director of the WHO on.
Senator Ricketts. So you do not have a plan quite yet. You
are going to--if you are confirmed then you will work on a game
plan together about how we tackle this problem of getting to
the origins of COVID? Is that what I hear you saying?
Dr. Murthy. This would certainly be an issue that my
colleagues who are currently engaging with the WHO have been
engaged with the leadership there on and what I would look to
do if I started in this position, as I have done in prior
positions, is, first, understand those conversations,
understand where we are not making progress, and then lean in
to those areas so that we can ensure that we have a robust
engagement with the WHO and we are pushing this agenda on a
full investigation.
Senator Ricketts. What is your thoughts on how we get the
CCP to be responsive and be transparent? Because, obviously,
if, indeed, it was from a lab in Wuhan they are the ones that
have the data. How do we actually get them? Any thoughts on how
we can get them to cooperate?
Dr. Murthy. Senator, I think that is the delicate work that
we have got to do when it comes to both our diplomacy but also
thinking about the sort of measures that we take in putting
these global agreements together to ensure that they have
teeth.
I think there are, certainly, measures that have been
discussed over the last couple of years. We are learning from
this experience where we have to, again, ensure that there are
consequences for lack of cooperation, lack of transparency, and
again, this is part of what I would look to to engage on and to
work with my colleagues in the U.S. Government on because
again, as I said, this--to me, this is not a backburner issue.
This is not something we can afford to put aside. This is
front and center of one of my core priorities that I mentioned
earlier on, which is pandemic preparedness and that means that
we have got to get to the bottoms of COVID origins.
Senator Ricketts. As you know, doing an after action report
or a post mortem, whatever we would call it, afterwards is
going to be important. I think that getting the Chinese
Communist Party to cooperate with that somehow is going to be
important.
I am out of time, but I would note, Ms. Tremont, you are
the one person who has not been asked a question here today. I
feel bad. I do not even have a question for you. But thought I
would recognize you here since everybody else got to talk on
the panel. You showed up, got dressed up for nothing.
Ms. Tremont. Thank you, Senator. Zimbabwe is feeling a
little bit neglected.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. Senator Ricketts, you are the only one that
abided by the time limits of five minutes. So I appreciate your
discipline in that measure. I am going to ask some questions,
if I may, now. I am grateful that we had such a great turnout
from my colleagues and you can see the seriousness with which
they take the important roles each of you will play.
I will go to Zimbabwe, if I may. I remember flying there
with this incredible bipartisan delegation that ranged from
Chris Coons to then Senator Jeff Flake and we were coming there
right after Mnangagwa got elected and we had some--a good
sanctions regime, and we were looking forward to talking to
them, hopeful that the democratic norms that we wanted to see
and that we could find some way to leverage the economic
pressures we had.
As we were landing, interestingly enough, we were reading
in the newspaper that representatives from Mnangagwa's team
were landing from China, and China did not have concerns about
their democratic norms and principles.
And so I guess I have a couple questions. One, it has been
disappointing to me to see the challenges for democracy in
Zimbabwe, and I am wondering what do you think the commitment
of Mnangagwa is to key reforms that we would clearly like to
see as we continue and maintain the sanctions regime?
And then I am curious about the influence of China, perhaps
in many of the countries in Africa, but I am curious what your
perspective might be in terms of informing what is the area of
bipartisan concern as China is growing influence on the
continent?
Ms. Tremont. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for that question.
The U.S. Government warmly welcomed the improved tone of
President Mnangagwa after his inauguration in 2018. But it is
true to say there is a lot of work remaining before we see the
sustained governance and economic reforms that he promised.
Zimbabwe is still not meeting the requirements of its own
constitution nor its commitments to the African Union and the
Southern African Development Community.
There we have recently seen over the recent months
increased political violence against people expressing legal
political activity, biased implementation of laws and rights.
The U.S. Government has been very concerned about this and
has not hesitated to call out violence when we see it. If
confirmed, I look forward to having frank and respectful
conversations with the Zimbabwean Government about what sort of
governance and democratic reforms would make the elections more
credible and provide the Zimbabwean people their constitutional
right to express their political will in a peaceful
environment.
Regarding China, that is a big question. As you know, China
has been investing in the extractive industries all over the
world and Zimbabwe with its rich mineral resources is no
exception. In fact, the PRC and Russia comprise about 90
percent of the foreign direct investment in Zimbabwe's mineral
sector.
Unfortunately, there is very little transparency regarding
the terms of those contracts. So while I would always support
private sector-led growth in Zimbabwe or any country, I
certainly hope the Zimbabwean Government is ensuring that the
Zimbabwean people are getting fair compensation for the
minerals taken from their country.
In addition, I hope that they are looking at the
environmental impact of these countries' investments and
observing local labor laws to protect the workers who work for
the Chinese companies.
If confirmed, I would ensure that U.S. businesses also have
a fair and level playing field to invest in the many investment
opportunities in Zimbabwe.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much. I see Senator Barrasso
has come. I am going to suspend my questioning. He is a far
more senior senator than I am with a lot more demands on his
time, and I am going to allow him now to commence his
questioning before I finish mine.
Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman. I
appreciate it.
Dr. Murthy, good to see you again. Like you, I am a
physician. You and I have been on programs together at various
locations.
One of my biggest concerns is this loss of credibility by
public health agencies, especially the World Health
Organization. Time and again the American people see public
health bureaucrats putting politics ahead of sound science. I
think this needs to stop.
As an example, the Department of Energy now and the Federal
Bureau of Investigation have concluded that the COVID pandemic
likely stemmed from a leak from a Chinese lab, something
Republicans have been saying for a long time.
I know Chairman McCaul of the House Foreign Relations
Committee, former Senator Richard Burr of the HELP Committee,
each released separate reports with the same conclusion.
So do you agree with the Department of Energy and with the
FBI that the pandemic likely originated from a Chinese lab
leak?
Dr. Murthy. Thank you, Senator Barrasso, and it is good to
see you again as well.
While I have not looked at the data that the Intelligence
Committee has looked at and that is not my primary area of
expertise, I did note what both of them--both departments have
said publicly and I also understand that there is a diverse set
of views in the intelligence community about the origins.
I do think what is essential here is that we pursue
aggressively the investigation here to understand what the true
origins are, recognizing that there are multiple possibilities
here.
But I also think that one of the obstacles we have had,
Senator, is having transparency with regard to China and we
have not been able to get some of the information we need to do
a full and thorough investigation and that needs to happen.
Senator Barrasso. If confirmed, what actions would you
support in terms of the World Health Organization in terms of
taking to hold China accountable?
Dr. Murthy. Well, Senator, my feeling is that as we embark
in this new phase of learning from this pandemic and better
prepare for the next one we have to have guidelines, rules,
that we all abide by, rules that have teeth.
Otherwise, it does not serve us well. I also worry that if
we allow an instance where one country does not end up engaging
in a transparent way it creates more opportunities and almost
license for others to do the same later in future pandemics.
My approach, if I have the privilege of serving, Senator,
would be, number one, to go in there and to engage and
understand the conversations that our colleagues across USG
have had with the WHO specifically about them being--conducting
an investigation with integrity, second, to assess where the
gaps are, and third, to then press WHO leadership to close
those gaps and in that process, Senator, I would welcome the
opportunity to work with you and others in this committee.
Senator Barrasso. Thanks.
Ms. Tremont, if I could, in 2022 Zimbabwe's president
praised their, quote, ``excellent relations with China.'' That
followed the gift of a $200 million parliament building funded
by and constructed by China.
In 2021, Zimbabwe opened their national data center which
China helped to build. The NetOne, Zimbabwe's state-owned
telecoms network, has received about $239 million from China
since 2013. The purpose of the center is to gather information
from the Government and private firms. That includes banks.
So how can we do a better job in countering this Chinese
influence in Africa?
Ms. Tremont. Senator, thank you for that question.
Obviously, I can only speak for Zimbabwe. But yes, Zimbabwe
and China have a longstanding relationship that goes all the
way back to Zimbabwe's war for independence.
I think the difference between Chinese investments in
Zimbabwe and, perhaps, other places in Africa is the U.S.
investments of $4.5 billion that we have invested in Zimbabwe
in people--have been for the people--to promote their health,
to defend the democratic space, to improve the electoral
systems, to increase food security. Seven hundred thousand
Zimbabweans benefited from our food security and agricultural
programs last year. It was tremendously important in light of
the food shortages brought on by Russia's unprovoked war
against Ukraine.
Whereas the Chinese investments are much more for the
Government of Zimbabwe. The parliament building does not
necessarily benefit the Zimbabwean people the way U.S.
investment does.
And I do believe also that we hold our U.S. companies to a
much higher standard when they invest in the private sector
around the world than other countries do.
Senator Barrasso. If confirmed, how will you help shed
light on some of the terrible practices and atrocities
committed by China to Africa?
Ms. Tremont. Senator, I think that our fantastic embassy in
Harare has excellent outreach and public relations with the
entire country and I think our image among the Zimbabwean
people is much different than what you will sometimes see in
the press or from official mouthpieces in Zimbabwe.
And so, if confirmed, I would continue that outreach and
underscore to the Zimbabwean people our commitment to them and
to their well being and to defending their democratic rights
which are enshrined in their constitution.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Senator.
I just want to continue with that line of questioning.
Again, there is a real concern--bipartisan concern--about
China's growing influence there.
I think the senator said it right, the sort of corrupt
practices that they use and engage in, how that often results
in their influence, how they vote in different world
organizations. It is a growing concern.
At the recent summit of Africa Leaders, I heard at least a
lot of discussion about how they prefer us as partners but feel
often we are not stepping up to compete and fill the gap, how
when China comes in and does major projects, for example, they
are not using local labor. They are not really helping to
build.
I am just wondering if you have insights for us, because I
think there is a lot of work we could do as a committee to try
to better empower American interests and, frankly, that align
with the interests of different African nations.
Do you have any insights that you might want to add to the
senator's concerns and mine?
Ms. Tremont. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I believe that U.S. business and their investments overseas
represent U.S. values in a way that Chinese investments do not.
We require that our companies do not pay bribes.
We have anti-corruption legislation that we enforce from
back here at home. We highlight and press our own companies to
enforce local labor laws and abide by local laws. Other regimes
who do not share our values do not hold their companies to
those same values.
So I think our investments and our companies will always
have a slightly tougher road to hoe as a result but I do not
think that we can compromise on those in order to compete in a
race to the bottom for investment in Africa and influence
there.
I have not been confirmed yet. I do not--I have not been to
Zimbabwe in a very long time. But my sense is that the
Zimbabwean people are keenly aware that they are not benefiting
from Chinese investment in Zimbabwe and I think that is an
important point to make.
Senator Booker. It is, and it touches on everything from
national security issues for us, economic opportunity and,
again, critical minerals--I could go through the things that
are challenging for us--as well as helping countries have
democracy because our values--our democratic values are very
different than those of China..
I am grateful for your thoughtfulness on this question, and
I look forward to continuing, should you be confirmed, this
dialogue.
Maybe I will switch right to Mr. Kneedler. There is a real
problem in Rwanda around critical minerals and I would say we
see alleged smuggling of resources from the DRC conflict zone
that are contributing to the destabilization of the country,
the exploitation of people, and, again, often working against
America's interests as we globally compete for these critical
minerals and rare earth metals.
I am wondering if you have an assessment of Rwanda's
involvement in mineral smuggling and not only its impact--if
you can give me your thoughts if you agree with me about the
severity of the crisis--but some thoughts on how we stop it.
Mr. Kneedler. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much for the
question. This is, indeed, a very serious concern, the issue of
the illicit flow of resources across borders throughout the
region, throughout the Great Lakes region.
There are a number of regional initiatives established to
deal with precisely this problem. Rwanda participates in a
number of these initiatives. Rwanda has also taken some steps
to legitimize its mineral trade, has implemented some
traceability measures.
But it is true there is still work to be done in that
regard. If confirmed, Senator, I would look forward to working
with Rwanda to plug those remaining gaps. But it is an issue of
concern.
Senator Booker. I appreciate that. And my last question,
Doctor General--my mother would be more proud of you--Murthy,
you heard from my Republican colleagues, which I think are all
legitimate concerns, about U.S. sovereignty, about
transparency.
I think my colleagues--Republican colleagues--put
rightfully, trying to get facts and truth out. I wonder if I
could ask some of their--maybe the inverse of their questions
because I see China trying to influence a lot of world
organizations, not just the United Nations.
They are trying to out influence us in creating the rules
of the world order, and I guess I would like to hear from you,
keeping in mind the legitimate concerns that my colleagues have
brought up, what is the opportunity lost should we not be
leaning into an organization like the WHO, if we do not
exercise Americans' leadership and, as I often hear from our
peer countries, the indispensable nature of America's
leadership in defining the world order?
Dr. Murthy. Thank you, Senator Booker, for that question.
I think there is a lot to be lost if we do not have
American leadership at the WHO. I think we are the nation that
can most effectively press for the transparency and
accountability that is needed to make the WHO into the even
more effective and impactful organization that it needs to be
for the future.
But I also think what matters are our values. When we lead
the approach we take to global health is one that supports
human rights, that brings people to the table, that looks to
care for and support the most underserved communities that are
traditionally left out.
These are important values that we cannot take for granted
and I am not confident that without American leadership that
those values would be advanced with the same vigor and
effectiveness.
So I think it is vital that we are on the world stage
engaging with the WHO and bringing member nations together to
push for the effective organization in the WHO that we need and
to ensure, again, that agreements that we put together,
amendments that we make to the international health
regulations, are ones that not only make sense but have teeth
so we can move together with strong relationships but also with
accountability.
That, in my mind, Senator, is how we create a safer world
for tomorrow. That is how we ensure that there are risks to our
children of enduring another pandemic and one that has impacts
both on their physical and mental health is diminished in
probability and that is why I feel that this is urgent work
because we cannot wait another five or 10 years to engage and
ensure that the WHO is the effective organization it needs to
be. We need to do that work right now.
Senator Booker. You are--unlike the other four on the
panel, you and I have known each other for 10 years. I consider
you a friend. I could whisper this to you privately but I want
to say to you publicly, I think that my--a lot of my Republican
colleagues are such good faith actors that it would behoove
you, should you get confirmed, to pull some of them close in in
this important role that you have.
I see you and Senator Barrasso are both doctors. I, too,
have a science degree in political science but there is a lot
of expertise here on this subcommittee and I think it could
really work well to have us take our role in organizations like
the WHO to another level of leadership that also gives the
American public the confidence that these organizations are not
being used to undermine public safety or to obscure truth and
fact but, indeed, to help make for a safer world.
I want to also say for the record, not that I am picking on
you, Doctor General, who my mom would be more proud of, I want
to just say to you that your work in the area of mental
health--it is a global crisis coming out of a pandemic and I
think that that you have unique insights and expertise that
could really help not just at home in your role as Attorney
General but in a larger planet that is seeing a lot more
stressors on a lot of nations, and I am looking forward to
learning a lot more from you.
I want to say to the group as we--as I bring this to a
close, Ms. FitzGibbon, you talked about development, democracy,
and diplomacy. I want to use different D-words for you. Every
one of you is doing a job and, should you be confirmed, will
have to do a job, and especially the folks who have been career
diplomats before have done this with the Ds of doing things
that are difficult, doing things that are demanding, and doing
things that are very, very dangerous.
We are a nation that has seen the challenges our diplomats
have faced from physical attacks to dealing with environments
that are amid severe conflict.
We also know that the work that you do, which many of us
who travel as members of the Foreign Relations Committee have
seen with our own eyes, you all are doing work that ultimately
secures democracy, saves lives, and expands access to human
rights.
The work that you all do is extraordinary and the work that
you--and the support you get from your family--I am so happy
that many of you had family members here--that should be noted.
I did not just say that in a perfunctory manner about your
patriotism because there are a lot of symbols of patriotism.
But you all in many ways, as we travel around the world,
are showing the substance of what I think are lives dedicated
to making this nation and the world a better place.
I love our history and I love the role that some of our
first ambassadors held, people like Ben Franklin and Thomas
Jefferson. They showed the way of what it means to be the light
of this nation abroad and helping to not only secure American
interests but make for better alliances and more hope and
democracy globally.
And so I just want to say as we bring this hearing to a
conclusion that I am grateful, I am hopeful, and while this
might not have--I just came from an earlier hearing today with
the Attorney General, which was a packed room--You may not see
the celebrity of this moment but you all are people who are
more concerned with significance than celebrity and purpose
than simple popularity.
And so with that, I am going to adjourn the hearing. I
would like to thank you all for your participation. I want to
thank your family members for coming as well.
You all know this but this hearing record will remain open
until the close of business on Thursday, March 2nd. I guess
that is tomorrow. Okay.
It is going to stay open until the end of business
tomorrow, March 2nd. I would encourage you that if there are
questions for the record--many of my colleagues who are pulled
in different directions on the days we are in session, they may
submit to you questions for the record.
I suggest you take them very seriously, as I know that you
do, answer them diligently so that we can have a smooth vote
here in the Senate, which I hope--in this committee, which I
hope then--we will send you to the Senate floor for a full
vote.
But I am very honored to be sitting before you all and I
really do hope that I get a chance to serve with you in the
positions to which you have been nominated.
With that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:27 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Dr. Vivek Hallagere Murthy by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. 2023 is set to be a significant year for the World Health
Organization. Member states are expected to consider amendments to the
International Health Regulations at the next World Health Assembly in
May. And negotiations are under way for an international pandemic
accord. I understand the Biden administration put forward several
amendments to the IHRs to improve information sharing and the process
of issuing alerts related to public health incidents. If confirmed,
what actions will you take to ensure the WHO can meaningfully support
collective efforts to prevent, detect and respond to pandemic threats?
Answer. COVID-19 reminded us that infectious diseases do not stop
at our borders and that global engagement and coordination is required
to protect Americans against current and future health threats. One of
my top priorities for the position, if confirmed, is to make sure we
are better prepared for the next pandemic. We must all internalize,
better understand, and ensure that the lessons of COVID-19 and prior
infectious disease threats are reflected in a clear strategy for
addressing future pandemics, including effective surveillance and
detection, rapid response, and sustained efforts to support recovery.
The World Health Organization (WHO or Organization) can play a key role
in this effort by working to strengthen its and its Member States'
capacities. It also will require successful engagement on negotiations
currently underway to strengthen the International Health Regulations
and develop a new pandemic accord to address broader gaps in pandemic
preparedness.
Question. WHO does critical work helping countries respond to
health emergencies around the world, often in places where people are
extremely vulnerable to abuse. WHO's response to allegations of
widespread sexual abuse and exploitation by its staff and partners
during the 2018-2020 Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo drew significant concern from Member States, prompting the WHO to
undertake a set of reforms.
Do you think the reforms are adequate?
If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure WHO's mechanisms
related to prevention of and accountability for sexual abuse
and exploitation are both adequate, and consistently applied?
Answer. There must be zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and
abuse at the WHO. It is my understanding that the Department of Health
and Human Services (HHS), the Department of State (State), and U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID) have been working closely
with the WHO as they respond to sexual exploitation and abuse
allegations and work to build stronger systems to prevent and address
sexual exploitation and abuse in the future. The WHO has made
improvements and laid out a Management Response Plan with next steps to
continue progress, but our pressure on these issues must continue to be
a top priority, especially making sure that the survivors of sexual
exploitation and abuse receive the necessary support, perpetrators are
brought to justice, and future incidents of sexual exploitation and
abuse are prevented.
Question. What reforms need to be implemented in order to achieve
sustainable financing for the World Health Organization? Do you support
increasing assessed contributions to the World Health Organization?
Answer. I strongly support the ongoing efforts to strengthen the
WHO and make it more agile, transparent, and efficient, which include
more sustainable financing of the Organization. When Member States
agreed in principle to increase the WHO's assessed contributions last
May at World Health Assembly (WHA) 75, that was not a blank check, but
rather, a commitment to step up as Member States to sustainably finance
the Organization, and for the WHO Secretariat to step up in
significantly changing the way the WHO's budget and finances are
governed. If confirmed, I look forward to working to help ensure the
WHO has delivered on those commitments and to working with State and
HHS to continue to provide Congress with regular updates.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Dr. Vivek Hallagere Murthy by Senator James E. Risch
Global Health
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that the WHO
holds all staff who engage in sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA)
personally and professionally liable for their crimes?
Answer. There must be zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and
abuse at the WHO. It is my understanding that HHS, State, and USAID
have been working closely with the WHO as they respond to sexual
exploitation and abuse allegations and work to build stronger systems
to prevent and address sexual exploitation and abuse in the future. The
WHO has made improvements and laid out a Management Response Plan with
next steps to continue progress, but our pressure on these issues must
continue to be a top priority, especially making sure that the
survivors of sexual exploitation and abuse receive the necessary
support, perpetrators are brought to justice, and future incidents of
sexual exploitation and abuse are prevented.
Question. We are at a critical point in negotiating an
international pandemics agreement and, according to Ambassador
Hamamoto's team, things are not going well. Do you commit to ensuring
that any agreement that creates new or expanded legal obligations upon
the United States be submitted in the form of a treaty, and thus
subject to Senate advice and consent?
Answer. The timeline for developing the Pandemic Accord is very
ambitious, and therefore the International Negotiating Body and WHO
Member States are on an aggressive schedule. But, we all recognize that
we must be ambitious in order to protect ourselves and the world from
future pandemic threats. The Pandemic Accord is an opportunity to
strengthen the global health security architecture for future pandemic
threats by applying the lessons learned from COVID-19 and other
outbreak responses. This is the first time we are undertaking this type
of pandemic preparedness exercise on a global scale, and we must ensure
the outcome is as strong as possible. Ambassador Hamamoto and her team
are leveraging the strengths and expertise from across the federal
government to make this happen. I agree that transparency and
accountability are an important facet of all the work we are
undertaking as we learn from the pandemic, and it is my understanding
that experts are examining the legal questions around exactly what
format the final agreement will take. Regardless, I believe that
congressional engagement in the process is extremely important, and if
confirmed, I look forward to working with you.
follow-up question
Question. We are at a critical point in negotiating an
international pandemics agreement and, according to Ambassador
Hamamoto's team, things are not going well. Do you commit to
ensuring that any agreement that creates new or expanded legal
obligations upon the United States be submitted in the form of
a treaty, and thus subject to Senate advice and consent? Please
answer yes or no, and explain your response.
Answer. I am committed to continuing to consult with Congress
throughout these negotiations and appreciate the input the
negotiating team has already received through initial
consultations. The United States is still at an early stage in
this negotiating process, and it is my understanding that as
this process continues, we will get a better sense of what the
agreement will ultimately look like, including the scope of its
content and the extent to which it will contain binding legal
commitments. I will continue to seek consultation with Congress
in the coming months and will urge my colleagues to do the
same.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Dr. Vivek Hallagere Murthy by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities that are
beneficial to U.S. interests?
Do you believe that there are any areas within which the Chinese
Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of
China in the countries, or organizations in which you will
work?
Answer. I understand the United States engages with China where it
is in our best interests. In relationship to my role as the U.S.
Representative to the WHO Executive Board, if confirmed, I believe the
best way for us to combat China's influence in global institutions is
to robustly engage and lead in these institutions. When the United
States takes a leadership role in the WHO, it leaves less room for
China to exert its influence. The United States values cooperation,
transparency, accountability, and human rights. We must remain
committed to strengthening the WHO, so it can do its work better and
without fear of any unwarranted interference. The United States is an
effective leader at the WHO, working to build consensus and
collegiality among Member States to prevent, prepare for, and respond
to health emergencies. When we disengage it allows for other Member
States to exert influence and push the organization in ways that may
not be in the best interest of global public health including the
health of Americans. If confirmed, I would work with my U.S. Government
partners to ensure that the WHO focuses on its mandate of promoting
health for all and helping everyone achieve the highest attainable
level of health.
Question. If confirmed, you would assume responsibilities on the
WHO Executive Board which determines the agenda for the WHO's World
Health Assembly (WHA). Part of the WHO's responsibilities is the
prevention of pandemics, like COVID-19. In order to prevent future
pandemics, we need to have a crystal clear understanding of what caused
previous pandemics. For COVID-19, because of Chinese Communist Party
obstruction, we unfortunately do not yet have that understanding. The
WHO and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence have
assessed that natural transmission was the likely source of the COVID-
19, while the FBI and, this week, the U.S. Department of Energy,
believe it is a lab leak. My colleagues on the Senate committee
responsible for Health also believe a lab origin is likely. Do you
believe that there is the possibility that COVID-19 originated through
a lab leak at the Wuhan Institute of Virology and, if so, should that
possibility by thoroughly investigated?
Answer. There are a variety of views in the intelligence community
about the origins of COVID-19. Some elements of the intelligence
community have reached conclusions on one side, some on the other, and
a number of them have said they do not have enough information to reach
a conclusion. It's important to note that a significant reason why we
have not had sufficient information is the lack of transparency from
the Chinese Government. Getting to the bottom of the origins of COVID-
19 continues to be a priority for the United States, and I will
advocate strongly to this effect if I am confirmed.
Question. Do you believe China notified the WHO regarding the COVID
outbreak in Wuhan in a timely and responsible fashion in 2019?
In February the WHO abandoned its investigation into whether COVID-
19 originated, or leaked, from a lab in Wuhan because of
``politics across the world.'' To what extent do you believe
opposition from the Chinese Communist Party drove the WHO's
decision to end its investigation?
Answer. For more than two years now, China has been blocking
international investigators and members of the global public health
community from accessing information. We must continue to work with
partners around the world to press China to fully share information and
to cooperate with the WHO.
Question. If confirmed, will you work to reverse the WHO decision
to stop investigating the source of COVID?
Answer. Getting to the bottom of the origins of COVID-19 must be a
priority, and I would strongly support efforts to investigate this
important issue. Doing so will help provide additional information that
can be used to better prepare for and hopefully prevent the next
pandemic, be that more effective biosafety and biosecurity practices or
reducing opportunities for spillover of viruses to humans.
Question. This week, the U.S. Ambassador to China, Nick Burns,
stated that China needed to ``be more honest about what happened three
years ago in Wuhan with the origin of the COVID-19 crisis.'' According
to a Wall Street Journal article, a classified intelligence report
provided to the Biden administration, and members of Congress,
concluded the COVID pandemic most likely arose from a lab leak. Do you
agree with the Department of Energy and Federal Bureau of
Investigation's conclusion that COVID most likely originated from a
Chinese lab?
Answer. There are a variety of views in the intelligence community
about the origins of COVID-19. Some elements of the intelligence
community have reached conclusions on one side, some on the other, and
a number of them have said they do not have enough information to reach
a conclusion. Getting to the bottom of the origins of COVID-19 should
continue to be a priority, and I will advocate strongly to this effect
if I am confirmed.
Question. Like the U.N. Human Rights Council, the WHO continues to
unfairly single out Israel on health rights. According to the
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, this kind of double
standard applied to Israel is an example of antisemitism. Should the
U.S. support any organization that engages in antisemitism?
Answer. I agree that anti-Israel bias in international
organizations remains a persistent challenge and believe that the
United Nations (U.N.) must take steps to address it wherever it occurs.
If confirmed, I will be keenly attuned to this challenge and look
forward to consulting closely with Israeli diplomatic colleagues and
other likeminded Member States to ensure that such bias is brought to
light and countered vigorously and with unity of purpose.
Question. How will you use U.S. assistance and your position with
the WHO to stop unjustly targeting Israel?
Answer. The United States is best able to influence the direction
and performance of organizations such as the WHO when we are robustly
engaged, and if confirmed, I would add my voice, energy, and experience
to that effort, including in an instance in which Israel is unfairly
targeted or subject to other forms of bias.
Question. Last year, the Biden administration submitted to the
World Health Assembly draft text to amend the International Health
Regulations, (IHR), which govern how the WHO responds to international
pandemics. Americans across the country have raised concerns that this
proposal for a so-called ``Pandemic Preparedness Treaty'' would
override American sovereignty by opening the door for the WHO to
authorize sanctions against the United States or to assume control of
healthcare regulations determined by American states. What is your
assessment of the impact of the administration's proposals to reform
the IHR?
Answer. The United States will not support any proposal that will
compromise our sovereignty or security. COVID-19 reminded us that
infectious diseases do not stop at our borders and that global
engagement and coordination is required to protect Americans against
current and future health threats. One of my top priorities for the
position, if confirmed, is to make sure we are better prepared for the
next pandemic. The WHO can play a key role in strengthening its and its
Member States' capacities. The United States proposed substantive
amendments to the International Health Regulations (IHR) containing
measures that would strengthen the WHO's ability to use available
information to determine whether a Public Health Emergency of
International Concern may be occurring, and based upon that
information, inform all nations of the threat in a timely manner and
provide valuable recommendations on how to safely and effectively
respond.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to voting against any reform
to the IHR or other WHO regulation that would violate the United
States' sovereignty?
Answer. The United States will not support any provisions that
compromise our sovereignty or security. We will not support any
provisions that would compromise Americans' control over their own
health care decisions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Dr. Vivek Hallagere Murthy by Senator Bill Hagerty
WHO-China Ties
Question. World Health Organization Director-General Dr. Tedros
Adhanom Ghebreyesus--who had hailed China's Health Silk Road as an
alternative to Western-led institutions in 2017--was lavish in his
public and explicit praise for CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping's
cooperation as ``very impressive and beyond words'' early in the
pandemic. Yet, at the same time, the WHO privately complained that
China was not sharing enough data.
Do you believe Dr. Tedros is too close to the CCP? Please begin
your answer with a yes or no.
Do you believe Dr. Tedros has the confidence of the international
community to continue to lead the WHO? If so, why?
If confirmed, will you advocate for major leadership changes at the
WHO? Please begin your answer with a yes or no.
Answer. The best way for us to combat China's influence in global
institutions is to robustly engage in these institutions as the United
States. When the United States takes a leadership role in the WHO, it
leaves less room for China to exert its influence. The United States
values cooperation, transparency, accountability, and human rights. We
must remain committed to strengthening the WHO, so it can do its work
better and without fear of any unwarranted interference. The United
States is an effective leader at the WHO, working to build consensus
and collegiality among Member States to prevent, prepare for, and
respond to health emergencies. When we disengage, it allows other
Member States to exert influence and push the organization in ways that
may not be in the best interest of global public health, including the
health of Americans. If confirmed, I would work with my U.S. Government
partners to ensure that the WHO focuses on its mandate of promoting
health for all and helping everyone achieve the highest attainable
standard of health.
WHO Accountability
Question. During your SFRC confirmation hearing, you said that you
supported holding the WHO accountable and that the United States should
``not provide a blank check'' to the WHO, adding that U.S. funding to
the WHO ``should come with assurances that the reforms we are seeking
are happening.''
What specific reforms must be made the WHO so that we are not
providing a blank check?
If the WHO fails to make these reforms, will you, if confirmed,
advocate for the United States to suspend funding to the WHO?
How has the Biden administration held the WHO accountable for its
poor performance during the pandemic?
What conditions, if any, did the Biden administration place on
rejoining the WHO?
What assurances has the Biden administration sought from the WHO on
reform?
Answer. The WHO is an essential organization; they are the only
international organization with the mandate and convening power to
bring together Ministries of Health and health experts across 194
countries. Thus, I strongly support the ongoing efforts to strengthen
the WHO and make it more agile, transparent, and efficient, which
include more sustainable financing of the Organization. When Member
States agreed in principle to increase the WHO's assessed contributions
last May at WHA 75, that was not a blank check, but rather, a
commitment to step up as Member States in sustainably financing the
Organization, and for the WHO Secretariat to step up in significantly
changing the way the WHO's budget and finances are governed. It is my
understanding that the U.S. worked with WHO to lay out a clear reform
agenda and track progress against that agenda, as well as launched a
new Strategic Dialogue between the U.S. and WHO to ensure WHO is
delivering on the priorities for the United States. If confirmed, I
look forward to working to help make this happen and working with State
and HHS to continue to provide Congress with regular updates.
The WHO Intergovernmental Negotiating Body Pandemic Treaty ``Zero
Draft''
Question. During your SFRC confirmation hearing, you said that you
would ``strive to protect American sovereignty.''
If confirmed, what specific actions will you take to protect U.S.
sovereignty with respect to global public health?
Do you believe countries have the sovereign right to determine and
manage their approach to public health-including pandemic
prevention, preparedness, and response-pursuant solely to their
own policies and legislation?
Do you believe that the WHO-despite its abysmal track record during
the COVID pandemic-should be given greater authority under
international agreement as a coordinating and implementing
entity during the next pandemic?
Do you support preemptively committing the United States via
international agreement to waive intellectual property rights-
including on vaccines, therapeutics, and diagnostics-during the
next pandemic?
Do you support the principle of ``common but differentiated
responsibility'' in global pandemic response?
Do you support allowing the WHO under international agreement to
determine fair and equitable allocation of pandemic-related
products and resources based on public health risks and needs?
Do you support expanded WHO authorities under international
agreement for coordinating global supply chains for the
production of pandemic-related products?
Do you support allowing the WHO under international agreement to
coordinate the creation of strategic stockpiles of pandemic-
related products?
Do you support obligating the United States under international
agreement to contribute not lower than five-percent of its
current health expenditure for pandemic prevention,
preparedness, and response?
Answer. The Pandemic Accord is an opportunity to strengthen the
global health security architecture for future pandemic threats by
applying the lessons learned from COVID-19 and other outbreak
responses. The Accord is also an opportunity to promote and strengthen
national, regional, and global approaches to transparency,
accountability, improved coordination, and rapid action. While the
substantive negotiations, led by Ambassador Hamamoto, are ongoing with
respect to the different items you mention, the United States will not
support any provisions in the Accord that compromise the sovereignty or
security of the United States. We will not support any provisions that
would compromise Americans' control over their own health care
decisions. I believe that congressional engagement in the process is
extremely important and, if confirmed, I look forward to hearing from
you as conversations continue on this important endeavor.
follow-up questions
Question. On March 3, the lead U.S Negotiator for the
Pandemic Accord, Ambassador Pamela K. Hamamoto, called for the
WHO pandemic agreement to include an obligation to provide
``sexual and reproductive health services'' as essential health
care services during pandemics in the U.S. opening statement of
negotiations this week.\1\ Do you support obligating the United
States via international agreement to provide reproductive
health services, including abortion, as essential health care
during a pandemic?
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ https://apps.who.int/gb/inb/e/e--inb-4.html
Answer. If confirmed, I will comply with all legislative
restrictions on foreign assistance related to abortion,
including restrictions against advocating for or against
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
abortion in multilateral fora.
Question. Ambassador Hamamoto also appeared to agree with
China that negotiations and future versions of the draft treaty
should be discussed in closed session, noting: ``I think at
this stage I have some concerns about sharing the draft to all
stakeholders given where we are in the process.\2\ If
confirmed, do you commit to advocate that the pandemic
agreement negotiations and draft text of the document be made
public in the interests of transparency? Please begin your
answer with a yes or no.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ https://apps.who.int/gb/inb/e/e--inb-4.html
Answer. If confirmed, I agree that a transparent process is
critical to the overall success of the pandemic agreement. I
will commit to advocating with the U.S. Pandemic Negotiator,
Ambassador Pamela Hamamoto, for a transparent and open review
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process that includes Congress and the American public.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to advocate that any
pandemic agreement giving rise to new or expanded legal
obligations be submitted by the President to the Senate in the
form of a treaty and subject to advice and consent under clause
2 of section 2 of article II of the U.S. Constitution? Please
begin your answer with a yes or no.
Answer. The timeline for developing the Pandemic Accord is
very ambitious, and therefore the International Negotiating
Body and WHO Member States are on an aggressive schedule. But,
we all recognize that we must be ambitious in order to protect
ourselves and the world from future pandemic threats. The
Pandemic Accord is an opportunity to strengthen the global
health security architecture for future pandemic threats by
applying the lessons learned from COVID-19 and other outbreak
responses. This is the first time we are undertaking this type
of pandemic preparedness exercise on a global scale, and we
must ensure the outcome is as strong as possible. Ambassador
Hamamoto and her team are leveraging the strengths and
expertise from across the Federal Government to make this
happen. I agree that transparency and accountability are an
important facet of all the work we are undertaking as we learn
from the pandemic, and it is my understanding that experts are
examining the legal questions around exactly what format the
final agreement will take. Regardless, I believe that
congressional engagement in the process is extremely important,
and if confirmed, I look forward to working with you.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen A. FitzGibbon by Senator Robert Menendez
Conditions in the Sahel continue to deteriorate. According to
the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, ``more
civilian fatalities have been reported in the Central Sahel
this year than in all of 2021, with more than 2,300 killed.''
Successive administrations have invested significant resources
in the security sector, but it's clear we need a more holistic
approach. With military juntas now in power in Mali, Burkina
Faso, and Chad, achieving an appropriate balance in Niger--so
as to ensure that Niger remains a bulwark against
authoritarianism and terrorism--is more important now than
ever.
Question. What is your assessment with regards to whether we have
achieved the correct balance between our investments in defense and our
investments in diplomacy and development?
Answer. Our pivot to creating a better balance among our defense,
development, democracy, and diplomatic investments is ongoing. Over the
past few years, the U.S. Government has significantly augmented our
development assistance and increased diplomatic efforts in Niger, while
leveraging small funds and exchanges to bolster our engagements to
strengthen democracy. As the leader of our interagency team, if
confirmed, I will be cognizant of the need to balance our resources
appropriately in line with our U.S. Sahel Strategy and coordinate with
other donors to meet the country's economic, political, and security
challenges. If confirmed, I will increase our communications to the
Nigerien Government and people on the results of our partnership.
I understand in recent years there has been a significant increase
in economic investments (USAID/MCC) aimed at improving service
delivery, expanding agricultural outputs, supporting education
initiatives, and promoting livelihoods, aimed at strengthening
confidence in government capacity. Diplomatic engagement that is more
focused on inclusive governance, increasing participation, and
encouraging political competition is our focus. If confirmed, I will
use my position to create opportunities to strengthen the connection
between political elites and Nigeriens and foster a shared vision for
Niger's future. I will leverage smaller programs, including Department
of Justice and Conflict Stabilization programs to strengthen rule of
law and promote anti-corruption activities. Steady and consistent
commitment to building partner capacity and human rights accountability
will focus on building professionalism, adherence to international
humanitarian principles, and the rule of law.
Question. What changes have we made to better balance our approach
since the passage of the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership
Program Act last March?
Answer. The U.S. Sahel Strategy is based on the assessment that
instability in the Sahel is a security problem with a governance
solution. In Niger, the United States is working to create a better
balance between our security and development assistance and diplomatic
efforts. If confirmed, I will be cognizant of the need to balance our
resources appropriately. Along with our USAID Mission Director, I will
coordinate with other donors to support the country's economic,
political, and security challenges.
Question. What is the status of staffing at Embassy Niger? Have any
posts been vacant longer than 6 months? Are the incentives currently in
place sufficient for attracting foreign service officers? If not, how
should they be adjusted?
Answer. Progress has been made in filling vacancies in Niamey. The
Mission is now down to an overall vacancy rate of 22 percent, and the
vacancy rate is projected to drop below 10 percent by the end of the
summer transfer season. Fourteen positions have been vacant for more
than 6 months. At least nine of these positions will be filled in the
coming months. If I am confirmed and am able to fill the Ambassador's
Office Management Specialist position quickly, this will fill two more
of the fourteen longstanding vacancies. The Bureau of African Affairs
and Global Talent Management are working on other incentives to attract
bidders.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to briefing the Committee on
the status of implementation of the Sahel strategy in Niger?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will brief the Committee on the status
of the implementation of the Sahel Strategy in Niger.
The Government of Niger recently approved new rules related
to NGO operations that as drafted, threaten the independence of
operations of international and local NGOs working on
development, good governance, and human rights. These changes
could hamper our ability to provide aid to Niger through such
organizations. Niger has also jailed a human rights defender--
Abdoulaye Seydou--first for ``undermining public order'' and
then for alleged arson.
Question. What is the status of the new NGO regulations? Have the
Embassy and USAID engaged directly with Parliament and the Presidency
on these concerns? If confirmed, what steps will you take to convince
the Government to ensure international NGOs can operate independently?
Answer. Senior U.S. Mission Niamey officers and USAID Administrator
Power have engaged directly with President Bazoum and his
administration on our concerns about the NGO decree (an executive
order) and the Nigerien Government's commitment to revise the NGO legal
framework and uphold civil liberties. In November, the Government of
Niger hosted a national conference with multiple government ministries,
NGOs, and civil society leadership to review the NGO legal framework.
Final conference recommendations included revising the NGO decree and
decades-old NGO and association laws into a single updated law as well
as modernizing the management of NGOs and associations. The Nigerien
Government announced it would establish a drafting committee for the
NGO legal framework. If confirmed, I will engage to ensure forward
momentum on the drafting and implementation of the NGO legal framework.
Furthermore, I will seek opportunities to technically support and
facilitate dialogue through public and diplomatic engagements,
underscoring international best practices for civic freedoms.
Question. Tolerance for dissenting voices and views is a hallmark
of a functional democracy, and muzzling these voices often backfires.
Is there enough space in Niger for people to criticize their Government
without fear of arrest or intimidation? Has Abdoulaye Seydou been
freed? If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen respect for
democratic rights in Niger?
Answer. Abdoulaye Seydou, the founder and national coordinator of
the Government opposition group Movement 62 (M62), who was arrested on
January 23, has not yet been freed. The Embassy in Niamey is closely
following Seydou's arrest and detention and has repeatedly stressed to
the Government of Niger the importance the United States places on
freedom of expression for civil society leaders and opposition figures.
The Embassy is also deeply engaged on this issue with civil society
leaders. If confirmed, I will raise Seydou's arrest, advocate for his
release with top government officials, and remind them of President
Bazoum's statements that the lack of respect for state authority is at
the core of instability in neighboring countries. I will speak publicly
about the importance of political space and dialogue for citizens to
engage the Government on political and economic issues of national
importance. I will emphasize that marginalization of dissenting voices
feeds dissatisfaction and plays into the hands of violent extremist
organizations. I will promote discussions about the importance of
protecting democratic and human rights as a core strategy to counter
terrorist recruitment messaging.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have promoted respect for human rights and democracy
throughout my career. Specifically, my work to protect human
trafficking victims, empower women and girls, and promote the human
rights of members of the LGBTQI+ community have been aimed at
establishing legal frameworks to respect and protect human rights. I
have worked with several African governments to pass or strengthen
anti-trafficking legislation, increase prosecutions, and provide
stronger protection for victims. In Uganda, I led an effort by female
parliamentarians to draft and pass the country's first anti-trafficking
legislation in 2009 and, in Sierra Leone, I participated on the
Government's anti-trafficking committee, advising on strengthening its
legislation, no-cost actions to raise awareness of trafficking, and on
the importance of interagency collaboration. I was a U.S. negotiator at
the Darfur Peace Talks, oversaw our support for 250,000 Darfur refugees
in Chad, and supported our research team that uncovered facts that
supported the determination that genocide was being committed by the
Government of Sudan. In Sierra Leone, I prioritized empowering women as
a primary mission goal, which led then-Secretary Kerry to name Embassy
Freetown ``Gender Champions.'' I also advocated for free and fair
elections in Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Gabon, and Sao Tome and Principe.
In Nigeria, I engaged diplomatically to assist a Christian girl fleeing
religious persecution after receiving humanitarian parole to depart
Nigeria. I worked with national human rights councils in Sierra Leone
and Nigeria to ensure the human rights of members of the LGBTQI+
community are protected. The National Human Rights Commission in
Nigeria is taking on cases of arrests and working to challenge the law.
Through our PEPFAR program, I led engagement with governors to stand up
against discrimination against those with HIV/AIDS to counter
stigmatization, which enabled us to enroll 500,000 new patients on HIV
treatment, propelling Nigeria toward achieving epidemic control in
2023.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Niger? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. High levels of illiteracy, poverty, insecurity, and
alarming demographic trends are fundamental obstacles to deepening
public participation in Niger's democracy. Our development assistance
aims at strengthening the Government's ability to deliver services in
health, education, agriculture, and livelihoods, and is critical to
increasing respect for state authority and improving these trends. Our
democracy programs are developing the capacity of youth and women to
more fully participate in political discourse, strengthening
journalistic integrity, bolstering rule of law, and supporting
livelihoods.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Niger? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. At the strategic level, I will, if confirmed, engage
Niger's political elite, across all parties, and key civil society
leaders to gain elite buy-in to secure political tradeoffs to tackle
the deep challenges threatening consolidation of democracy. I will
point out when short-term interests are undermining democratic
consolidation. It also is essential to secure long-term commitments
that can bolster democracy, such as reforming the education sector,
committing to educating girls, and investing in infrastructure. These
commitments transcend administrations because they have support across
the political spectrum. Tactically, this means frequent engagement with
key players, including civil society, traditional leaders, and
marginalized groups, to share information about our investments in
bolstering democracy, and to seek their ideas and support. If
confirmed, I will leverage our key reports-human rights, trafficking in
persons, and religious freedom-to engage the Government on improving
these areas of concern. I will combine public and private engagement to
keep human rights and democracy issues at the forefront of our shared
priorities.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize the human
rights of women in Niger in our diplomatic, development and operation
activities, including focusing on efforts to promote women's economic
and political participation and strategic initiatives related to
gender-based violence and women, peace and security. Embassy Niamey
will promote gender balance in the selection of U.S. Government
professional and education exchanges.
The U.S. Government is committed to contribute to the President's
priorities through USAID's investments increasing girls' access to
education, particularly where child marriage rates are the highest.
Also, USAID works with imams, community leaders, parents, and
caregivers to support girls' education and better understand the
positive effects of girls staying in school. USAID will begin working
with UNICEF to address the loss of learning resulting from conflict and
school closures by focusing on distance education for children and
youth ages 7-15.
Advancing women in the labor force is good for companies' bottom
lines, good for countries' economic growth, and good for global
security, prosperity, and stability. As such, Mission Niger promotes
Nigerien women's participation in the International Visitor Leadership
Program, Washington Mandela Fellows Program, and in other exchanges
such as Fulbright and the Global Undergrad Program. Mission Niger also
provides implementation oversight to USAID and Department of State-
funded women, peace, and security programs and initiatives that have
increased women's leadership and participation in community security
networks and peacebuilding platforms in Diffa, Maradi, and Tillaberi
regions. USAID is also supporting improved maternal and child health,
voluntary family planning, and efforts to prevent of child early and
forced marriage and improved access to quality, safe basic education
opportunities.
Embassy Niamey has a long history of supporting female
entrepreneurs in Niger. Through a PD Section small grant more than five
years ago, a central women's entrepreneurship association emerged in
Niamey, which now has affiliate groups in every region. Embassy Niamey
has sponsored shark tanks and trainings for women entrepreneurs as well
as invested in programs to teach women vocational trades. Embassy
Niamey also sponsors a school for women entrepreneurs in Maradi, and
the Millenium Challenge Corporation supports functional literacy
classes for rural Nigeriens with a focus on women.
In addition, the Embassy is credited with training Niger's first
female pilot, sending its first female attendee to the United States
Military Academy, West Point and two successful nominations of the
Department of State Women of Courage candidates, resulting in the
elevation of women's status in the field of security, defense, and
human rights. The Embassy's ongoing Ambassador Fund for Cultural
Preservation Grant seeks to train and empower women potters from
Boubon, Niger on how to keep their tradition alive while also making it
a viable economic living.
Girls' empowerment through sports programing is a central effort to
promoting girls' education and schooling. The Embassy uses social media
as a key platform to showcase our commitment to the advancement of
women and girls as noted by the annual participation of the Young
African Leaders Initiative social media campaign #Africa4Her
encouraging Africans to pledge to support women's and girls' access to
opportunity; and workshops encouraging political and civic
participation among women before, during, and after elections.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Niger? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meeting with a wide range of
civil society members, human rights groups, and non-governmental
organizations in Niger. This engagement is fundamental to our agenda to
strengthen democracy. I will seek ways to bring these groups together
with government officials to build trust and interaction. I will
continue our mission's proactive approach to addressing efforts to
restrict NGOs and civil society. I also will meet with our implementing
partners and the USAID director to get feedback on the law's revisions
and any other similar regulations that limit or penalize civil society
or NGOs. Finally, it will be important to coordinate with likeminded
diplomatic missions to amplify our positions.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will meet with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties. I will encourage genuine
political competition and defend the importance of a level and
inclusive playing field for all political actors. I will make
interventions when needed to encourage positive behaviors and make use
of all the available tools necessary. It will be important to start
talking to key players now about preparations for the elections in
2025. Access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties is a central tenet of our programs and diplomatic
engagement to strengthen governance in Niger. I consider these critical
constituencies and will nurture their political participation.
Reversing severe gender inequality will remain a priority. This
includes focusing on efforts to promote women's economic and political
participation and strategic initiatives related to gender-based
violence and women, peace and security. To the extent possible, Embassy
Niamey ensures gender balance is applied in the selection of U.S.
Government professional and education exchanges, and I will continue
this policy.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Niger
on freedom of the press and address any government efforts designed to
control or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other
measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent, local
press in Niger?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead our embassy team in engaging on
press freedom. Our efforts will include voicing our concerns when we
see limits or regulations designed to undermine press freedom or
efforts to intimate journalists. The Embassy's public diplomacy team
has excellent relationships among independent journalists in Niger and
I look forward, if confirmed, to further strengthening their capacity
to effectively serve as a watchdog and report accurately on national
events.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead our mission's efforts
to counter the increasing spread of disinformation, which is a threat
to stability in Niger. Those carrying out disinformation campaigns
often target specific populations by capitalizing on and/or exploiting
the grievances, vulnerabilities, incentives, and/or suspicions that
make each group susceptible to manipulation. Nigeriens are vulnerable
to disinformation when actors (including state and non-state actors,
and foreign governments) are willing to prey on these weaknesses by
targeting populations with false and misleading information.
The United States coordinates closely with Nigerien officials on
regional security issues, including to address the inherent risk of
instability in the Sahel region posed by disinformation and armed
groups operating along Niger's borders. The United States will continue
to monitor emerging disinformation narratives on an ongoing basis and
support civil society and independent media voices advocating on behalf
of democratic principles and processes.
The Government has asked for assistance with disinformation. The
Senior Bureau Official for Public Affairs highlighted our commitment to
counter disinformation when she visited Niger in late 2022. The
Embassy's Public Diplomacy Section secured an expert in media to train
journalists, government officials, and civil society on how to properly
run press operations, how to manage the media ecosystem, and
understanding why it is important. USAID also has conducted eight
programs to date and is training journalists on public accountability;
promoting civic action to monitor and counter hate speech and violence;
and to study, correct, and mitigate disinformation.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Niger on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure the Embassy team will
actively engage with labor groups to understand any limitations on the
right to organize. I also will engage relevant government officials on
issues as they arise.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Niger, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate for and defend the human
rights and dignity of all people in Niger, no matter their sexual
orientation or gender identity. I will work with the national human
rights organization to mainstream the rights of LGBTQI individuals. It
is important to strengthen the capacity of domestic institutions to
defend the human rights of all Nigeriens.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Niger?
Answer. As noted in the 2021 Human Rights Report, there is a strong
societal stigma against same-sex sexual conduct, but there are no laws
criminalizing adult consensual same-sex sexual conduct. Gay men and
lesbians experienced societal discrimination and social resentment.
LGBTQI+ associations reportedly conducted their activities secretly, in
part because they were not officially registered. There were no reports
of violence against individuals based on their sexual orientation or
gender identity. There were no documented cases of discrimination in
employment, occupation, housing, statelessness, or access to education
or health care based on sexual orientation. Observers, however,
believed stigma or intimidation impeded individuals from reporting such
abuse.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Niger?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support LGBTQI+ persons in Niger
through outreach and inclusion in mission activities, and by speaking
out on the importance of protecting the human rights of members of the
LGBTQI+ community. I will facilitate linkages between LGBTQI+ groups
with other civil society groups and with government entities, to
include the national human rights commission to mainstream their issues
for protection like those of members of other groups. I will seek
opportunities to demonstrate our support for LGBTQI+ issues publicly.
In our activities, I will be guided by what the LGBTQI+ organizations
themselves request and the principle of ``do no harm''.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Niger?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will keep Members of Congress and/or
their staff apprised, as appropriate, in coordination with the Bureau
of Legislative Affairs.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at Embassy Niamey?
Answer. If confirmed, I will communicate my commitment to a
workplace where diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility are
core to our mission's work. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and I
will participate in Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility
(DEIA) activities to underscore the value we place on professional
growth, promoting diversity, equity, inclusion, accessibility, and a
workplace free from harassment and bullying. I will establish a monthly
professional day during which all mission employees will participate in
skills development, security awareness, mentoring sessions, and DEIA
activities. The DCM and I will also ensure that our DEIA Council has
the support it needs and that we promote forums for open discussions of
difficult issues, such as the ongoing NEC Talk series. Finally, I take
my responsibility for creating an environment free of harassment and
bullying seriously and will address conduct and discipline problems
appropriately as they arise. Taken together, these actions are aimed at
empowering both our U.S. and Locally Employed Staff to make good
decisions and promote an inclusive, positive work environment. This, in
turn, strengthens our ability to carry out our foreign policy agenda.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Niger?
Answer. Locally employed staff will be part of our ongoing
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility activities. Cross-
cultural sharing between American and Nigerien staff will be a central
tenant of our workplace environment. If confirmed, I will meet
regularly with the Locally Employed (LE) Staff Association and do
frequent walk-abouts to better understand how our LE Staff work with
each other. It also will be important to teach our U.S. Direct Hire
staff to look beneath the surface when situations arise to better
understand if there is any systemic or situational discrimination
underlying behavior. I will ensure that our employees receive the
training they need to spot discrimination or harassment and report
immediately.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, l commit to continuing to ensure equity in
our programs. I will use the Integrated Country Strategy process and
annual reviews of USAID Operational Plans to monitor our efforts to
include marginalized and underrepresented communities in our programs
and operations. Our economic development programs are targeted at
reducing multi-dimensional poverty, which means focusing on women and
children, as the most marginalized groups. Our education and health
programs are designed to be inclusive to enhance access in different
regions and to ensure handicapped individuals can get health care and
participate in the political system. Education programs are aimed at
removing cultural and security barriers to female participation. I will
ensure that our representational events and public diplomacy programs
include marginalized and underrepresented groups. Our security
assistance has increased the participation of women in security
organizations, especially the military where female recruits have
increased by 300 percent and boasts the first female pilot and first
cadet at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. Operationally, our
human resources team will use diverse panels in hiring processes to
ensure applicants are not being disadvantaged.
Question. How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise,
knowledge, and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, I will integrate our Locally Employed Staff
into our strategic planning and ensure they fully understand our
foreign policy goals. I will work with our Locally Employed Staff to
expand our outreach efforts to build into our contact networks experts
from every region and multiple groups. We will leverage the various
languages spoken within our mission to assist our U.S. officers in
making connections beyond the capital. I will encourage out-of-capital
travel, security permitting, or alternatively using the technology at
our American corners and spaces to do virtual outreach.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen A. FitzGibbon by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Given the deterioration of the situation in Mali, and the
emergence of Niger as the U.S.' preferred partner in the Sahel, what
will your priorities be as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, in supporting
Niger within the context of the threat from violent extremist groups in
the Sahel?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that our interagency effort
takes a multi-pronged approach by increasing our investments in
development, democracy, and diplomacy to mirror our long-standing
commitment to counter terrorism. Coordination is critical to sequence
and recalibrate our efforts as needed to manage our governance and
security priorities simultaneously. I will monitor our security
cooperation efforts at partner capacity-building to ensure that there
is an emphasis on professionalization and respect for human rights. I
will support our growing development programs, which are aimed at the
underlying causes of multi-dimensional poverty facing most Nigeriens.
This includes our USAID programs in health, education, agriculture, and
livelihoods. I will work to ensure that our USAID efforts are
compatible with and leveraging our Millennium Challenge Corporation's
compacts. The Niger Compact ($442.6 million) is increasing arable land
and agriculture output, livestock health, and road infrastructure, and
the recently signed concurrent regional transport Compacts with Niger
and Benin ($302 million for Niger and $202 million for Benin) will
rehabilitate and strengthen the transport corridor between Niamey,
Niger and the port of Cotonou in Benin.
Question. Niger has made positive democratic gains in recent years,
but democratic institutions remain weak and under threat (as evidenced
by coups in neighboring Mali and Burkina Faso). As U.S. Ambassador to
Niger, how will you balance U.S. counter-terrorism interests with the
need to support the development of strong and resilient democratic
institutions in Niger?
Answer. Our counter-terrorism interests and efforts to strengthen
democratic institutions are inextricably linked. Niger needs the
capacity to fight terrorist organizations in order to create the
security conditions necessary to promote economic development and
consolidate democratic gains. As we seek to strengthen governance as a
key to resolving security issues, if confirmed, I will lead our
interagency team to keep Washington headquarters elements informed
about key resource needs. I will bolster our support for democratic
consolidation by using diplomatic engagement, our available USAID
funds, and our public diplomacy resources to strengthen and amplify
civil society voices and empower women and youth participation in
national dialogue and political processes. If confirmed, I will use my
position to boost the inclusion of these voices in decision-making and
work with political elites to make trade-offs that will have to be made
now to achieve long-term gains for the country's stability.
Question. How do these goals reinforce each other and how are they
in conflict?
Answer. Increased security creates the conditions necessary to
promote economic development and consolidate democratic gains. More
economic opportunity and a more responsive government addresses many of
the motivators that drive people to join violent extremist groups. I
will seek to find the right balance within our assistance portfolio to
create a more stable Niger. The key to achieving balance is to ensure
that we are including all segments of Nigerien society, addressing
issues most important to Nigeriens, and creating self-sustaining
efforts that Nigeriens can carry forward once our programs end. If
pursuing a security-only focused agenda, there is the danger of
neglecting democracy and human rights. If confirmed, I will ensure our
security programs have a strong human rights component and we advocate
publicly on human rights issues.
Question. Looking at how Nigeria's ongoing electoral process is
playing out, what could the United States have done differently ahead
of and during the electoral process, including but not limited to
foreign assistance?
Answer. Prior to my departure from Nigeria in July 2022, the U.S.
mission played an important role in supporting and pressing for the
passage of the Electoral Act that included provisions for the
electronic transmission of votes. The mission also pushed for
additional elections support. The Department's facilitation of
Washington visits for leading presidential candidates enabled the
United States to communicate U.S. expectations surrounding the
elections. The mission encouraged youth leaders to be more involved and
they registered in high numbers. At the time, the viability of a third-
party candidate had not yet gained traction. The mission had concerns
about how the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System would work but at the
time of my departure, did not foresee significant issues with the
separate system for uploading of results. The slow upload is a source
of criticism that is contributing to the undermining of public
confidence in the election results.
Question. What lessons will you take with you to Niger from your
experience as Deputy Chief of Mission in Nigeria?
Answer. From Nigeria, a critical lesson learned is the importance
of working with Congress on key issues, such as arms sales. The
mission's engagement with Congressional staff on the proposed
helicopter sale was useful to support our requests for a human rights
advisor and political section position to follow security force
accountability. Both of these positions have increased the mission's
ability to discuss human rights and accountability issues with the
military. There is still a long way to go, but the tone and substance
of our interactions improved. It also will be important to maintain
contact with Congress to better understand concerns in order to tackle
them. If confirmed, I will build on this experience by prioritizing
respect for human rights and accountability with the Nigerien
Government in order to maintain our ability to support the security
partnership. Another important takeaway from Nigeria is the importance
of countering disinformation and communicating publicly about our
values even as we are engaged in behind-the-scenes dialogue.
Question. As Chief of Mission in Niger, how will you support the
recently reopened USAID mission in Niger to contribute to the
achievement of U.S. foreign policy objectives in Niger?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for USAID
programming, personnel, and resources because the country's needs are
so great. Our binding constraint is Niger's absorptive capacity and the
limited capability locally to implement programs. To be effective, it
is important to have a consistent, predictable budget over time and
higher staffing levels within the mission to advance our foreign
assistance objectives and coordinate with other donors. Currently,
USAID is lacking 60 percent of the staff necessary to implement foreign
assistance programming. If confirmed, I will create a positive
interagency work environment, advocate for additional incentives, and
highlight the critical nature of our mission to attract additional
bidders. I will support additional appropriate resource requests and
work closely with the USAID Mission Director on a strategy to fill
positions.
Question. In your hearing, you committed to supporting Niger in
strengthening its democracy. What specific types of democracy
assistance do you think are needed in Niger?
Answer. Traditional democracy assistance, such as providing
technical support to the electoral commission, voter education, and
assistance to civil society, including political party development, is
needed now to enhance political participation ahead of the elections in
2025. If confirmed, I will step up our diplomatic engagement across the
political spectrum, make our expectations clear with the Government
about the importance of a level playing field, and create opportunities
for civil society and youth to channel demands into political action. I
will engage political players to stress the importance of making the
necessary trade-offs for long-term stability over short-term political
considerations. I will ensure that our development assistance remains
focused on long-term investments to bolster democracy, such as
education sector reform, improving girls' education, and investing in
infrastructure.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report Niger remained on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking but making significant
efforts to do so.
Answer. In 2019, Niger's increased efforts to combat Trafficking in
Persons (TIP) resulted in an upgrade from Tier 2 Watch List to Tier 2.
Since 2019, Niger has successfully maintained a Tier 2 ranking, which
requires Niger to demonstrate overall increasing efforts year-on-year
to bring themselves into compliance with the relevant standards. Over
the past year, the Government of Niger has proposed new legislation to
criminalize hereditary slavery and established an inter-ministerial
committee to combat forced begging. These efforts are in addition to
its increasing law enforcement efforts to investigate, prosecute, and
convict traffickers and to identify and protect survivors of the crime.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Niger operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. In confirmed, I will draw on my past experience working
with several African Governments to pass or strengthen anti-trafficking
legislation, increase prosecutions, and provide stronger protection for
victims. I will use my position to raise public awareness on
trafficking in persons and work with neighboring U.S. missions and
other diplomatic missions in Niamey on cross-border trafficking,
particularly as it relates to migrants. I will host government
officials and civil society groups on a regular basis to measure anti-
trafficking progress.
Question. What is your assessment of religious freedom in Niger and
if confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The constitution prohibits religious discrimination and
provides for freedom of religion and worship consistent with public
order, social peace, and national unity. There is no restriction on
private, peaceful proselytization or conversion of an individual's
personal religious beliefs from one religious faith to another. The
Government prohibits open-air, public proselytization events for all
religious groups, purportedly due to safety concerns. If confirmed, I
will continue the Embassy's long-standing advocacy for religious
tolerance and freedom, and engagement with members of all faiths in
Niger. I will welcome engagement from the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom, who met with Nigerien officials in
December 2022, so our approach in Niger to promoting religious freedom
is informed by the most recent guidance and best practices.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on promoting religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will personally engage with civil society
on promoting religious freedom. Promotion of religious freedom is vital
to peaceful and tolerant society and is a defense against the spread of
extremism that has been so devastating to the people of Niger.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Niger increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use my position to host religious
leaders for roundtable discussion and I will meet with religious
leaders during in-country trips to emphasize the important role they
can play to prevent and mitigate conflict. I will leverage our Public
Diplomacy programming and exchanges to find opportunities to expose
young leaders to religious freedom issues. I also seek opportunities
for U.S.-based Muslim scholars to visit Niger and interact with various
audiences in and out of the capital.
Question. The State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report describes
significant human rights issues in Niger including unlawful or
arbitrary killings by the Government, serious restrictions on free
expression and media. How will you direct your Embassy to work with
civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation on
the ground? How will you approach addressing these serious human right
issues with the Nigerien Government?
Answer. Working with civil society organizations is critical to our
understanding of the human rights situation in Niger as they are on the
frontline of addressing challenges facing their communities. If
confirmed, I will encourage my team to continue to work closely with
civil society so that the United States has an accurate picture of
human rights concerns so that we can address them with the Government
and design programming to improve the human rights situation in the
country. I understand the Embassy discusses human rights issues with
the Government at the highest level and I will continue to do this, if
confirmed. Government officials are responsive to requests for
information, and cabinet members and their staff readily meet with us
to discuss various issues. Promotion of respect for human rights is an
important cross-cutting priority for all mission activities. U.S.
military assistance includes training the Nigerien Ministry of National
Defense legal advisors on our own Uniform Code of Military Justice
(UCMJ) systems; this kind of training is a critical step in improving
prosecutions of such cases. Lastly, the Embassy has advocated for the
training of all Nigerien soldiers on respect for human rights.
Question. According to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal, there are 11 open allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse
by the country's peacekeepers deployed to U.N. peacekeeping missions,
in cases from 2022, 2018, 2016, and 2015. The Nigerien Government has
not explained what actions if any have been taken to address these
allegations, including substantiated allegations where the perpetrators
have been repatriated to Niger. How will you engage with the Niger
Government to ensure that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse
from U.N. peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. The United States will continue urging our Nigerien
interlocutors to meet peacekeeper conduct, discipline, and
accountability standards, including those spelled out in U.N. Security
Council Resolution 2272 (2016), championed by the United States. We
will continue support to the U.N. to rigorously apply its ClearCheck
vetting system, which prevents individuals subject to sexual
exploitation and abuse allegations from later redeploying to
peacekeeping operations. The Government has kept the mission informed
about investigations into two incidents, one in 2017 and another in
2021, one of which is now with the Attorney General. If confirmed, I
will advocate that the findings of these investigations be made public.
Question. How do you intend to work with senior leadership at the
State Department to address acute staffing challenges at Mission
Niamey?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of African
Affairs and Global Talent Management to identify existing gaps and
future needs to ensure that Mission Niamey has the right mix of
positions to achieve our goals, through the annual Mission Resource
Request, and also on an ongoing basis. We will focus ahead of bidding
season and proactively recruit officers. The Bureau of African Affairs
and Global Talent Management are exploring increased incentive packages
for Niger. Already, an additional Rest and Recuperation has been added
and several civil service officers have been assigned to fill vacant
foreign service positions. Niamey's vacancy rate stood at 40 percent in
December 2022 and is now 26 percent with the arrival of new officers. I
will keep Washington apprised of staffing needs and take advantage of
different programs, such as hard-to-fill opportunities, Pickering and
Rangel Fellows, and Eligible Family Member positions. Finally, I will
negotiate deadlines with Washington, and the DCM and section chiefs
will be empowered to triage workloads when needed to protect our
employees from burnout.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last several years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Niamey?
Answer. My understanding is that morale is good at Mission Niamey
despite the challenging environment and the lingering impact of stress
from COVID-19. Personnel in Niamey have a strong sense of purpose and
mission. They see the results of their work and see the rewards,
including through promotions. Nonetheless, the removal of COVID-19
travel restrictions has resulted in a heavy visitor workload for post,
setting the scene for potential burnout as employees balance visitor
support with required reporting and other taskings.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Niamey?
Answer. My six tours in Africa taught me the importance of being
attentive to each employee's professional development and ensuring that
they know how their work fits into the Embassy's mission and
achievement of Department goals. It also is important to take care of
the needs of Eligible Family Members through employment and activities
that bring the community together. Creating and maintaining an
environment free of harassment and bullying is a hallmark of my
leadership style and essential for employees to flourish. If confirmed,
I will advocate for additional incentives for officers serving in
Niamey to attract more bidders to fill vacancies and reinforce our
stretched-thin workforce. Leadership at hardship posts also showed me
the importance of frequent and clear communication with our employees
and being inclusive in our decision-making. I will model the importance
of work-life balance and ensure our managers know how to set priorities
and negotiate deadlines to avoid employee burnout and promote
resilience.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Niamey?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be leading a U.S. Government team
comprised of seven agencies at post. This means ensuring all agencies
understand the mission and activities of others and discussing the
tradeoffs that often need to be made on foreign policy goals or Embassy
operations together. I have found that a structured approach should
include weekly Country Team meetings and the dissemination of minutes
throughout the mission, weekly meetings with agency leaders that
include the DCM to discuss programs and events, mission-wide
participation in the Integrated Country Strategy and Mission Resource
Request planning requests. Internal clearances on cables and memos will
include relevant sections and agencies at post to ensure all
perspectives and equities are included. Mission-wide off-sites and
professional development days will be used to review our progress and
develop our workforce skillsets and build a sense of community and
mission. Finally, if confirmed, under my leadership, Mission Niamey
will review our goals and achievements as we update our Integrated
Country Strategy. This is an effective tool to keep all agency activity
in-line with our mission goals.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Niamey?
Answer. My six tours in Africa taught me the importance of being
attentive to each employee's professional development and ensuring that
they know how their work fits into the Embassy's mission and
achievement of Department goals. It also is important to take care of
the needs of Eligible Family Members through employment and activities
that bring the community together. Creating and maintaining an
environment free of harassment and bullying is a hallmark of my
leadership style and essential for employees to flourish. If confirmed,
I will advocate for additional incentives for officers serving in
Niamey to attract more bidders to fill vacancies and reinforce our
stretched-thin workforce. Leadership at hardship posts also showed me
the importance for frequent and clear communication with our employees
and being inclusive in our decision-making. I will model the importance
of work-life balance and ensure our managers know how to set priorities
and negotiate deadlines to avoid employee burn out and promote
resilience.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is open and empowering. A lifelong
athlete, I benefited from excellent coaching and know-how to strike the
balance between correcting behavior and keeping employees motivated.
This means jointly identifying employee weaknesses and agreeing on how
to bolster the skills necessary to strengthen them. I strive to
maintain a workplace atmosphere where mistakes are turned into learning
opportunities. I will coach our employees through decision-making
processes to develop their leadership skills and provide regular
mentoring and support. I am decisive, but inclusive of a wide range of
views and will communicate the ``why'' of a decision to make sure those
who were involved and those not involved understand what the Executive
Office will be doing and the rationale for it. If confirmed, the Deputy
Chief of Mission and I will be attentive to workplace issues and create
a harassment and bullying free environment.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates. Performance and conduct management needs to be a regular
and ongoing process. Mistakes are learning opportunities and correcting
them can be an inclusive, constructive process that is done in private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. I have worked previously with the current Deputy Chief of
Mission (DCM) in Niger. As a three-time DCM and long-term Charge
d'Affaires myself, I understand what it takes to establish and nurture
a strong, collaborative relationship between the Ambassador and DCM. If
confirmed, I will listen and learn from the experience of the current
DCM who has served as CDA for the last 15 months and respect the
relationships she has established with Nigerien officials and within
the mission. I view the DCM role as a force multiplier and as someone
who must be ready to step in during my absence so she will be involved
in key internal and external meetings. I will expect her to deliver her
honest, frank opinion so that together we can make the best decisions
possible. I will create an environment in which she can feel free to
disagree with me when we consider options or suggest course
corrections, but that we present a united front to the mission once a
decision is made. Leadership at the top must be proactive, consistent,
and fair. If confirmed, I am confident the DCM and I will be able to
create a positive work experience for our team in Niamey.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) is arguably the most
difficult position at post. If confirmed, I will leverage my experience
as a three-time DCM to establish a strong and symbiotic relationship to
oversee mission operations and conduct our foreign policy. As I lead
the mission, I will need to be able to work through the DCM to ensure
that we are protecting U.S. Government resources across agencies,
running an efficient Interagency Cooperative Services platform, and
supporting our personnel needs. The DCM will play the role of chief
operating officer of the mission, but also be involved in our foreign
policy agenda. I will include her in meetings with government officials
and in communications with Washington. She will ensure that performance
management, budget oversight, and human resources platforms are
performing effectively and our operations soundly steward U.S.
Government resources. I expect her to develop her managerial skills
across all aspects of mission life and will coach her as needed. I also
will ensure that the DCM and our other employees share in our
representational activities to expand our outreach activities. I will
expect the DCM to oversee our leadership, mentoring, and Diversity,
Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility programs.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Answer. I believe that a strong performance management culture is
essential backbone to professional development and to achieving mission
goals. I also teach both employees and their supervisors on how best to
capture an employee's achievements and use counseling discussions to
improve performance. I look closely at how section heads supervise
their employees and oversee U.S. Government resources and include these
in their own work requirements. I teach employees that what you do is
important, but how you do it is critical to achieving success in what
one does. Another important component is to ensure that our Locally
Employed Staff supervisors are trained formally and mentored on their
supervisory responsibilities. This is important because culturally,
some Locally Employed Staff are conflict-adverse and need coaching on
how to correct behavior or improve performance of those they supervise.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide feedback, write employees performance
reviews and counseling documents. If confirmed, I will continue to pay
close attention to developing the performance management skills of our
supervisors and the employee's understanding of how the system benefits
their professional development.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, providing clear, accurate, and direct feedback has
been a hallmark of my leadership and supervisory style. A good coach
helps employees develop their skills, work on their weaknesses, and
prepare them for their next assignment. I will ensure that post's
mentoring programs for entry and mid-level officers are integrated into
monthly professional development days. Open communications in no-fault
discussions are important to making sure that both the employee and the
supervisor agree and that perceptions do not diverge over expectations.
I will also seek to reward high performers and ensure that the
mission's award program clearly identifies benchmarks that merit
recognition so that awards are meaningful. Weekly recognition of
mission achievements is a way to reward performance and on-the-spot
awards can be used regularly to encourage employees throughout the
year. When I see exceptional performance, I also will stop by to see or
send an e-mail to an employee so that they know I valued their
contribution to an assignment. When I see mistakes, I send an e-mail
called ``Coaching Corner'' to put in writing the implications of the
mistake and offer suggestions on better ways to handle future
situations.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens.
Answer. It is imperative for diplomats to develop a wide range of
contacts that include government, diplomatic community members, civil
society, law enforcement, security officials, private sector
businesspersons, religious and traditional leaders, regional officials,
women, and youth. My analytic background drives my need to tap into
diverse sources of information to better evaluate facts in order to
make policy recommendations.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. In my career, security concerns have changed the way
diplomats travel in-country or get ``beyond the wire.'' I have directed
our employees to get out of the mission to meet and cultivate a wide
range of contacts in and outside the capital and major cities. To
enable these efforts, I have sought and received the resources
necessary to support their in-country travel. In my previous assignment
in Nigeria, security concerns were real across the country as they will
be in Niger, but we had an obligation to monitor our robust assistance
portfolio. I worked with the Regional Security Officer and Diplomatic
Security to make sure we had enough armored vehicles and security
assets to get our employees on the road while also ensuring their
personal security. Our program was tightly controlled, but we were able
to have over 360 trips outside the capital to allow our diplomats,
health experts, and development officers to travel to all corners of
Nigeria without incident. If confirmed, I will seek to do the same in
Niger.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage and support in-country
travel with adequate security resources and also mentor employees on
thinking-outside-the-box on how to reach local populations. As a soccer
player, I myself meet and interact with local population through sports
and if confirmed, I will support an active sports diplomacy agenda. On
a regular basis, I will ensure that our employees are maintaining
contacts with regional leaders at all levels and meeting with them in
their areas and when they come to the capital. It also means ensuring
that employees are using representational events and funds to cultivate
contacts and promote mission goals. Our Embassy in Niger already has a
goal that guest lists for events include 50 percent female invitees. I
will tap into the expertise of our Locally Employed Staff and our
implementing partners to find ways to connect our officers with the
grass-roots levels of society. I will continue public diplomacy
programs that target women and youth and to leverage the extensive
alumni network, which includes participants across all U.S. Government
agencies to reach their home areas. In addition, I will seek ways to
expand our recruitment efforts for various programs and training, such
as the Ambassador's Self-Help Fund, International Military Education
and Training, African Women's Entrepreneurial Program, Mandela
Washington Fellows, beyond traditional contact networks. I will support
cross-cultural learning from our Locally Employed Staff and U.S.
employees as well as learning of local languages. I will encourage our
mission employees to participate in our English language programs to
meet and support Nigerien youth.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen A. FitzGibbon by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes, the activities of the People's Republic of China (PRC)
and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represent a significant challenge to
U.S. economic, political, and security interests globally and in the
Africa region. Under President Xi, the PRC has become more repressive
at home and more assertive abroad. We will defend and strengthen U.S.
national security, prosperity, and values; defend international law and
agreements and the other principles and institutions that maintain
peace and security; and protect the rights of individuals and sovereign
nations. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Nigeria, I had numerous
discussions with government officials, including legislators, on the
PRC's use of its influence in the U.N. and abroad in ways that
undermine the rule of law, democratic principles, and the broader
rules-based international order. Our engagement on these issues
resonated with the Government. As Secretary Blinken said, we will
invest, align, and compete with the PRC to defend our interests and
build our vision for the future. If confirmed, I will invest in our
partnership with Niger; highlight the risks associated with PRC
engagement that could impact Niger's security, democratic principles,
sovereignty, and U.S. interests; and ensure that our vision of regional
security and prosperity provides the basis of a positive U.S.-Niger
partnership that competes successfully with the PRC.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. We are committed to working with Beijing only if it secures
American jobs, American values, and our way of life for future
generations. Issues like food security, global health, climate change,
the global drug trade, and COVID-19 are the very issues that directly
threaten our prosperity and security and that of Niger. PRC
contributions should be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are not a
springboard for narrow PRC economic interests.
If confirmed, I will also work with the Department of State's new
Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S. objectives and counter
harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Nigerien context.
This new office, inaugurated immediately following the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit, brings together a group of China experts from
throughout the Department and beyond to work more effectively with
colleagues from every regional bureau and experts in international
security, economics, technology, multilateral diplomacy, and strategic
communications. In addition, I will direct the members of post's PRC
working group to work closely with the Regional China Officer based in
Abidjan.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States will engage constructively with the PRC
when it is in our interest to do so in Niger. For example, issues like
food security, global health. climate change, the global drug trade,
and COVID-19 are the very issues that directly threaten our prosperity
and security, and that of Niger, which is one of the countries most
affected by climate change and is a major crossroads for smuggling
routes between the continent and Europe. If confirmed, on climate
change issues, I will be a staunch advocate for U.S. companies over PRC
firms as the Government seeks renewable energy solutions to ameliorate
the impact of climate change in Niger.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries, or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult Department guidance on
engagements with PRC organizations or representatives to work together
when it is in U.S. interests to do so.
Question. The State Department has framed U.S.-Niger relations as
``close and friendly.'' Externally, Niger is surrounded by instability,
conflict and crises on its borders and is among the world poorest and
least developed countries in the world. Over the past decade, as
regional stability has eroded, the U.S. and Niger have increased
cooperation militarily, with health aid, food security programs, and
agricultural development. Niger hosts approximately 1,000 U.S. military
personnel and USAID bilateral aid totaled more than $78 million in FY
2021. Niger faces external and internal terrorist and insurgent
threats, ranging from Al Qaeda, Boko Haram, and IS-offshoots. As such,
Niger is a top recipient on the African continent for U.S. Department
of Defense (DoD)-administered Counterterrorism assistance. Given the
fragile state of Niger's economy and democracy, how vulnerable is Niger
to terrorist groups flourishing in their country?
Answer. President Bazoum acknowledges Niger's vulnerability to
violent extremist organizations and is pursuing a multi-pronged
strategy to strengthen the country's security architecture and to
tackle complex issues such as education, agriculture, livelihoods, and
the climate crisis. He has stated that the solution to insecurity is
good governance. U.S. Government assistance is aimed at bolstering the
Government's ability to deliver services in these critical areas to
consolidate public support for democracy and reverse negative
demographic trends. Over 70 percent of Nigeriens are youth and 70
percent of Niger's children are out of school. Most girls only get 1.4
years of education and 76 percent of them are married by 18 and have on
average seven children. President Bazoum views reversing these
demographics as the key to depriving violent extremist organizations of
recruits and to consolidating the country's democratic gains. Our non-
military bilateral investments target these demographics and are aimed
at improving livelihoods. In addition to FY 2021 funding, we plan to
allocate over $90 million in FY 2022 bilateral development assistance
for Niger, subject to availability of funds and congressional
notification, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation has two compacts
with Niger totaling $700 million to increase agricultural outputs,
increase arable land through irrigation, and strength rural road
networks as well as the road to the Port of Cotonou, Benin. Our
investments support Bazoum's economic priorities and he is being
inclusive and attempting to balance resources across the country's
region.
Niger is punching above its weight regionally and internationally
as it seeks to leverage partnerships to further bolster its defenses.
This includes a troop commitment to MINUSMA, G-5 Sahel, and the
Multinational Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin as it coordinates
counter-terrorist activities with other countries in the region. It is
a reliable counter-terrorism partner for the United States and active
member of the D-ISIS Coalition, just recently hosting a meeting in
Niamey. President Bazoum understands that defeating terrorism requires
a multi-pronged approach, which includes non-military interventions in
education, health, food security, and livelihoods. He views
partnerships with the U.S. and other likeminded countries as critical
to succeeding against violent extremists.
Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage your position to
ensure Islamist insurgents do not make progress in Niger, like we have
seen them make in Mali and Burkina Faso?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue fostering our strong
bilateral ties through our defense, development, democracy, and
diplomatic engagements to build Niger's capacity to defend its borders
and deliver services to its population to counter violent extremist
groups. Our new strategy for the Sahel emphasizes governance solutions
to security problems. I will leverage our assistance to support
improved public service delivery to boost public confidence in
democracy.
I also will reach out across Niger's elite political class to
foster a consensus on achieving the country's national goals. This
means promoting dialogue among the political class on the trade-offs
that must be made in the short term to achieve stability over the long-
term for all Nigeriens. My long experience in Africa will help me
identify the interests of key political players and find common ground
across politicians, civil society, and security officials. With
likeminded donors, I will amplify our expectations of democratic
consolidation, respect for human rights, and political inclusion. I
will travel throughout Niger--security permitting--to meet with
Nigeriens and promote our people-to-people relationships. I will work
closely with AFRICOM and Special Operations Command Africa to support
our continued security cooperation assistance, which includes training
and equipping the Nigerien armed forces and sharing information.
Question. Unfortunately, we have seen China take advantage of poor
and developing countries in Africa by exploiting cheap labor and
offering debt trap loans for projects or mines. Does the CCP play any
role in Niger's economy, including the mining and energy sectors?
Answer. The PRC is less active in Niger relative to other African
countries and has a diplomatic, but not a military presence in Niger.
It is focused on oil production and infrastructure, including an oil
pipeline and a hydroelectric dam. It is now adding vaccine cooperation
and some economic recovery projects. The PRC has also dropped in public
opinion despite its vigorous public relations campaign. Niger is
skeptical of PRC investment because it uses PRC labor and delays
infrastructure projects. If confirmed, I will continue the United
States' robust relationship across the board with Niger, making us its
partner of choice. Our development, defense, humanitarian, and
democracy programs are aimed at removing constraints on economic
growth, improve livelihoods and lives, enhance governance, and enhance
security. We have answered the Government's request on how to counter
disinformation with USAID and Public Diplomacy programs to train
journalists, strengthen the foundations of journalistic integrity, and
how to identify disinformation. As a result, the United States is
viewed as being a supportive player in achieving Niger's overall
development goals in contrast to the PRC.
Question. What steps will you take to identify projects, with Niger
officials and the Development Finance Corporation, regarding
opportunities for U.S. companies to compete with CCP funded projects?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that post has an active
interagency ``Deal Team'' and a China Working Group, designed to seek
opportunities for U.S. businesses and to monitor PRC activities. I will
establish contacts across the U.S. business community in Niger, the
Corporate Council on Africa and BCIU, and lead Direct Line calls with
U.S. companies on opportunities in various sectors. U.S. companies are
interested in investments in the renewable energy sectors and the
Government is supporting them. I will ensure that our economic officers
leverage our substantial economic toolkit, which includes Power Africa
and the Development Finance Corporation. I will meet with U.S.
companies during visits to Niger and during consultations in
Washington. Our USAID and MCC programs are deepening our contact
networks and understanding of private sector investment opportunities,
which can be leveraged to help U.S. companies interested in energy,
agriculture, and the digital economy. Finally, I will use our
diplomatic engagement to show government officials and the public that
the United States is a better partner than the PRC in terms of
sustainable investments aimed at bettering the lives of Nigeriens.
Question. Mali, Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic have
invited the Wagner Group, a Russian private military company
responsible for gross violations of human rights abuses around the
world, to assist in their counter-terrorism efforts and have
subsequently ended the presence of French and Western troops. In your
assessment, has the participation of the Wagner Group in counter-
terrorism operations led to operational gains against Boko Haram and
the Islamic State?
Answer. We do not assess that the Wagner Group operations have led
to operational gains. The Armed Conflict Location and Event Dataset
indicates that violent extremist organization attacks are rising. The
reported human rights abuses committed by Wagner and its partner armed
forces will likely only serve to swell the ranks of violent extremist
organizations. Niger is highly critical of the presence of the Wagner
Group in neighboring Mali and Burkina Faso, particularly its reported
human rights abuses and contracts for minerals and resources. President
Bazoum is staunchly opposed to Wagner's activities and reported human
rights abuses in both countries. Niger maintains troops in MINUSMA in
Mali and have deployed troops on its borders with both Mali and Burkina
Faso to defend against terrorist incursions. Russia does not have an
embassy in Niger and the ambassador travels to Niamey from Bamako,
Mali. Niger does have Russian helicopters and is looking to buy U.S.
helicopters to bolster its mobility against terrorist groups. Niger
also asked for our assistance in countering disinformation. Our public
diplomacy and USAID programs have provided experts and training to
Nigerien journalists on the importance of information integrity, how to
identify disinformation, and how to counter it. The Department's Senior
Bureau Official for Public Affairs traveled to Niger late last year to
discuss disinformation with Niger.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that Niger also
does not invite the Wagner Group into their country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will keep President Bazoum abreast of
Wagner's activities in the region and share information as appropriate.
He views Wagner as a destabilizing force in the region and is firmly
against its expansion into Niger. I will use interagency working groups
within the mission to gather information and formulate responses. This
will include our public diplomacy officers who are monitoring the press
for disinformation promulgated by Wagner. I have found that thematic
working groups are an effective tool in countering malign influence.
Fortunately, we already have an ally in the Government of Niger, which
understands the danger Wagner presents to the country's stability and
long-term prosperity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen A. FitzGibbon by Senator Bill Hagerty
As you know, on February 18, 2023, an Israeli diplomat who
was an accredited observer with an entry tag was expelled from
the opening ceremony of the African Union summit. In the
following days, the African Union Commission Chief stated that
Israel's observer status that the bloc has been suspended.
These actions are part of a larger effort to delegitimize
Israel by states driven by hatred. Just as biased targeting of
Israel at the United Nations is a grave concern, anti-Israel
actions and rhetoric in other international forums also cannot
be ignored. Indeed, what happened to Israel at the AU Summit is
reprehensible and unacceptable.
Question. If confirmed, what would you to do to address this
problem?
Answer. AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat accepted the
Israeli Ambassador's credentials in 2021. However, this decision was
challenged by some AU member states, as permitted by the AU
Constitutive Act. The AU established a Heads of State Committee,
comprised of six member states, to consult on the accreditation issue
with plans to report back at the 2023 AU Summit. Faki's acceptance of
Israel and its observer status have been hold pending his receipt of
the Committee's recommendation. According to the AU, AU Chairperson
Faki's staff had convened the Israeli delegation in advance of the AU
Summit to ask that the delegation not attend the event, as the
Committee had not yet made a final decision. I understand that with
that information, Sharon Bar-li, Israeli Deputy Director General of the
Africa Division of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs still
decided to attend the opening ceremony on February 18 and was
subsequently escorted out by AU security.
If confirmed, I would continue to advocate that Israel's role in
the African Union be quickly clarified and confirmed as an observer. As
Deputy Chief of Mission in Nigeria, I worked with Israel's Embassy in
Abuja to convey to Nigerian Government officials the value Israeli
observer status would bring to the AU. I would advocate with Nigerien
officials that multilateral institutions are strongest when differing
voices and perspectives are engaged to enact change that impacts global
populations. Israel's impact on Africa is significant, from its
contributions to technology and resources to bolstering food security
efforts via substantive trade--it is an important partner to the
continent and can share vital perspectives for the AU's work.
Question. What would you do to engage with foreign governments and
ensure that Israel is not unfairly targeted, but rather included in
future African Union summits and other regional and international
forums?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to work closely with the U.S. Mission
to the African Union to continue advancing Israel's relationship with
the AU. By harnessing the strong relationships that we have with member
states across Africa, we can and should elevate Israel as an important
partner to the African Union. I will be able to leverage my experience
in the African Union-led negotiations on Darfur, where external
partners were able to play a positive role at crucial points in the
discussions and in committing to support AU peace agreements.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to doing everything within
your power to further regional security and prosperity by encouraging
Niger to re-normalize its relations with Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to advocating for and facilitating
Israel's efforts to normalize its relationship with Niger. Such efforts
could include emphasizing Israel's expertise in agriculture,
technology, and security, which could benefit Niger achieve its
development and defense goals. I have strong working relationships with
Israeli diplomats in the region that have furthered our shared
interests with host governments and will leverage those. Niger is
punching above its weight in regional and international fora because it
has a broad perspective on the importance of international cooperation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Eric W. Kneedler by Senator Robert Menendez
According to the U.N. Group of Experts (GoE) for the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), there is overwhelming proof
that Rwanda is once again supporting U.N.-sanctioned M23 rebels
in eastern DRC. The Rwandan-backed M23 is now responsible for
killing more than 100 Congolese civilians and displacing
hundreds of thousands more, downing a U.N. helicopter and
murdering several U.N. peacekeepers, numerous acts of sexual
violence, and the recruitment of child soldiers.
Question. Do you agree with the U.N. Group of Experts findings that
Rwanda is supporting M23 and that Rwandan troops are fighting alongside
M23 in eastern DRC?
Answer. Yes, the Department of State finds the evidence presented
in the report to be credible.
Question. Does documented Rwandan support for M23 mean that Rwanda
is in violation of the Child Soldiers Prevention Act and section
7042(a) of FY 2023 Consolidated Appropriations Act P.L. 117-328)
regarding destabilizing activities in a neighboring country, including
aiding and abetting armed groups?
Answer. I understand the State Department is currently going
through the process of developing 2023 Child Soldiers Prevention Act
(CSPA) list recommendations for the Secretary's review. The CSPA will
be published in the annual Trafficking in Persons Report, which is due
to Congress no later than June 30 each year. I cannot speculate on the
outcome of that review.
Since 2017, Rwanda has been subject to Section 7042(a) of FY 2023
Appropriations Act, which restricts certain types of International
Military Education and Training (IMET) assistance.
Question. What steps can the U.S. take to hold accountable senior
Rwandan Government and military officials who are responsible for
fomenting instability, violence, and gross violations of human rights
in eastern DRC?
Answer. The U.S. Government has a range of possible policy tools,
including targeted financial sanctions and visa restrictions, that can
be utilized to promote accountability. If confirmed, I will consider
every tool at my disposal to resolve this crisis.
Rwandan President Kagame's efforts to target, kidnap, and
kill dissidents both in Rwanda and abroad are well documented.
U.S. permanent resident Paul Rusesabagina and his family are
among those targeted by Rwanda while living in the United
States. Rusesabagina, who is now illegally detained by Rwanda,
was lured onto a charter flight and flown to Rwanda without his
knowledge as part of an operation Rwandan President Kagame
later described to the New York Times as ``flawless.''
According to the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting
Project (OCCRP), in 2015 the FBI told the State Department's
Bureau of African Affairs that the Rwandan Government
interfered in the U.S. asylum process and ``almost certainly''
compromised an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)
investigation into a Rwandan national who resided in the U.S.
and had applied for U.S. asylum. ICE deported the applicant to
Rwanda in 2016 and he is now serving a 14-year jail sentence in
Rwanda for comments he made about the Rwandan regime while
living in the United States. In January 2023, meanwhile,
Rwandan journalist John Williams Ntwali--who was one of the
only remaining journalists in Rwanda reporting on allegations
of torture, disappearances, and land evictions by the Rwandan
Government--was killed under mysterious circumstances.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to meeting with the
families of Paul Rusesabagina, Rwandan journalist John Williams Ntwali,
and other recent victims of Rwandan Government oppression and abuse?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the Rwandan Government's
repression of dissidents, both domestically and abroad. If confirmed, I
will coordinate closely with the Department and other interlocutors to
ensure meeting with families and victims would be helpful or
advantageous to these or other cases. If so, I will gladly meet with
them.
Question. Will you commit to reviewing this FBI report before
starting your assignment in Rwanda? Does the State Department agree
that the Rwandan Government likely compromised an ICE investigation
which resulted in an individual's deportation and subsequent
imprisonment in Rwanda?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with the FBI to review the
report. While I am not in a position to speculate on the ICE
investigation, if confirmed, I commit to working to counter
transnational repression wherever and whenever possible.
The State Department's Travel Advisory for Rwanda is currently at
the lowest level, ``Level 1: Exercise Normal Precautions.'' This is
lower than the State Department's Travel Advisory for the United
Kingdom which is at ``Level 2: Exercise Increased Caution.''
Question. Given Kagame's well-documented practice of kidnapping,
jailing, and assassinating critics, are Americans or American residents
who publicly criticize the Rwandan Government safe in Rwanda?
Answer. Travel Advisories communicate to U.S. citizens the risks of
travel to a particular country. The State Department does not believe
U.S. citizens who criticize the Rwandan Government are in danger of
kidnapping, jailing, or assassination in Rwanda.
Question. Should the State Department raise the Travel Advisory for
Rwanda and add a ``D'' indicator to this Travel Advisory to warn
Americans of the risk of wrongful detention by the Rwandan Government?
Answer. The State Department updates Travel Advisories on a regular
basis. The Wrongful Detention indicator is used when there is a policy
determination that U.S. citizens face the risk of wrongful detention.
The State Department does not believe U.S. citizens are in danger of
wrongful detention in Rwanda.
Question. Prior to Secretary Blinken's visit to Rwanda in August
2022, the State Department described Rwanda as a ``strategic partner.''
Given Kagame's longstanding disregard for basic democratic and human
rights norms, his decision to once again foment violence and
instability in neighboring DRC, the illegal detention of Rusesabagina,
and Kagame's continued efforts to silence critical voices and views
both in Rwanda and abroad to include inside the United States, do you
view President Kagame as a credible partner or someone who shares U.S.
values and interests?
Answer. The United States and Rwanda share a broad and longstanding
bilateral partnership. We cooperate in many areas of mutual interest,
including on public health, education, the environment, and economic
growth issues. Rwanda is one of the most effective implementers of U.S.
assistance on the continent. However, as previously noted, U.S. and
Rwandan policy views diverge in significant ways and those differences
have become more pronounced in the past year. The United States is
deeply concerned about Rwanda's involvement in eastern DRC and its
approach to human rights, including transnational repression and the
wrongful detention of Paul Rusesabagina. The United States does not see
eye-to-eye with President Kagame on the best way to govern. If
confirmed, I will actively engage the Government of Rwanda to resolve
or reduce areas of concern and disagreement.
Question. Given the Rwandan military's support for M23, implication
in the recruitment of child soldiers, and Rwanda's well-documented use
of cyber tools to target dissidents in the U.S. and around the world,
was it appropriate for the United States to invite members of the
Rwandan military to participate in the ``Justified Accord'' exercise in
Kenya in February 2023 and provide Rwandan security forces with
training on cyber techniques?
Answer. All engagements with Rwanda are evaluated through the lens
of whether the activity supports U.S. interests and is consistent with
our policy to stabilize the region. If confirmed, I commit to you that
I will ensure all engagements align with U.S. policy towards Rwanda and
advance broader U.S. goals and objectives.
In addition to fighting alongside M23 in eastern DRC, Rwandan
troops are operating in the Central African Republic and Mozambique.
There are reports that the Rwandan Government is using the presence of
Rwandan troops in these countries to target dissidents and secure
access to natural resources. According to media, several Rwandan
businesses owned by Rwanda's ruling party have recently started
operating the mining, private security, and construction sectors in
Cabo Delgado in Mozambique.
Question. To what extent are Rwandan military personnel
coordinating with the Wagner Group in the Central African Republic
(CAR)?
Answer. I am not aware of coordination between Rwandan Defense
Forces and the Wagner Group in CAR.
Question. Are Rwandan troops in CAR or Mozambique facilitating
Rwandan Government or business access to natural resources, minerals,
government contracts, or mining sites?
Answer. Rwanda has entered into bilateral agreements with the
Central African Republic (CAR) and Mozambique. Rwanda's 2021 bilateral
agreement with CAR covers security, transportation, mining, and
economic planning. Kigali continues to play a constructive role in CAR
as the leading troop and police contributor to the U.N.
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in CAR. In addition,
Rwanda's efforts to encourage progress on the CAR peace process have
been constructive. If confirmed, I would be glad to work with State
Department experts to provide you with a classified briefing to discuss
this topic in greater detail.
On July 20, 2022, I wrote to Secretary Blinken to express concern
about the Rwandan Government's continued disregard for basic democratic
and human rights norms and the need for U.S. policy to adjust
accordingly. In the letter, I encouraged the Department to undertake a
review of our policy toward Rwanda, clarify whether the Department can
sanction Rwandan officials implicated in the kidnapping of Paul
Rusesabagina, protect Americans and American residents in Rwanda by
raising the Department's Travel Advisory for Rwanda from ``Level 1:
Exercise Normal Precautions'' to ``Level 3: Reconsider Travel,'' and
consider restrictions on U.S. security assistance to Rwanda.
Question. Please provide an update on the status of my request to
conduct a policy review.
Answer. I understand the interagency is currently reviewing U.S.
policy towards Rwanda. If confirmed, I look forward to participating in
that process or helping to implement its decisions. Again, if
confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. policy towards Rwanda aligns with
U.S. national interests and objectives, and will remain in close
contact with members and staff from the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee.
Question. Are Rwandan Government officials responsible for
transnational repression subject to sanction under the ``Khashoggi
Ban'' or Executive Order 14078 and the Robert Levinson Hostage Recovery
and Hostage-Taking Accountability Act?
Answer. I understand the United States continues to review
incidents of serious, extraterritorial counter-dissident activity
following Secretary Blinken's announcement of the Khashoggi Ban in
February 2021. While I am aware of concerns related to reports of
transnational repression by the Government of Rwanda, I cannot
speculate as to how or whether the Khashoggi Ban or Executive Order
14078 could be applied in any particular case.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As a Political-coned officer, I have had the honor and
pleasure of working closely on human rights issues at virtually every
stop of my professional career. I have worked closely with human rights
advocates in Mauritius, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, and
Kenya, supporting them in any way possible and championing their work.
I have also either drafted or helped manage and supervise the process
of drafting the Human Rights Report in every one of these countries.
This human rights advocacy has helped civil society groups advance
their critical work and sent a clear message to every host government
that the United States stands shoulder to shoulder with democracy and
human rights advocates.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Rwanda? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. The United States considers Rwanda to be a constitutional
republic dominated by a strong presidency. The Rwandan Patriotic Front
(RPF) has ruled Rwanda since 1994. President Kagame has been in power
since 2000 and faced elections in 2003, 2010, and 2017, each time
winning more than 90 percent of the vote. The Government represses its
political opponents, both in Rwanda and abroad, and members of
opposition parties face the threat of disappearance, arbitrary arrest
and detention, and assassination. Kagame has already indicated he plans
to run in the 2024 presidential election. As the election approaches,
it is likely Rwanda's political space will become even more
restrictive, as Kagame seeks to intimidate, disappear, and threaten
opponents. If confirmed, I will strongly support and promote the
benefits of democracy--not just in practice but in substance--to
Rwandans. I will encourage the Government of Rwanda to ensure and
respect the rights of its citizens to exercise their rights to freedoms
of expression, conscience, and peaceful assembly, including through the
electoral process, and underscore that meaningful progress on
democratic performance will contribute to Rwanda's long-term peace and
stability and bolster its capacity to achieve Rwanda's ambitious
development and economic growth goals.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Rwanda? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. As promoting democracy within the Government of Rwanda is a
difficult task, Mission Kigali's approach to diplomacy and assistance
recognizes the indispensable role of civil society in Rwanda.
Democracy, human rights, and governance programming supports civil
society organizations engaging with their communities and with
government officials on citizen involvement in government processes.
Promoting greater government accountability is an integral part of
this. The Embassy also regularly meets with members of civil society to
be sure their input is included in our approach to the U.S.-Rwanda
bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I will strongly support the
ongoing efforts to promote democracy in Rwanda and encourage my team to
seek out creative engagement and new programming ideas. As stated
above, there are significant challenges to promoting democracy in
Rwanda. However, it is important to further accelerate these critical
efforts.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage U.S. Government assistance
resources to support democracy, respect for human rights, and good
governance as vigorously as possible. I will consult with USAID, the
State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Rights and Labor, other
agencies and offices, civil society, and non-governmental organizations
to determine whether we should pursue new programming approaches that
might help unlock additional progress. I will ensure all assistance
programs administered by Mission Kigali are as effective and impactful
as possible.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Rwanda? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will gladly meet with civil society
members, local and international human rights and other NGOs, as well
as other members of civil society in Rwanda. I believe meeting with
these organizations sends a clear message to the Government of Rwanda
and these organizations that the United States supports their work,
leading to incremental progress in the democracy, rights, and
governance arena. I will work with partners on the ground and the
Government to stop efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil
society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties in Rwanda and will
welcome their recommendations about what additional steps Mission
Kigali could take to encourage genuine political competition. Rwanda is
a global leader in gender equality, but I will advocate for greater
access and inclusivity for women, as well as minorities and youth
within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Rwanda on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Rwanda?
Answer. Yes. Mission Kigali regularly meets with independent, local
press in Rwanda and, if confirmed, I will welcome the opportunity to
participate in those engagements. Mission Kigali will continue to
identify opportunities to discuss and promote press freedom with the
Government of Rwanda.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. The People's Republic of China (PRC), in particular,
actively messages in Rwanda. Mission Kigali's public messaging promotes
U.S. values and explains the value of U.S.-Rwanda bilateral cooperation
to the people of Rwanda. The United States has a good story to tell in
Rwanda, a story that can effectively counter disinformation. If
confirmed, I look forward to telling it wherever and whenever possible.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Rwanda on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to meet regularly with labor unions
and workers to hear their concerns and ideas. Engaging with the
Government of Rwanda, businesses, and trade unions to promote worker
rights is critical to building a strong middle class and achieving
sustainable, long-term, inclusive economic growth.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Rwanda, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. All people deserve to have their human rights and
dignity respected and defended, regardless of their sexual orientation,
gender identity or expression, or sex characteristics.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Rwanda?
Answer. Although Rwanda does not criminalize LGBTQI+ conduct or
identity, Rwandan society stigmatizes LGBTQI+ persons. Rwandan law does
not protect LGBTQI+ persons from discrimination based on sexual
orientation, gender identity or expression, or sex characteristics.
Embassy Kigali reports that LGBTQI+ community members believe that hate
speech and harassment, especially of transgender persons, is
increasing. Rwandan law does not provide for marriage equality--but
neither is marriage equality criminalized. LGBTQI+ persons in Rwanda
experience societal discrimination, stigmatization, and abuse. LGBTQI+
civil society and community members report that government officials do
not adequately respond to reports of abuse and crimes committed against
LGBTQI+ persons, especially at the local government levels, and thus
LGBTQI+ persons often do not report crimes committed against them for
fear authorities would be indifferent or complicit. LGBTQI+ persons
have difficulty registering non-governmental organizations.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Rwanda?
Answer. Embassy Kigali assesses there are many opportunities to
engage the Government of Rwanda, civil society, and the media to
advance the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons. If confirmed, I look
forward to exploring these opportunities and supporting LGBTQI+ persons
in any way I can.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Rwanda?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will be glad to brief relevant Members
of Congress and/or their staff, as appropriate, in coordination with
the Bureau of Legislative Affairs.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy in Rwanda?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to advance
the goals and objectives of Mission Kigali's Diversity, Equity,
Inclusion and Accessibility (DEIA) Committee. I would emphasize in Town
Halls, Country Team, and Senior Staff discussions from the outset that
the DEIA's work is of paramount importance and will require the focus,
attention, and input of the entire community. In addition, I will apply
lessons learned from my time leading Mission Nairobi's DEIA team, while
also underscoring the importance of active and inclusive mentoring.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Rwanda?
Answer. If confirmed, I will underscore from the outset in Town
Halls and discussions with Locally Employed (LE) staff my expectation
that the entire Mission will be actively engaged in promoting
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility. I will also make it
very clear that under my leadership, Mission Kigali will not tolerate
racism, discrimination, or inequality in any form.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to engaging more equitably in
operations and programming, particularly with potential partners and
communities that traditionally have been marginalized, excluded, or
underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership efforts.
If confirmed, I will ensure Mission staff prioritize travel
throughout the country, regular engagement and exchanges with host
country nationals, and the critical contact work that fuels effective
diplomacy overseas. I would work to remove any impediments standing in
the way of allowing this to happen so that the Mission team can best
advance our foreign policy goals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Eric W. Kneedler by Senator James E. Risch
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda, if confirmed, do you commit
to regularly engaging with the Rwandan Government over its continued
unlawful detention of U.S. permanent resident and recipient of the
Presidential Medal of Freedom Paul Rusesabagina?
Answer. Yes. I have been following Mr. Rusesabagina's case very
closely. If confirmed, resolving this case will be one of my top
priorities, and I will maintain high-level engagement with the
Government of Rwanda and pursue any and all avenues that might help
resolve this matter as expeditiously as possible.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you view the
continued unlawful detention of Mr. Rusesabagina in the context of the
broader U.S./Rwanda relationship?
Answer. The wrongful detention of Paul Rusesabagina is a
significant bilateral irritant, and the Department of State has made
this very clear to the Government of Rwanda on multiple occasions. This
case is one of a number of issues that has negatively impacted the
bilateral relationship and is preventing the United States and Rwanda
from expanding cooperation and collaboration.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, do you commit to
ensuring that, in coordination with the Belgian Embassy, Paul
Rusesabagina receives a consular visit on a monthly basis?
Answer. Yes.
Question. On January 19, 2023, Rwandan authorities reported that
leading investigative journalist John Williams Ntwali, who reported on
human rights abuses in Rwanda, died in a vehicle accident a day prior.
The lack of a credible independent and transparent investigation
further raises suspicions about the circumstances around his death. As
U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda, if confirmed, how will you engage the
Rwandan Government on this issue?
Answer. The Department of State is concerned about the death of
John Williams Ntwali and has monitored the case closely from the first
report. I understand the Government of Rwanda has been forthcoming with
Embassy Kigali about the case. However, I agree that the rapid
investigation and closed trial do raise questions. If confirmed, I will
raise this case and similar cases with Rwandan Government counterparts.
I will strongly advocate for freedom of expression and media freedom as
part of the U.S. Government's broader commitment to supporting and
promoting respect for human rights.
Question. What is your view of the crisis in Eastern Congo--
particularly since the reengagement of M23--and Rwanda's role in it?
Answer. I am alarmed by the situation in eastern Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC), where escalating violence is exacerbating
immense human suffering, leading to hundreds of deaths and the internal
displacement of over 600,000 people. I am deeply concerned with
Rwanda's troop presence in the DRC, which violates the DRC's
territorial integrity, and their support for the M23 armed group, which
is public knowledge due to the U.N. Group of Experts midterm report
released in December. The United States supports the mediation efforts
led by Angola and the East African Community to resolve the
longstanding crisis and has been urging the Rwandan and DRC Governments
at the highest levels for more than a year to deescalate tensions and
commit to peace. Rwanda's concerns about armed groups espousing
genocidal ideologies are understandable but must be addressed through
consultations with the Government of the DRC and cannot justify support
for other armed groups or incursions by the Rwandan military. I believe
Rwanda and the DRC have much to gain from cooperative relations with
neighbors and a more stable region.
Question. How will you engage the Rwandans on the crisis in Eastern
Congo as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will reinforce the messages that Secretary
Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have delivered: that Rwanda,
and all countries in the region, must respect the DRC's territorial
integrity and that Rwandan military incursions into the DRC are not
acceptable. I will pursue creative solutions to the crisis and work
with any and all helpful partners. I will explain how Rwanda's actions
damage our bilateral relationship.
Rwanda has been, and remains, an important partner to the United
States, particularly related to security on the continent. Rwanda is
proving critical to stabilizing the situation in Northern Mozambique
and potentially in the Central African Republic.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you balance
the U.S. security relationship with Rwanda with our concerns over
Rwanda's democratic record, particularly as it relates to repression of
dissenting voices within and outside Rwanda?
Answer. The U.S.-Rwanda bilateral relationship is complex. Though
we cooperate in many areas, there are significant ways in which our
policy views diverge. As I understand it, the United States has paused
all new obligations of bilateral security assistance programming to
Rwanda. If confirmed, I commit to you that I will evaluate all
engagements with Rwanda with a focus on whether the activity supports
U.S. interests and is consistent with our policy to stabilize the
region.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you view the
continued unlawful detention of Mr. Rusesabagina in the context of the
broader U.S./Rwanda relationship?
Answer. The wrongful detention of Paul Rusesabagina is a
significant bilateral irritant, and the Department of State has made
this very clear to the Government of Rwanda on multiple occasions. This
case is one of a number of issues that has negatively impacted the
bilateral relationship and is preventing the United States and Rwanda
from expanding cooperation and collaboration.
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Rwanda remained on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum standards
for the elimination of trafficking but is making significant efforts to
do so.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Rwanda operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Rwanda to
work on the prioritized recommendations listed in the annual
Trafficking in Persons report. In particular, I will urge them to
ensure traffickers are held accountable for their actions by increasing
effective investigations and prosecutions. I will also encourage them
to develop a mechanism for screening for potential trafficking victims
among vulnerable populations in order to refer them to protective
services.
In the State Department's 2021 International Religious Freedom
report, Rwanda was noted to have a strict faith-based organization law
and the need for transparency in working with religious groups on the
law's implementation and requirements.
Question. What is your assessment of religious freedom in Rwanda
and if confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority. The
Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom situation
in Rwanda and the region. While Rwandan law prohibits religious
discrimination, the law on faith-based organizations led to strict
regulations that some civil society and religious groups have noted
make it prohibitively expensive or burdensome for religious groups to
operate in Rwanda. If confirmed, I will support the Embassy's ongoing
efforts, in close coordination with the Office of International
Religious Freedom and Ambassador at Large Hussain, to engage with the
Rwandan Government on these issues and promote protections for
religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging with civil society
on this important issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Rwanda increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support Embassy Kigali's ongoing
efforts to engage with the Government on this issue. I will urge the
Government to protect religious freedom for people of all beliefs, as
well as promote greater transparency and equity with the implementation
of registration and regulation of religious groups and other relevant
laws.
In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Rwanda was
identified to have significant human rights issues including unlawful
or arbitrary killings by the Government, politically motivated
reprisals, and restrictions on internet freedom.
Question. If confirmed, how will you direct your Embassy to work
with the Government to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Though Rwanda is a challenging environment for human
rights, the Government of Rwanda has demonstrated some willingness to
engage in dialogue, and there are areas of possible collaboration and
some potential for progress. If confirmed, I will ensure the Government
of Rwanda knows democracy and human rights issues are at the forefront
of U.S. foreign policy and will be on the agenda at every meeting. I
will direct my team to identify and engage areas of opportunity. If
confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to take a fresh look at
human rights-related programming and seek to expand the scope and
impact of the United States' work on human rights issues.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Embassy Kigali enjoys close collaboration with a range of
civil society organizations that are able to operate in Rwanda. If
confirmed, I will encourage the Mission to continue the strong work
they are already doing to support civil society and promote democracy,
respect for human rights, and good governance. I will also work to
identify creative new opportunities to advance these critical efforts.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Kigali?
Answer. My understanding from the most recent Mission Kigali morale
survey is that, by and large, morale is quite high within the Embassy.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kigali?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that Mission morale
remains high and do everything possible to reinforce to the community
that I have no higher priority than the safety, security, health, and
welfare of our Mission personnel. In addition, I would make it clear
that I will do everything in my power to ensure they have all the
resources and support they need, both personally and professionally.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Kigali?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure every member of the
Mission Kigali community has a clear understanding of our Embassy
goals, their role in advancing them, and how our collective work
directly advances U.S. national security interests.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kigali?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that Mission morale
remains high and do everything possible to reinforce to the community
that I have no higher priority than the safety, security, health, and
welfare of our Mission personnel. In addition, I would make it clear
that I will do everything in my power to ensure they have all the
resources and support they need, both personally and professionally.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as calm, accessible
and characterized by self-awareness and humility with a particular
emphasis on inclusiveness. I never have and never will tolerate any
form of bullying, harassment, or discrimination.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. It is unacceptable to berate subordinates under any
circumstances.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to quickly
forge a strong and productive working relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission (DCM), who has a wealth of experience in Rwanda from
her extensive time as Charge d'Affaires. It is essential for the
Ambassador and DCM to be fully aligned in advancing the work of the
Mission team, and I would ensure that is the case in Kigali.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure the entire Mission
community knows not only that the DCM has my full confidence and trust,
but also that the DCM always speaks authoritatively on my behalf. My
goal would be to quickly establish that there is no daylight between
the two of us on any Mission-related issues.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes, it is critical to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. Yes, during every one of my previous assignments I believe
U.S. diplomats have been able to get outside of the Embassy's walls
enough to fully accomplish our respective missions. If confirmed, I
would ensure Mission staff place a real emphasis on doing so in
consultation with the Regional Security Officer.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Mission staff prioritize travel
throughout the country, regular engagement and exchanges with host
country nationals, and the critical contact work that fuels effective
diplomacy overseas. I would work to remove any unnecessary impediments
standing in the way of allowing this to happen.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Eric W. Kneedler by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes, the activities of the People's Republic of China (PRC)
and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represent a significant challenge to
U.S. economic, political, and security interests globally and in the
Africa region. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has
become more repressive at home and more assertive abroad. We will
defend and strengthen U.S. national security, prosperity, and values;
defend international law and agreements and the other principles and
institutions that maintain peace and security; and protect the rights
of individuals and sovereign nations.
As Charge d'Affaires, a.i. at our Embassy in Nairobi in my last
assignment, I saw first-hand how the PRC uses its influence abroad to
undermine the rule of law, democratic principles, and the broader
rules-based international order. On May 26, Secretary Blinken said we
will invest in our domestic strength and align with our allies and
partners so that we can compete effectively with the PRC to defend our
interests. If confirmed, I will promote U.S. investments in Rwanda and
seek to highlight the risks associated with the kinds of PRC engagement
that could impact Rwanda's security, economy, and sovereignty.
I will also continue to deepen our partnership with Rwanda and
engage with the Rwandans to deliver the message that as Rwanda's
largest humanitarian and development partner, the United States is
committed to Rwanda's future, in contrast to the PRC's transactional
approach to engaging with other countries.
In addition, I will ensure that our vision of regional security and
prosperity remains the core of a strong U.S.-Rwanda partnership that
offers an attractive alternative to the type of relationship offered by
the PRC. If confirmed, I will also work with the Bureau of African
Affairs and other Department stakeholders, including Department of
State's new Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S. objectives
and counter harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in Rwanda.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. We are committed to working with Beijing only if it secures
American jobs, American values, and our way of life for future
generations. Issues like climate change, the global drug trade, and
COVID-19 are the very issues that directly threaten our prosperity and
security. PRC contributions should be scrutinized, however, to ensure
they are not a springboard for narrow PRC economic interests.
If confirmed, I will also work with the Department of State's new
Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S. objectives and counter
harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Rwandan context.
This new office, inaugurated immediately following the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit, brings together a group of China experts from
throughout the Department and beyond to work more effectively with
colleagues from every regional bureau and experts in international
security, economics, technology, multilateral diplomacy, and strategic
communications. In addition, I will direct the members of post's PRC
working group to work closely with the Regional China Officer based in
Abidjan.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States broadly, and Mission Kigali specifically,
should work with the PRC where our interests clearly coincide. Areas of
potential cooperation include food security, global climate change,
counter-narcotics, or disaster relief. If confirmed, the Mission would
be ready to take advantage of such opportunities if they clearly
advanced U.S. interests and policy goals.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries, or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult Department guidance on
engagement with PRC organizations or representatives to work together
when it is in U.S. interests to do so.
Question. During an August 2022 visit to Rwanda, Secretary Blinken
informed President Kagame that U.S. officials would ``continue to
engage'' on the questionable detainment of Paul Rusesabagina, who is
most well-known for sheltering refugees of the Rwandan genocide. Do you
believe there is any evidence that substantiates the Rwandan
Government's charges against Rusesabagina?
Answer. I understand the United States has not taken a position on
the substance or merits of the charges against Mr. Rusesabagina. The
Department of State determined he was wrongfully detained, and if
confirmed, I will fully support that determination and work for his
release.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage to obtain
Rusesabagina's release?
Answer. I have been following Mr. Rusesabagina's case very closely.
If confirmed, resolving this case will be one of my top priorities, and
I will maintain high-level engagement with the Government of Rwanda and
pursue any and all avenues that might help resolve this matter as
expeditiously as possible.
Question. Have you spoken, or met, with Mr. Rusesabagina's family
to discuss his detainment?
Answer. No. As the nominee, it is not appropriate for me to speak
with or meet Mr. Rusesabagina's family at this time.
Question. Has Africa Bureau Assistant Secretary Molly Phee met or
spoken with Rusesabagina's family members? If not, why not?
Answer. As far as I know, Assistant Secretary Phee has not met with
Mr. Rusesabagina's family members, although others in the Department,
including the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs, are in
regular contact.
Question. Rwanda has partnered with the CCP's Belt and Road
Initiative and has welcomed infrastructure, China-based technology such
as Huawei, and military training. What steps will you take to identify
projects with Rwandan officials and the Development Finance Corporation
regarding opportunities for U.S. companies to compete with CCP funded
projects?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Embassy Kigali's Deal
Team--an Embassy interagency working group promoting U.S. trade and
investment in Rwanda-- to offer alternatives to the PRC's investments
wherever and whenever possible. The Deal Team can help spur additional
U.S. investments in the health, banking, housing, hospitality, and
water treatment sectors, as well as other areas. If confirmed, I would
also work with the American Chamber of Commerce to explore new
investment opportunities. The Chamber continues to grow by adding new
members and engages frequently with the Government of Rwanda to improve
the investment climate and ensure a level playing field for U.S. firms.
The Development Finance Corporation (DFC), the U.S. Trade and
Development Agency (USTDA), the Department of Commerce, and others in
the U.S. interagency also continue to maintain portfolios in Rwanda
that I would work to fully leverage. Meanwhile, I would work with
Embassy Kigali's public affairs team to explain the value of U.S.-
Rwanda bilateral cooperation to the people of Rwanda.
At every stop in my diplomatic career, promoting U.S. interests and
values has been a top priority. For example, I was a member of the
negotiating team that secured the Enhanced Defense Cooperation
Agreement (EDCA) agreement between the United States and the
Philippines. During my last assignment in Kenya, I helped establish
Mission Nairobi's Deal Team, which aligns the Embassy's entire Country
Team behind a unified effort to secure economic and commercial
opportunities for U.S. firms, creating jobs for the American people and
reinforcing our status as the preferred partner of choice in Kenya.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Eric W. Kneedler by Senator Bill Hagerty
Combating Anti-Israel Bias in the African Union and Other International
Forums
As you know, on February 18, 2023, an Israeli diplomat who
was an accredited observer with an entry tag was expelled from
the opening ceremony of the African Union summit. In the
following days, the African Union Commission Chief stated that
Israel's observer status that the bloc has been suspended.
These actions are part of a larger effort to delegitimize
Israel by states driven by hatred. Just as biased targeting of
Israel at the United Nations is a grave concern, anti-Israel
actions and rhetoric in other international forums also cannot
be ignored. Indeed, what happened to Israel at the AU Summit is
reprehensible and unacceptable.
Question. If confirmed, what would you to do to address this
problem?
Answer. AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat accepted the
Israeli Ambassador's credentials in 2021. However, this decision was
challenged by some AU member states, as permitted by the AU
Constitutive Act. The AU then established a Heads of State Committee to
consult on the accreditation issue with plans to report back at the
2023 AU Summit. The Committee is composed of six member states, with
three opposing (Algeria, South Africa, Nigeria) and three supporting
(Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda). Faki's acceptance of
Israel and its observer status are on hold pending his receipt of the
Committee's recommendation.
If confirmed, I would work with the Rwandan Government to press the
AU take immediate steps to confirm Israel as an observer. Multilateral
institutions are strongest when differing voices and perspectives come
together to effect changes that impact global populations. Israel's
impact on Africa is significant, from its contributions to technology
and resources to bolstering food security efforts via substantive
trade. Israel is an important partner to the continent. The United
States and Rwanda are fully aligned on this issue. Rwanda is a strong
supporter of Israel.
Question. What would you do to engage with foreign governments and
ensure that Israel is not unfairly targeted, but rather included in
future African Union summits and other regional and international
forums?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the U.S. Mission to
the African Union to continue to strengthen Israel's relationship with
the AU. By harnessing the strong relationships, we have with member
states across Africa, we can and should elevate Israel's status as an
important partner to the African Union.
Chinese Influence in Rwanda
China's influence in Rwanda has been growing over the past
decade, with the Chinese Government and Chinese companies
playing an increasingly prominent role in the country's economy
and infrastructure development.
Question. Are you concerned about China having outsized influence
in Rwanda?
Answer. Countering the PRC's significant influence and role in
Rwanda will be a priority for me, if confirmed. Although the People's
Republic of China (PRC) has not made inroads as substantial in Rwanda
as in many other parts of Africa, the PRC does have significant
investments in the transportation, energy, and real estate sectors. If
confirmed, I will follow the Administration's policy of competing and
contesting the PRC's engagement in Rwanda as appropriate and advancing
our national interests.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to counter
China's influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Embassy Kigali's Deal
Team--an embassy interagency working group promoting U.S. trade and
investment in Rwanda--to counter the People's Republic of China's (PRC)
investments wherever and whenever possible. The Deal Team can help spur
additional U.S. investments in the health, banking, housing,
hospitality, and water treatment sectors, as well as other areas. If
confirmed, I would also work with the American Chamber of Commerce to
explore new investment opportunities. The Chamber continues to grow by
adding new members and engages frequently with the Government of Rwanda
to improve the investment climate and ensure a level playing field for
U.S. firms. The Development Finance Corporation (DFC), the U.S. Trade
and Development Agency (USTDA), the Department of Commerce, and others
in the U.S. interagency also continue to maintain portfolios in Rwanda
that I would work to fully leverage. Meanwhile, I would work with
Embassy Kigali's public affairs team to explain the value of U.S.-
Rwanda bilateral cooperation to the people of Rwanda.
At every stop in my diplomatic career, competing with the PRC has
been a top priority. For example, I was a member of the negotiating
team that secured the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA)
agreement between the United States and the Philippines, an agreement
that allows the United States to rotate troops into the Philippines, as
well as operate facilities on Philippine bases for both American and
Philippine forces. During my last assignment in Kenya, I helped
establish Mission Nairobi's Deal Team, which aligns the Embassy's
entire Country Team behind a unified effort to secure economic and
commercial opportunities for U.S. firms, creating jobs for the American
people and reinforcing our status as the preferred partner of choice in
Kenya.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Pamela M. Tremont by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. ZANU-PF has captured the country's parliament, judiciary,
and security services in order to ensure political control of the
country. There is little chance that this year's election will be free,
fair, transparent, or even non-violent. In such an oppressive
environment, what opportunities are there to support democratic voices
and make tangible progress towards accountable, democratic governance?
Answer. The USG and Embassy Harare continually seek opportunities
to support media, human rights defenders, and civil society
organizations--each of which play a key role in the monitoring and
analysis of democratic trends, advocacy, and training for individuals
and vulnerable groups. U.S. support enables these groups to speak out
against oppression and sheds light on the Government's anti-democratic
and corrupt activities. In addition, U.S. programs support voter
registration and voter education to encourage Zimbabweans to express
their political will and hold their elected leaders accountable. As
civic and political space close in the lead-up to and after this year's
elections, it will be critical to continue U.S. support for human
rights advocacy and legal support for individuals and organizations
that promote democratic governance, especially those targeted for
suppression and violence.
Question. If confirmed, what specific actions will you take to
support civil society, media and others working to increase democratic
space?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Country Team to
understand the full scope of U.S. programming and assistance to
increase democratic space. I will engage in frank and respectful
dialogue with government and political actors to urge respect for
fundamental rights. Where and when appropriate, I will publicly promote
the efforts of civil society organizations, free and independent media,
and other key actors working in this space. I will make myself and
members of the Embassy available to civil society for consultation and
guidance and engage with journalists to convey messages of U.S. values
and support for democratic processes and institutions.
Question. The enactment of the PVO Amendment Act would have a
severe impact on the capability and safety of non-governmental
organizations in Zimbabwe, including U.S.-funded organizations. What
specific actions will you take in response to the enactment of the PVO
Amendment Act, and to the implementation of its provisions against
NGOs?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Mission Harare
colleagues to identify, assess, and manage risks associated with the
potential enactment of the PVO Amendment bill, using USAID's risk
management framework. If President Mnangagwa signs the PVO Amendment
bill into law, I will direct embassy messaging to publicly rebuke it
(in coordination with like-minded embassies). Privately, I will engage
diplomatically with the Government of Zimbabwe, calling on decision
makers to exercise restraint in its implementation. I will work with
the Mission Harare Country Team and colleagues in Washington to
determine appropriate responses if a U.S.-funded NGO is targeted,
drawing from the experiences of other embassies in countries where
similar legislation has been enacted.
Question. What actions will you take to support affected NGOs,
particularly USAID partner organizations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will begin my tenure with outreach,
acknowledgement, and support for the work of USAID implementing
partners. Civil society actors in Zimbabwe have borne the brunt of
harassment and scrutiny in recent years and face the prospect of
increased government interference if the PVO Amendment bill is enacted.
When appropriate, I will meet publicly with USAID partner organizations
and conduct site visits to U.S.-funded programs to demonstrate U.S.
support for these initiatives. I will also ensure all U.S. programs are
selected in accordance with the Brownback amendment.
Question. What steps will you take to counter false narratives
related to U.S. sanctions in Zimbabwe?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage publicly and privately with
interlocutors about U.S. sanctions to dispel myths and set the record
straight for the people of Zimbabwe. As Ambassador, I will use my voice
and office to reinforce the message that U.S. sanctions are targeted
against human rights abusers and corrupt individuals and entities to
prevent them from utilizing U.S. banks and institutions for their ill-
gotten gains. I will highlight updates to our sanctions list, including
the removal of individuals and entities from the list so that the
public can see the sanctions can and are lifted when malign activity
ceases. I would also highlight corruption and failed economic policies
as the root causes of Zimbabwe's economic problems.
Question. Despite the authoritarian nature of ZANU-PF, other
countries in Southern Africa--many of them strong democracies--have
been reticent to criticize the regime. The Southern African Development
Community has not taken any action with regards to pressing the regime
to open political space. Are there actions the United States could
undertake to convince countries in Southern Africa to advocate for
democratic reform in Zimbabwe?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to constructive engagement
with the U.S. interagency and my colleagues and counterparts in
Southern Africa to persuade regional actors such as the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) to advocate for democratic reforms
in Zimbabwe, including by emphasizing the destabilizing nature of
Zimbabwe's current posture and by addressing their concerns about the
impact of U.S. sanctions. I believe SADC is best suited to impress upon
the Government of Zimbabwe the need for democratic reform, non-violent
elections, and productive engagement with the U.S. and others.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with U.S. Ambassadors in
Southern Africa to press governments in the subregion to take
meaningful bilateral action, and actions through SADC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage my colleagues and counterparts
in key Southern Africa Development Community member states to
coordinate messaging and outreach regarding collective pressure and
advocacy on Zimbabwe. U.S. Ambassadors in Southern Africa are well-
placed to understand their host country equities, share information,
and raise security and stability concerns posed by Zimbabwe for the
wider region and to identify Southern African individuals who may be
effective interlocutors with Zimbabwean leaders.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have promoted and supported
democracy and respect for human rights, including through U.S.
electoral assistance programs in Comoros and Zambia. In the Comoros, I
organized a U.S.-sponsored election observer mission of Mauritian
observers, thereby increasing the regional observer capacity. In Zambia
I oversaw the Embassy election observation team for the 2008
presidential elections. In Kyiv, I coordinated U.S. assistance for the
2019 Ukrainian presidential election just months after Russia's attack
on Ukrainian ships ushered in a period of martial law. Our assistance
gave Ukrainians confidence in the electoral process to elect
Presidential Zelensky.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Zimbabwe? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Zimbabwe suffers from numerous challenges to its democracy,
including endemic corruption, weak rule of law, allegations of human
rights violations and abuses, shrinking democratic and civic space, a
captured judiciary, political intolerance, and political polarization
that pits citizens and critics of the Government against each other. At
the center of these challenges, the Government of Zimbabwe utilizes
lawfare to target its rivals. The ruling ZANU-PF party has benefited
from state capture and has allowed party elites to determine who has
access to government positions, services, resources, the economy, and
even justice.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Zimbabwe? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Zimbabwe's 2013 constitution guarantees human rights and
fundamental freedoms to all, including the rights to freedom of
expression, association, and peaceful assembly. The Government of
Zimbabwe, however, has enacted laws and captured institutions which
allows for their selective application, frequently against the ruling
ZANU-PF's perceived opponents in and out of government. If confirmed, I
will use my voice and office to urge government accountability and
respect for human rights. I will urge the election commission to
accelerate voter registration, remediate the delimitation report, and
publish the voter roll free of charge. I will encourage greater U.S.
support for organizations and initiatives that aim to expand respect
for democratic principles, including an independent press and the right
to freedom of peaceful assembly. I will actively work to support the
democratic aspirations of those advocating for Zimbabweans'
constitutional rights and the transparency of electoral processes, and
I will seek partnership with all those in Zimbabwe who are doing the
same. These hopes and plans come with associated risks--particularly
for Zimbabwean activists--from a government eager to close political
and civic space. In addition, Zimbabwe's autocratic allies will impede
these efforts and amplify anti-sanctions and anti-democratic
propaganda.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all tools at the Embassy's
disposal to support democracy and governance initiatives in the lead-up
to, and following, the 2023 elections in Zimbabwe. I will encourage
colleagues throughout the Embassy to think creatively and to identify
and promote organizations engaged in innovative programming to give
voice and agency to the Zimbabwean people. I will seek to increase
public diplomacy exchanges and bolster NGO efforts with U.S.
programming assistance through any available and legal funding
authorities.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Zimbabwe? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights defenders, and non-governmental organizations in
the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs and other members of civil
society in Zimbabwe. I am committed to working with Mission Harare
colleagues and NGOs to identify, assess, and manage risks posed to NGOs
and civil society organizations by legal and regulatory measures. I
will direct the U.S. Embassy to engage directly with potentially
affected organizations to identify creative solutions to ensure their
operations continue uninterrupted. I will also meet with political
parties across the spectrum to underscore U.S. commitments to human
rights, democratic principles, and non-violence. And I will urge the
Zimbabwean Government, bilaterally and with likeminded partners, to
uphold Zimbabwe's constitution and the fundamental freedoms enshrined
in it.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically
oriented political figures and parties, and I will advocate for access
and inclusivity for women, members of minority groups, and youth within
political parties. I will encourage political actors to engage in
political competition and consensus-building efforts. I will promote
USAID's ongoing democracy programming, which strengthens civil society
and other advocacy groups to have equal access to compete and advocate
for good governance, protects human rights defenders, and promotes
democratic principles including political competition. I will also
ensure programming promotes inclusion, protection, and empowerment of
women, minorities, LGBTQI+, and youth as active contributors to the
Zimbabwean society.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Zimbabwe on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Zimbabwe?
Answer. Yes and yes.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
Zimbabwe on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Zimbabwe, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Zimbabwe?
Answer. Zimbabwe's strict anti-LGBTQI+ laws continue to create a
hostile environment that disrespects the human rights of members of the
LGBTQI+ community and restricts their ability to engage in political
activism or collective action. Same-sex marriage is illegal, and
members of the LGBTQI+ community are not provided with legal
protections from discrimination, violence, or targeted harassment. The
lack of state protection increases the likelihood of community-led
violence against members of the LGBTQI+ community.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Zimbabwe?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to be an advocate for LGBTQI+
persons in Zimbabwe and identify opportunities for the U.S. Mission to
support and promote their rights. I look forward to celebrating their
diversity and humanity in the safety of USG sponsored events, including
them in exchange programs that will build their capacity for advocacy,
and urging the Government to decriminalize homosexuality, as some of
Zimbabwe's regional neighbors have done.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Zimbabwe?
Answer. Yes. I will keep the relevant Congressional committees
apprised, as appropriate, in coordination with the Bureau of
Legislative Affairs.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at Embassy Harare?
Answer. Diversity and inclusion are priorities for the Secretary of
State and the Department. As a Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM), I worked
actively to recruit, hire, and mentor a diverse group of people, both
U.S. Direct Hire employees and Locally Engaged Staff. At all three
posts where I was DCM, I ensured there was greater diversity in the
staff more broadly, but also at the country team level. I am proud to
have led efforts to include gender and diversity goals as a component
of the Integrated Country Strategies in Kyiv and Stockholm. In Nicosia
and Stockholm, I led efforts to hire more diverse local staff and
recruit from the Turkish-speaking Cypriot community and the Sami
community respectively. As a mid-level officer, I served as our post
Equal Employment Opportunity officer and offered anti-sexual harassment
training to over 400 employees in two languages. I consider it a duty
and a privilege to recruit and mentor a broad range of officers. I look
forward to mentoring all officers and local staff in Harare to give
everyone opportunities for professional development and advancement. I
would also continue to encourage every employee to report all
discrimination, harassment, or toxic behavior to the EEO Counselors,
DCM or, failing that, directly to me. I would also encourage employees
to use the DEIA tools offered by the Department.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Zimbabwe?
Answer. As called for in the Department's precepts, I will
cultivate an environment that values diversity and respect for EEO and
merit principles. I will model those behaviors and insist that all
those under my direction hold themselves to the highest standard in
accordance with Department regulations and the law. I have found that
cultural shifts, including towards greater tolerance and diversity,
require repetition of these values, and I would seek to incorporate
those themes in my engagements with team members.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging equitably in
operations and programming, particularly with potential partners and
communities that traditionally have been marginalized, excluded, or
underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership efforts.
Like I have in all my previous posts, I will leverage the expertise,
knowledge, and guidance of our Locally Employed Staff to help navigate
my understanding of dynamics and trends in Zimbabwe.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Pamela M. Tremont by Senator James E. Risch
Question. As you are aware, the U.S. relationship with Zimbabwe is
guided and constrained by conditions set forth in the Zimbabwe
Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZDERA). What is your understanding
of how the U.S. can engage with Zimbabwe under ZDERA given that
conditions for a stronger U.S./Zimbabwe bilateral relationship have not
been met?
Answer. I understand that ZDERA guides the U.S. bilateral
relationship with Zimbabwe. U.S. diplomats regularly cite ZDERA
criteria--including restoration of the rule of law; free and fair
elections as determined by independent international monitors;
commitment to equitable, legal, and transparent land reform; and
subordination of the military and police to civilian government--when
engaging with Government of Zimbabwe interlocutors on the topic of
improving bilateral relations. Given the Government of Zimbabwe's
failure to make meaningful improvements on these criteria, the U.S.
maintains its ceiling on bilateral engagement and limits its support
for Zimbabwe, including through International Financial Institutions. I
look forward to having frank conversations with the Government
regarding the criteria for improved relations.
Question. Do you commit to respecting ZDERA in your relationship
with the Government of Zimbabwe as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you counter
anti-sanctions rhetoric from the Government of Zimbabwe and other
actors?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage publicly and privately with
interlocutors about U.S. sanctions to dispel myths and set the record
straight for the people of Zimbabwe. As ambassador, I will use my voice
and office to reinforce the message that U.S. sanctions are targeted
against human rights abusers and corrupt individuals and entities to
prevent them from utilizing U.S. banks and institutions for their ill-
gotten gains. We will highlight updates to our sanctions list,
including the removal of individuals and entities from the list so that
the public can see the sanctions can be and are lifted when malign
activity ceases. I would also highlight corruption and failed economic
policies as the root causes of Zimbabwe's economic problems.
Question. We are already seeing Zimbabwe's leadership take the
country down a dark, and unfortunately familiar road ahead of elections
expected this summer. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, what do you see
your role being ahead of and following elections in pushing for
accountability, respect for human rights, and long-term democratic
reforms in Zimbabwe?
Answer. Zimbabwe's 2013 constitution guarantees human rights and
fundamental freedoms to all, including the rights to freedom of
expression, association, and peaceful assembly. The Government of
Zimbabwe, however, has enacted laws and captured institutions which
allows for their selective application, frequently against the ruling
ZANU-PF's perceived opponents in and out of government. If confirmed, I
will use my voice and office to urge government accountability and
respect for human rights. I will actively work to support the
democratic aspirations of those advocating for Zimbabweans'
constitutional rights and transparency of electoral processes, and I
will seek partnership with all those in Zimbabwe and the region who are
doing the same.
Question. Do you think it is possible to Zimbabwe to conduct a
credible and democratic electoral process this year? Why?
Answer. While it is theoretically possible for the Government to
hold free and fair elections in 2023, based on several worrying trends
it is unlikely. The Government of Zimbabwe has tilted the playing field
in the ruling ZANU-PF's favor using violence, intimidation, coercion,
patronage, and lawfare tactics. If confirmed, I intend to work
tirelessly to defend every Zimbabweans' right to express their will
peacefully.
Question. How do you intend to ensure that U.S. foreign assistance
to Zimbabwe, including humanitarian assistance, is not used as a tool
by the Government of Zimbabwe to buy votes or intimidate voters ahead
of elections this year?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct my staff to ensure all U.S.
assistance, program activities, and recipient organizations are
properly vetted to ensure that no U.S. resources are used by, or
directly benefit, the Government of Zimbabwe to buy votes or intimidate
voters ahead of elections. All U.S. programming to Zimbabwe undergoes
thorough vetting and monitoring. I am committed to ensuring that our
assistance is directed at the people of Zimbabwe, not the Government.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage in
public diplomacy efforts to continue messaging of U.S. support to the
Zimbabwean people, demonstrated largely through the U.S.' significant
contribution of humanitarian and development assistance to Zimbabwe?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Country Team members to
ensure that officers highlight U.S. humanitarian and development
assistance contributions while on site visits and travel outside of
Harare. The U.S. Mission's communications strategy engages print,
radio, and social media to reach a diverse audience. Targeted messaging
will continue to highlight the U.S. contribution to development and
health outcomes in Zimbabwe. This targeted messaging is both time-
responsive and authentic to U.S. policy and values.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, what will your approach
be to supporting the USAID Mission, USAID staff, and USAID implementing
partners across sectors, to conduct their work in support of the
Zimbabwean people, particularly as conditions for such work may
deteriorate in the lead-up and aftermath of Zimbabwe's elections later
this year.
Answer. If confirmed, I will begin my tenure with outreach,
acknowledgement, and support for the work of my USAID colleagues and
implementing partners. Civil society actors in Zimbabwe have borne the
brunt of harassment and scrutiny in recent years and face the prospect
of increased government interference with pending legislation. I will
support the USAID Mission in their efforts to serve at-risk groups and
communities. In addition, I remain committed to actively working to
support the democratic aspirations of those advocating for Zimbabweans'
constitutional rights and the transparency of electoral processes, and
I will seek partnership with all those in Zimbabwe who are doing the
same.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you ensure
that the Embassy, USAID and other U.S. efforts related to Zimbabwe's
upcoming elections, including those funded by the National Endowment
for Democracy, are in sync and contributing to a unified effort from
the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to align all U.S. election-
related programming and outreach and to coordinate with like-minded
partners. To execute this effort, I will ensure Front Office
participation at Elections Working Group meetings. Regular updates from
the Working Group, particularly around challenges faced by program
implementers, will inform Embassy diplomatic engagement with the
Government of Zimbabwe. As the elections near, we will integrate
lessons learned from implementers in the Working Group and coordinate
the Embassy's election observation mission with implementers and like-
minded partners.
Question. Do you commit to keeping Congress apprised of harassment
experienced by U.S. citizens, and U.S. organizations and implementing
partners in Zimbabwe by Zimbabwean officials, political parties,
security services or other entities ahead of and following elections
expected later this year?
Answer. Yes. I will keep the relevant Congressional Committees
apprised, as appropriate, in coordination with the Bureau of
Legislative Affairs.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Zimbabwe remained on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second
consecutive year for not fully meeting the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking but is making significant efforts to do so.
If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help Zimbabwe
operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the TIP
report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously engage the Government of
Zimbabwe to make significant efforts to meet the Minimum Standards for
the Elimination of Trafficking and encourage partnership with civil
society to address this crime. In particular, I will offer the
Embassy's guidance and regularly highlight the recommendations of the
2022 TIP Report, including formally launching and implementing the
2022-2026 National Plan of Action to Combat Trafficking in Persons with
dedicated resources, amending Zimbabwe's anti-trafficking law to
criminalize all forms of trafficking in persons, and expediting the
prosecution of trafficking to address significant court backlogs. I
commit to coordinating closely with the Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons and report accurate information on human
trafficking for the annual TIP Report.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report indicated that Zimbabwe had curtailed some freedom of
religion and assembly. What is your assessment of this religious
freedom in Zimbabwe and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Zimbabwe's constitution prohibits discrimination based on
religious belief and provides for freedom of religion, including the
freedom to practice, propagate, and give expression to one's religion,
in public or in private, alone or with others. Embassy Harare enjoys
strong partnerships with key Christian, Jewish, and Muslim
organizations and leaders. If confirmed, I commit to working closely
with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to
engage faith communities and the Government of Zimbabwe on issues of
religious freedom, religious tolerance, and the role of faith
communities in supporting political reconciliation and national
healing.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Zimbabwe increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately engage with
actors of all faiths, including the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian
Denominations and the Zimbabwe Interreligious Council, which is now an
official body that seeks to promote peace, reconciliation, good
governance, and holistic human development through interfaith action
and collaboration. I will seek to support effective interfaith work
underway in Zimbabwe and amplify the voices of faith leaders calling
for tolerance, religious freedom, human rights, and social cohesion. I
intend to build on the work of the Embassy team who have engaged and
partnered with diverse religious leaders working to end child marriage
and gender-based violence, who have modeled and promoted vaccination in
the face of Covid-19 and measles outbreaks, and who have promoted
constitutionalism and democratic engagement among their communities.
Question. The State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report indicated
that Zimbabwe continues to have significant human rights abuses
including unlawful or arbitrary detention by security forces, political
prisoners, restrictions on freedom of movement and widespread
corruption and impunity. How will you direct your Embassy to work with
civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation on
the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Embassy sections to seek out
additional programmatic assistance from Washington offices to bolster
the respect for human rights, and for independent media and other civil
society groups to engage in monitoring, reporting, training, human
rights support, and advocacy. My team and I will meet regularly with
human rights defenders and civil society organizations to understand
the latest trends. Where available, I will support efforts to continue
U.S. programming for human rights advocacy and legal support,
particularly as civic and political space continues to close.
Question. If confirmed, how will you direct your Embassy to work
with the Government to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Embassy to engage key
interlocutors in the Government of Zimbabwe in urging respect for human
rights, and I will raise our concerns in my bilateral meetings,
reminding them that the protection of human rights around the world is
central to U.S. foreign policy. I will direct the Embassy team to
identify and seek ways to engage with government actors who may be more
supportive of reforms and oriented toward inclusive development and for
ways to hold those responsible for human rights violations and abuses
accountable. I will also encourage Washington offices to publicly call
out instances of human rights abuses,
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last several years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Harare?
Answer. I understand that Mission Harare enjoys broadly positive
morale, where staff members understand their roles and contributions,
see the effects of their work, and feel appreciated. This is a
testament to a dedicated team and the strong and collaborative
leadership exhibited by the current Charge d'Affaires and her
predecessors. I am a strong believer in high morale as a force
multiplier, and, if confirmed, I look forward to doing what I can to
boost morale in Harare.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Harare?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build on Mission Harare's
existing systems and successes. I will show through my words and
actions that every employee--regardless of nationality, role, or
employment mechanism--is valued and vital to our Mission's success. I
manage through discussion, engagement, and visiting my teams' spaces. I
intend to set a clear vision for the Mission, and to empower our teams
to help define our collective strategies and objectives to ensure
awareness, buy-in, and ownership. I also intend to understand the
Mission's performance on meeting internal support service standards and
press for improvements to support our staff and families. Finally, I
plan to ensure all employees have access to mentoring and professional
development and will continue the practice of using personal resources
to host employees at my residence to celebrate special events and build
comradery.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Harare?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lay out to Mission Harare a vision
that emphasizes the opportunity and the vital role of each Mission
element and staff-member. I will apply the Integrated Country Strategy
(ICS) produced collaboratively by the Mission and engage each Section
and Agency to emphasize our shared objectives. In so doing, I will
listen to and learn about their existing and envisioned contributions
to the ICS, and I will challenge them to share information proactively
and seek synergies with other mission elements to advance shared
objectives. I will challenge the Embassy team to develop action plans
for sections and agencies to work complementarily toward achieving
ambitious-yet-achievable tangible results.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Harare?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build on Mission Harare's
existing systems and successes. I will show through my words and
actions that every employee--regardless of nationality, role, or
employment mechanism--is valued and vital to our Mission's success. I
manage through discussion, engagement, and visiting my teams' spaces. I
intend to set a clear vision for the Mission, and to empower our teams
to help define our collective strategies and objectives to ensure
awareness, buy-in, and ownership. I also intend to understand the
Mission's performance on meeting internal support service standards and
press for improvements where they are missed to support our staff and
families. Finally, I plan to ensure all employees have access to
mentoring and professional development and will continue the practice
of using personal resources to host employees at my residence to
celebrate special events and build comradery.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Over the course of my career, I have relied heavily on the
components of consultative and servant leadership, and I believe this
approach to be the most beneficial in delivering a positive work
environment and tangible achievements for the Mission team, for USG
policy priorities, and for the American people. I believe leaders carry
the mantle of outlining a vision, based on consultation, and in the
creation of a management environment that values and rewards
innovation, bold thinking, and achievement. I believe strongly that
accessibility, approachability, and active listening are the key
components of success. I also believe in rigorous management of U.S.
Government resources and fair application of rules and regulations.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. Leadership is a true team effort, and the relationship
between a Chief of Mission and Deputy Chief of Mission depends heavily
on trust, open communication, and a shared approach and vision. As a
three-time DCM, I know that collaborative and consultative leadership
requires the DCM to speak openly and honestly on issues facing the
Mission, both in policy and operational terms. I will invest my support
and trust to my DCM and ensure that our Mission team understands we
speak with one voice on issues facing the community and our policy
priorities. Essential for the success of that approach is a
professional relationship where honest and open dialogue forms the
foundation.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Though the ultimate responsibility for defining leadership
rests on the shoulders of the Chief of Mission, sharing of
responsibilities is vital as we look to develop the next generation of
Foreign Service Officers. I intend to partner fully with my DCM to
define and deliver the type of collaborative leadership that creates a
professional environment most conducive to professional growth and
achievement. Leadership at its core is a team sport, and effective
communication is vital. I plan to entrust to her entirely the role of
Chief Operating Officer.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. I believe constructive feedback is critical to achieve our
common Mission goals and to shape and prepare the next generation of
Foreign Service professionals to lead and succeed. Over my years of
service, I have used constructive and clear feedback and discussion
with employees at all levels to improve performance, establish new
targets for achievement, and create opportunity. A vital component of
constructive feedback is also the ability to identify, cite, and
recognize achievement through awards, promotions, and recognition.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit fully to supporting and encouraging
clear, accurate and direct feedback. I have found this to be a critical
skill as I have assumed roles of greater responsibility throughout my
nearly 31-year career with the State Department.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to fully
accomplish their missions?
Answer. I believe that the key imperative for our diplomats posted
overseas is to get to know the country of assignment as thoroughly as
possible, and that cannot be done adequately by remaining in the
office. Engagement, relationship-building, and understanding is only
possible through personal contact and experience. Diplomacy is a full-
contact sport. If confirmed, I will make this approach a priority for
myself and my team, because when we know and understand our
environment, we can most faithfully execute on our goals.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Regional
Security Officer and team at Post to ensure that the staff at Embassy
Harare have the means and resources to safely travel and access all
local populations to further U.S. priorities. I will always seek to
balance the importance of person-to-person engagements with the safety
of my staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Pamela M. Tremont by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes, the activities of the People's Republic of China (PRC)
and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represent a significant challenge to
U.S. economic, political, and security interests globally and in the
Africa region. Under President Xi, the PRC has become more repressive
at home and more assertive abroad. We will defend and strengthen U.S.
national security, prosperity, and values; defend international law and
agreements and the other principles and institutions that maintain
peace and security; and protect the rights of individuals and sovereign
nations.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. We are committed to working with Beijing only if it secures
American jobs, American values, and our way of life for future
generations. Issues like climate change, the global drug trade, and
COVID-19 are the very issues that directly threaten our prosperity and
security. PRC contributions should be scrutinized, however, to ensure
they are not a springboard for narrow PRC economic interests.
If confirmed, I will also work with the Department of State's new
Office of China Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter
harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Zimbabwe context.
This new office, inaugurated immediately following the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit, brings together a group of China experts from
throughout the Department and beyond to work more effectively with
colleagues from every regional bureau and experts in international
security, economics, technology, multilateral diplomacy, and strategic
communications. In addition, I will direct the members of post's PRC
working group to work closely with the Regional China Officer based in
Abidjan.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States will engage constructively with the PRC
when it is in our interest to do so in Zimbabwe. For example, issues
like food security, global health. climate change, the global drug
trade, and COVID-19 are the very issues that directly threaten our
prosperity and security, and that of Zimbabwe. If confirmed, on climate
change issues, I will be a staunch advocate for U.S. companies over PRC
firms as the Government seeks renewable energy solutions to ameliorate
the impact of climate change in Zimbabwe.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries, or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult Department guidance on
engagement with PRC organizations or representatives to work together
when it is in U.S. interests to do so.
Question. Over the last several decades, diplomatic relations
between the U.S. and Zimbabwe have been strained due to serious
concerns over patterns of undemocratic governance, political
repression, human rights violations, and corruption by Zimbabwe's
dominant political party, ZANU-PF. The U.S. has imposed targeted
sanctions against Zimbabwean officials for continued politically
motived violence, public corruption, and breakdown of the rule of law.
The next Ambassador will be tasked to confront the longstanding
challenge of engaging with an authoritarian government that has not
reformed, despite international and domestic pressure, and relations
with the U.S. and Western governments do not appear unlikely to improve
over the horizon. Given the challenging relationship with Zimbabwe,
what would be your top policy goal with Zimbabwe, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, my top policy goals in Zimbabwe will align
with the Embassy's Integrated Country Strategy, which calls for
promoting improved accountable, democratic governance that serves an
engaged citizenry and respects fundamental human rights; a market-
oriented economy that provides broad-based economic growth and an
opportunity for all Zimbabweans to prosper; and improved health and
well-being of Zimbabwean citizens.
Question. How would you counter claims by the CCP that U.S.
sanctions unfairly target the Zimbabwean people?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage publicly and privately with
interlocutors about U.S. sanctions to dispel myths and set the record
straight for the people of Zimbabwe. As Ambassador, I will use my voice
and office to reinforce the message that U.S. sanctions are targeted
against human rights abusers and corrupt individuals and entities to
prevent them from utilizing U.S. banks and institutions for their ill-
gotten gains. I will highlight updates to our sanctions list, including
the removal of individuals and entities from the list so that the
public can see the sanctions can and are lifted when malign activity
ceases. I would also highlight corruption and failed economic policies
as the root causes of Zimbabwe's economic problems.
Question. The CCP recently gifted Zimbabwe a parliament building
and exported advanced surveillance equipment to the country. How will
you counter the CCP's influence in Zimbabwe, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will draw on the long history of U.S.
support for the people of Zimbabwe. Since 1980, the United States has
provided more than $4.5 billion in assistance to Zimbabwe, with the
bulk of it directed to life-saving health and food support, as well as
education and defense of democracy. In the last 20 years, U.S.
assistance has helped extend the life expectancy of Zimbabweans by 17
years, from 44 years to 61 years, and I believe the Zimbabwean people
recognize that PRC influence in Zimbabwe does not benefit them. I hope
to travel frequently and meet as many Zimbabweans as possible to model
our values and provide contrast to those of Beijing, and I will amplify
the steadfast support the United States has provided to the people of
Zimbabwe.
I will draw from experiences in countering the PRC's influence in
previous assignments. For example, as Deputy Chief of Mission and
Charge in Stockholm, my team worked closely with the Swedish Government
to develop investment screening legislation based on the Committee on
Foreign Investment in the United States. Our work highlighting the
PRC's human rights abuses contributed to Swedes having the strongest
disapproval rates of the PRC of any country in the world, except for
Japan, according to a Pew poll. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Kyiv, our
Mission worked with Washington and the private sector to discourage the
sale of a Ukrainian defense parastatal to a PRC company. If confirmed,
I will likewise highlight the risks associated with PRC influence and
investment in Zimbabwe.
Question. What steps will you take to identify projects with
Zimbabwean officials and the Development Finance Corporation regarding
opportunities for U.S. companies to compete with CCP funded projects?
Answer. It is my understanding that since 2021, the Development
Finance Corporation agreed to not conduct programming in Zimbabwe
directly with the Government of Zimbabwe or in a way that will
indirectly benefit the regime. If confirmed, I look forward to
exploring opportunities for U.S. companies to invest in Zimbabwe in
ways that do not benefit the Government of Zimbabwe or the regime and
remain consistent with U.S. sanctions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Pamela M. Tremont by Senator Bill Hagerty
Combating Anti-Israel bias in the African Union and Other International
Forums
As you know, on February 18, 2023, an Israeli diplomat who
was an accredited observer with an entry tag was expelled from
the opening ceremony of the African Union summit. In the
following days, the African Union Commission Chief stated that
Israel's observer status that the bloc has been suspended.
These actions are part of a larger effort to delegitimize
Israel by states driven by hatred. Just as biased targeting of
Israel at the United Nations is a grave concern, anti-Israel
actions and rhetoric in other international forums also cannot
be ignored. Indeed, what happened to Israel at the AU Summit is
reprehensible and unacceptable.
Question. If confirmed, what would you to do to address this
problem?
Answer. AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat accepted
credentials of the Israeli Ambassador in 2021. However, this decision
was challenged by some AU member states, as permitted by the AU
Constitutive Act. The AU then established a Heads of State Committee to
consult on the accreditation issue with plans to report back at the
2023 AU Summit. Faki's acceptance of Israel and its observer status are
on hold pending his receipt of the committee's recommendation.
According to the AU, AU Chairperson Faki's staff convened the
Israeli delegation in advance of the AU Summit to ask that the
delegation not attend the event, because the committee had not yet made
a final decision. Israeli Deputy Director General (DDG) of the Africa
Division of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA,) Sharon Bar-
li, decided to attend the AU Assembly opening ceremony on February 18
and was subsequently escorted out by AU security.
A/S Phee raised the issue with both Chairperson Faki and Bar-li at
the AU Summit in Addis. We are working with Israel and the AU to
determine the best way to continue advancing Israel's relationship with
the AU after this setback.
Question. What would you do to engage with foreign governments and
ensure that Israel is not unfairly targeted, but rather included in
future African Union summits and other regional and international
forums?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to advocate for the important role
Israel plays on the continent with Zimbabwean counterparts and work
closely with the U.S. Mission to the African Union to continue
advancing Israel's relationship with the AU. By harnessing our strong
relationships with member states across Africa, we can and should
elevate Israel as an important partner to the African Union.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard Mills, Jr. by Senator Robert Menendez
In your confirmation hearing you congratulated ``president-
elect'' Bola Tinubu; however preliminary statements from
elections missions including Yiaga Africa, the Joint National
Democratic Institute/International Republican Institute Joint
International Observer Mission, and the European Union Election
Observation Mission pointed to serious irregularities and
shortcomings in the administration of elections.
Question. How would you assess the overall performance of the
Independent National Electoral Commissions administration of elections?
Answer. Nigeria's Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)
undertook extensive preparations in advance of Nigeria's February 25
elections, which included updating and expanding the roll of registered
voters and organizing elections at 176,846 polling units across
Nigeria. It did so amid significant insecurity and nation-wide
shortages of naira currency and fuel. Voting generally took place in an
orderly manner and although a Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) showed
inconsistencies in two states, nation-wide results of the PVT closely
tracked nation-wide official results--as did the state-level results in
all 35 of the other 37 states. However, INEC experienced significant
challenges during the electoral process and struggled to meet citizens'
expectations on Election Day. These included significant logistics
issues--exacerbated by naira currency and fuel shortages--and technical
shortcomings of a results viewing platform which served as a secondary
means for transmitting results; the official results of Nigerian
elections are still transmitted on paper. The United States has joined
other observers in urging the electoral commission to increase
transparency and improve in the areas needing most attention ahead of
Nigeria's March 11 state elections. The United States has also urged
restraint on the part of political parties and their supporters in
reacting to the results and for the parties to rely on the courts to
settle any disputes about the outcome of the election. The Mission
anticipates that political parties will take their grievances to the
Court of Appeal--the relevant legal forum for challenges in
presidential elections--in the coming days. Bola Tinubu, who received a
certificate of return from Nigeria's Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) declaring him the president-elect, endorsed his
competitors' recourse to the legal process regarding challenges.
Question. Are the preliminary findings of various election
observation missions credible?
Answer. The United States finds the preliminary findings of
international and Nigerian election observers to be credible and
generally consistent with U.S. observations of the February 25
election. Observers noted that voting generally occurred in an orderly
manner and without interference by security forces. Common Election Day
challenges identified by observers included reports of widespread
delayed poll openings, long lines, and overcrowding, which in some
cases impeded the secrecy of the ballot, and delays in the uploading of
scanned tally sheets into a public results viewing portal. Various
observer groups noted that naira currency and fuel shortages
contributed to logistics challenges. Some observers noted challenges in
the lead up to the elections, including with voter registration and
voter card distribution, and a broader environment marked by
insecurity, disinformation, and allegations of vote buying. We noted
with concern reports that numerous members of the media were attacked
during the course of the election, and we urged the Government,
security forces, political actors, and all citizens to respect the
media's critical role by refraining from any damaging acts against them
and ensuring accountability for such acts when they do occur.? Apart
from the technologies newly used in nation-wide elections, the
challenges identified by observers were largely consistent with
challenges observed during previous Nigerian election cycles.
Question. What information do you have that the irregularities
reported by observers did not affect the elections outcome?
Answer. The results of a Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) conducted
by Yiaga Africa, a civil society organization which deployed 3,014
citizen observers to randomly selected polling units across all 36 of
Nigeria's states and the Federal Capital Territory, found
inconsistencies in two of Nigeria's states. While these inconsistencies
are of concern, they were not sufficient to affect overall nation-wide
results. Nation-wide official presidential results closely tracked the
results of this PVT, as they showed that Bola Tinubu won 36.6 percent
of nation-wide votes, while Atiku Abubakar received 29.1 percent, and
Peter Obi received 25.4 percent. Yiaga Africa's PVT similarly showed
that Tinubu would receive between 33.4 percent and 37.4 percent of the
vote; that Atiku would receive between 28.3 percent and 31.1 percent of
the vote; and Obi would receive between 24.2 percent and 28.4 percent
of the vote.
By all indications, Nigeria's elections were highly competitive.
Each of the top three presidential candidates was the leading vote-
getter in twelve states, a remarkable first in Nigeria's modern
political era, reflecting the diversity of views that characterized the
campaign and the wishes of Nigeria's voters. Opposition presidential
candidates collectively won 64% of the vote and also won the vote in
twelve states where the ruling party holds the governorship. In the
National Assembly elections conducted simultaneously, even with many
results still being tabulated, opposition parties that had previously
had little or no representation have already won numerous seats.
Insecurity impacts Nigerians living in various part of the
country. While banditry, political violence and terrorism are
persistent and growing problems for Nigerians in more than one
region, perhaps most well-known are continuing threats from
Boko Haram and ISIS West Africa Province in the northeastern
region. Successive U.S. administrations have supported military
sales of a variety of air platforms as one way to help Nigeria
defeat Boko Haram, though it's unclear whether air power alone
will defeat the organizations. And the human rights track
record of the Nigerian military is questionable. In December,
Reuters ran a series of articles that alleged numerous abuses
by the military including a decade plus secret mass abortion
program, in its war against Boko Haram.
Question. What are the major constraints to military effectiveness
in northeastern Nigeria?
Answer. The security situation in Northeast Nigeria is highly
complex, with a decade-long conflict against Boko Haram and ISIS-WA.
The Nigerian military leadership understands the limits of military
action generally and air power specifically to end permanently the root
causes of the conflict. ISIS-WA and Boko Haram will only be permanently
displaced by a combination of good governance, provision of services,
and the rule of law. Military forces must provide the Nigerian
Government the space to do that. The military itself faces capacity and
human resource limits, particularly in terms of intelligence,
targeting, holding territory, and civil military relations. U.S.
programs address these issues through training and capacity building.
We also support the holistic response, which both the Nigerian
Government and the United States is required, through support from
USAID to strengthen civil society institutions, not only in the
Northeast but throughout the country.
Question. Upon what analysis is your answer based? Has the
interagency discussed these constraints and is there consensus among
the interagency as to these constraints?
Answer. Our Embassy in Nigeria has regular contact with the
Nigerian military. All assistance includes monitoring, evaluation, and
after-action reviews of the military's operations, all of which informs
the U.S. Government assessment of the Nigerian military's
effectiveness. We also rely on the vibrant Nigerian civil society and
research community, as well as international organizations and think
tanks for information and assessments on Nigerian military
effectiveness. The interagency discusses these constraints frequently
through both formal and informal mechanisms, through working groups in
Embassy Abuja, and in various fora with like-minded partners. There is
consensus that the response in Northeast Nigeria requires a holistic
approach and that the military can only provide the secure space to
allow for improvements in governance, the provision of services, and
respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit requesting a sense of the
community related to the major constraints to military effectiveness in
northeast Nigeria?
Answer. We rely on the community to continually inform our view of
the military effectiveness in northeastern Nigeria and constraints to
the military's capabilities. Mission Nigeria regularly conveys
information to the community that it gathers through our many partners
and engagements with civil society. If confirmed, I commit to
continuing to use this information, requesting updates from the
community as needed, and engaging new partners as available.
Question. Should the United States be contemplating arms sales to
Nigeria given the current allegations?
Answer. For now, future arms sales should be considered in the
light of the current allegations and the eventual results of Nigerian
Human Rights Commission's investigation into the deeply concerning
allegations in the Reuters articles.
Arms sales, however, are only one component, albeit an important
one, of how we help the Nigerians improve their security forces, and
human rights considerations are part of every arms transfer decision.
All arms sales are made on a case-by-case basis, but U.S. Foreign
Military Sales employ a complete package approach that includes
training, maintenance, and--in the case of Nigeria--capacity building
designed to improve the military's commitment to the rules of war,
respect for human rights, and abilities to prevent civilian casualties.
This capacity building has brought meaningful improvements. The
Nigerian Air Force has taken several steps in recent years to reduce
the potential for civilian harm as a result of air operations. It has
done so by applying lessons learned, implementing new policies and
doctrine, and undertaking new programs, equipment, and training. An
``Air-to-Ground Integration'' (AGI) program provides training and
equipment to establish specialist teams linking air and ground units to
improve tactics, techniques and procedures for close air support,
improve target selection and identification, and mitigate civilian
harm. It includes training on the Law of Armed Conflict and civilian
harm mitigation. Also noteworthy is the recent arrival of a military
justice advisor to be embedded within the Nigerian defense ministry, an
outcome of the access, trust, and relationships built through ongoing
U.S. training, equipment, and capacity building programs.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to support
accountability for human rights abuses by the Nigerian military?
Answer. I know that consistent engagement at the highest levels of
the Nigerian Government is a vital tool to ensure accountability.
Regarding the allegations made in the Reuters reports, U.S. officials
in both Washington and Abuja have engaged at the highest levels of the
Nigerian Government to encourage them to conduct a thorough,
transparent investigation and hold accountable any who are responsible
for human rights violations and abuses. The United States has also
encouraged them to engage impartial international voices in their
effort. This engagement has seen results as the Nigerian Government has
committed to supporting the investigation by the Nigeria National Human
Rights Commission. The Chief of Defense Staff publicly pledged to
support the investigation and make any military personnel available
that the Commission requests. If confirmed, I would continue to engage
with the highest levels of the Nigerian Government while, at the same
time, supporting my team's efforts to engage with local interlocutors
in the northeast. If the National Human Rights Commission does find
evidence substantiating these allegations, I would press the Nigerian
Government to use its full authorities to ensure human rights violators
face prosecution to the fullest extent of the law and would explore
pursuing possible visa restrictions or financial sanctions against
those committing gross violations of human rights.
According to Transparency International's 2022 Corruption
Perceptions Index. The Index also found that 43% of respondents
thought corruption had increased in the previous 12 months, and
44% of public service users who responded had paid a bribe.
Question. How much does corruption cost the Nigerian economy every
year?
Answer. Corruption costs the Nigerian economy billions of dollars
each year. Yiaga Africa released a report in 2021 stating that Nigeria
has lost at least $582 billion since the country's independence in
1960, due to endemic corruption. Lax regulatory oversight and ad hoc
implementation of rules and regulations have created conditions for
criminal actors to operate with impunity in many instances. Case in
point is the oil and gas sector where poor oversight has led to
hundreds of thousands of barrels per day of oil lost to crude oil
theft, decreasing the country's key source of foreign exchange.
Corruption is a serious blight on the nation's development and one of
the main impediments to lifting the majority of Nigerians out of
poverty. The Nigerian economy also loses an untold sum due to the
perception of corruption that keeps international investors from
entering the Nigerian market.
Question. What programs and activities is the U.S. currently
supporting to combat corruption?
Answer. U.S. interagency efforts support the return of millions of
dollars stolen by corrupt Nigerian officials and ensure those funds are
used for health, infrastructure, and other projects that benefit the
Nigerian people. We work to strengthen civil society efforts to hold
the Government accountable for public resources. The U.S. partners with
select Nigerian states which have demonstrated political commitment to
improve transparency and accountability in public financial management.
And we are working to help address petty corruption by the police--the
most common corruption Nigerians face in their daily lives.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to help combat
corruption in Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will place anti-corruption efforts at the
heart of my conversations with Nigerian businesspeople, government
officials, and civil society organizations. My experience as Ambassador
to Armenia highlighted the resonance of the U.S. Government amplifying
the voices of Armenians working to stop corruption, rather than
allowing the issue to be viewed as a ``demand'' from outside the
country itself. Additionally, I will direct Mission personnel to help
advocate for an investment environment in Nigeria that is sound for
U.S. businesses and corporations. Nigeria represents a huge potential
market for U.S. investment, and it would be tragic to continue to lose
ground in this space to adversaries such as China who are known to be
apt to take advantage of economic and societal vulnerabilities in
countries with weaker safeguards.
Nigeria is beginning a new oil and gas project for the first
time in Northern Nigeria. The Nigerian Government has urged its
energy sector and international oil companies to adopt
voluntary principles on security and human rights within the
sector.
Question. As a multi-stakeholder initiative aimed at protecting the
human rights of those impacted by oil prospecting, how will the U.S.
work to reinforce human rights within Nigeria's energy sector and avoid
the environmental degradation we have seen in places like the Niger
Delta?
Answer. Nigeria's Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) signed in 2021
heavily relied on USG technical assistance for its completion. If
confirmed, I will direct my team to continue to engage with the new
regulatory entities the PIA created, on various facets of its
implementation. We will work with these entities together with other
international partners to explore opportunities for technical and other
forms of assistance to address environmental degradation and other
ecological threats as well as protecting communities within the oil
producing regions. I understand that scientists from the EPA also have
previously worked with Nigeria's Federal Ministry of Environment and
the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) to
provide training on best practices on oil spill prevention, response,
and remediation, and I would hope to continue those efforts.
Question. In your view, what non-military investments should the
U.S. pursue to address insecurity and banditry in Nigeria. How will
your Embassy utilize peacebuilding efforts to enhance safety and reduce
violence in Nigeria?
Answer. The United States is bringing a full range of interagency
tools to the security challenges in Nigeria to strengthen local
governance and services and support community conflict mitigation,
issues that are the underlying root causes of the insecurity in the
country. We are working to improve law enforcement and access to
justice, border control, counterterrorism efforts as well as anti-money
laundering and combatting the funding of terrorists, aviation security
and the collection of biometrics.
USAID will continue to train respected local leaders to better
mediate conflicts and build peace, efforts that have already
successfully reduced violent conflict in parts of Nigeria. USAID and
other USG colleagues continue to engage with Nigerian interlocutors on
opportunities for investment in areas severely affected by insecurity
and banditry. These engagements have uncovered the need for support to
boost literacy and education rates and enhance agriculture activity to
secure the livelihoods of those living in the affected communities. The
Nigerian Government has also touted ranching as a means of lessening
potentially deadly confrontations between sedentary farmers and herders
seeking food sources for their cattle. If confirmed, I will continue to
use the full range of engagements with Nigerian Government
counterparts, communities, civil society, and private citizens to
identify areas where we can get the most out of USG investment.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Work in support of human rights and democracy building has
been a significant part of my career. As the human rights officer at
U.S. Consulate St. Petersburg on my second tour, I helped build
relationships between U.S. human rights groups and Russian counterparts
newly formed in the aftermath of communism's collapse, as well as
monitored the effectiveness of U.S. financial and technical support to
local human rights groups. At U.S. Embassy Baghdad, I served as the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor's (DRL) Senior Democracy
Advisor, managing DRL's programs to build democratic infrastructure and
institutions in Iraq, as well as directing DRL's support to the Iraqi
national election in 2009.
My work leading U.S. Embassy Yerevan's efforts to counter
corruption and strengthen civil society in Armenia had the most
significant impact of my work thus far. Early in my tenure in Yerevan,
the Embassy made bolstering Armenian voices and civil society groups
campaigning against corruption a top priority. Drawing on the expertise
of our Department of Justice office, as well as USAID and public
affairs teams, the Embassy worked with local Armenian groups to create
a list of needed anti-corruption legislation and reforms, developed a
program of technical support for anti-corruption groups to amplify
their messaging, and adopted an aggressive Embassy public messaging
campaign to call out specific cases of corruption and identify
corruption's cost in lost foreign investment. Within two years,
Armenia's Velvet Revolution took place, largely driven by public
outrage over corruption, which brought in a new government committed to
rooting out corruption and strengthening democracy. Among the new
government's first actions was to propose anti-corruption reforms that
had been the centerpiece of civil society's requests. Many of the
members of the new government were alumni and beneficiaries of the
Embassy's anti-corruption and human rights programs. The Velvet
Revolution was a ``bottom up'' result of the Armenian people's demand
for change and democracy, but I do assess the efforts of Embassy
Yerevan, over many years including my time there, played a significant
part in marshalling the local leaders and ability to message to the
public that allowed the Revolution to succeed.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Nigeria? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Nigeria's democracy faces numerous challenges. Nigeria
struggles to ensure the consistent application of the rule of law,
which encourages impunity and creates openings for the rise of violent
groups and criminal gangs to gain traction in many parts of Nigeria,
threatening civilian populations. Security forces face allegations of
human rights violations and abuses and those responsible are often not
held to account in transparent and accessible proceedings. This lack of
accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and
abuses undercuts public trust in the Government. Weak rule of law also
contributes to corruption, which undermines public trust in government
institutions and public officials. Protectionist economic policies and
a weak tax base stifle economic growth and impair the Government's
ability to deliver essential services to citizens. Despite all of these
and other challenges however, Nigeria's democracy also has many
strengths, including a flourishing civil society and thriving
independent media, and dynamism in some sectors of Nigeria's highly
diversified economy.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Nigeria? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. The U.S.-Nigeria partnership is built on advancing shared
democratic values to our countries' mutual benefit. If confirmed,
strengthening necessary democratic institutions in Africa's largest
democracy through our diplomatic and programmatic engagements,
including through U.S. support to strengthen Nigeria's electoral
system, will be a priority for me. Weak rule of law, corruption, and
protectionist economic policies are likely to continue to remain
obstacles but a focus on institution building along with a range of
diplomatic tools can advance Nigeria's democratic path.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all available U.S. foreign
assistance programs and tools to strengthen democracy and good
governance in Nigeria. State Department and USAID resources are
critical to achieving our policy goals and advancing our values in
Nigeria. USAID works in close consultation with the Nigerian
Government, civil society, local leaders, and citizens to prioritize
its development goals for a peaceful and prosperous Nigeria. This
multi-stakeholder approach fosters greater accountability and
transparency in U.S. foreign assistance programs.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Nigeria? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
United States, and with local human rights NGOs and other members of
civil society in Nigeria. Nigeria has a robust civil society and I
understand the Embassy conducts such engagements regularly. I plan to
build on their good work. I will advocate for unimpeded operation by
NGOs and civil society, who do much to promote good governance and
respect for human rights in Nigeria. I will advocate on their behalf
privately and publicly should it be deemed helpful.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties, not just in Abuja but across
Nigeria. I will encourage political figures and parties to consider the
equities of all Nigerians, represent the diversity of Nigeria's
geographic, religious, and ethnic groups, and to run on platforms built
on substance, not personality. As more political parties are elected to
key offices in Nigeria's state and federal bodies, I commit to engaging
with officials from all parties. I will advocate for access and
inclusivity for women, people with disabilities, members of minority
groups, and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Nigeria on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Nigeria?
Answer. Nigeria has a vibrant and diverse press, and if confirmed,
I commit to meeting and engaging regularly with independent, local
press. A well-informed citizenry is required for a functioning
democracy, so I support the continuation of current embassy and
Department programs to educate and train journalists, and the expansion
of such programs where appropriate and where resources are available.
If confirmed, I will actively engage with the Nigerian Government to
promote a free, independent press and I will advocate against any
measures designed to control or undermine press freedom.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. I understand that Mission Nigeria works intensively and
innovatively with civil society to educate editors, journalists, and
the public on understanding, recognizing, and countering disinformation
and propaganda. If confirmed, I will bring my own experience and
learned lessons on countering state-sponsored disinformation in the UN
system to help inform Mission Nigeria continuing activities. I would
also engage government counterparts on these issues as appropriate.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
Nigeria on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Nigeria has a robust community of over 40 labor unions
which actively organize to support the rights of their workers. I
understand that Embassy staff engage the Nigerian Government on issues
involving labor groups and their rights, and the Mission routinely
engages with the top umbrella labor groups. If confirmed, I commit to
engaging with Nigerian officials on the right of labor groups to
organize.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Nigeria, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. The U.S. is a leader in promoting the human rights of
members of all marginalized communities, including members of the
LGBTQI+ community. If confirmed, I will use my position to promote
respect for the human rights and dignity of all Nigerians, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Nigeria?
Answer. The Same Sex Marriage Prohibition Act of 2015 criminalizes
the LGBTQI+ community in Nigeria. On top of this, in the 12 states in
northern Nigeria that adhere to sharia penal code, homosexuality is a
crime with severe penalties. LGBTQI+ persons in Nigeria face
harassment, threats, discrimination, and incidents of violence against
them, many times from members of their own community, including close
family. According to local NGOs, some 10 percent of abuses reported by
LGBTQI+ persons in Nigeria involve state actors. Invasion of privacy,
arbitrary arrest, and unlawful detention were the most common abuses
perpetrated by state actors. Blackmail, extortion, assault, and battery
were the most common abuses perpetrated by nonstate actors. LGBTQI+
persons also face stigma, discrimination, and barriers to accessing
basic health care.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Nigeria?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, promoting and advancing
respect for the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons is a foreign policy
priority for this Administration. If confirmed, I will advocate for the
human rights and dignity of all people in Nigeria, including LGBTQI+
persons. I commit to meet with LGBTQI+ civil society members, to seek
their guidance on how the U.S. Embassy can best support them, and to
use our voice and resources to promote their rights and wellbeing.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to promptly accommodate
requests for briefings and for information by members of Congress, as
appropriate.
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy and Consulate in
Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that our Mission creates the
spaces for discussion and information-sharing about DEIA, both within
the Embassy and with external interlocutors. With input from across our
Embassy community, I will ensure that representatives from historically
marginalized groups are included in Embassy events and as appropriate,
when U.S. Government delegations visit. I will also encourage our
managers to participate in DEIA initiatives to help enhance their
leadership skills around fostering an open and inclusive environment
for both our U.S. direct hire and Locally Employed Staff.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Nigeria?
Answer. Nigeria is home to 371 ethnic groups and that ethnic
diversity can be found among our Locally Employed Staff as well. Coming
from various cultures and backgrounds, our Locally Employed Staff
provide a wealth of knowledge and diversity of ideas that has sustained
the excellent operations of our Mission in a tough security and
economic environment. If confirmed, I will make sure that we recruit
and hire from the broadest and most diverse pool of candidates, that I
empower our leaders across the mission to take reports of inequality
and discrimination very seriously, and that our Locally Employed Staff
are provided the environment in which they can be comfortable in
raising these issues with their leaders, including me.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. Our Mission is already doing excellent work in ensuring the
State Department meets its DEIA goals in Nigeria. If confirmed, I will
continue to build on that strong foundation by canvassing the
perspectives of employees around the Mission to assess where we can
improve on our DEIA commitments in our operations. Outside of the
Mission, I will seek to learn from our Nigerian interlocutors about
their needs and, with my team, assess how to best marry those needs
with our policy goals to ensure the bilateral relationship goes from
strength to strength.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard Mills, Jr. by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your assessment of Nigeria's ongoing electoral
process so far?
Answer. On February 25, Nigeria held general elections for the
presidency and National Assembly. Each of the top three presidential
candidates was the leading vote-getter in twelve states, a remarkable
first in Nigeria's modern political era, reflecting the diversity of
views that characterized the campaign and the wishes of Nigeria's
voters. Opposition candidates collectively won 64% of the national vote
and won the vote in twelve states where the ruling party holds the
governorship. The results of a Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) conducted
by Yiaga Africa, a civil society organization which deployed 3,014
citizen observers to randomly selected polling units across all 36 of
Nigeria's states and the Federal Capital Territory, found
inconsistencies in two of Nigeria's states but found that the overall
official results--as well as the state-level results in all 35 of the
other states--closely tracked the results of their PVT. In the National
Assembly elections conducted simultaneously, even with many results
still unknown, opposition parties that had little or no representation
have already won numerous seats.
International and Nigerian observers noted that voters experienced
serious challenges during the electoral process. These included
significant logistics issues--exacerbated by naira currency and fuel
shortages--and technical shortcomings of a results viewing platform
which was serving as a secondary means for transmitting results with
the intention of increasing transparency; the official results of
Nigerian elections are still transmitted on paper. The United States
has joined other observers in urging the electoral commission to
increase transparency and improve in the areas needing most attention
ahead of Nigeria's March 11 state elections. The United States has also
urged restraint on the part of political parties and their supporters
in reacting to the results, and for the parties to rely on the courts
to settle any disputes about the outcome of the election. The Mission
anticipates that political parties will take their grievances to the
Court of Appeal--the relevant legal forum for challenges in
presidential elections--in the coming days. Bola Tinubu, who received a
certificate of return from Nigeria's Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) declaring him the president-elect, endorsed his
competitors' recourse to the legal process regarding challenges.
Question. What are some areas where the U.S. needs to engage our
Nigerian partners following the announcement of the presidential result
on March 1, 2021 and ahead of the state-level vote on March 11?
Answer. The United States is urging INEC to take additional steps
to address widespread delayed poll openings and other logistics
challenges experienced during the February 25 elections as well as the
technology issues that led to delays in the uploading and electronic
transmission of scanned tally sheets to the electoral commission's
results viewing portal, a mechanism designed to promote public
transparency to complement the official, hard-copy results. Finally,
the United States is calling on INEC to proactively communicate with
the public about the problems experienced during the February 25 polls
and how it is working to address them ahead of the March 11 state
elections. U.S. officials are also engaging the candidates and their
party leadership, alongside diplomatic partners, to welcome and
reinforce their mutual calls to eschew violence and pursue challenges
through legal means, as well as encouraging senior Nigerian Government
officials to continue their roles in calming the security environment
in the runup to state-level elections for governor scheduled for March
11.
Question. Do you think it was premature to congratulate president-
elect Bola Tinubu and the Nigerian people on the conduct and outcome of
the February 25 election?
Answer. The United States recognizes Bola Tinubu as President-
elect, in line with the official announcement of Nigeria's Independent
National Electoral Commission made on March 1. This decision was also
informed by the observations of international and domestic election
observer missions, including the results of a Parallel Vote Tabulation
process showing similar and statistically significant vote spreads
consistent with nation-wide official results. Should candidates or
parties choose to challenge the election outcome, which is their right
under Nigerian law, we have urged them to do so through appropriate
legal mechanisms. It is up to the Nigerian legal system to resolve any
legal challenges in accordance with Nigerian constitution and law.
Question. In December, Reuters published a deeply troubling
investigative piece on forced abortions and child killings by Nigeria's
military. The Nigerian National Human Rights Commission has begun its
investigation into the accusations, which the Nigerian Government has
denied. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage the
Nigerian Government and others on this process?
Answer. Since the deeply troubling Reuters pieces were published in
December 2022, U.S. officials in Nigeria have contacted dozens of
interlocutors who work in, or are familiar with, the Northeast part of
the country where these allegations are alleged to have occurred. At
the same time, officials in both Washington and Abuja have engaged at
the highest levels of the Nigerian Government to encourage them to
conduct a thorough, transparent investigation and hold accountable any
who are responsible for human rights violations and abuses. They have
also encouraged Nigerian authorities to engage impartial international
voices as part of their effort to address the allegations. This U.S.
engagement has seen results as the Nigerian Government has publicly
committed to supporting an investigation by the Nigeria National Human
Rights Commission. The Chief of Defense Staff publicly pledged to
support the investigation and make any military personnel available
that the Commission requests. If confirmed, I would continue to engage
with the highest levels of the Nigerian Government to press for a
transparent, full investigation while, at the same time, supporting my
team's efforts to engage with local interlocutors in the northeast. If
the National Human Rights Commission does find evidence substantiating
these allegations, I will press the Nigerian Government to use its full
authorities to ensure human rights violators face prosecution to the
fullest extent of the law and would explore pursuing possible visa
restrictions or financial sanctions against those committing gross
violations of human rights.
Question. Do you feel that the Nigerian National Human Rights
Commission has the capacity, independence and political space to
conduct a sufficiently thorough investigation of the claims made in the
Reuters piece, particularly given the short timeline the Nigerian
Government has discussed for completion of the investigation (late
March/early April)?
Answer. My understanding is that the Nigerian National Human Rights
Commission (NHRC) has a mandate expected to last up to six months, with
a final report due sometime this summer, although I understand we
expect interim reports to be issued before then. Additionally, the NHRC
has identified a series of individuals with reputable backgrounds and
relevant experience to serve on this panel. The NHRC is considered a
reputable, independent organization, and I understand U.S. officials
have strongly advocated with the Nigerian Government to provide it with
the necessary resources and support to conduct the investigation that
these allegations warrant. The mission has also encouraged them to
engage impartial international voices in their effort. Finally, as we
encourage Nigeria to address allegations of human rights violations and
abuses, it is important that we support the Nigerian Government and
people in developing their own institutions with the capacity and
credibility to respond as an effective Nigerian-led investigation,
conducted by respected experts in relevant fields, as it will have
greater credibility and its findings will have more acceptability with
the Nigerian public than an ``outside'' investigation. If confirmed, I
look forward to assisting, where appropriate, the investigations of the
NHRC.
Question. I have been engaged in discussions with the Department
over security assistance to Nigeria, considering both the acute
security challenges Nigeria faces and the concerning human rights
record of the Nigerian military. As U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, if
confirmed, how will you balance these considerations as you engage the
Nigerian Government on security assistance and in combatting the
insurgent threat posed by Boko Haram and other groups in the North
East, and other security challenges across Nigeria?
Answer. I believe security assistance and human rights are
inextricably linked as we help Nigeria face its security challenges
throughout the country. We know that reported human rights violations
and abuses, especially if the perpetrators are not held to account in
transparent and accessible proceedings, erodes the trust the Nigerian
Government needs to ultimately end security threats in the country. As
ambassador, if confirmed, I will engage with the highest levels of the
Nigerian Government to urge them to investigate credible accusations of
human rights violations and abuses and hold those responsible to
account. At the same time, security assistance is critical to help the
Nigerian Government create a safe and secure environment for its
citizens. Consistent with the Leahy Law, we will not provide security
assistance to units if there is credible information indicating the
unit or its members have committed a gross violation of human rights. I
would continue to support assistance where appropriate, such as where
we could help the Nigerians improve their technical capabilities and
ability to mitigate civilian casualties while, at the same time,
increase the professionalism of the Nigerian Armed Forces.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Nigeria remained on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking but is making significant
efforts to do so. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to
help Nigeria operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained
in the TIP report?
Answer. The Nigerian Government has demonstrated significant and
increasing efforts and political will to combat human trafficking in
recent years. In 2022, the National Agency for the Prohibition of
Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) made several updates to their
Protocols, Strategic Framework, and National Plan to account for lapses
found during the COVID pandemic and for the needs of more vulnerable
populations. Other efforts include recent finalization of a protocol
agreement with UNICEF to refer children identified in armed conflict to
civilian authorities. Nigeria also enhanced training and screening for
trafficking across the travel industry and with social services
agencies to identify and provide appropriate care for all those
identified as victims. While there is political will, sustained U.S.
and Mission Nigeria engagement on this issue will be critical to ensure
successful implementation, as corruption and official complicity in
trafficking crimes remain serious concerns. The Mission will continue
to support NAPTIP's efforts through training and continued engagement.
If confirmed, I will also encourage robust U.S. engagement with the
National Police Force, a close NAPTIP partner, to prioritize key
trafficking issues and to strengthen its coordination with NAPTIP.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Nigeria was noted to have large scale religious-
affiliated violence between Christian and Muslim communities. What is
your assessment of religious freedom in Nigeria and if confirmed, how
will you work with the Ambassador At Large for International Religious
Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Religious freedom is enshrined in Nigeria's constitution
and plays a key role in Nigerian society and its institutions. Because
religion plays such an important role in Nigeria's social fabric,
communal conflicts in Nigeria, often over resources or perceived
grievances, can sometimes take on religious overtones. If confirmed, I
will ensure that Mission Nigeria's work prioritizes outreach and
dialogue with religious leaders and faith-based communities, who play a
critical role in Nigeria's social fabric and who are important voices
for promoting religious tolerance. I will engage the Government of
Nigeria on specific cases and areas of concern. I will also seek
opportunities to strengthen religious freedom protections in Nigerian
law. Finally, I would continue to support State Department and USAID
programmatic activities that promote religious tolerance, interfaith
dialogue, and conflict resolutions programs. I look forward to the
opportunity, if confirmed, to work with the Ambassador at Large for
Religious Freedom to find innovative programs to reduce communal
violence and increase trust across Nigeria's many religious
communities.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to personally engaging with civil
society to promote religious tolerance, advance interfaith dialogue,
and encourage civil society's essential role in conflict prevention and
community peacebuilding efforts, including by working with faith
leaders. I would also support programs, including USAID activities,
that work with civil society to train respected local leaders from a
variety of religious faiths and ethnic backgrounds to better mediate
conflicts and build peace, efforts that have already successfully
reduced violent conflict in parts of Nigeria.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Nigerians increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, in addition to promoting respect for all
religions and ethnicities by advancing interfaith dialogue with
religious and community leaders, I would work with the Nigerian
Government to address the root causes of conflict through better
governance, rule of law, and accountability for those responsible for
human rights violations and abuses. I would seek to engage leaders at
the subnational level to discuss the laws against blasphemy and
insulting religion. I would also support programs, including USAID
activities, that work with civil society to train respected local
leaders from a variety of religious faiths and ethnic backgrounds to
better mediate conflicts and build peace--efforts that have already
successfully reduced violent conflict in parts of Nigeria.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Nigeria was identified to have significant human rights issues
including unlawful or arbitrary killings by the government, politically
motivated reprisals, and restrictions on internet freedom. If
confirmed, how will you direct your embassy to work with the government
to improve the human rights situation on the ground?
Answer. Strengthening respect for human rights is fundamental to
U.S. engagement in Nigeria and around the world. A Nigerian Government
that demonstrates transparency, seeks and achieves transparent
accountability for abuses committed by government actors, and that
fully respects the human rights of its people is a government that will
help the country thrive. If confirmed, I will seek to advance and
further institutionalize respect for human rights and accountability
for those responsible for violations and abuses in our diplomatic and
programmatic engagements, including through requiring human rights
capacity building and training in our security cooperation. These
programmatic engagements would be through a whole-of-government
approach. For example, with regard to military cooperation, our sale of
A-29 aircraft includes training on civilian harm mitigation and the Law
of Armed conflict. For civil society, USAID works with civil society on
training and capacity building for wide-ranging topics like democratic
governance, countering trafficking in persons, and greater inclusion of
persons with disabilities. Our International Narcotic and Law
Enforcement office programming to strengthen the capacity of Nigerian
law enforcement includes robust human rights training.
Question. If confirmed, how will you direct your embassy to work
with civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation
on the ground?
Answer. Nigeria has robust civil society organizations, able to
operate freely, that are working to promote respect for human rights,
and with which the U.S. Mission engages on a continuing basis. U.S.
engagement with and support for them helps to inform U.S. policy,
provides opportunities to engage with the Nigerian public, including
with youth, and ensures that we have strong partners for U.S.
programming. USAID, for example, is supporting CSOs advocating for an
end to child forced marriage and for greater rights and accessibility
for people with disabilities. If confirmed, continuing this engagement
with Nigeria's civil society will be a priority for me.
Question. According to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal, there are 17 open allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse
by the country's peacekeepers deployed to U.N. peacekeeping missions,
in cases from 2017 and 2018. How will you engage with the Nigerian
Government to ensure that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse
from U.N. peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. If confirmed, I would engage with the Nigerian Government
to ensure any allegations of sexual misconduct are dealt with in a
transparent and timely manner and those responsible held accountable. I
will also draw upon my work as U.S. Deputy Representative to the U.N.
addressing issues of peacekeeper accountability with the U.N.
Secretariat and specific U.N. Missions to advise Nigerian authorities
on their responsibilities to address allegations of sexual abuse and
the mechanisms to do so. In this latter regard, Nigeria recently passed
the Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act in part to combat
the prevalence of gender- based violence. The U.S. Mission continues to
work with interlocutors, CSOs, and multilateral organizations to ensure
the full implementation of the act. If confirmed, I would engage with
the Nigerian Government on any serious and credible allegations of
sexual exploitation by Nigeria's U.N. peacekeepers brought to my
attention, and direct Mission personnel to continue to engage at the
working level with Nigerian counterparts to ensure accountability for
those responsible and support for victims of sexual violence.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last several years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Nigeria?
Answer. The COVID pandemic and necessary mitigation strategies
placed stress and challenges to work operations on Mission Nigeria
staff, as the pandemic did on U.S. missions worldwide. Mission Nigeria
leadership's transparent, pragmatic approach to addressing the stress
on staff and work challenges was centered on ensuring the health and
safety of all Mission staff, which strengthened Mission morale during a
difficult time. If confirmed, I intend to maintain that approach as
Chief of Mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be leading a Mission team with strong
morale despite the real challenges--from a changing security
environment to the aftermath of the COVID pandemic--that impact all the
Mission team whether direct hires, locally-employed staff, or family
members. A key to maintaining and strengthening the Mission's morale,
in my view, will be regular communication with all staff on Mission
operations, security issues, and U.S. policies.
I will continue practices I have successfully used in past
assignments, including regular ``town hall'' meetings with staff, a
regular ``open door'' by the Deputy Chief of Mission and myself for
staff and family members to discuss concerns and ideas, and ensuring I
create an environment in which all members of the country team,
regardless of their host agency, are comfortable raising questions and
new approaches on Mission policies and operations.
Demonstrating through my own actions, and those of the Mission's
senior leadership, the Department's principles of diversity and
inclusion is also a key to maintaining morale. Mission Nigeria has a
strong track record of building a diverse, inclusive work force,
whether in the diversity of the team's American direct hires or a
locally employed work force that represents Nigeria's own diverse
communities. I look forward to building on that record.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, maintaining a unified vision, messaging, and
priorities among the fifteen different agencies at Mission Nigeria will
be a top goal.
My experience managing other large U.S. missions, such as Mission
Canada, taught me a key to achieving this goal is making sure the
Mission's Integrated Country Strategy is a ``whole of Mission'' product
which I would make clear that all staff should use in setting
objectives and priorities for their work.
Consistent messaging, clear priorities, and communication with
Mission section and agency heads is vital, as are regular consultations
with agency headquarters and the interagency to hammer out differences
early. Regular coordination among the various public affairs offices of
each agency at the Mission is also critical to ensure consistency and
alignment in our outreach and messaging to the Nigerian public.
As Chief of Mission, I have also learned the value of being clear
at Mission country team and staff meetings about my planned schedule of
meetings and public engagements, spelling out what my messages and
goals will be, and expecting Mission staff to all mirror that messaging
and goals as well. Making sure that key policy and messaging points are
routinely shared to all sections and agencies across the Mission, even
when not specifically pertinent to a section or agency's own work, is
the most effective way to ensure a consistent vision and message across
even the largest U.S. Mission teams.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be leading a Mission team with strong
morale despite the real challenges--from a changing security
environment to the aftermath of the COVID pandemic--that impact all the
Mission team whether direct hires, locally-employed staff, or family
members. A key to maintaining and strengthening the Mission's morale,
in my view, will be regular communication on Mission operations,
security issues, and U.S. policies with all staff.
I will continue practices I have successfully used in past
assignments, including regular ``town hall'' meetings with all staff, a
regular ``open door'' by the Deputy Chief of Mission and myself for
staff and family members to discuss concerns and ideas, and ensuring I
create an environment in which all members of the country team,
regardless of their host agency, are comfortable raising questions and
new approaches on Mission policies and operations.
Demonstrating in my own actions, and those of the Mission's senior
leadership, to the Department's principles of diversity and inclusion
is also a key to maintaining morale. Mission Nigeria has a strong track
record of building a diverse, inclusive work force, whether in the
diversity of the team's American direct hires or a locally employed
work force that represents Nigeria's own diverse communities. If
confirmed, I look forward to building on that record.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management approach is to put an emphasis on building
``one team,'' preventing silos of information among embassy sections
and agencies and seeking out the staff's frank views as part of my own
decision-making process.
I view the Country Team as my primary resource for creative
strategies on implementing Mission goals and raising policy issues that
need resolution, while being clear that I expect Country Team members
and section heads to empower their own staffs to be comfortable
offering ideas and tactics to achieve Mission objectives, whether
operational or related to U.S. policies. After appropriate discussion
and consideration, when a decision is taken, I expect staff, in turn,
to professionally carry out the decision to their best of their
abilities. I assess their performance and potential only in that
regard.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. I do not.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. My Deputy Chief of Mission will be my fully empowered
partner at Mission Nigeria. If confirmed, I look forward to my Deputy's
substantive engagement in all aspects of the Mission's operations and
significant policy decisions, so that he is ready and prepared to fill
in for me whenever required and whatever the time frame. I want my
Deputy to provide frank advice to me, whether in larger group settings
or behind closed doors as the situation may require. I especially look
to my Deputy to be a direct and frank conduit to me on insights into
the staff's operational concerns, issues related to family members, and
overall morale.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan for my Deputy to substantively engage
in all aspects of the Mission's operations and significant policy
decisions.
With regard to specific leadership responsibilities, I envision
entrusting him with leadership responsibility for maintaining a
mentoring and professional-skills building program for direct hires and
locally employed staff; monitoring Mission employment and hiring
decisions to ensure we meet our diversity and inclusion goals;
monitoring the Mission's security environment to alert me and other
Mission leadership when security decision points are reached; and
working with Mission supervisors to ensure they are providing
constructive and accurate evaluations of performance to staff, whether
those staff are meeting performance requirements or failing to succeed.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. If confirmed, it will be among my highest priorities to
ensure that Mission Foreign Service staff, across agencies, are
provided meaningful, accurate, and constructive feedback on their
performance in regular counseling sessions, as well as in their annual
written evaluations.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to provide clear, accurate, direct
feedback to my direct ratees and to convey I expect all supervisors,
across all agencies, to provide the same constructive and direct
feedback to their staff as well.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls enough to fully
accomplish their missions?
Answer. Engagement with local actors--whether from civil society,
the private business sector, or sub-national governments--has been
central to the work of each U.S. Embassy at which I have served or had
the honor of leading as Chief of Mission.
Although security situations can limit access and the ability to
travel in-country for some colleagues, my overall experience is that
U.S. diplomats are eager to get beyond Embassy walls to effectively
engage with a range of local actors and are able to do so to carry out
their work.
If confirmed, I will continue to make such engagement with local
actors a priority for myself and Mission Nigeria staff at all levels,
consistent with the prevailing security environment.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Mission Nigeria leadership has successfully worked to
balance the goal of ensuring U.S. diplomats are engaged with key local
actors--from civil society to religious leaders--with the requirement
of ensuring the safety of Mission staff.
If confirmed, I am committed that among my first goals will be to
work with Mission Nigeria staff to identify the operational
challenges--whether logistical, financial, or security--to
strengthening their access to key local interlocutors. I am committed
to taking actions that staff identify to expand our access to local
populations in line with the prevailing security conditions in Nigeria
at the time.
follow-up question
Question. Do you think it was premature for you to
congratulate president-elect Bola Tinubu and the Nigerian
people on the conduct and outcome of the February 25 election
on March 1? Please respond yes or no.
Answer. No, it was not premature to congratulate President-
Elect Bola Tinubu, the Nigerian people, and political leaders
on a competitive election on February 25. My decision to offer
congratulations on the election's competitiveness during my
March 1 confirmation hearing was made after serious reflection,
taking into consideration the Department's public statement
shortly before my hearing, although that statement was not
determinative in my own decision-making.
My statement, as well as the Department's, was made after
careful evaluation of available information and the
announcement of official results by Nigeria's Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC). It was informed by the
results of a credible Parallel Vote Tabulation which closely
tracked nation-wide results. The election, despite the
logistical problems and instances of serious violence at some
polling stations, was highly competitive. Each of the top three
presidential candidates won twelve states. In more than half of
Nigeria's states--twenty--the winning presidential candidate
represented a different party than that of the incumbent
governor.
Neither the Department's statement nor my comments diminished
U.S. concerns about the logistical and technical issues
surrounding Nigeria's electoral process that clearly failed to
meet Nigerians' expectations and our own as a friend of
Nigeria. The United States has been very clear in its public
statements that INEC must address such issues ahead of
Nigeria's upcoming state-level elections.
I was also clear that Nigerian parties who have concerns
about the electoral process and the announced outcome should
use legally established mechanisms for resolving such concerns.
The United States supports the right of all parties to fully
pursue those mechanisms under Nigerian law, even though I
understand those processes may be lengthy. We must allow this
process to proceed. If confirmed, I will monitor the legal
processes underway and not hesitate to speak out about any
failures to accord all parties due process under Nigerian law.
Looking ahead, I will ensure that Mission Nigeria continues
to press INEC to further strengthen the electoral process
beyond this election cycle.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard Mills, Jr. by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes, activities by the People's Republic of China (PRC) and
CCP represent significant challenges to U.S. economic, political, and
security interests globally and in the Africa region. Under President
Xi, the PRC has become more repressive at home and more assertive
abroad. We will defend and strengthen U.S. national security,
prosperity, and values; defend international law and agreements and the
other principles and institutions that maintain peace and security; and
protect the rights of individuals and sovereign nations. As U.S. Deputy
Representative to the UN, I have seen first-hand how the PRC uses its
influence in the U.N. and abroad in ways that undermine the rule of
law, democratic principles, and the broader rules-based international
order. In line with Secretary Blinken's speech on May 26, in which the
Secretary said we will invest in our domestic strength and align with
our allies and partners so that we can compete effectively with the PRC
to defend our interests, if confirmed, I will continue to deepen our
partnership with Nigeria, address our shared concerns, and engage with
Nigerians to deliver the message that as one of Nigeria's largest
humanitarian and development partners, the United States is committed
to Nigeria's future, in contrast to the PRC's transactional approach. I
will seek to highlight the risks associated with PRC engagement that
could impact Nigeria's economy, security, democratic principles,
sovereignty, and U.S. interests. Following on from my predecessor, I
will also continue to ensure that our vision of regional security and
prosperity remains the bulwark of a strong U.S.-Nigeria partnership
that competes successfully with the type of relationship offered by the
PRC. If confirmed, I will also work with the Department of State's new
Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S. objectives and counter
harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Nigerian context.
This new office, inaugurated immediately following the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit, brings together a group of China experts from
throughout the Department and beyond to work more effectively with
colleagues from every regional bureau and experts in international
security, economics, technology, multilateral diplomacy, and strategic
communications.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. We are committed to working with Beijing only if it secures
American jobs, American values, and our way of life for future
generations. Issues like food security, global health, climate change,
the global drug trade, and COVID-19 are the very issues that directly
threaten our prosperity and security and that of Nigeria. PRC
contributions should be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are not a
springboard for narrow PRC economic interests.
If confirmed, I will also work with the Department of State's new
Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S. objectives and counter
harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Nigerien context.
This new office, inaugurated immediately following the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit, brings together a group of China experts from
throughout the Department and beyond to work more effectively with
colleagues from every regional bureau and experts in international
security, economics, technology, multilateral diplomacy, and strategic
communications. In addition, I will direct the members of post's PRC
working group to work closely with the Regional China Officer based in
Abidjan.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States broadly, and Mission Nigeria
specifically, should only work with the PRC where our interests clearly
coincide. Limited areas potentially may emerge-perhaps food security,
counter-narcotics, or disaster relief-where U.S. and PRC interests
could converge in Nigeria. If confirmed, when appropriate, the mission
would be ready to consider taking advantage of such opportunities if
they were clearly beneficial to the Nigerian people as well as aligned
with U.S. interests and policy goals.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries, or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult Department guidance on
engagement with PRC organizations or representatives to work together
when it is in U.S. interests to do so.
Question. The CCP is Nigeria's largest bilateral lender of top
export destination. CCP construction firms have a number of public
infrastructure projects in the country to include railways, highways,
new airport terminals, a deep-water port, and hydroelectric power
project. What have been the impacts of CCP infrastructure investments
for Nigeria, and for U.S. interests?
Answer. The CCP continues to find opportunities to increase their
influence in Nigeria through these very visible projects, but the
Nigerian private and public sectors have both indicated that the United
States remains their partner of choice. China remains a major
development, trade, and investment partner for Nigeria, and the largest
source of official finance for Nigeria with $10 billion from 2010 to
2017, but several key projects have fallen into disrepair or have
proven to be inappropriate projects for Nigeria. In many cases, the
selection of PRC firms and financing in these projects is simply due to
a dearth of available or affordable alternatives. And outstanding PRC
lending to Nigeria remains relatively limited at only $3.1 billion, or
4% of Nigeria's total public debt.
CCP influence continues to expand, but the trend is being met with
resistance by a skeptical population and politicians are increasingly
critical. Chinese commercial entities face challenges operating in
Nigeria and the public is wary of their interventions. If confirmed, I
will make messaging the failure of Chinese investment and trade, in
contrast to the values and benefits that U.S. investment brings to
Nigeria's economy, a priority in my private and public engagements. We
will continue to work with our likeminded partners to provide Nigeria
the alternative opportunities provided by our government and private
sector to ensure we remain Nigeria's partner of choice.
Question. What steps will you take to identify projects with
Nigerian officials and the Development Finance Corporation regarding
opportunities for U.S. companies to compete with CCP funded projects?
Answer. We have robust engagement with Nigeria on project
identification and financing. We have a DFC representative in-country
to support possible U.S. investment in local projects, and the Mission
saw a visit by DFC CEO Nathan Scott in July of 2022. If confirmed, I
will direct our Deal team, which includes the DFC, the Department of
Commerce, and USTDA-which all maintain an in-country presence-to
enhance our efforts to link U.S. firms with opportunities in Nigeria,
whether through the International Trade Administration's (ITA) Express
Leads system, reverse trade missions, or other commercial diplomacy
tools at our disposal.
Question. In December 2022, Reuters reported that the Nigerian
military ran a secret mass abortion program in its war against Boko
Haram, resulting in at least 10,000 non-consensual abortions. Both
State and DoD provide assistance and aid to Nigeria for
counterterrorism purposes. If the claims are found to be credible, what
should be the consequences for U.S.-Nigeria relations and security
cooperation?
Answer. I was shocked to read about the allegations contained in
the Reuters reports in December 2022. I know that U.S. officials, both
in Washington D.C. and Abuja, have worked tirelessly to look into these
claims as well as to press the Nigerian Government to conduct and
support a thorough, transparent investigation and to hold accountable
any individual responsible for human rights violations and abuses.
As per the Leahy laws, the Department does not provide assistance
to any security force unit if there is credible information that the
unit has committed a gross violation of human rights. All U.S. security
assistance is evaluated on a case-by-case basis, and we take credible
allegations into consideration as we plan security assistance. Looking
ahead, we expect the Nigerian National Human Rights Commission to
complete its investigation this summer and, if confirmed, I will
continue to press the Nigerian Government to see the investigation to
its conclusion and act on its findings. If these troubling allegations
are substantiated, I would press the Nigerian Government to fully
prosecute any individuals implicated, while at the same time exploring
visa restrictions or financial sanctions against those committing gross
violations of human rights.
Question. The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and annual
appropriations legislation prohibit the use of taxpayer money to pay
for abortions or advocacy to change the legal status of abortions in
foreign countries. If confirmed, what will you to verify that U.S.
taxpayer money was not used in any Nigerian Government program
conducting non-consensual abortions?
Answer. We are awaiting the conclusion of the Nigeria National
Human Rights Commission's investigation into the allegations in the
Reuters reports of December 2022. I do not wish to pre-judge their
investigation. If confirmed, I pledge to press the Nigerian Government
to act on any findings of wrongdoing in the report, to include taking
appropriate actions and ensuring accountability for those responsible
for human rights abuses and violations. The U.S. Government extensively
monitors its activities in Nigeria to ensure compliance with all
relevant U.S. legislation, including the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, and the USAID Mission in Nigeria does not fund any services
associated with abortion. That monitoring will be applied to the
information that is reported as a result of the Human Rights
Commission's investigation.
Question. The status of religious freedom in Nigeria is appalling.
Nigeria's legal and criminal codes enshrine blasphemy laws informed by
Shari'a law that are disproportionately wielded against Christians and
members of minority religious groups. Cases of violence against
religious Nigerians frequently go un-investigated and un-prosecuted by
Nigeria's law enforcement agencies. For these reasons, the United
States Commission on International Religious Freedom recommended last
year that Nigeria be designated as a Country of Particular Concern
(CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. However,
the State Department did not designate Nigeria as a CPC. Do you agree
with the State Department that the actions of Nigeria's Government are
not sufficient for it to be designated as a CPC?
Answer. Although I was not involved in the decision, I understand
that State Department assessed Nigeria did not meet the legal criteria
to be designated a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) in 2022. The
U.S. Mission in Nigeria and the Department of State writ large closely
monitor religious freedom dynamics in Nigeria, including threats to
religious freedom and the efforts of the Nigerian Government to promote
religious freedom and tolerance. The Embassy engages religious
institutions and advocacy groups of all faiths in Nigeria, as well as
civil society and human rights and religious freedom advocates to make
sure we have the most accurate picture possible, which the Mission
regularly conveys to Washington. I am committed to ensuring the
Mission's reporting and views are part of the inter-agency assessment
on religious freedom in Nigeria and its CPC status. We also regularly
engage the Government of Nigeria on religious freedom issues of concern
and advocate strongly for both specific cases of concern and on broader
issues. If confirmed, I would continue to do the same.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to advocating for Nigeria's
designation as a CPC?
Answer. I do not wish to prejudge the Department's annual review
process on religious freedom designations in 2023, which will be based
on developments in this calendar year. But I commit to ensuring that
religious freedom issues will remain a priority for U.S. policy and
Mission Nigeria if I am confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to promote religious
freedom in Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that our diplomacy prioritizes
outreach and dialogue with religious leaders and faith-based
communities, who play a critical role in Nigeria's social fabric and
who are important voices for promoting religious tolerance. I will
engage the Government of Nigeria on cases and areas of concern. I will
also seek opportunities to strengthen religious freedom protections.
Finally, I would continue to support State Department and USAID
programmatic activities that promote religious tolerance, interfaith
dialogue, and conflict resolution programs.
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Richard Mills, Jr. by Senator Bill Hagerty
Combating Anti-israel Bias in the African Union and Other International
Forums
As you know, on February 18, 2023, an Israeli diplomat who
was an accredited observer with an entry tag was expelled from
the opening ceremony of the African Union summit. In the
following days, the African Union Commission Chief stated that
Israel's observer status that the bloc has been suspended.
These actions are part of a larger effort to delegitimize
Israel by states driven by hatred. Just as biased targeting of
Israel at the United Nations is a grave concern, anti-Israel
actions and rhetoric in other international forums also cannot
be ignored. Indeed, what happened to Israel at the AU Summit is
reprehensible and unacceptable.
Question. If confirmed, what would you to do to address this
problem?
Answer. AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat accepted
credentials of the Israeli Ambassador in 2021. However, this decision
was challenged by some AU member states, as permitted by the AU
Constitutive Act. The AU then established a Heads of State Committee to
consult on the accreditation issue with plans to report back at the
2023 AU Summit. The Committee is composed of six member states, with
three opposing (Algeria, South Africa, Nigeria) and three supporting
(Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda). Faki's acceptance of
Israel and its observer status are on hold pending his receipt of the
Committee's recommendation.
As Deputy Representative to the U.N., I worked with the Israeli
Mission in New York to convey to African Missions the value Israeli
observer status would bring to the AU. If confirmed, I would continue
to advocate with Nigerian officials that Israel's role in the African
Union be finalized and confirmed as an observer. Multilateral
institutions are strongest when differing voices and perspectives are
united to enact change that impacts global populations. Israel's impact
on Africa is significant, from its contributions to technology and
resources to bolstering food security efforts via substantive trade-it
is an important partner to the continent, so will be an equally
important voice in the AU's work.
Question. What would you do to engage with foreign governments and
ensure that Israel is not unfairly targeted, but rather included in
future African Union summits and other regional and international
forums?
Answer. Israel's outreach to African nations is something to be
lauded. If confirmed, as Ambassador I would engage the Nigerian
authorities, in close coordination with my Israeli colleagues, on the
targeting of Israel in international fora, and would encourage the
Nigerians to oppose unfair and unbalanced resolutions in all venues. It
is worth noting that Nigeria and Israel have enjoyed full diplomatic
relations for decades and then-President Goodluck Jonathan made the
first visit by a Nigerian head of state to Israel in 2013.
Chinese Influence in Nigeria
Nigeria and China have a significant economic relationship,
with China being Nigeria's largest trading partner. China has
invested heavily in Nigeria's infrastructure development,
including roads, railways, and ports.
Question. Are you concerned about China having outsized influence
in Nigeria?
Answer. Countering the PRC's significant influence and role in
Nigeria will be a priority for me, if confirmed. While the PRC remains
a major development, trade, and investment partner for Nigeria, and the
largest source of official finance for Nigeria with $10 billion from
2010 to 2017, the Nigerian private and public sectors see the United
States as their partner of choice. Nigerians overwhelmingly prefer U.S.
goods, services, and expertise. As is the case globally, PRC influence
within Nigeria is being met with some resistance by a skeptical
population, and politicians are increasingly critical. It is noteworthy
that Taipei has a Trade Office in Nigeria, continuing cultural and
economic ties with Taiwan despite PRC pressure. All of this does not
deflect from the fact that the PRC will continue to seek opportunities
to advance its interests and undermine the rules-based international
order. We will continue to work with our likeminded partners to provide
Nigeria alternatives to the PRC's model of authoritarian development,
mobilize financing mechanisms, and support American businesses to
compete within this market.
Question. Do you think China's growing influence has the potential
to negatively impact U.S. economic and security interests in Nigeria?
Answer. The PRC's growing influence has the potential to negatively
impact U.S. economic and security interests in Nigeria. If confirmed, I
will highlight and model the contrast between our values and trade
benefits and those of Beijing, building on growing Nigerian public
skepticism about the PRC's role in the country.
The PRC's inroads around Africa have come with many reports of
threats if local governments question or disapprove of the Chinese
Communist Party's policies, but in Nigeria the PRC does not act with
impunity. While the PRC has invested in Nigerian infrastructure, such
as rail, satellites, ports, and airports, PRC-affiliated companies have
been cited for corrupt practices and have abandoned some projects
entirely. Similarly, in their fight against violent extremists and
other security challenges, Nigeria has learned that PRC-made equipment
is unreliable and ineffective-another reason why Nigeria views the
United States as its security partner of choice. It is also important
to note that outstanding PRC lending to Nigeria remains relatively
limited at only $3.1 billion, or 4 percent of total public debt.
If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our relationships with
Nigerian interlocutors and make sure they receive the necessary
technical assistance to adequately assess development and financing
initiatives that benefit all Nigerians. We will continue to push
opportunities for U.S. businesses, build upon recent visits from the
heads of the Development Finance Corporation and the U.S. Trade and
Development Agency-for whom Nigeria is a key market-and build on the
momentum of December's African Leaders Summit. In the face of numerous,
varied, and prolonged security challenges, we will also continue our
active engagement with the Nigerian military to create a modern,
professional, well-equipped fighting force capable of protecting the
population while respecting human rights.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to counter
China's influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead Mission Nigeria's use
of our full range of commercial promotion, foreign assistance, public
diplomacy, and political and military partnerships to counter the PRC's
influence. I plan to travel frequently, along with Mission Nigeria
staff, to engage Nigerians to deliver the message that as one of
Nigeria's largest humanitarian and development partners, the United
States is committed to Nigeria's future, in contrast to the PRC's
transactional approach. The Mission will use the tools and support
provided by the Biden Administration's Partnership for Global
Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) to enhance the Mission's Deal Team
process that promotes U.S. firms as the preferred choice for Nigerian
partners, underscoring the quality and transparency that other
competitors lack. Our cultural and educational programming will
continue to amplify U.S. soft power. Nigeria's commitment to mitigating
the effects of climate change also presents an opportunity for even
greater collaboration. Nigeria views the United States as the leader in
climate mitigation and adaptation activities and I will continue to
utilize engagement in this area to forge even closer ties and provide a
credible alternative to PRC interests. And I will emphasize the values
we share with Nigerians, such as our democratic systems and respect for
individual freedoms.
The Nigeria Election
Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressive Congress was
declared winner of the 2023 presidential election on March 1,
but the opposition has demanded a recount citing major fraud.
Question. Do you believe the Nigerian presidential election was
credible and transparent?
Answer. The results of the election suggest the outcome credibly
reflects the will of Nigerian voters, despite notable concerns and
problems with the voting process on election day. Nigeria's Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC) had technical and logistical
challenges during the 2023 election, including late-opening polling
stations and locations with insufficient voting materials. Delays in
the electronic transmission of polling unit results sheets-intended to
serve as a backup to Nigeria's official transmission of voting tallies
on paper-led to considerable frustration on the part of many voters and
observers. While the numerous international and domestic observation
missions also noted these problems, none of them questioned the overall
legitimacy of the results. In the presidential race, opposition parties
collectively won 64 percent of the vote; many states voted with the
opposition-including 12 where the ruling All Progressives Congress
(APC) party holds the governorship-and a USAID-funded parallel vote
tabulation validated the national result and the presidential results
in 35 out of 37 states. In the National Assembly elections, even with
many results still unknown, opposition parties that had little or no
representation have already won numerous seats. We have encouraged
candidates with concerns about the integrity of the election to use
appropriate legal mechanisms to contest the results and have joined
other observers in urging INEC to increase transparency of electoral
processes and improve in the areas needing most attention ahead of
Nigeria's March 11 state elections.
Question. What are the prospects for mass protests and violence
following the election?
Answer. Since INEC announced the results, all four major parties
have called on supporters to remain calm and peaceful even as the
opposition parties have vowed to contest the results of the election
through established legal means. In the days since the election and
announcement of results, to my knowledge there have not been mass
protests or widespread violence.
Question. Nigeria's two leading presidential parties have each
departed from longstanding conventions that aim to preserve balance in
this very diverse country-the APC by putting forth a Muslim-Muslim
ticket, and the PDP by nominating a northerner for the presidency after
eight years of rule by another northerner. How do you think this will
affect the election and broader north-south dynamics?
Answer. It is too early to predict how this dynamic will play out
in Nigeria's politics longer term, but the departure from such
conventions may in fact represent a positive development and a subtle
shift away from identity politics. The major candidates sought to
appeal to supporters outside their religion, and while religion was a
factor, religious identity appears to have played a less defining role
in the February 25 presidential election as compared with other recent
Nigerian elections.
Christian Persecution in Nigeria
The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom finds
it ``inexplicable that the U.S. Department of State did not
include Nigeria or India in its latest designations of
`Countries of Particular Concern' under the International
Religious Freedom Act.''
Religious violence and intolerance directed toward Nigerian
Christians has worsened in recent years and Nigeria remains the
deadliest country for Christians. Persecution of Nigerian
Christians has been carried out by both the Nigerian
Government, most notoriously through arrests and convictions
under blasphemy laws, as well as non-state actors, including
jihadist groups: Islamic State West Africa Province and Boko
Haram.
Question. Do you agree with the Biden Administration's decision not
to designate Nigeria a ``Country of Particular Concern'' under the
International Religious Freedom Act? Please explain.
Answer. Although I was not involved in the decision, I understand
that the State Department assessed Nigeria did not meet the legal
criteria to be designated a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) in
2022. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority. The U.S.
Mission in Nigeria and the Department of State writ large closely
monitor religious freedom dynamics in Nigeria, including threats to
religious freedom and the efforts of the Nigerian Government to promote
religious freedom and tolerance. The Embassy engages religious
institutions and advocacy groups of all faiths in Nigeria, as well as
civil society and human rights and religious freedom advocates to make
sure we have the most accurate picture possible, which the Mission
regularly conveys to Washington. The Mission also regularly engages the
Government of Nigeria on religious freedom issues of concern and
advocates strongly on both specific cases of concern and on broader
issues. If confirmed, I would continue to do the same.
Question. Do you believe Christian persecution in Nigeria is
increasing? If no, what is causing the decrease and what can we learn
from it? If yes, what do you assess to be the principal drivers for the
increase?
Answer. The overall security situation in Nigeria is of grave
concern and is impacting Nigerian Christians, and Nigerians of all
beliefs. While insecurity has worsened in recent years, the drivers of
conflict are numerous and overlapping and are not necessarily
indicative of increasing religious persecution. Experts have cited the
proliferation of small arms, increasing competition over dwindling land
and water resources, allegations of human rights violations and abuses
by security forces, lack of accountability and access to justice, as
well as politics, ethnicity, and religion among contributing factors.
Ineffective state security responses, poor governance and service
delivery, endemic corruption, and a lack of economic opportunity also
create conditions that can increase risks for conflict and unchecked
criminality.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your strategy to encourage
the Nigerian Government to change anti-Christian blasphemy laws,
prosecute those responsible for persecuting Christians, and hold
security forces accountable for failing to protect Christian
communities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that Mission Nigeria's work
prioritizes outreach and dialogue with religious leaders and faith-
based communities, who play a critical role in Nigeria's society and
who are important voices for promoting religious tolerance and
influencing societal attitudes around blasphemy. I will seek
opportunities to strengthen religious freedom protections in Nigerian
law. I will engage the Government of Nigeria on specific cases and
areas of concern. I will press for accountability for abuses and for
improved civilian security delivery by security forces to ensure
individuals and religious communities are not victims to violence in
the first place. Finally, I would continue to support State Department
and USAID programmatic activities that promote religious tolerance,
interfaith dialogue, and community-driven conflict resolution
mechanisms. I look forward to the opportunity, if confirmed, to work
with the Ambassador at Large for Religious Freedom to find innovative
programs to reduce communal violence and increase trust across
Nigeria's many religious communities.
__________
WHO Intergovernmental Negotiating Body
Pandemic Agreement ``Zero Draft''
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 15, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:41 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
Murphy presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy [presiding], Menendez, Shaheen,
Kaine, Van Hollen, Hagerty, and Ricketts.
Also Present: Senators Casey and Sullivan.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy.--the subcommittee to order and we are glad
to welcome to the committee nominees to be Ambassador to
Kuwait, Ambassador to Turkmenistan, Ambassador to the UAE,
Ambassador to the Maldives, and Under Secretary of State for
Public Diplomacy.
We are gifted by the presence of several of our colleagues
who are going to provide introductions. We will start with
Senator Casey, who will introduce Elizabeth Rood, Senator
Sullivan, who will introduce Martina Strong, and then Senator
Shaheen, who will introduce Elizabeth Allen.
I will introduce the remaining guests. Senator Hagerty and
I will say a few opening words and then we will get to the
testimony of our very capable nominees.
Again, thank you to both Senator Casey and Senator Sullivan
for joining us here today and I am going to defer to Senator
Casey and Senator Sullivan to open us up.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey. Chairman Murphy, thank you and Ranking
Member Hagerty and members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee.
Thank you for the opportunity to speak in support of the
nomination of a fellow Pennsylvanian and devoted civil servant,
Elizabeth Rood, to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Turkmenistan.
Elizabeth, thank you for your willingness to serve as well
as your years of service at the Army War College in Carlisle.
I would also like to thank Elizabeth's three children--
Margaret, Alice, and Andrew--and her grandchildren. No one
enters public service alone. The commitments of such a role
mean that public servants' families make--must make sacrifices
as well as the person who is elected or appointed to a
position.
Elizabeth has already shown herself to be a tough diplomat
committed to standing up for U.S. interests and U.S. values.
The role of Ambassador to Turkmenistan is a critical diplomatic
position for the United States Government and it will require
someone with Elizabeth's experience and determination.
Turkmenistan occupies an important geographic region
bordering Afghanistan, Iran, and the Caspian Sea. Rich in
fossil fuels, Turkmenistan's reliance on Chinese natural gas
purchases puts the country at the heart of great power
competition.
The Government of Turkmenistan's authoritarian rule,
centralized economy, corruption, and human rights record
present challenges for our future ambassador.
Elizabeth's 35-plus years of public service, including
almost three decades as a diplomat and six years as a public
school teacher, make her well equipped to promote U.S.
interests in Turkmenistan.
Most recently, she served as deputy chief of mission and
charge d'affaires at U.S. Embassy Moscow. I personally know of
her commitment to the nation through her efforts to fight for
the release of a fellow Pennsylvanian and a fellow student of
the Russian language, international educator Marc Fogel, who
languishes still in a Russian jail on trumped up charges and
who requires our continued attention.
Filling in as an acting Ambassador, Elizabeth led the U.S.
mission in Moscow for almost five months during the most
tumultuous time for U.S.-Russia relations since the Cuban
Missile Crisis due to Russia's unlawful invasion of Ukraine.
But this is just the latest example of her taking on a
tough challenge. Throughout her career she has jumped at
opportunities to do all she can for our country, including
multiple years-long tours in Afghanistan leading the State
Department's Critical Export Control Cooperation Office or
strengthening democracy in the country of Georgia less than 30
miles from Russian-occupied territory.
Her exemplary service, qualifications, and eagerness to
take on difficult assignments make me confident that she will
honorably represent U.S. interests in Turkmenistan.
I strongly support her nomination to be the next U.S.
Ambassador and thank you for the opportunity to speak on her
behalf.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Casey.
Senator Sullivan?
STATEMENT OF HON. DAN SULLIVAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ALASKA
Senator Sullivan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and to my fellow
colleagues in the U.S. Senate it is a great pleasure to be here
today to introduce to you Martina Strong, the President's
nominee to be ambassador to the United Arab Emirates.
I have known Martina since 2003 when we worked together on
the National Security Council staff during the Bush
administration. In fact, we had adjoining offices, long hours
there.
I want to tell you that Martina literally embodies the
American dream. She came to the U.S. from communist
Czechoslovakia as a political refugee at the age of 14 and has
gone on to enjoy a remarkable exceptional career in the service
of the American people.
Her husband, John, who is right behind us, has also served
our nation very well, retiring as a colonel in the U.S. Army
after 30 years of service.
A career member of the Senior Foreign Service and rank of
minister-counselor, Martina served most recently as charge
d'affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Saudi Arabia.
In fact, although that was supposed to be a temporary
assignment Martina has been charge in Riyadh for three years
after nearly two additional years as deputy chief of mission
there.
She was the DCM to our former outstanding ambassador to
Saudi Arabia, General John Abizaid, who called Martina, quote,
``a gifted leader and diplomat second to none.''
Mr. Chairman, it is not an easy time to lead any mission in
the Gulf, whether Riyadh or elsewhere but Martina's record in
this crucial region has been exceptional.
First and foremost, she has been a champion for our fellow
Americans and their security. She has provided key support for
our efforts to end the war in Yemen and mobilize assistance for
Ukraine, and she has helped deliver billions of dollars in
commercial wins for American companies and American workers
through relentless advocacy.
Just yesterday, Boeing, with Martina's assistance,
announced a landmark $37 billion deal with Saudi Arabia to
purchase 787 Dreamliners.
There are a lot of moving pieces in the Persian Gulf. U.S.
leadership is not something that we can take for granted in
that region. We have to work at maintaining our strategic,
security, and commercial advantages.
We need someone in Abu Dhabi who understands this and who
has a proven record of doing it. I am confident that Martina
Strong is that person.
Mr. Chairman, as some of you know, Senator Van Hollen and I
co-founded the Senate Foreign Service Officers Caucus a number
of years ago to highlight and promote the patriotic men and
women who serve our great nation with integrity, skill, and
professionalism, who have taken risks for our nation, who have
sacrificed time away from family and loved ones for months or
even years in order to promote the foreign policy interests of
America.
Martina embodies that type of Foreign Service officer that
Senator Van Hollen and I had in mind when we started this
caucus.
Martina served in Iraq as the political minister-counselor
in Baghdad during the height of the conflict with ISIS and
earlier as the U.S. Army's political advisor in Basra during
the Shi'a militia insurgency. These were multiyear
unaccompanied tours that entailed much risk and separation from
her family.
She has served in Bulgaria as DCM in the Czech Republic,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, and France. And oh, by the way, in addition
to English Martina speaks seven languages: Arabic, French,
Russian, German, Polish, Czech, and Bosnian.
In addition to a long list of State Department recognitions
and awards she is the recipient of the Meritorious Presidential
Rank Award as well as the Department of the Army's Meritorious
Civilian Service and Superior Civilian Service Awards.
Martina Strong will serve our country as she always has
with integrity, honor, and distinction. I urge all of my
colleagues to strongly support her confirmation.
Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much. Thanks, Senator
Sullivan. Thank you, Senator Casey.
We know you have busy days ahead of you but we appreciate
you being here with us to make those introductions.
And as you depart let me recognize Senator Shaheen.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and as a member
of the committee I will stay up here since there is not a lot
of room at the table.
But it is my honor to introduce Elizabeth Allen who is also
known as Liz--all of her friends and colleagues call her Liz--
to be Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public
Affairs.
That is a position that is critical to advancing our
foreign policy priorities in every corner of the world. Ms.
Allen got her professional start at the State Department
supporting Afghan women and combating human trafficking.
If confirmed, this would be her sixth role at the
department. She is an experienced practitioner of public
diplomacy and longtime communications and public affairs
strategist.
Ms. Allen believes deeply in the United States' role in the
world and she has seen firsthand how our positive affirmative
vision can reinforce America's leadership.
Her strong commitment to public service is reflected in the
eight years she served in the Obama-Biden administration,
including as White House Deputy Communications Director and
Deputy Assistant to President Obama and as White House Director
of Message Planning and Deputy Director of Communications to
then Vice President Biden.
Liz previously was a partner at FGS Global where she
specialized in message and advocacy strategy, reputation and
crisis management, and executive leadership communications on a
range of international public policy issues.
Liz is a native of Buffalo, New York, and she graduated
magna cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa with a degree in political
science from the State University of New York at Geneseo.
Ms. Allen's nomination to this role could not come at a
more important time. Since it was created in 1999, sadly, this
role of public diplomacy has been left vacant as often as it
has been filled.
In 2021 I led a letter to President Biden calling for an
appointment to this position. The Under Secretary for Public
Diplomacy provides the vision, the tools, and the guidance our
Foreign Service, civil service, and locally-engaged staff need
to effectively communicate our foreign policy and to build
sustained relationships.
Among Ms. Allen's responsibilities in this role will be
oversight of the Global Engagement Center, an important
interagency effort that identifies and counters misinformation
which harms U.S. interests by undermining global public support
for our foreign policy agenda.
The Global Engagement Center has had strong bipartisan
support but its mission has become even more important in the
last year because of Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Liz Allen to
ensure the department and its public diplomacy team are well
positioned to meet this moment and I urge all of the members of
the committee to support her nomination.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen.
Before I make a few opening remarks let me just round out
our introductions. We are very eager to hear from Ms. Karen
Sasahara, who most recently served as Deputy Assistant
Secretary in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs with
responsibility for North Africa.
She has previously served posts in Jordan, Jerusalem, and
Yemen, and comes uniquely poised to succeed as our next
ambassador to Kuwait.
And we are also pleased to be joined by Mr. Hugo Yon, who
is currently a senior adviser to the Under Secretary of State
for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment. He previously
served in the State Department's Bureau of International
Organization Affairs, Transportation Affairs, and in several
positions at the National Security Council.
Let me just say a few opening words to our panel. You are
all before us to represent the United States in key posts all
around the world and, of course, first and foremost, we thank
you for the service you have rendered to this country and for
your continued willingness to serve and to your families as
well for serving alongside you.
Ms. Sasahara, the United States, of course, has had a very
distinctive partnership with Kuwait since we helped liberate
the country from Saddam Hussein's forces in 1991.
The country's strategic location, large oil and natural gas
reserves, and its willingness to base and host U.S. troops
ensures that Kuwait is going to remain very relevant to U.S.
interests in the Gulf.
But, interestingly, in comparison to other monarchies in
the region, particularly in the GCC, Kuwait has also made some
pretty interesting progress when it comes to participatory
democracy and I will be interested to hear from you about ways
in which we can support Kuwait's plans to further such reform
in the years ahead.
Ms. Rood, you are headed to Turkmenistan and it is a
country very rich in hydrocarbons but also home to a repressive
authoritarian government that has kept the country, largely,
isolated from the outside world.
And so the committee is going to welcome your views on how
to encourage Turkmenistan to diversify its natural gas exports
away from China, take steps to open its economy and improve its
human rights record.
Ms. Strong, the UAE has emerged as an influential economic
and diplomatic player in the Middle East and beyond. But the
UAE has not always wielded that influence in ways that support
U.S. interests, most notably in Yemen and Libya, and recently
in their willingness to allow their country to become a hub for
Russia sanctions evasion.
We are going to look forward to hearing from you on how to
help us balance and right size that relationship.
Ms. Allen, you have served as Under Secretary of Public
Diplomacy on an acting basis for almost a year now. You have
experienced firsthand the challenges of managing our engagement
with foreign publics and the media and so we really look
forward to your very informed views on how to best promote U.S.
policies overseas and how to counter these increasingly
sophisticated disinformation campaigns.
Finally, Mr. Yon, you are nominated to be our first U.S.
Ambassador with sole responsibility for the Maldives and we--it
could not come at a better time as we seek to expand our
diplomatic presence in the Indo-Pacific by opening a new
embassy in Male.
It is a country with influences from both India and China
but they have a really critical role to maintaining peace and
security in the Indian Ocean and we are glad that you will
signal our increased attention to that country.
I look forward to your testimony, and let me turn it over
to Senator Hagerty for his opening comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
thank all the nominees for appearing today before us and I want
to thank you for your willingness to serve our great nation.
Today, we consider nominees for five important positions
and, first and foremost, I want to congratulate you but even
more importantly I want to congratulate all of your families.
I appreciate the sacrifice that your families make to
support you in the roles that you are hoping to take on and it
makes a tremendous difference. So congratulations to all of
them.
If confirmed, you are going to have the unique opportunity
and responsibility to represent the most exceptional nation in
the world. Please remember that every day that you wake up you
are representing the most exceptional nation in the world.
I know there may be challenges and may be problems but this
is America that you are planning to represent. So
congratulations to you and your families.
I would like to start with the nominee to be U.S.
Ambassador to the UAE. The UAE and the United States share a
history of strong friendship and cooperation.
The UAE is a very important player in energy markets and in
regional security and regional commerce, more broadly. I look
forward to hearing from the nominee about how we can maintain a
strong partnership while working to counter China's growing
malign influence in the region and at the same time working to
address Iranian efforts to destabilize the region.
Next, I would like to turn to the nominee to be Ambassador
to Kuwait. Kuwait and the United States enjoy a long history of
cooperation and Kuwait will be critical to combating the malign
influence of communist China in the Middle East. I look forward
to hearing from the nominee on this subject.
Next, I would like to turn to the nominee to be Ambassador
to Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan's location and energy resources
are critical aspects of this important relationship for the
United States. I hope our next ambassador can continue to build
strong diplomatic ties.
And turning now to be--turning now to the nomination to be
our Ambassador to the Maldives.
Hugo, it is good to see you again. I want to congratulate
you on your nomination and to underscore the fact that there is
a tremendous amount of activity where you are headed and I
think you are going to play a very critical role in
establishing our foothold there and our influence there.
The United States and the Maldives enjoy a very friendly
relationship and the nation's strategic location is absolutely
critical to our diplomatic ties in that entire region.
So I look forward to hearing from you on how we will
strengthen that relationship as well.
And last but, certainly, not least, I would like to focus
on the nominee to be Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and
Public Affairs.
The Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs
is tasked with leading the U.S. Government's overall public
diplomacy effort, increasing the impact of educational and
cultural exchange, and developing and utilizing new
technologies to improve the efficiency of our public diplomacy
programs.
I look forward to hearing your plan on leveraging this
position to advance America's interest.
And to all of our nominees, again, thank you for serving
our nation and for answering the questions from the committee
today. I look forward to hearing all of your testimony.
Mr. Chairman, I yield my time back to you.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Hagerty.
Let me also welcome this committee's good friend, Michael
Ratney, to the committee. We hope to time these confirmations
perfectly for your family to get you both to the region as
expeditiously as possible. Thank you for being here today.
Why do we not start with Mr. Yon and we will go down the
line for opening comments? We ask you to keep your comments to
five minutes or less. Anything extra you can submit for the
record.
STATEMENT OF HUGO YUE-HO YON, OF CALIFORNIA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF
MALDIVES
Mr. Yon. Chair Murphy, Ranking Member----
Senator Murphy. Let us just wait to make sure we have a
working microphone. Do we have somebody from the committee who
can----
[Pause.]
Senator Murphy [continuing]. Look at that. That is
impressive.
Mr. Yon. All right. How is that?
Senator Murphy. That is perfect.
Mr. Yon. Okay. That is great.
Chair Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished
Members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before
you today. I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me and their support in nominating me to
become the first U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Maldives.
I want to thank my spouse, Liza, without whose support and
sacrifice I would not be sitting here today. I also want to
recognize my children, Hudson and Hannah, who have had to
endure and enjoy the itinerant life of diplomacy.
If my parents were alive today our life of public service
would bring smiles to their faces. My father and his family ran
from China during the tumultuous decade of the Cultural
Revolution.
After immigrating to the United States he rebuilt his life,
ultimately becoming a proud civilian engineer for the U.S.
Navy. My parents taught me that one can pursue the American
dream but also serve his or her community and help others to
advance.
I have carried these life lessons into my 24 years of
diplomacy. We shape global rules and norms that allow Americans
to compete and prosper but also provide opportunity for other
countries to join in and benefit from an open, free,
prosperous, and secure world order.
If confirmed, I would help build the foundation to
facilitate U.S.-Maldives ties for decades to come.
As we take this important step towards strengthening our
bilateral relationship Maldives stands at a historical juncture
in its own development. I would prioritize expanding and
deepening our partnership with Maldives in the areas of
democracy, diversification, and defense.
On democracy, Maldives is scheduled in the early fall to
directly elect its president for just the fourth time. As a
young democracy, Maldives has been building the institutions to
support and strengthen the democratic process. The country made
strong commitments at the Summit for Democracy.
If confirmed, I would continue to prioritize the work of
the State Department, the USAID, and the Department of Justice
in sustaining and strengthening democracy in Maldives.
On diversification, Maldives faces limited options to
shape, resist, and adapt to global forces. Maldives is well
known as a world-class tourism destination. That strength is
also a source of vulnerability for the economy because Maldives
relies so heavily on this one industry.
Even as the country endeavors through infrastructure
investments to expand tourism, sustain its fisheries, develop
additional sectors in jobs, and adapt to sea level rise and
land erosion, it still faces vulnerabilities.
If confirmed, I would build on our work with Maldives on
financial management and transparency. I would facilitate
American business engagement and U.S. educational and training
opportunities to help Maldives diversify their economic partner
choices for its people and to meet the unique challenges that
small island nations face.
Furthermore, Maldives has embraced the principle that all
countries should engage peacefully for an open, free,
prosperous, and secure Indo-Pacific region. In the United
Nations it stood firm against Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
The Maldives has played a positive role in international
organizations in search of solutions to global challenges
including on climate change.
If confirmed, I would deepen our work together on regional
and global challenges of mutual priority.
Third, on defense, the vast waters of Maldives' Exclusive
Economic Zone sit upon a critical global sea lane through which
a significant portion of the world's energy and goods transit.
In securing these waters, the Maldivian people face
transnational threats such as trafficking, illegal and
unreported fishing, violent extremism, terrorism, and
communicable diseases.
Maldives also must contend with actors who seek to
undermine democratic values and erode the sovereignty and
security of nations.
We are addressing this broad set of challenges including
through our 2020 Defense Cooperation Agreement, in military
exchanges and engagement by the State Department and our
partner agencies.
If confirmed, I would continue to expand our multifaceted
partnership to support Maldives' efforts to maintain the
security, integrity, and openness of the vast ocean territory
we both work to protect.
Finally, at the top of my daily priorities list will be
safeguarding our people, including the over 60,000 Americans
who visit Maldives' signature tourism destinations each year.
With that, I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Yon follows:]
Prepared Statement of Yue-Ho Yon
Chair Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished Members of
the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today. I thank
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me and
for their support in nominating me to become the first U.S. Ambassador
to the Republic of Maldives.
I want to thank my spouse, Liza, without whose support and
sacrifice over nearly two decades I would not be sitting here today. I
also want to recognize my children, Hudson and Hannah, who similarly
have had to endure and enjoy the itinerant life of diplomacy. If my
parents were alive today, our life of public service would bring smiles
to their faces. My father and his family ran from China during the
tumultuous decade of the cultural revolution. After immigrating to the
United States, he rebuilt his life ultimately becoming a civilian
engineer for the U.S. Navy. My parents taught me that one can pursue
the American dream, but also serve his or her community and help others
advance. I carry these life lessons into the work of diplomacy, where
we shape global rules and norms that allow Americans to compete and
prosper, but also provide opportunity for other countries to join in
and benefit from an open, free, prosperous, and secure world order.
If confirmed, I would help build the foundation to facilitate U.S.-
Maldives ties for decades to come. As we take this important step
toward strengthening our bilateral relationship, Maldives stands at a
historical juncture in its own development. I would prioritize
expanding and deepening our partnership with Maldives in the areas of
democracy, diversification, and defense.
On democracy, Maldives is scheduled in the early fall to elect its
president for just the fourth time. As a young democracy, Maldives has
been building the institutions to support and strengthen the democratic
process. The country made strong commitments at the Summit for
Democracy. If confirmed, I would continue to prioritize the work of the
State Department, USAID, and the Department of Justice in sustaining
and strengthening democracy in Maldives.
On diversification, Maldives faces limited options to shape,
resist, and adapt to global forces, whether those forces take the form
of economic, transnational, or environmental challenges. Maldives is
well known as a world class tourism destination. That strength is also
a source of vulnerability for the economy, because Maldives relies so
heavily on this single industry. Even as the country endeavors through
infrastructure investments to expand tourism, sustain its fisheries,
develop additional sectors, and adapt to sea level rise and land
erosion, it faces vulnerabilities. If confirmed, I would build on our
work with Maldives on financial management and transparency. I also
look forward to facilitating deeper American business engagement and
U.S. educational and training opportunities to help Maldives diversify
economic choices for its people and meet the unique challenges that
small island nations face.
Furthermore, Maldives has embraced the principle that all countries
should engage peacefully for an open, free, prosperous, and secure
Indo-Pacific region. In the United Nations, it stood firm against
Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The country has played a positive role in
international organizations in search of solutions to global
challenges, including on climate change. If confirmed, I would deepen
our work on regional and global challenges of mutual priority.
Third, on defense, the vast waters of Maldives' exclusive economic
zone sit upon a critical global sea lane through which a significant
portion of the world's energy and goods transit. In securing these
waters, the Maldivian people face transnational threats such as
trafficking, illegal and unreported fishing, violent extremist,
terrorism, and communicable diseases as well as the environment and
global economic forces I mentioned earlier. Maldives also must contend
with actors who seek to undermine democratic values and erode the
sovereignty and security of nations. We are addressing this broad set
of challenges, including through our 2020 defense cooperation
agreement, robust military exchanges, and engagement by multiple State
Department bureaus and partner agencies. If confirmed, I would continue
to expand our multi-faceted partnership to support Maldives' efforts to
maintain the security, integrity and openness of the vast ocean
territory we both work to protect.
Finally, at the top of my daily priorities list will be
safeguarding our people, including the over 60,000 Americans who visit
Maldives' signature tourism destinations each year.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Hagerty [presiding]. Ms. Allen, please.
STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH ALLEN, OF NEW YORK, NOMI-
NATED TO BE UNDER SECRETARY OF THE STATE FOR PUB-
LIC DIPLOMACY
Ms. Allen. Thank you so much, first, to Senator Shaheen for
that very kind introduction. I am very grateful for your
partnership.
To Chairman Murphy, to you, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
members of this committee I am very humbled to be here today,
and having spent the majority of my career in public service I
am very humbled to be considered by the Senate for this
important position.
The virtue of serving the American people runs deep in my
family. I am the granddaughter of two World War II veterans. I
am the daughter of parents who taught me the importance of
voting and civic participation regardless of party.
I am the sister of a United States Naval Academy graduate
and U.S. Marine Corps veteran. I am the sister-in-law of a
civil servant at the Pentagon and I am the friend to many who
have chosen to dedicate their lives to public service.
I am joined here today by some of those family and friends,
including behind me, my dad, Stephen, my mom, Susan, and some
of those friends and I am deeply grateful for their support.
I first joined the State Department under President George
W. Bush and Secretary Condoleezza Rice, working on
international women's issues. I later returned to work on
combating human smuggling and trafficking, and in between my
time in the Obama-Biden White House I spent a year in the
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs under Secretary
Kerry, which is to say that I believe deeply in the work of the
State Department and its people.
This nomination to serve as Under Secretary of State for
Public Diplomacy is the honor of a professional lifetime and I
thank President Biden for placing his faith in me as his
nominee.
Over the past two years under Secretary Blinken I have had
the privilege of serving as Assistant Secretary of State for
Global Public Affairs and senior official for Public Diplomacy
and Public Affairs, and those and other experiences in and out
of government have reinforced my firm belief that U.S. public
diplomacy is essential to shaping a more open, prosperous, and
secure future.
Our audiences overseas, both online and in person, are
central to every major foreign policy issue and consequence. It
is relationships between people, not just relationships between
government, that are driving geopolitical developments that
will shape the future.
And at the same time, as has been mentioned here today, the
information space is an increasingly contested theater of
competition, competition for influence. The stakes have never
been greater and to meet this moment we must be clear eyed
about the challenges we face.
Repressive governments envision a future in which freedom
of expression is criminalized and the flow of information is
stymied, as we are seeing in Iran. The People's Republic of
China and Russia vastly outspend us on what they call public
diplomacy and their growing alignment threatens to upend global
norms.
But this is our opportunity. For the United States the
value proposition of our public diplomacy is different. It is
about telling America's story, explaining our foreign policy,
conveying our vision, creating economic opportunity, developing
the leaders of tomorrow, empowering independent media, and
calling out foreign propaganda, disinformation, and foreign
malign influence.
In doing all of that we build trust and credibility to
realize an affirmative, forward-looking dynamic vision for
ourselves and our partners worldwide and, if confirmed, I am
committed to harnessing the public diplomacy toolkit to address
these challenges presented by our adversaries and to seize
opportunities made possible by American leadership.
That is exactly what our public diplomacy team did in the
face of Russia's illegal unjustified invasion of Ukraine. We
identified and analyzed Putin's lies. We worked alongside the
interagency to declassify intelligence, exposing his plans and
intentions.
We conducted hundreds of media interviews to share the
truth with the American people, the Russian people, and people
all over the world. We developed and deployed new engaging
digital products that highlighted stories of Ukrainian
resilience and of Putin's hypocrisy.
We leveraged new platforms, technology, and content to
reach Russian-speaking audiences. We worked with the Ukrainian
Government to protect cultural heritage, helping the Ukrainians
preserve their identity and their democracy.
This work was and remains fundamental to unifying our
allies and laying out the facts for the world to see. It is
important to note that public diplomacy benefits us here at
home as well.
International students added $32 billion to the U.S.
economy last year and American exchange program participants
are returning home with marketable skills that are making them
more competitive for 21st century jobs. International visitors
on our programs engage communities across our country and
programs like the Gilman Scholarship help underserved Americans
study abroad.
And, if confirmed, I want to better communicate the
benefits of foreign policy to our fellow Americans who deserve
to know what the United States Government is doing around the
world day in and day out in their interest.
And finally, most importantly, it would be my great honor
to lead the more than 5,000 dedicated Foreign Service officers,
civil service officers, locally-employed staff, eligible family
members and contractors who comprise our public diplomacy
workforce across the world.
If confirmed, and in partnership with you, I look forward
to better equipping them with the tools, resources, training,
and leadership needed to meet this critical moment.
Thank you so much to the committee for inviting me here
today and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Allen follows:]
Prepared Statement of Elizabeth M. Allen
Thank you, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, and Members of
the committee. I am humbled to be here. And, having spent the majority
of my career in public service, I am honored to be considered by the
Senate for this important position.
The virtue of serving the American people runs deep in my family. I
am the granddaughter of two veterans of World War II. I am the daughter
of parents who taught me the importance of voting and civic
participation, regardless of party. I am the sister of a United States
Naval Academy graduate and U.S. Marine Corps veteran, and the sister-
in-law of a civil servant at the Pentagon. I am the inspired friend of
many others who've chosen to serve their country. I am joined here
today by some of those family and friends--including my dad, Stephen,
and my mom, Susan--and I am deeply grateful for their support.
I first joined the State Department as an intern under President
George W. Bush and Secretary Condoleezza Rice, where I worked on
international women's issues. I returned after college to work on
combatting human smuggling and trafficking. Between my time in the
Obama-Biden White House, I spent a year in the Department's Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs under Secretary Kerry.
I believe deeply in the work of the State Department and its
people.
This nomination to serve as Under Secretary of State for Public
Diplomacy is the honor of a professional lifetime, and I thank
President Biden for placing his faith in me as his nominee.
Over the past two years under Secretary Blinken, I have had the
privilege of serving as Assistant Secretary of State for Global Public
Affairs and as Senior Official for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs.
Those and other experiences, in and out of government, have
reinforced my firm belief that U.S. public diplomacy is essential to
shaping a more open, prosperous, and secure future.
Our audiences overseas--both in-person and online--are central to
every major foreign policy issue and consequence. It's relationships
between people--not just governments--that are shaping geopolitical
developments. At the same time, the information space is an
increasingly contested theater of competition for influence. The stakes
have never been greater.
To meet this moment, we must be clear-eyed about the challenges we
face. Repressive governments envision a future in which freedom of
expression is criminalized and the flow of information is stymied, as
we're seeing in Iran. The People's Republic of China and Russia vastly
outspend us on what they call public diplomacy, and their growing
alignment threatens to upend global norms.
But this is our opportunity. For the United States, the value
proposition of our public diplomacy is different: it is about telling
America's story, explaining our foreign policy, creating economic
opportunity, developing the leaders of tomorrow, empowering independent
media, and calling out foreign propaganda and foreign malign influence.
In doing so, we build trust and credibility to realize an affirmative,
forward-looking, dynamic vision for ourselves and our partners
worldwide.
If confirmed, I am committed to harnessing the public diplomacy
toolkit to address the challenges presented by our adversaries and
seize opportunities made possible with American leadership.
This is exactly what the public diplomacy team did in the face of
Russia's illegal, unjustified, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We
identified and analyzed Putin's lies. We worked alongside the
interagency to declassify intelligence, exposing his plans and
intentions. We conducted hundreds of media interviews to share the
truth with the American people, the Russian people, and people around
the world. We developed and deployed new, engaging digital products
that highlighted stories of Ukrainian resilience and Putin's hypocrisy.
We leveraged new platforms, technology, and content to reach Russian-
speaking audiences. We worked with the Ukrainian Government to protect
cultural heritage, helping Ukrainians preserve their identity and
democracy. This work was--and remains--fundamental to unifying our
allies and laying out the facts for the world to see.
Public diplomacy benefits us here at home as well. International
students added $32 billion to the U.S. economy last year, and American
exchange program participants are returning with marketable skills that
make them more competitive for 21st-century jobs. International
visitors on our programs engage communities across our country, while
the Gilman Scholarship helps underserved Americans study abroad. And if
confirmed, I want to better communicate the benefits of foreign policy
to our fellow Americans--who deserve to know what the U.S. Government
is doing around the world, day in and day out, in their interest.
Finally, it would be my great honor to lead the more than 5,000
dedicated foreign service officers, civil service officers, locally
employed staff, and contractors who comprise our public diplomacy
workforce across the world. If confirmed--and in partnership with you--
I commit to better equipping them with the tools, resources, training,
and leadership needed to meet this critical moment.
Thank you for inviting me here today. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
Charge Strong?
STATEMENT OF MARTINA ANNA TKADLEC STRONG, OF TEXAS,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED ARAB
EMIRATES
Ms. Strong. Thank you very much, and I would like to also
begin with a word of thanks to Senator Sullivan. Even though he
had to depart I really appreciate his kind introduction and the
friendship throughout the years.
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, distinguished
Members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S.
Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates.
I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for
the trust and confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed,
it will be an honor to lead our mission as we continue to
deepen our nation's strategic partnership with the United Arab
Emirates.
Our relationship is critical to U.S. national security at a
time when our interests in the region are being challenged by
conventional and asymmetric threats, complex problems like
climate change, as well as aggressive competitors, particularly
China.
If confirmed, I pledge to consult closely with this
committee in advancing our interests and addressing our
challenges.
Mr. Chairman, the safety and security of our fellow
Americans and U.S. personnel will be my foremost priority, if
confirmed. I will devote myself to protecting U.S. citizens and
their interests and you have my commitment that I will advocate
for detained Americans, their welfare, and their well being.
If confirmed, I will press Emirati authorities to respect
American citizens' rights and to meet their international
obligations including to provide regular consular access to our
citizens.
By signing the historic Abraham Accords in 2020 the UAE
became the first Arab country in generations to normalize ties
with Israel. Leveraging this opportunity and expanding the
growing cooperation between the UAE and Israel will buttress
our shared goals of peace, prosperity, and greater integration
in the Middle East.
The UAE will host COP-28 later this year, presenting
another key opportunity to deepen our collaboration. If
confirmed, I will work to expand our partnership in these and
other areas.
Our commercial and investment ties are dynamic and drive
prosperity in both our countries. The United States enjoys a
healthy trade surplus with the UAE, which is the largest market
for U.S. goods and services in the Middle East. Over 1,500
American firms are successfully operating in the UAE.
If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for U.S.
businesses in the UAE and work to ensure that these positive
trend lines continue.
Our security ties with the UAE, a capable and interoperable
partner, have been central to our fight against terrorism and
to countering Iran's malign activities across the region.
If confirmed, I will prioritize our efforts to bolster
deterrence and regional stability, deescalate regional
tensions, protect freedom of navigation, especially in critical
maritime choke points, and support a political settlement to
the conflict in Yemen.
If confirmed, I will also be clear with UAE leaders
regarding our deep concerns pertaining to China, whose
violations of international law and sovereignty of countries
around the globe, including the United States, underscore that
China represents our most consequential geopolitical challenge.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the administration
and Congress to counter China's efforts to expand its influence
in the UAE and the Gulf.
Our partnership with the UAE is built on a strong
foundation of decades-long close cooperation and our mutual
interest in securing a free, rules-based, and prosperous world
today and for decades to come.
While we do not agree on all issues, our frank and
constructive diplomatic engagement has helped us deepen and
modernize this vital bilateral partnership.
If confirmed, I will work with the UAE to advance our
shared values like interfaith tolerance, which is embodied in
the recently opened Abrahamic House. Our ongoing and vital work
to address trafficking in persons and to strengthen human
rights protections will also continue.
If confirmed, I will ensure that the work of our mission to
the UAE is firmly anchored in our nation's core priorities and
our team continues to deliver for the American people,
companies, and workers.
In closing, please allow me to take this opportunity to
thank my husband, John, and our wonderful daughter, Ellie, who
are joining me here today. I am deeply grateful for their
boundless love, support, and patience in the face of multiple
moves and long separations during my several unaccompanied
tours.
While they cannot be here today, I am forever indebted to
my parents, Vojtek and Jarmila Tkadlec, whose courage and
conviction helped our family escape from communist
Czechoslovakia and then propelled us from a refugee camp to a
successful new life in the United States.
For us, the American dream became a reality in large part
thanks to the generous assistance of so many. I especially want
to thank family Seviek, whose help early on launched us on the
path that led me all the way to this hearing today.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, thank you again for
the privilege of appearing before you and for your
consideration of my nomination. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Strong follows:]
Prepared Statement of Martina A. Strong
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, distinguished Members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the United Arab
Emirates. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for the
trust and confidence they have placed in me.
If confirmed, it will be an honor to lead our Mission as we
continue to deepen our nation's strategic partnership with the United
Arab Emirates. Our relationship is critical to U.S. national security
at a time when our interests in the region are being challenged by
conventional and asymmetric threats, complex problems like climate
change, as well as aggressive competitors, particularly China. If
confirmed, I pledge to consult closely with this Committee in advancing
our interests and addressing these challenges.
Mr. Chairman, the safety and security of our fellow Americans and
U.S. personnel will be my foremost priority, if confirmed. I will
devote myself to protecting U.S. citizens and their interests, and you
have my commitment that I will advocate for detained Americans, their
welfare, and their well-being. If confirmed, I will press Emirati
authorities to respect American citizens' rights and to meet their
international obligations, including to provide regular consular access
to our citizens.
By signing the historic Abraham Accords in 2020, the UAE became the
first Arab country in generations to normalize ties with Israel.
Leveraging this opportunity and expanding the growing cooperation
between the UAE and Israel will buttress our shared goals of peace,
prosperity, and greater integration in the Middle East. The UAE will
host COP28 later this year, presenting another key opportunity to
deepen our collaboration. If confirmed, I will work to expand our
partnership in these and other areas.
Our commercial and investment ties are dynamic and drive prosperity
in both our countries. The United States enjoys a healthy trade surplus
with the UAE, which is the largest market for U.S. goods and services
in the Middle East. Over 1,500 American firms are successfully
operating in the UAE. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for
U.S. businesses in the UAE and work to ensure that these positive
trendlines continue.
Our security ties with the UAE, a capable and interoperable
partner, have been central to our fight against terrorism and to
countering Iran's malign activities across the region. If confirmed, I
will prioritize our efforts to bolster deterrence and regional
stability; de-escalate regional tensions; protect freedom of
navigation, especially in critical maritime choke points; and support a
political settlement of the conflict in Yemen.
If confirmed, I will also be clear with UAE leaders regarding our
deep concerns pertaining to China, whose violations of international
law and sovereignty of countries around the globe, including the United
States, underscore that China represents our most consequential
geopolitical challenge. If confirmed, I will work closely with the
Administration and Congress to counter China's efforts to expand its
influence in the UAE and the Gulf.
Our partnership with the UAE is built on a strong foundation of
decades-long close cooperation and our mutual interest in securing a
free, rules-based, and prosperous world today and for decades to come.
While we do not agree on all issues, our frank and constructive
diplomatic engagement has helped us deepen and modernize this vital
bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I will work with the UAE to
advance our shared values like interfaith tolerance, which is embodied
in the recently opened Abrahamic House. Our ongoing and vital work to
address trafficking-in-persons and to strengthen human rights
protections will also continue. If confirmed, I will ensure that the
work of our Mission to the UAE is firmly anchored in our nation's core
priorities and our team continues to deliver for the American people,
companies, and workers.
In closing, please allow me to take this opportunity to thank my
husband Colonel John Strong and our wonderful daughter Ellie, who are
joining me here today. I am deeply grateful for their boundless love,
support, and patience in the face of our multiple moves and long
separations during my several unaccompanied tours. While they cannot be
here today, I am forever indebted to my parents, Vojtech and Jarmila
Tkadlec, whose courage and conviction helped our family escape from
communist Czechoslovakia and then propelled us from a refugee camp to a
successful new life in the United States. For us, the American dream
became a reality in large part thanks to the generous assistance of so
many. I especially want to thank family Seviek, whose help early on
launched us on the path that led me all the way to this hearing today.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, thank you again for the
privilege of appearing before you and for your consideration of my
nomination. I welcome your questions.
Senator Murphy [presiding]. Thank you very much.
Ms. Rood?
STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH ROOD, OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAOR-
DINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO TURKMENISTAN
Ms. Rood. Good afternoon, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member
Hagerty, and honorable members of this committee. I am grateful
to have the opportunity to speak with you today and thank you
for considering my nomination to serve as ambassador to
Turkmenistan.
I would like to start by thanking Senator Casey for the
honor of his introduction, as well as the family, friends, and
colleagues who have supported me. My family cannot be present
today but I would like to acknowledge the presence of--I am
sorry, I would especially like to acknowledge my children,
Margaret, Alice, and Andrew Kimbrell, who are now grown but who
have accompanied me in my Foreign Service career.
I have the honor to have as guest today two former
ambassadors to Turkmenistan, Ambassador Steven Mann and
Ambassador Laura Kennedy. Their mentoring and friendship have
played a large role across the decades in my presence here
today.
Since Turkmenistan's independence in 1991 and the
establishment of diplomatic relations the following year,
progress in our engagement has been slow but steady. The United
States has been steadfast in our commitment to Turkmenistan's
independence, prosperity, sovereignty, and territorial
integrity and our consistent diplomacy has borne fruit.
Our persistent diplomatic efforts in recent years have
yielded expanded U.S. commercial ties with Turkmenistan, a
broadening of security cooperation to face security threats in
the region, increased engagement to fight climate change
through the reduction of methane emissions, unprecedented
cultural and educational exchanges, and nascent progress on
human rights highlighted by the Government's pardoning in 2021
of 16 Jehovah's Witnesses incarcerated for their conscientious
objection to mandatory military service.
I believe all these developments demonstrate that
tenacious, principled engagement with Turkmenistan works. If
confirmed, I will work to build on this progress to ensure our
bilateral engagement reaches its full potential.
I want to underscore that despite our differences the
United States and Turkmenistan share several important
interests. We share with Turkmenistan an increasing interest in
securing the country's borders, particularly its 462-mile
border with Afghanistan, secure borders to help counter the
threats posed by terrorism, drug trafficking, and the smuggling
of other dangerous and illicit materials.
When we help Turkmenistan secure its borders we are not
only promoting the sovereignty and stability of Turkmenistan
and the broader Central Asia region but we are also helping to
keep the American people and the world safe.
There is also tremendous potential for our two countries to
achieve the key administration goal of addressing climate
change. In the last few years, Turkmenistan has clearly
demonstrated an awareness of the threat climate change poses
and the part it can play in combating the threat.
Turkmenistan's interest in combating climate change
provides a strong basis for engagement and cooperation with the
United States.
As just one example, we have recently offered to share our
expertise to help Turkmenistan reduce methane leaking and
venting. We also share with Turkmenistan an interest in
building commercial ties between our countries.
Greater commercial ties provide greater opportunities for
U.S. companies to expand sales and boost the economy of the
United States while creating greater incentives for the
Government of Turkmenistan to reduce corruption, strengthen its
legal system, and improve its business environment.
We are also investing in preserving Turkmenistan's rich
cultural heritage. Some of the more notable projects include
restoration of the country's oldest standing mosque, unique
forms of folk music, antique carpets and manuscripts, and
important Silk Road sites.
This cooperation preserves something valuable to both
Turkmenistan and the world and has been a high point in our
bilateral relationship for many years.
Maintaining a productive relationship with Turkmenistan is
in the best interests of the United States because it allows us
to engage with the Government of Turkmenistan on issues of
vital importance to our national security.
For example, if confirmed, I will emphasize the importance
of holding Russia to account for its aggression against Ukraine
and urge cooperation on the implementation of sanctions on
Russia.
I will use every opportunity to urge the Government of
Turkmenistan to adhere to its international legal obligations
and commitments, including as a member of the United Nations
and the OSCE.
I will also continue to send a strong and clear message
about the importance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
including freedom of religion or belief, freedom of expression,
and civil and political rights, and I will also continue our
advocacy for labor rights, women's rights, civil society, and
the rule of law.
Mr. Chairman, there is tremendous potential for our
bilateral relationship with Turkmenistan. If confirmed, I look
forward to partnering with this committee and Congress to build
on our progress so that we may achieve mutual objectives for
the benefit of the people of the United States and the people
of Turkmenistan.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to
answering any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Rood follows:]
Prepared Statement of Elizabeth Rood
Good morning, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
honorable Members of this committee. I am grateful to have the
opportunity to speak with you today. Thank you for considering my
nomination to serve as Ambassador to Turkmenistan.
I would like to start by thanking Senator Casey for the honor of
his introduction, as well as the family, friends, and colleagues who
have supported me. My family cannot be present today, but I would
especially like to acknowledge my children, Margaret, Alice, and Andrew
Kimbrell, who are now grown but accompanied me in my Foreign Service
career. I have the honor to have as guests today two former Ambassadors
to Turkmenistan, Ambassador Steven Mann and Ambassador Laura Kennedy.
Their mentoring and friendship across decades play a large role in my
presence here today.
Since Turkmenistan's independence in 1991 and the establishment of
diplomatic relations the following year, progress in our engagement has
been slow but steady. The United States has been steadfast in our
commitment to Turkmenistan's independence, prosperity, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity, and our consistent diplomacy has borne fruit.
Our persistent diplomatic efforts in recent years have yielded
expanded U.S. commercial ties with Turkmenistan, a broadening of
security cooperation to face security threats in the region, increased
engagement to fight climate change through the reduction of methane
emissions, unprecedented cultural and educational exchanges, and
nascent progress on human rights, highlighted by the Government's
pardoning in 2021 of 16 Jehovah's Witnesses incarcerated for their
conscientious objection to mandatory military service.
I believe all these developments demonstrate that tenacious,
principled engagement with Turkmenistan works. If confirmed, I will
work to build on this progress to ensure our bilateral relationship
reaches its full potential.
I want to underscore that despite our differences, the United
States and Turkmenistan share several important interests.
We share with Turkmenistan an interest in securing the country's
borders, particularly its 462-mile border with Afghanistan. Secure
borders help counter the threats posed by terrorism, drug trafficking,
and the smuggling of other dangerous and illicit materials. When we
help Turkmenistan secure its borders, we are not only promoting the
sovereignty and stability of Turkmenistan and the broader Central Asian
region, but we are also helping to keep the American people and the
world safe.
There is also tremendous potential for our two countries to achieve
the key administration goal of addressing climate change. In the last
few years, Turkmenistan has clearly demonstrated an awareness of the
threat climate change poses and the part it can play in combating that
threat. Turkmenistan's interest in combating climate change provides a
strong basis for engagement and cooperation with the United States. As
just one example, we have recently offered to share our expertise to
help Turkmenistan reduce methane leaking and venting.
We also share with Turkmenistan an interest in building commercial
ties between our countries. Greater commercial ties provide greater
opportunities for U.S. companies to expand sales and boost the U.S.
economy while creating greater incentives for the Government of
Turkmenistan to reduce corruption, strengthen its legal system, and
improve its business environment.
We are also invested in preserving Turkmenistan's rich cultural
heritage. Some of the more notable projects include restoration of the
country's oldest standing mosque, unique forms of folk music, antique
carpets and manuscripts, and important Silk Road sites. This
cooperation preserves something valuable to both Turkmenistan and the
world and has been a high point in our bilateral relationship for many
years.
Maintaining a productive relationship with Turkmenistan is in the
best interests of the United States because it allows us to engage with
the Government of Turkmenistan on issues of vital importance to our
national security.
For example, if confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of
holding Russia to account for its aggression against Ukraine and urge
cooperation on the implementation of sanctions on Russia. I will use
every opportunity to urge the Government of Turkmenistan to adhere to
its international legal obligations and commitments, including as a
member of the UN and the OSCE.
I will also continue to send a strong and clear message about the
importance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom
of religion or belief, freedom of expression, and civil and political
rights, and will also continue our advocacy for labor rights, women's
rights, civil society, and the rule of law.
Mr. Chairman, there is tremendous potential for our bilateral
relationship with Turkmenistan. If confirmed, I look forward to
partnering with this Committee and Congress to build on our progress so
that we may achieve mutual objectives for the benefit of the people of
the United States and the people of Turkmenistan. Thank you for
considering my nomination. I look forward to answering any questions
you might have.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
Ms. Sasahara?
STATEMENT OF KAREN SASAHARA, OF MASSACHUSETTS, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF KU-
WAIT
Ms. Sasahara. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty,
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve as
ambassador to the state of Kuwait.
I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me to undertake this important role.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
members of this committee to advance U.S. national security
interests in Kuwait and to ensure that Kuwait remains a strong
partner for the United States.
I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to my
parents, members of that greatest generation whose devotion to
their family and their sacrifices is why I am here today.
Likewise to my siblings, who have always supported me no
matter what, and, of course, my husband, who has been a great
source of support both personally and as a fellow Foreign
Service officer.
If confirmed, I will work with our Kuwaiti partners to
increase pressure on Iran to stop its destabilizing activities
in the region. Through my service in Yemen, Iraq, Saudi Arabia,
and elsewhere in the Middle East, I know firsthand the harm
Iran and its proxies have inflicted on U.S. interests and on
our allies.
Iran continues to threaten freedom of navigation in one of
the world's most critical seaways, threatening regional
stability and global energy markets. Its support to the Houthis
in Yemen, Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria, and Hezbollah in
Lebanon destabilizes the entire region and threatens U.S.
security interests. If confirmed, I will work with our Kuwaiti
partners to counter this threat.
And Kuwait has developed stronger ties across its border
with Iraq, including normalized trade relations and a
modernized border crossing. If confirmed, I look forward to
helping strengthen relationships across the region.
Kuwait is a member of the Coalition to Defeat ISIS and our
relationship is vital to the stability and security in the
Middle East and essential to our own national security.
In 2021, Kuwait helped the United States relocate more than
5,000 people from Afghanistan, in addition to their most recent
efforts to ease the horrific situation in Ukraine.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Kuwaiti
leadership to do even more, given Kuwait's own history with
unprovoked aggression.
We cannot ignore our strong economic ties with Kuwait.
Kuwait invested billions of dollars in construction in capital
markets and consumer goods in the United States. There are
significant opportunities for U.S. businesses in Kuwait and, if
confirmed, I will advocate strongly for American companies.
Mr. Chairman, human rights are at the core of the
administration's foreign policy. If confirmed, it will be among
my highest priorities. This includes strengthening the rights
of women, stateless residents, and Kuwait's large expatriate
workforce.
Recent elections saw the return of women to the parliament,
something we were very supportive of. Kuwait takes the issue of
religious freedom seriously and is home to one of the largest
cathedrals in the region.
Kuwait is already a leader in the region for allowing space
for political expression, fostering an independent media, and
encouraging participatory government. If confirmed, I look
forward to supporting these important issues in any way that I
can.
The United States and Kuwait share a long history that
forms a strong foundation for the future. Every year thousands
of Kuwaitis come to study at universities across the United
States. They return to Kuwait with their experience in the U.S.
and contribute to building and strengthening their country.
Mr. Chairman, I want to assure the members of this
committee that my highest priority, if confirmed, will be the
safety and security of all Americans in Kuwait.
Over 30,000 U.S. citizens work as military contractors,
teachers, and business people, in addition to U.S. Government
and military personnel. Their presence is emblematic of the
strong U.S.-Kuwait partnership. Enduring congressional support
and engagement is also a key element of our partnership.
I would also like to thank Chairman Menendez for his recent
visit, and, if confirmed, I would welcome the members of the
committee to visit as well.
I would be remiss if I did not take this opportunity to
congratulate the former Kuwaiti ambassador to the United
States, Sheikh Salem Al-Sabah, on his appointment to foreign
minister.
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Hagerty, Chairman Menendez,
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today. I look forward to answering your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Sasahara follows:]
Prepared Statement of Karen H. Sasahara
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished Members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to serve as Ambassador to the State of Kuwait. I am grateful to
the President and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me to
undertake this important role. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with Members of this Committee to advance U.S. national
security interests in Kuwait and to ensure that Kuwait remains a strong
partner for the United States.
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my parents, members
of that greatest generation whose devotion to their family and their
sacrifices are why I'm here today. Likewise, gratitude to my siblings,
who have always supported me no matter what. And of course, my husband,
who has been a great source of support, both personally and as a fellow
Foreign Service Officer.
If confirmed, I will work with our Kuwaiti partners to increase
pressure on Iran to stop its destabilizing activities in the region.
Through my service in Yemen, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere in the
Middle East, I know first-hand the harm Iran and its proxies have
inflicted on U.S. interests and on our allies. Iran continues to
threaten freedom of navigation in one of the world's most critical
seaways, threatening regional stability and global energy markets. Its
support to the Houthis in Yemen, Bashar al Assad's regime in Syria, and
Hezbollah in Lebanon, destabilizes the entire region and threatens U.S.
security interests. If confirmed, I will work with our Kuwaiti partners
to counter this threat. Kuwait has developed stronger ties across its
border with Iraq, including normalized trade relations and a modernized
border crossing. If confirmed, I look forward to helping strengthen
relationships across the region.
Kuwait is a member of the Coalition to Defeat ISIS and our
relationship is vital to the stability and security in the Middle East
and essential to our own national security. In 2021, Kuwait helped the
United States relocate more than 5,000 people from Afghanistan, in
addition to their most recent efforts to ease the horrific situation in
Ukraine. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Kuwaiti
leadership to do even more, given Kuwait's own history with unprovoked
aggression.
We can't ignore our strong economic ties with Kuwait. Kuwait
invests billions of dollars in construction, capital markets, and
consumer goods in the United States. There are significant
opportunities for U.S. businesses in Kuwait and, if confirmed, I will
advocate strongly for American companies.
Mr. Chairman, human rights are at the core of the Administration's
foreign policy. If confirmed, it will be among my highest priorities.
This includes strengthening the rights of women, stateless residents,
and Kuwait's large expatriate workforce. Recent elections saw the
return of women to the Parliament, something we were very supportive
of.
Kuwait takes the issue of religious freedom seriously and is home
to one of the largest cathedrals in the region. Kuwait is already a
leader in the region for allowing space for political expression,
fostering an independent media, and encouraging participatory
government. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting these important
issues in any way I can.
The United States and Kuwait share a long history that forms a
strong foundation for the future. Every year, thousands of Kuwaitis
come to study at universities across the United States. They return to
Kuwait with their experience in the United States and contribute to
building and strengthening their country.
Mr. Chairman, I want to assure the Members of this committee that
my highest priority, if confirmed, will be the safety and security of
all Americans in Kuwait. Over 30,000 U.S. citizens work as military
contractors, teachers, and businesspeople, in addition to U.S.
Government and military personnel. Their presence is emblematic of the
strong U.S.-Kuwait partnership. Enduring Congressional support and
engagement is also a key element of our partnership.
I would also like to thank Chairman Menendez for his recent visit,
and if confirmed, I would welcome the Members of the committee to visit
as well. I would be remiss if I didn't take this opportunity to
congratulate former Kuwaiti ambassador the United States, Sheikh Salem
Al-Sabah, on his appointment to Foreign Minister. Chairman Murphy,
Ranking Member Hagerty, Members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to answering
your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you to all of our witnesses for your
testimony and, again, for your willingness to serve. We will
begin a round of five-minute questions and I will begin.
Let me start with you, Ms. Allen. The Global Engagement
Center has been a bipartisan apolitical success story, a way
for the United States to counteract the growing propaganda
campaigns that emanate out of Moscow, Beijing, and many
nonstate actors.
But recently the GEC, as it has come to be known, has
come--has been under scrutiny and criticism from right-wing
voices who are promoting just basic conspiracy theories about
how the GEC is engaged in government censorship or media
manipulation.
I sort of cannot keep track of all the buzzwords and
phrases that they use, which really belies the fact that this
has been a result of consensus between both parties on the need
to combat misinformation.
So let me just ask you, how are you responding to these
critics and conspiracy theorists and is this not a moment when
we need to strengthen the GEC's resources and authorities to
make sure that we can be somewhere close to an even playing
field with those that have even bigger information operations
that the United States?
Ms. Allen. Indeed, Senator. Thank you so much for the
opportunity to talk about the mission of the Global Engagement
Center, which is really the critical body working to counter
our adversaries that attempt to undermine us, undermine our
credibility, and undermine our vision for the future and, in
fact, I have talked to members of this committee and staff of
this committee on a bipartisan basis about ways in which we can
strengthen the Global Engagement Center.
Let me be clear. The Global Engagement Center does not
engage in censorship, does not operate domestically, and does
not work on U.S. citizens.
They are focused on countering misinformation,
disinformation, propaganda, and foreign malign influence aimed
at overseas audiences and they have four core areas of focus:
countering the PRC, countering Iran, countering Russia, and
countering terrorism.
They are most well known for their exposure of
disinformation, for their identification and analysis of the
perpetrators of disinformation and a foreign malign influence,
and of exposing those that are doing so, of calling out false
narratives, of calling out lies, and making sure that audiences
across the world understand that they are being acted against
intentionally by actors like the PRC and Russia.
But in addition to their exposure work, I would like to
note here today they are doing a lot of work behind the scenes
with governments, partners, and allies across the world and
this, indeed, is the area in which, if confirmed, I would like
to continue to push on the Global Engagement Center to expand
their work.
They are working with governments across the world on
analyzing disinformation prior to their elections to make sure
that elections can be conducted in a fair and free way. They
are working with partners like Five Eyes, with the U.K., with
the European Union, and with the G-7 on making sure that
counter disinformation efforts are on our bilateral and
multilateral agendas worldwide.
Senator Murphy. Thank you. Thanks for that very cogent
explanation of what the GEC does and does not do and we look
forward to working with you to tell that story.
Ms. Strong, I noted in your testimony that you correctly
pointed out that countering Chinese influence in the region is
going to be amongst your highest priorities.
But, of course, as you know, you are going to represent the
United States in a country that has deepening and very worrying
ties with China. Assistant Secretary Leaf testified before this
committee in August about administration concerns over Chinese
inroads into UAE's tech sector.
The national threat assessment highlighted China's pursuit
of a potential military base in the UAE. We understand that the
sale of F-35s and MQ-9s have been halted. The discussions
around those sales have been halted due to these concerns about
potential deepening integration between China and the UAE.
Talk to us a little bit about how worried you understand
that we should be about this growing security and economic
partnership and how this will rank amongst your priorities once
on the job.
Ms. Strong. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for that
question.
The administration has been absolutely clear that China
poses the most consequential geopolitical challenge for the
United States and it is a challenge that every single one of
our embassies, every single one of our ambassadors around the
world, is focused on. It is my understanding, certainly, that
our mission in the UAE has made this a top priority, as has the
department here.
In terms of the specific concerns, as you noted, we have
seen China's efforts to increase its influence, gain footholds
not just in the Gulf but around the world.
In the Gulf and specifically in the UAE the President has
been clear that we will work to strengthen our partners. But at
the same time we will work to ensure that no country can seek
to dominate or dominate the region militarily or through
military threats or through military buildups and that,
certainly, would include an establishment of a Chinese
installation--military installation in the region.
We have been very clear with our partners in the region to
include the UAE that there are certain categories of
cooperation with China that would run up very directly and
impact very directly our U.S. national security interests.
That message has been delivered and we believe that our
partners in the region are very clear about our concerns,
especially, as you noted, Mr. Chairman, certain areas of
cooperation in high-tech, advanced technology, and that could
potentially impact or threaten the safeguarding and security of
our own technology, whether commercial or especially in the
defense sector.
If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, you certainly have my
commitment that this will be a top priority for me. Part of the
answer here, of course, is to strengthen our partnership with
the UAE.
They are a capable interoperable partner, and having a very
robust diplomatic discourse on this topic is going to be
critical in addressing this challenge.
Senator Murphy. Thank you for that strong clear answer.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
In 2021, U.S. intelligence agencies reportedly learned that
China was secretly building a military facility at a port near
the UAE capital of Abu Dhabi.
While the UAE eventually halted construction, subsequent
developments are challenging U.S.-UAE security cooperation
including the continued operation of PRC-owned firms at the
port, the UAE's plans to purchase Chinese aircraft, UAE
cooperation with PRC-owned firms and 5G communications
technology, all the above making it extraordinarily
challenging.
Charge Strong, do you believe communist China's growing
presence in the UAE and, more broadly, in the Middle East
constitute a threat to U.S. national security interests?
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Senator. And, certainly, as I noted,
we are watching with concern China's global efforts. These are
not just efforts in the Gulf to expand its influence. This is
very much a focus for all of us around the world and for the
administration.
In terms of the specific areas of concern that you have
noted, it is very much a concern and it is a concern that I
know was addressed by our intelligence colleagues last week
during the annual threat assessment, a very detailed look at
what China is trying to do, what level of threat it poses and,
again, here in the Gulf and specifically in the UAE this
requires absolutely a robust diplomatic response.
As I mentioned, it is my understanding that our mission and
senior officials of the administration have been very focused
on this in their engagements with the UAE and, certainly, if
confirmed, this would be a top priority and I would look
forward to working with our--all of our interagency colleagues
and with Congress on addressing this challenge.
Senator Hagerty. I, certainly, welcome your work--I mean,
working with this committee. We see this every day and I am
deeply concerned about the challenge.
Ms. Sasahara, I want to acknowledge Ambassador Ratney's
presence here. Thank you both for your service. I think you are
going to a very challenging neighborhood and you will see from
different perspectives particularly the challenge that the CCP
is posing in the region.
I was quite disturbed to see them brokering arrangements
between Saudi Arabia and Iran recently. Their presence in Saudi
Arabia, their aggressive posture toward obtaining new sources
of energy, all of these challenges, I think, are going to be
significant.
And I want to thank both of you for the sacrifice. I
mentioned families before, but you will be in different
countries should you be confirmed. But I very much appreciate
the sacrifice that both of you are making.
And, particularly, I would like to just ask you the same
question that I asked Charge Strong. Do you believe communist
China's growing presence in Kuwait and the broader Middle East
constitute a serious national security threat for America?
Ms. Sasahara. Thank you very much for the question,
Senator.
I share your concern about aggressive Chinese security
cooperation and commercial prospecting in the region. Our
ambassador is confronted every day and if I am confirmed I will
confront it as well.
We believe that we are--we remain the strategic partner of
choice in Kuwait. But we cannot be complacent. We have to stay
present, we have to be engaged, and we cannot cede space to
China or to any other country.
Senator Hagerty. Well put.
Charge Strong and, again, Deputy Assistant Secretary
Sasahara, President Biden claimed last year that the
administration will--quote, ``will not walk away and leave a
vacuum to be filled by China, Russia, or Iran.''
But the CCP nevertheless has definitely increased its
influence in the Middle East and, I think, at America's expense
over the past couple of years.
The recent CCP-brokered normalization agreement between
Saudi and Iran terrorist regimes should be a wakeup call for
us, I think. But during a press conference in March 13th
National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said something that
concerned me.
The national security adviser said that the CCP-brokered
deal between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and I quote--this is from
Jake Sullivan--quote, ``is something that we think is a
positive,'' and he added, quote, ``having other countries like
China promote deescalation is not fundamentally averse to U.S.
interest.''
Charge Strong and Deputy Assistant Secretary Sasahara, do
you agree with National Security Adviser Sullivan's statement
that the CCP-brokered deal between the Saudis and Iran is a
positive for the U.S. and, if you are confirmed, would either
of you welcome more CCP influence in the UAE or in Kuwait?
I will start with you, Charge Strong.
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Senator. I think it is important to
note about this announced agreement last week that this is very
much an agreement that is focused on the relationship between
Saudi Arabia and Iran.
It is a relationship that has been very tense, very
fraught, and we saw it, of course, erupt in September 2019 when
Iran launched a massive attack on Saudi Arabia's critical
energy infrastructure and knocked out, in fact, 50 percent of
that--of their production capacity.
So the fact that Saudi Arabia was looking to deescalate and
depressurize their relationship with Iran certainly makes sense
and when they told us about their efforts, their objective, we
were certainly supportive as were other countries in the
region. Iraq--and Iraq----
Senator Hagerty. To be clear, though, you were supportive
of China brokering the deal or are you supportive of----
Ms. Strong. If I may. We were supportive of Saudi Arabia
seeking a diplomatic path to deescalate their tensions in the
region. It is--it, certainly, remains to be seen what happens
next.
Iran, of course, has a long history of reneging on
agreements, on commitments. They have an even longer history of
destabilizing activities in the region, malign activity
starting first and foremost with their nuclear program, their
ballistic missile program, their support for proxies, and, of
course, now more concerningly proliferation of armaments to
Russia.
There are many, many question marks about this agreement
and what the future looks like. What is not in question and
should never be in question is our partnership with Saudi
Arabia and in my future, if confirmed, with the UAE we need
those partnerships. They need to remain strong. We need our
partners to be interoperable, capable, so that we can get on
with a lot of important work we have to do.
There is no question that it is a more competitive
environment for us. But we need to step up and be present and,
certainly, not cede any ground to China or any other strategic
or regional competitor.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Chairman Menendez?
The Chairman: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this
hearing.
Let me thank Senator Hagerty for sitting in even though
this was not his ranking spot, but we appreciate you being here
so we could have the hearing of these nominees.
So it is an incredibly important part of our overall
duties, even though we all came here to do policy legislation.
But, nonetheless, nominations are incredibly important to
execute those policies. So thank you both for doing this.
And congratulations to all the nominees. I love seeing a
panel that is career service people being promoted and I think
that is a great thing. So congratulations to you all and your
family.
Ambassador Ratney, it is good to see you here in your new
capacity confirmed. Maybe you can help your wife get through
this period of time.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman: So you will both be in the region so it will
be nice.
Let me turn to a few questions.
First of all, the UAE--look, the UAE is an important
relationship for us. But as I have said to their ambassador
here, you got to decide whose side you want to be on.
Do you want to be in a world in which China and its vision
of the world is the world in which you live in or do you want
to live in a world in which you get to choose how you get to
thrive, protect your territorial integrity, choose who you
love, who you marry, how you make your money, and a whole host
of other things.
And in that regard, I hope that when you get there that you
will make it very clear that that is part of your mission and
part of their interests as well as ours. This is not about
choose between the United States and China. It is about choose
what type of world you want to live in, and that is probably
true for the--all of your assignments collectively, at the end
of the day.
To your knowledge--I know you are not there yet, but to
your knowledge has the UAE provided the United States with
assurances that it is not going to go forward with its military
base at the UAE with the Chinese?
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and, first,
absolutely, I will carry that message. It will be a priority,
if confirmed.
It is my understanding that we have delivered a very clear
message to all of our partners in the region but, certainly, to
the Emirates on the concerns that we have, very deep and grave
concerns, about certain categories of cooperation with China
and that cooperation, certainly, would impact on some of our
very core national security interests that you are referring to
and it is a message that it is my understanding has been
delivered at the senior most levels and----
The Chairman: And what has been the response, to your
knowledge? Do you know if they have given us assurances they
are not moving forward with a Chinese base?
Ms. Strong. Mr. Chairman, it is my understanding that we
will have administration officials briefing the committee staff
tomorrow in an appropriate setting on the nature of the
conversations and the status.
The Chairman: Okay. I hope my staff tells me what is
happening. So we will look forward to that.
Also, in terms of Chinese penetration of the UAE telecom
system and other technology sectors you are aware of that and
ready to make sure you make the case why that is not a good
idea for them or for us?
Ms. Strong. Absolutely. I have seen the open source
reporting on this and, clearly, the penetration of Chinese
equipment in any network is concerning and, certainly, as it
impacts our cooperation--our security cooperation--this would
be very concerning. So very much a message that will be topmost
on my agenda, if confirmed.
The Chairman: All right. Thank you.
Ms. Sasahara, I had, as you mentioned, a good visit in
Kuwait. The relatively new foreign minister, former ambassador
here, knows the United States well, knows the interest of his
country vis-a-vis the United States well.
I am wondering whether you will be able to engage with the
Kuwaitis about considering accession to the Abraham Accords. We
had this conversation when we were there, and while it is clear
to me that they are not ready for that, I think that working
towards getting ready for that would be a good thing. Is that
something that you see being engaged in?
Ms. Sasahara. Thank you very much for the question, Mr.
Chairman. It is a very important one.
I share your disappointment that Kuwait is not part of the
Abraham Accords. To not even consider it is to risk being left
behind in the region and possibly an outlier, which can be very
risky in today's global markets and in the strategic security
environment of that region.
We have already seen the benefits of the Abraham Accords,
whether it is in education, tourism, business, as well as
regional security.
With your permission, if I am confirmed I would like the
opportunity to get on the ground and get a sense of what is
possible and report back to you.
The Chairman: We appreciate the Kuwaitis being--they host--
I went to the base there--they host for Thanksgiving. I went to
the base. We appreciate their participation with us in so many
different ways but we hope that they will be more forward
leaning in embracing the possibility of normalization of
relationships with Israel.
Lastly, as you know, Turkmenistan's neighbor Uzbekistan
took important steps to end forced labor in its cotton
industry, which opened up greater economic opportunities for
the country.
Ms. Rood, what--with Uzbekistan as an example, what can be
done to encourage the Government of Turkmenistan to understand
that the respect for human rights is not only a moral
imperative but will create an environment more conducive to
economic investment and prosperity?
Ms. Rood. Thank you for that question, Chairman Menendez.
Labor rights is among the many human rights challenges that
are central to our bilateral agenda with the Government of
Turkmenistan, one that we address regularly through our daily
diplomacy as well as through our recurring annual bilateral
consultations.
I am happy to share with you that we see some progress on
the issue of forced labor and labor rights in Turkmenistan. In
September and October of this year there were two visits to
Turkmenistan by the International Labor Organization and
another visit already just this month.
The purpose of this visit is to engage with the Government
of Turkmenistan on labor issues, labor rights, particularly in
the cotton industry, to provide advice, potentially, technical
assistance and as well to observe and monitor practices during
the cotton harvest.
I hope through this persistent and patient engagement with
Turkmenistan that we will see continued progress and a
resolution of the outstanding issues.
The Chairman: Thank you.
Ms. Allen, I will leave questions for the record but I do
not want you to think I do not--have no affection for what you
are going to do. I am concerned about what institutional
changes we might use to better educate our diplomats about
public diplomacy tools as well as content creation and timely
delivery.
And, Mr. Yon, I think that your--that the assignment that
you are being given is an incredibly important one and
therefore I need to visit you.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman: To all of you.
Ms. Allen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, I would like to add my thanks to each of you
for serving our great nation and especially those who are the
career Foreign Service folks.
Thank you very much for the sacrifices you make on behalf
of our country, and to the families as well because I know you
sacrifice alongside your loved one when they are overseas
representing our nation. So thank you all very much, and I look
forward to all of you continuing to serve our great country.
Ms. Sasahara, I was actually in Kuwait when I was governor
of Nebraska last year visiting some of our National Guard
soldiers. So I look forward to you being able to take care of
them while you are there.
And then, Ms. Strong, you and your team hosted us when we
were in Saudi Arabia and you and your team did a fantastic job
while we were there. So thank you very much for being great
hosts while we were there and it was a very enlightening
experience.
Actually, after we visited in Saudi Arabia we went to the
United Arab Emirates and we had the opportunity to speak with
government officials there, and one of the key things that we
heard there was their great dissatisfaction with the United
States response after their attack, January 17th of 2022.
Abu Dhabi was attacked by drones and missiles and there was
not a response from the Biden administration. In fact, I
believe Secretary Blinken had to several weeks later go back
and apologize for our silence.
They equated their attack to their 9/11 and felt like we
did not respond in time. In fact, I think that is one of the
things that opens the door for China to have a relationship
with UAE because then they question our responsiveness and
whether or not we are going to be good allies in the region.
If you are confirmed what can you do to help overcome this?
Like I said, it was pretty bad the way they talked to us about
this. What can you do to help mend that relationship so that we
can continue to have a good relationship with the UAE and make
sure they are staying good allies with the United States and
helping us on all the things we want to do like prevent
sanctions leaking into Russia?
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Senator, and it was a pleasure, of
course, to host you in Saudi Arabia and we really appreciated
the visit.
With regard to UAE, I completely agree with you that it is
critical to maintain our strong partnership with the UAE. The
President was very clear from the early days of his
administration that our commitment to the region, to the
partnerships that we have built up over decades in the region,
is absolute.
When he came to the region last July he amplified that
message in his conversations with the region's leaders. What I
think is important here is focusing on what we are doing now
and, certainly, there is a very deep security cooperation that
we share with the UAE. They are, as I mentioned, a very
capable, interoperable partner to us.
We have deployed together. We have countered terrorists
together. The history of achievements is quite extensive. But
also to have a very forward-looking agenda, which we do. When
it comes to security, of course, we are working not just
bilaterally but regionally with the GCC to institute, for
example, an integrated air and missile defense and a maritime
security architecture.
Not all of our support and cooperation, of course, is in
the public realm and so I am limited in what I can discuss
here. But, certainly, that is very much a focus and, if
confirmed, will be a focus for me.
But beyond the security there is, of course, the
cooperation that we have now seen blossom under the Abraham
Accords and this historic achievement should be our focus and,
certainly, if confirmed, will be my focus because I think that
it can underpin a lot of positive developments.
We have already, of course, seen a lot that has been
achieved and I, certainly, would look forward to growing that
cooperation and partnership, if confirmed.
Senator Ricketts. Ms. Strong, I have only got about 40
seconds left and you preempted my question anyway by getting
into the Abraham Accords because I do think that was a historic
U.S. diplomatic achievement and glad that you are going to
continue to support that.
I think that is one of the things we heard was important in
the UAE we visited. You mentioned in your remarks the Abrahamic
Family Center that has a mosque, a synagogue, and a Catholic
Church on the site, and that we also heard there are about
600,000 Israelis have visited UAE since the Accords, which is
all a very positive sign for continuing cooperation.
And I would just encourage you to also look for ways that
we can expand the relationship between not only the United
States and the United Arab Emirates but also with Israel in
that cooperation as well.
But, again, thank you very much for being such a great host
when we were over there. You and your team, again, did a great
job. And just a little trivia fact. Nebraska is the state with
the highest percentage of people who claim Czech ancestry.
There you go.
Senator Murphy. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Ms. Sasahara, I want to begin with you. We are going to
have a vote tomorrow that begins the process of repealing war
authorizations against Iraq--two war authorizations.
Everybody knows about the 2002 authorization but we still
have a live war authorization against Iraq from 1991, a war--
the Gulf War that was for the purpose of driving Iraq out of
Kuwait.
My understanding is that the Kuwait-Iraq relationship after
32 years, they are neighbors. They are productive. They have
good diplomatic relations. May not agree on everything. You
never agree on everything with a neighbor.
But is that your assessment as well, that Iraq-Kuwait
relations are generally good and have been a positive force for
stability in the region?
Ms. Sasahara. Thank you for the question, Senator, and that
is my understanding as well.
I think, in one sense, that was a very hard page to turn. I
think most Kuwaitis over the age of 40 lived through it
thirty--understand that and remember that it was a brutal
invasion and an even more brutal occupation. So it was a hard
page to turn.
But they are neighbors and that geography is not going to
change, and I think through diplomatic discussions directly
they are in a better place, stronger. They are reaching a lot
of agreements whether it is on maritime, whether it is on
border security. I think they are in a very, very good place.
Senator Kaine. That is good. One of the things that is
hardest in life to do is to beat a sword into a plowshare and,
yet, you do find in life nations can do it. Germany and Japan
are two of the United States' most reliable allies right now.
We were at war with Iraq to topple the Government and last
week Secretary Austin was in Iraq talking about Iraq's
important role as a security partner in battling against ISIS
or other nonstate terrorist groups and checking Iranian
aggression, trying to be a force for stability in the region.
It is a credit to the United States that we look at an
adversary as a temporary adversary and have hope that in the
future we might be on the same page. It is a credit to other
nations that they can view us in the same way that, hey, there
was tough, tough bloodshed even between our nations but we
would still rather be your partner down the road than be your
adversary, and one of the reasons I am excited to repeal these
authorizations--there are many reasons--is I think it sends the
message even to nations that are adversaries today that you
could be an adversary of the United States but it is not a
permanent thing.
We would want to always prefer the olive branch to the
arrow and that is why the seal--the eagle on the seal of the
United States looks toward the olive branch rather than to the
arrow because that is our preference.
Ms. Strong, I want to ask you questions, really, just to
educate me or help me gain understanding. You are leaving a
very challenging position in Saudi Arabia and you are going to
a really challenging and important one in the UAE.
I find Saudi Arabia often so perplexing and I am still
extremely angry over the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the
Virginian Washington Post journalist. I do not think there has
been accountability for that. I do not think you can allow
crimes of that magnitude to go with no accountability without
them proliferating.
But as a critic I do feel duty bound to also then if I am
going to be a critic say something positive. Saudi Arabia
recently announced aid to Ukraine. That is great. Saudi Arabia
recently announced to construct a new international airline.
They are purchasing aviation platforms that are made the United
States.
They could have done something else and gone elsewhere. But
they have done that. That is going to be good for the country.
It will be good for my commonwealth.
It does appear that there is effort to hold on to a
ceasefire in Yemen. So what advice would you give this
committee? We often find ourselves in a tough spot where we are
angry with Saudi Arabia at some things and, yet, see other
areas where they are making strides that we could support.
So as you depart this position what advice would you give
to the Foreign Relations Committee about the way to
appropriately exercise oversight over this relationship?
Ms. Strong. Thank you very much, Senator, and I hesitate to
give you advice because you framed so aptly the complexities of
the relationship that we have with Saudi Arabia.
There are, of course, many, many grave concerns, and you
mentioned Jamal Khashoggi, whose murder was just a horrific act
that cannot be repeated and we have made that clear to Saudi
Arabia. And there are, of course, a long list of concerns
related to human rights.
But, as you mentioned, there are also efforts on the part
of the kingdom and the kingdom's leadership to really remake
the kingdom and we do have to acknowledge the positive changes
that are underway there.
It is spotty. It is far from perfect. It definitely remains
a work in progress. But what I would urge members of this
committee is to engage with the Saudis. They need to hear your
concerns.
I think a lot of times the distance filters out a lot of
the nuance and they do not fully appreciate that our concerns--
your concerns--are grounded in some very core concerns that we
have that impact on our national security, that may impact on
our priorities--foreign policy priorities--and hearing that not
just from me or from my colleagues in the Department of State
or Department of Defense is very important.
And I will tell you that I am yet to go to a meeting with a
senior Saudi and have them say, we are not going to talk about
a specific problem, if you ask. They are very open.
As you know, President Biden, when he went to Saudi Arabia,
raised all of our key issues, all of the painful issues, and he
was very open in the conversation and the Saudi leadership was
as well.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
I appreciate you allowing me to go over my time. But I am
really--I was really looking for advice there and I think that
is good advice.
Thanks, Mr. Chair.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
I just have one final question and, pending arrivals, we
can close the hearing out.
Ms. Strong, I guess I would not paint as rosy a picture as
I think you have in your testimony and your answers to
questions about the state of the U.S. relationship with UAE.
Senator Ricketts mentioned this and I do not think you
responded to him so I want to talk to you about one
development. One of the things you referenced in your testimony
is that we share a mutual interest in securing a free, rules-
based, and prosperous world with the UAE.
I do not know that I would phrase it that way. I do not
think they have interest in a free world. I mean, they are a
dictatorship. To the extent they support a rules-based world it
is, certainly, not rules set by their citizens.
But they are also reportedly really at the hub of sanctions
evasion when it comes to our ability to keep technology and
weapons out of Russia. Recent reporting suggests that the UAE,
maybe more so than many of our other allies, is acting as a
mechanism and means to get weapons to Russia.
There is a report that UAE exported 15 times more
microchips to Russia in 2022 than in 2021. There is other
reports that UAE exported 158 drones to Russia last year, as
late as December of last year.
And so I want to make sure that this is high on your
priority list because you are suggesting this integrated
security relationship with the UAE and, yet, what we are
learning is that the UAE is actually at the center of the
attempt to try to support Russia against Ukraine.
I just want to make sure that this is--that you are going
into this, as I know you are, with eyes wide open about this
immense challenge we have with them.
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and, absolutely, I am
very much aware of the concerns that you raise. As you know, it
is not just me who is concerned about this. This is the entire
U.S. Government as we seek to mobilize assistance for Ukraine,
as we are seeking to assist Ukraine counter this brutal
aggression.
Part of our effort, of course, is to ensure that we stop
the flow of the inputs that Putin is using to fuel his war
machine and this is very much part of the conversations we have
had with the UAE specifically on direct reexport of
electronics, dual-use items, and controlled items, and our
Department of Treasury--our Ambassador O'Brien, who is our
sanctions coordinator--are working this issue both bilaterally
and multilaterally with our EU and U.K. partners.
And this is a focus not just on the UAE although,
obviously, you noted how high of an interest we have in what it
is that they are doing. But also it is a global effort to
ensure that we stem the flows of these items into Russia.
Senator Murphy. I understand that it is a global effort and
you have couched a lot of your answers in terms of UAE and
everybody else.
But China has a particular interest in the UAE. UAE is a
particular problem when it comes to sanctions evasion. So I do
not want to sort of hide UAE in the global effort to counter
Chinese influence or to combat sanctions evasion. There is a
particular issue in the UAE that we have to confront.
Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank all
of you for your testimony. Congratulations on your nominations.
I understand that my friend and colleague, Senator
Sullivan, talked about our work together co-chairing the
Foreign Service Caucus. All of you are members of the Foreign
Service. Thank you for your longtime efforts.
And, Ms. Allen, thank you for your stepping up for this
position, and a number of people who used to work for me sing
your praises very highly.
So congratulations all, and as I came in I heard Senator
Murphy asking a couple questions regarding the UAE and
sanctions evasions that I had planned to take up. I appreciate
your answers.
Look, as you know, we have had several envoys, one from the
Treasury Department, one from the State Department, visiting
the UAE recently. But conduct does not seem to have changed, at
least according to most reports.
We are left with very few options. We want to work with the
UAE. At the same time, we are going to have to ensure that we
have the ability to enforce our sanctions.
Ms. Strong, I assume you agree with that assessment?
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Senator, and, yes, we have been very
clear that our sanctions regimes, our export controls, will be
vigorously enforced.
Senator Van Hollen. Right. Well, we have the export control
part and then we have the financial sanctions and my best
assessment, based on public reporting, is UAE is violating both
and so that is a challenge.
I understand you were asked about the recent agreement--at
least preliminary rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia
brokered by China. We do not have to rehash history.
It is my belief that when the previous administration tore
up the JCPOA they created openings for others. But regardless
of how we got here and regardless about our concern about
China's actions in the region, would you agree that lowering
the temperature between Iran and Saudi Arabia would be a
positive development in the region if that holds?
Ms. Strong. Thank you, Senator. I think, first, it is worth
noting that Saudi Arabia certainly believed that lowering the
temperature and deescalating their relationship with Iran was
important and was needed and, certainly, if the agreements and
commitments are actually implemented and they do deescalate
tensions in the region that could be a positive development.
Certainly, any impact--positive impact on Yemen and
bringing that conflict to a more durable solution, again, would
be very important, given our interest in concluding that
conflict and addressing the humanitarian crisis that still
exists there.
But, as I mentioned earlier, it really--it remains to be
seen to what extent Iran is prepared to set aside its long
history of destabilizing activities and actually live up to its
commitments in this regard.
But part of the answer here has to be our cooperation and
partnerships in the region and the President has made very
clear that it is our partnerships in the region that are a
strong asset for us and really underpin his strategy to build a
Middle East that is more stable and more integrated.
And in this regard I think that we also have to take a look
at our partnerships and shore them up, strengthen them, where
necessary and continue to work the diplomatic piece because
that is absolutely critical. It is critical in Yemen. It is
yielding benefits in Yemen, and we are hopeful that we are
going to be able to make some progress there.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I appreciate that and, clearly, do
not trust and verify. That is, I think, the maxim that we have
come to adhere to and I think it is wise counsel.
I was just--I just came--I was a little late to this
hearing because I came from a meeting with Director Grossi, the
head of the IAEA, giving his report on his most recent trip to
Iran where he was cautiously optimistic that they would open
sites to more daily inspections and verification cameras.
But as he would emphasize, as you did, as I will, you got
to--only when actions are taken can we believe the commitments
that were made.
If I could just close. Mr. Yon, congratulations. I think
you will be the first ambassador known to the Maldives, if
confirmed, and I look forward to continuing a conversation with
you about our bilateral relationship as well, of course, as the
issue of climate change, where we know the Maldives are
probably more exposed than--if not every other country they are
certainly tied for first and will be underwater at the current
rate of climate change and sea level rise if we, as an
international global community, do not work on that issue.
Way back in the day my father was a career Foreign Service
officer. He was ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives at
that time. I believe he was a credit to the Maldives.
It is a beautiful country but lots of challenging issues
with--especially with China's efforts to gain even more
influence in that area. India, obviously, has a historic and
important role to play.
But I look forward to continuing our conversation and
congratulations on being the first U.S. Ambassador assigned
specifically to the Maldives Islands, and I look forward to
supporting all of your confirmations. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen,
and I think it is of particular import that you heard from the
son of the previous ambassador to that region his
congratulations. I am sure your father is smiling, Senator Van
Hollen, to see the advancement of the post that he once held.
And I would like to stay with you, Hugo, if I might. You
are going to the Maldives, a very strategic location. Our
adversaries will have a great deal of interest in what is
happening there and I think that means that you will need to
have a very clear-eyed perspective on advancing America's
interest along with the host nation as you serve there.
I would like to--and to that end I would like to ask you to
go back in time with me to the time when you served as the
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Transportation Affairs at the
Department of State.
What was the best deal that you saw cut for American
interests when you were in that diplomatic post?
Mr. Yon. Thank you, Senator. At the risk of flattery, it
was the deal we worked on. It was the deal we did in Japan.
Senator Hagerty. Absolutely, and I just want to draw that
point for the rest of the candidates here. I think you need
ambassadors that wake up every day asking themselves how can I
advance America's interest, how can I do that in conjunction
with the host nation, how can we make our nation stronger every
day.
Hugo and I worked for a long time together to get a very,
very tough deal done that was very, very good for America and,
frankly, it is going to be great for the region. And I just
hope and pray that all of you will be finding those
opportunities every day and I trust that you will.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. Again,
congratulations to your families that are here, too. I
appreciate that.
QFRs will be due by the close of business on Friday. I now
call this meeting adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 4:15 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hugo Yue-Ho Yon by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights report, the
Maldives were listed as having significant human rights abuses
including a lack of independence with the judiciary, serious
restrictions on freedom of speech, and corruption. How will you direct
your embassy to work with civil society organizations to improve the
human rights situation on the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will add my voice to the Department's
consistent engagement with Maldivian counterparts, civil society, and
the public on human rights. I will use our programming to support the
participation of Maldivians in democratic processes and increase the
capacity and responsiveness of local governments to the needs of their
people.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, the Maldives remained on Tier 2 for increasing efforts to meet
the minimum standards to combat trafficking but declined in a few key
areas, like investigations. How will you work with the host government
and civil society actors to address these issues if you are confirmed
as Ambassador?
Answer. Maldives has demonstrated progress since being upgraded to
Tier 2 in the annual Trafficking in Persons Report in 2021. If
confirmed, in line with the TIP Report recommendations, I will urge
Maldives to increase proactive investigations of trafficking and
prosecutions and convictions. I will urge Maldives to take these
actions while respecting due process. I will also strengthen efforts to
proactively screen vulnerable populations and increase anti-trafficking
training for front-line officials.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in the Maldives?
Answer. I do. As Secretary of State Blinken has said, ``human
trafficking affects us all'' and ``we must work together . . . to
effectively address this crime.'' If confirmed, I will ask difficult
questions of the Maldives because our partnership must be rooted in our
shared values, including a commitment to human dignity. I will report
accurate information about human trafficking to combat this crime in
Maldives.
Question. In the State Department's International Religious Freedom
report, the Maldives were described as lacking societal and
governmental respect for freedom of religion. What is your assessment
of this particular issue, and how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in country?
Answer. I am concerned about freedom of religion or belief in
Maldives. If confirmed, I will encourage senior government leaders to
create space for discussing sensitive religious issues and work in
country towards expanding freedom of religion or belief. I will also
work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom on engagements to advance human rights, including religious
freedom.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hugo Yue-Ho Yon by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity; defend
international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with Maldives to
strengthen democratic values and the commitment to a rules-based
international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States with the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving challenges we and other
countries face in common. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized,
however, to ensure they are neither springboards for narrow PRC
economic interests nor platforms to create more permissive conditions
for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to wary cooperation
with Beijing where our interests may overlap and where such an approach
can advance solutions to transnational challenges, including possibly
climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation,
food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
with the People's Republic of China, I would maintain openness to U.S.
involvement in shared efforts that involve PRC entities, Maldives, and
third countries or international organizations in areas that lie in our
collective interests. That said, I would approach such situations with
skepticism and encourage third parties to scrutinize any such
arrangements to ensure they follow international norms, feature
transparency, and delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties
are working in good faith.
Question. When will mission activities and operations for the
Maldives transition from Sri Lanka to Male?
Answer. The Department is transitioning operations to Male in
phases. A Charge was deployed to execute diplomacy and intensify
preparations to establish an initial physical presence. U.S. Mission
Maldives is currently taking steps that could allow staff to move to
Male as early as summer 2023. However, the full transition of staff,
equipment, and operations will take place when an Embassy facility is
approved by Congress.
Question. What is keeping operations and activities from
transitioning to the capital sooner?
Answer. The full transition of all mission elements requires
congressional approval for the Embassy's location.
Question. Do U.S and Indian interests coincide with regard to the
Maldives?
Answer. The United States and India have a shared interest in
maintaining stability in the Indian Ocean region and promoting
democratic values. India has a long history of robust engagement in
Maldives, and U.S. Mission Maldives personnel are in regular contact
with the High Commission of India on a range of issues.
Question. How much debt in the Maldives is owed to China?
Answer. Maldives accrued significant debt to PRC lenders between
2013-2018. Since then, Maldives has turned primarily to India and other
lenders. PRC entities currently hold an estimated 45 percent of the
country's total external debt.
Question. How much does China leverage this debt when dealing with
Male and countering Indian influence?
Answer. Infrastructure projects present potential leverage for PRC
geopolitical goals, especially when countries can no longer service
debt to the PRC. If confirmed, I will facilitate U.S. private sector
investment and infrastructure support from sources that adhere to
international standards. This will provide reliable and sustainable
alternatives to reduce PRC leverage. I will continue U.S. programs that
support Maldivian authorities' efforts to strengthen sound budget and
financial management for the economy, including increasing transparency
of the selection process concerning large infrastructure projects.
Question. Are there parallels between the CCP's efforts on
influence and expansion in the Southwest Pacific and with island
nations in the Indian Ocean?
Answer. The PRC offers loans, investments, and aid to many
countries globally including the Southwest Pacific and the Indian Ocean
Region. It is imperative that the United States has a full-time
presence on the ground in Maldives to counter unfair and problematic
PRC economic practices. If confirmed, I will advocate for economic and
commercial alternatives that adhere to our principles of sovereignty,
labor rights, and protection of the environment.
Question. What steps will you take to identify projects, with
Maldives officials and the Development Finance Corporation, regarding
opportunities for U.S. companies to compete with CCP funded projects?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strengthen relationships with Maldives
stakeholders, government officials, community leaders, and business
owners to identify projects needs and potential partnerships. I look
forward to facilitating U.S. private sector engagement in such
opportunities and will work closely with the U.S. Development Finance
Corporation and other U.S. economic and trade agencies to deploy the
full range of economic tools to grow the U.S.-Maldives economic
relationship and counter PRC influence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Allen by Senator Robert Menendez
In the 2022 Report to Congress on Streamlining PD Support
Functions, the Department noted that a PD CTO ``will create a
process for inventorying IT investments to identify efficiency
and effectiveness opportunities across the R Family'' and
identify where PD can ``leverage enterprise-wide technologies
and common tools.''
Question. What progress has the Department made in implementing
this commitment, and will you fully implement this commitment?
Answer. The Department has made progress on this commitment and
plans to fully implement it by the end of this year--which I intend to
support, if confirmed. The Office of the Undersecretary for Public
Diplomacy and Public Affairs (R) tasked the Chief Technology Officer's
Unit (R/PPR/CTO) to manage the project. R/PPR/CTO is reviewing previous
R Family IT inventory efforts for lessons learned and a draft
inventory.
Over the next six to eight months, R/PPR/CTO will work with
domestic public diplomacy (PD) practitioners to validate the list of
common technology capabilities currently in use or planned for future
use. Once that inventory is complete, R/PPR/CTO will develop
recommendations for achieving efficiencies through consolidation and
integration of applications and contracts and perform a gap analysis to
identify where PD practitioners lack necessary technology solutions or
resources to meet specific capabilities. Finally, R/PPR/CTO will
analyze this approach and codify it into an SOP for keeping the
inventory up-to-date and informing a strategic approach to IT
acquisition for the R Family.
Question. We are unquestionably losing the information war to China
and Russia. We are never going to be in a position, for a variety of
reasons, where we invest as much money or state control into the
information space, but with the tools you have now, what specific
institutional changes will you make to better educate our diplomats and
integrate public diplomacy tools into policy making?
Answer. Though we will likely never outspend the People's Republic
of China dollar-for-dollar or match Russia tweet-for-tweet, we can and
must outmaneuver our adversaries through a whole-of-government approach
that exposes foreign sources of mis- and disinformation, deploys facts,
enables the free flow of information, and builds relationships that
establish trust with the next generation of global leaders. Earlier
this year, the Bureau of Global Public Affairs (GPA) completed a
resource-neutral modernization effort to better integrate itself into
policy making. The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA)
strategically aligns its programming and exchanges with the National
Security Strategy. The Department has already increased training
offerings at the Foreign Service Institute focused on countering
disinformation, while GPA has led Department-wide sessions related to
strategic communications. The Global Engagement Center is working
across the interagency, with international partners and allies, and
with posts overseas to expose and combat foreign disinformation
threatening our national security. If confirmed, I would ensure that
the R family is structured appropriately and engaged fully to serve as
a resource to the Department on these issues and would prioritize
increased training on strategic communications and countering
disinformation. Additionally, I would foster the enhanced connectivity
needed for this whole-of-government approach through efforts to improve
interagency coordination, such as by placing public diplomacy liaison
officers at Combatant Commands.
I'm pleased that after literally years we finally got the
report on the merger that led to the Bureau of Global Public
Affairs--nothing like a confirmation hearing to make the
building move . . .. One concern I hear perpetually is about
the ability to deliver timely content that is tailored to
specific countries and regions.
Question. Can you discuss how you plan to be responsive to posts
requests for content creation and ensure that it's not just coming as a
one-way street from Foggy Bottom?
Answer. The Bureau of Global Public Affairs (GPA) maintains a
strong partnership with public diplomacy sections at posts, which has
been critical in meeting the needs of a 24-hour news cycle. GPA has
found that posts are in the best position to identify and execute on
their most immediate content needs and has worked intentionally to
ensure GPA staff support posts by providing guidance on the topics and
tone of Department content. That said, in instances where posts
requests specific content or technical assistance, GPA stands ready and
willing to execute on those asks--and, in fact, are already doing so
regularly. Last year, our Digital Content team launched an updated
approach to provide localized content support to the field, working
closely with select posts to provide digital-first content that shapes
local conversations and narratives. One example includes a recent video
produced earlier this year, ``To the People of Russia''--highlighting
shared cultural and scientific achievement and mutual respect between
the people of the United States and Russia--which was produced by GPA's
Digital Content team, working closely with post. The video was released
from Embassy Moscow's social platforms, ultimately garnering more than
a million views and more than doubling the Embassy's following on
Telegram as a result.
I am a strong supporter of educational and cultural exchange
programs, and as you may know, have for some time been urging
better integration of our exchange programs into strategic
objectives for the Department.
Question. How can we better integrate some of our programs--many of
which have longstanding Congressional support and large alumni
networks--into our broader policy objectives? If we treat the bureau as
simply programming, we are losing a huge opportunity to directly,
strategically engage foreign publics and build critical tools.
Answer. Thank you for your support for exchange programs. Exchanges
further U.S. foreign policy goals by advancing democratic principles,
promoting mutual understanding, and furthering our competitive edge.
The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs' (ECA) 2022 Functional
Bureau Strategy articulates an additional goal: to increase the
professional skills of emerging and established U.S. and foreign
leaders to address global challenges such as countering disinformation
and mitigating climate change.
In strategic alignment with the National Security Strategy (NSS),
ECA supports embassies and consulates in integrating policy priorities
with strategic public diplomacy programming--using academic, cultural,
sports, and professional exchanges--in a nimble, transparent, and
coordinated way to advance U.S. foreign policy goals. Recent examples
of such integration include: supporting Ukraine through cultural
heritage protection efforts, countering Russian disinformation,
increasing Indo-Pacific engagement through the expansion of the Young
Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative and English language programming,
and launching a new Fulbright Amazonia initiative to tackle the climate
crisis in the Amazon Basin.
With its global reach and proven models for exchanges, ECA is
positioned to help ensure that U.S. embassies and consulates have the
tools to build alliances and maintain U.S. leadership. If confirmed, I
would seek to ensure that ECA's flexible program models continue to be
adaptable, scalable, and responsive to emergent foreign policy
priorities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Allen by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Please describe the importance of including public
affairs officers in our diplomatic expansion in the Pacific Islands,
and describe the steps, if confirmed, you would take to ensure that our
missions abroad are adequately staffed and resourced to counter
narratives of malign foreign influence.
Answer. Public diplomacy (PD) is a critical element in advancing
vital U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific region, including the Pacific
Islands. Over the past five years, public diplomacy has made human and
financial investments in the Pacific Islands, and the highest PD
priority requests for FY 2024 were for new U.S. and local staff in the
Pacific Islands and Southeast Asia. The Department aims to increase our
public diplomacy staffing level in the Pacific Islands by 130 percent--
from six PD officer positions to 14--by the end of 2025. In addition,
the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs has already established
a new Regional Public Engagement Specialist position that will be based
in Fiji and will expand PD engagement through American Spaces programs
across the Pacific Islands. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with Congress as a key, active partner in implementing our foreign
policy in the Pacific Islands and ensuring our PD efforts are fully
resourced and our teams have the tools, training, and leadership needed
to meet this critical moment.
Question. How do you measure the value and success of the Bureau of
Education and Cultural Affairs' exchange programs?
Answer. With its global reach and proven models for exchanges, the
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA) is positioned to help
ensure that U.S. embassies and consulates have the tools to build
alliances and maintain U.S. leadership. ECA's exchange programs create
networks--the infrastructure needed to generate trust, credibility, and
space for dialogue--among current and future leaders. Exchanges provide
opportunities for American citizens and communities at home and abroad,
and these programs advance U.S. foreign policy goals by promoting
democracy and furthering our competitive edge. In 2020, at the
direction of Congress, an independent review of ECA programs found that
Ambassadors and other foreign policy leaders recognized exchange
program contributions to U.S. policy goals and in communicating
American values.
ECA's monitoring and evaluation unit employs multiple tools and
activities to help measure and show the collective impact of ECA's
work. The new Monitoring Data for ECA (MODE) framework, which tracks
performance for all ECA programs, has provided the following key
outcomes: 94 percent of foreign participants indicated an increase in
understanding of U.S. culture and values after their program, while 95
percent of participants who were a part of an ECA program with a media
literacy component reported an increased ability to counter
disinformation. If confirmed, I would support ECA's continuing use of
data and performance metrics to assess and enhance program quality, and
would seek to ensure that ECA's flexible program models continue to be
adaptable, scalable, and responsive to emergent foreign policy
priorities.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work to enhance the State
Department's efforts to educate the American public about the role of
the Department overseas?
Answer. If confirmed, among my priorities would be to better
communicate the domestic equities and benefits of foreign policy to our
fellow Americans. As Secretary Blinken told the U.S. Conference of
Mayors in January, ``Foreign and domestic policy are inextricably
linked and mutually reinforcing.'' To that end, as Senior Official for
Public Diplomacy, I encouraged and supported leaders across the
Department in more than 4,300 domestic outreach engagements throughout
2022, and prioritized domestic student engagement among our senior
staff. As Assistant Secretary of Global Public Affairs, I prioritized
domestic media engagement as a strategic communications tactic. The
American public has a right to know what their government is doing on
their behalf and should have the opportunity to share their thoughts
about policies that affect them. The public diplomacy community doesn't
``own'' domestic engagement for the Department, but its benefits to the
U.S. economy as well as its connection with and impact on communities
across the United States--through colleges and universities; local
media engagement; the International Visitor Leadership Program,
BridgeUSA, and other exchanges; and more--are substantial. If
confirmed, I would advise Department leaders on these linkages and
encourage robust subnational programming by ensuring that the offices
and bureaus under my purview are a bridge between foreign publics and
U.S. citizens.
Question. In your opinion, how effective have public diplomacy
modernization efforts been at the State Department, and what new
initiatives would you recommend to continue modernizing public
diplomacy efforts.
Answer. Modernized public diplomacy is policy-centered, audience-
driven, and data-informed. To date, the Public Diplomacy Staffing
Initiative has been implemented at all U.S. missions and has redefined
Public Diplomacy Section structures and performance management to allow
for modernized public diplomacy. The Initiative has also raised
awareness among practitioners about the importance of strategic
planning, audience research and analysis, and monitoring and
evaluation. The Department would like to increase resources for
learning and audience research and analysis support in response to
field requests, including training, and the team continues to review
and assess where more is needed--through added staff or resources,
enhanced skills and expertise, or investments in emerging technology
and tools. If confirmed, continuing the modernization of both public
diplomacy tactics and workforce structures will be a top priority.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Allen by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President's National Security Strategy made it clear
that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the intention and,
increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international order in favor
of one that tilts the global playing field to its benefit. As Secretary
Blinken has stated, we will invest at home, align our efforts with
partners and allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our interests
and build our vision for the future. Under President Xi, the Chinese
Communist Party has become more repressive at home and more assertive
abroad, and this makes the work of public diplomacy all the more
important. I am clear-eyed about the threat the PRC poses--especially
in the information space and their so-called public diplomacy efforts
in education--and, if confirmed, I would leverage the U.S. Government's
broader public diplomacy toolkit to ensure that the international
system remains rooted in democratic values, not authoritarian ones.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I will follow the United States' approach
towards the PRC, focusing on competing vigorously with the PRC where
our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when it is
clearly in the U.S. national interest to do so, such as on climate
change, global health, food security, and macroeconomic stability.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While competition is the defining feature of our
relationship with the PRC, if confirmed, I would look to understand
where there might be areas in the realm of public diplomacy where the
PRC would constructively work with the United States in good faith,
when doing so would be clearly in the U.S. national interest. In order
to advance our interests and out-compete the PRC, the United States
must have insight into the PRC, and the people of China must have
opportunities to engage with Americans to gain accurate perspectives on
the values and culture of the American people.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes
clear, and as Secretary Blinken stated, the People's Republic of China
(PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because it is
the only competitor with the intent, and increasingly the capability,
to remake the international order. Beijing's actions suggest PRC
officials have the intention to do so. If confirmed, I would follow
the United States' approach towards the PRC--focusing on competing
where our interests and values differ and cooperating when doing so is
clearly in the U.S. national interest.
Question. State's public diplomacy structure, and specifically the
Under Secretary position, has been described as weak and lacks
authority to direct public diplomacy resources, personnel, and
activities abroad. Would you agree?
Answer. I would disagree, and as Senior Official, I worked to
further integrate public diplomacy and encourage cross-conal
collaboration; emphasized the strategic imperative of connectivity
between Washington and practitioners in the field; and advocated for
public diplomacy officers to be better resourced, better trained, and
better set up for advancement. If confirmed, I would continue to
advocate that public diplomacy has a seat at every policy-making table
and that we continue to collaborate up, down, and across the State
Department.
Question. Are you aware of the tweet Charge d'Affairs for
Afghanistan, Karen Decker, published as the head of the U.S. mission
requesting Beyonce and Lizzo input to Afghan women's plight and
compared their situation to American racial and structural issues known
as Black Girl Magic?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Are you aware, on February 12, 2023, the same Charge
d'Affairs tweeted that while it was the birthdate of President Abraham
Lincoln and he ``did some stuff,'' that it was also the date the NAACP
was established, implicitly arguing that Abraham Lincoln's birth was
not as important?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Both of the tweets mentioned were deleted. Is this the
type of messaging the State Department envisions influencing foreign
populations or Americans to advance U.S. interests and national
security objectives?
Answer. Social media and digital engagement are core functions of
public diplomacy and public affairs. The Department encourages its
staff and principals around the world to speak authentically, and to
adapt their content to their unique local audiences to effectively
advance the Department's strategic goals. That often requires a healthy
amount of risk tolerance and a willingness to try new things.
With over 1,200 official Department social media accounts, a small
minority of messages, like these, may miss the mark. These instances
offer an opportunity to be transparent about missteps and to learn and
improve. The Department is already implementing further training
opportunities for leadership and social media practitioners alike.
Question. How do you envision countering disinformation campaigns
from malign actors, such as China, Russia, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and
Venezuela with the diffusion of public messaging platforms and
authority to overseas missions if confirmed as Under Secretary?
Answer. If confirmed, I will further the Department's holistic,
audience-driven approach to countering foreign disinformation and
malign influence. I will harness the network of more than 5,000 public
diplomacy practitioners around the world to work across the
Department--including through the Global Engagement Center, Bureau of
Global Public Affairs, Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, and
regional bureau Strategic Communications units--to identify false
narratives that undermine U.S. foreign policy, develop and deploy
factual messaging to key audiences overseas, and continue to build the
meaningful relationships necessary to establish trust on the ground
with the next generation of global leaders.
Public diplomacy also fosters open information environments and
empowers independent media that allow populations to see their
authoritarian regimes' actions, serves as a tool for accountability,
and conveys U.S. values and policy positions to global audiences,
presenting our affirmative, forward-looking, dynamic vision for
ourselves and our partners worldwide as an alternative.
Question. As Under Secretary, how would you ensure misguided
messages like those mentioned are not published?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining an open line of
communication with Chiefs of Mission and Department leaders to advise
and encourage audience-driven, data-informed, and policy-centered
messaging and public diplomacy. I further commit to continuing to
expand training opportunities for public diplomacy practitioners.
Question. In 2016 Congress established the Global Engagement Center
(GEC) to counter foreign state and non-state propaganda and
disinformation efforts. A State OIG report found the GEC could not
effectively lead the USG efforts due to authority issues and competing
government agency efforts, to name a few. What is your opinion of the
GEC and can you point to any specific instances GEC was the lead and
not supporting other interagency partner efforts?
Answer. The GEC has a critical role to play in countering America's
adversaries and furthering U.S. foreign policy through its mission to
lead U.S. Government efforts to recognize, understand, expose, and
counter foreign malign actors' attempts to spread disinformation and
propaganda outside of the United States that would undermine or
influence the policies, security, or stability of the United States and
our allies and partner nations.
The GEC has led numerous interagency efforts to publicly debunk
Russia and PRC disinformation, inform global audiences of false
narratives, and direct them to fact-based sources. For example, GEC's
May 2022 public exposure report on ``PRC Efforts to Amplify the
Kremlin's Voice on Ukraine'' illuminated Beijing's demonstrated support
for Russia in attempting to influence public opinion.
The GEC concurred with the OIG's 2022 recommendations and has been
working to address its concerns, including by conducting an
organizational assessment, drafting a realignment plan, and enhancing
risk mitigation for its analytics platform. If confirmed, I would work
closely with GEC's leadership and others to ensure GEC has all policies
and procedures in place to conform to the OIG recommendations and
maximize its prospects for success.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Martina Anna Tkadlec Strong by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your role as Ambassador to
strengthen economic relations among Abraham Accords/Negev Forum
participants?
Answer. Building on the Abraham Accords, the UAE became the first
Arab country to reach a comprehensive trade deal with Israel in 2022.
Bilateral trade between them reached $3 billion in 2022, surpassing
2021's $1.2 billion total. If confirmed, I will build on this
burgeoning economic cooperation between UAE and Israel, seek
opportunities to bring U.S. firms into trilateral cooperation, and
expand benefits to the broader region through multilateral initiatives
like I2U2, the Negev Forum, and Project Prosperity.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your role as Ambassador to
strengthen social relations among Abraham Accords/Negev Forum
participants?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to enhance people-to-people
initiatives between Israel, the UAE, and other countries in the region,
leveraging ongoing work through institutions like the Negev Forum
Education and Coexistence and Tourism Working Groups. I will also work
with religious institutions, non-profit organizations, youth groups,
and the private sector to encourage non-governmental initiatives that
promote religious and cultural understanding and strengthen people-to-
people ties.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your role as Ambassador to
strengthen security relations among Abraham Accords/Negev Forum
participants?
Answer. Israel's integration into the region CENTCOM initiatives
and its strong partnership with the UAE have created important
opportunities to enhance regional security and stability. If confirmed,
I will work to deepen ongoing security cooperation between Israel and
its neighbors, especially UAE, through bilateral initiatives and
multilateral efforts including the Negev Forum Regional Security
Working Group.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your position as
Ambassador to amplify the success of the Abraham Accords?
Answer. The Administration strongly supports the historic Abraham
Accords and normalization agreements between Israel and countries in
the Arab and Muslim world. If confirmed, I will work to highlight the
significant benefits of the Abraham Accords for the UAE and the region
to encourage other countries to join the circle of Abraham Accords
signatories. I will also support multilateral initiatives like the
Negev Forum and I2U2.
Question. If confirmed, what areas do you see as opportunities to
expand the Abraham Accords?
Answer. The Administration continues to encourage more countries to
normalize relations with Israel, as well as join multilateral
initiatives like the Negev Forum where they can benefit from
cooperation with its members, including Israel. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with the UAE to support these bilateral and
multilateral initiatives. In addition to working closely with the UAE
Government, I will seek to capitalize on opportunities to expand
cooperation with Israel through private sector and people-to-people
initiatives.
Question. How does the UAE play into U.S. considerations for Saudi
Arabia's request for uranium enrichment capacity?
Answer. The United States has long sought to limit the spread of
uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing technologies globally,
given their potential technical applicability to fissile material
production for nuclear weapons purposes. We have encouraged states in
the region to take an approach similar to the United Arab Emirates,
which made a sovereign decision in 2009 to renounce the development of
any domestic uranium enrichment or spent fuel reprocessing capabilities
and to rely on external suppliers for nuclear fuel.
Question. How does the UAE play into U.S. considerations for Saudi
Arabia's request for major non-NATO ally status?
Answer. The United States considers designation of countries as a
Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) on a case-by-case basis. The United States
shares a strong security partnership with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
and remains committed to supporting the Kingdom's defensive needs.
Syria Relations
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to opposing any normalization
between the UAE and the Assad regime in Syria?
Answer. The United States has been clear--both publicly and
privately with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and other countries--that
we continue to oppose any normalization with the Assad regime without
progress on the requirements laid out in UNSCR 2254. We also continue
to stress the need to hold the Assad regime accountable for the
horrific atrocities it has perpetrated. If confirmed, I will continue
to uphold this message.
Question. In your opinion, how has Syria's emergence as a narco-
state impacted the UAE, and how will it affect your approach with UAE
officials as Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. The Assad regime is responsible for the death and suffering
of countless Syrians, the displacement of more than half of the
country's pre-war population, and now the spread of illicit drugs
throughout the region. Captagon trafficking by the Assad regime and its
affiliates poses a significant threat to stability, public health, and
rule of law in the region, including the UAE. If confirmed, I will work
to enhance ongoing USG cooperation with the UAE to combat the Captagon
and other illegal substance trade.
Question. What opportunities do you see for regional cooperation to
address Captagon and other illegal substances from Syria?
Answer. Captagon trafficking affects multiple countries in the
region, including the Gulf. Regional and international cooperation,
along with a comprehensive strategy, will be vital to stem the flow of
drugs into the Gulf and across the region. I understand that several
U.S. Government agencies currently provide support to our partners in
the region, including through information sharing and capacity
building. If confirmed, I will support efforts by the Department and
other agencies to strengthen regional coordination on this issue.
Iran Relations
Question. In your opinion, is normalization with Iran in the UAE's
best interest?
Answer. The Emiratis are keenly aware of the threat posed by Iran
and are exploring diplomatic efforts to de-escalate regional tensions,
even as the United States and UAE cooperate closely on defense and
deterrence. The United States also continues to cooperate with the UAE
to counter Iran's destabilizing activities in the region. If confirmed,
I will work to keep our partnership with the UAE strong and focused on
our shared challenges, including those posed by Iran.
Question. In your opinion, is Iran-UAE normalization in the United
States' best interest?
Answer. De-escalation and diplomacy, backed by deterrence and
defense ties, have been the key to the Administration's approach to the
Middle East. To the extent that UAE diplomatic engagement reduces
tensions, it could potentially benefit U.S. partners and their
interests. However, it is far from clear whether Iran plans to live up
to its commitments. The United States will also enforce vigorously all
sanctions and will take action to disrupt sanctions evasion.
China Relations
The Chinese-brokered agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran
has exacerbated concerns China is replacing U.S. leadership in
the region.
Question. Please describe your view of China's role in the UAE.
Answer. The Administration has clearly identified the PRC as
``America's most consequential geopolitical challenge,'' and DNI Avril
Haines testified to the threat that the PRC and the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) represent to U.S. national security and leadership
globally. Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
partnerships, including with the UAE. The PRC is trying to translate
its commercial ties with the region into strategic gains. If confirmed,
I will work to advance U.S. national security interests and push back
against the PRC's efforts to expand its influence in the UAE through
robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy
programming, and commercial advocacy to bolster the foundational
pillars of U.S.-UAE bilateral ties.
Question. Do you believe China's role as a mediator between Saudi
Arabia and Iran is a net positive for U.S. interests?
Answer. The United States has long supported efforts to de-escalate
tensions in the Middle East, including by seeking to end the war in
Yemen. The March 10 agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran was the
culmination of two years of engagement, facilitated by Iraq and Oman
and supported by the United States. The United States remains an
indispensable partner to the UAE and other countries in the Gulf,
having brokered the historic Abraham Accords and subsequent agreements
on overflights of Saudi Arabia and Oman for aircraft to/from Israel,
advanced peace in Yemen, and developed over decades and across U.S.
administrations strong, strategic partnerships with countries in the
region. If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. leadership and ensure
that we do not leave a vacuum for the PRC to fill.
Question. Do you believe a Beijing summit hosted by China and
attended by Iran and Arab monarchies is a net positive for U.S.
interests?
Answer. The reported plans for a Beijing summit should be viewed in
the context of the PRC's track record of irresponsible disregard for
international law and sovereignty of countries, as well as Iran's
aggressive posture and malign actions in the region. In addition,
according to the ODNI Annual Threat Analysis, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
The United States has led the region in advancing efforts to de-
escalate tensions and work with its regional partners to strengthen
their deterrence and defense capabilities. If confirmed, I will
continue to work to strengthen the U.S. partnership with the UAE,
leveraging our longstanding ties and unmatched record of cooperation
over five decades to ensure that we do not leave a vacuum for the PRC
to fill. At the same time, I will continue to support the
Administration's efforts to deter and disrupt Iran's destabilizing
activities in the region.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to opposing further Chinese
investments in strategic infrastructure, such as Khalifa Port?
Answer. There are areas of the UAE's cooperation with China that
run up against U.S. interests and pose a threat to the security of
sensitive weapons systems, U.S. defense and commercial technology, and
information technology. At senior levels we have expressed our concerns
that certain kinds of cooperation with China will make it more
difficult to cooperate with the United States. If confirmed, I will
address these issues forthrightly with UAE leadership to ensure our
concerns are made clear.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to emphasizing the
limitations the UAE's relationship with China, including Huawei, place
on deepening U.S. security relations?
Answer. If confirmed, it will be a priority for me to ensure that
the UAE understands and respects that there are categories of
cooperation with the PRC that impact directly on U.S. national security
interests, especially the security of sensitive weapons systems, U.S.
defense and commercial technology, and information technology. We have
been clear with leaders across the region, including in UAE, that
certain kinds of cooperation with the PRC will impact our ability to
work together on national security matters.
Russia Relations
U.S. officials and sanctions watchers are concerned that the
UAE has become the new hot spot for Russian businesses to evade
Western sanctions, including export controls.
Question. What is your understanding of Russia-UAE relations,
especially in banking?
Answer. Russia and the UAE have worked to deepen their relations in
recent years in multiple areas, including the banking sector. Russia is
one of the main sources of tourism to Dubai, and a large expatriate
Russian population lives and conducts business in the UAE. Senior U.S.
officials have expressed to UAE leadership our concerns over Russian-
UAE economic ties and emphasized the importance of preventing Russia
from obtaining the resources and equipment it needs to prosecute its
unjust war against Ukraine. Senior Administration officials have been
clear about the risk to Emirati companies engaged with Russia.
The United States and our European allies are also pressing the UAE
to halt all trade between UAE-based firms and Russian specially
designated nationals, as well as exports of U.S. export-controlled or
critical dual use goods, especially electronics, to Russia. The
Administration will use all tools available to us to enforce our
sanctions and stop Russia from obtaining items it needs for its brutal,
unacceptable war on Ukraine.
Question. How can the U.S. incentivize transparency reforms to
improve sanctions compliance?
Answer. We are deepening our work to enforce sanctions and export
control measures and also to end and deter circumvention and backfill,
including by expanded authorities to close down Russia's access to all
inputs that can support its war machine. As part of this, we are taking
new steps to target additional third-country actors across the globe to
disrupt support for Russia's war from any corner of the world where it
is identified.
Question. Do you believe the U.S. should threaten the UAE with
sanctions if their non-compliance with Russia sanctions continues?
Answer. The United States, together with our allies in Europe, is
pushing the UAE to halt all trade between UAE-based firms and Russian
specially designated nationals, as well as the exports of U.S. export
controlled or critical dual-use goods to Russia. We will use all the
tools available to us to enforce our sanctions and stop Russia from
obtaining the resources it needs for its unjust war.
If confirmed, I will build on the Administration's efforts to press
senior UAE officials to work with us to address sanctions violations
and sanctions evasion networks operating in the UAE. This is critical
to efforts to help Ukraine defend its sovereignty from the Russian
illegal invasion.
Question. The UAE's humanitarian aid to Ukraine is welcomed, but
more can be done to support Ukraine's fight against Russia's invasion--
especially in light of the growing Russia-Iran alignment. How will you
work with the Emiratis to increase their support for Ukraine?
Answer. Given Ukraine's situation and Russia's unacceptable
aggression, more can indeed be done. If confirmed, I will work with the
UAE to strengthen their support for Ukraine and to reduce Russia's
destabilizing influence. I will also encourage the UAE, as a non-
permanent UN Security Council member, to support Ukraine's sovereignty
and territorial integrity through votes in the UN and clear statements
backing these core tenets of international law.
U.S. Relations
The Chinese-brokered agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran
has exacerbated concerns China is replacing U.S. leadership in
the region. The UAE, in particular, has spent the last few
diversifying its partnerships to a fault.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your role as Ambassador to
bolster confidence in the U.S. partnership and increase UAE
partnerships with the U.S. Government?
Answer. There should be no question that the United States remains
the UAE's most important and reliable partner. If confirmed, I will
work to expand and deepen our partnership with the UAE in various
areas, including strengthening the U.S.-UAE security partnership,
advancing U.S.-UAE commercial ties, deepening our people-to-people
exchanges, and expanding the growing cooperation between the UAE and
Israel under the historic Abraham Accords.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your role as Ambassador to
increase UAE partnerships with U.S. businesses?
Answer. Over 1,500 American firms are successfully operating in the
UAE and the United States enjoys a healthy trade surplus with the UAE,
which is the largest market for U.S. goods and services in the Middle
East. If confirmed, advocating for U.S. businesses in the UAE, as well
as for UAE investments into the United States, which create jobs for
Americans will be at the top of my agenda. I will also engage with the
UAE Government to expand trade opportunities through initiatives like
I2U2, which is linking India-Israel-UAE-and U.S. economies.
Question. If confirmed, how would you use your role as Ambassador
to fight the narrative of U.S. disengagement from the region?
Answer. It is imperative that our partners in the region continue
to view the United States as their partner of choice. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure active U.S. engagement and leadership to strengthen
our partnerships--and engage publics and key decisionmakers to ensure
that they appreciate the valuable, ongoing leadership role of the
United States in the region. The United States has led the region in
unlocking historic opportunities to achieve greater stability,
security, and prosperity through the Abraham Accords, the Saudi
decision to open its airspace to civilian flights traveling to/from
Israel, the longest period of calm in Yemen, and our close and ongoing
defense cooperation. If confirmed, I will work to deepen the Emiratis'
understanding of and appreciation for the benefits of the close U.S.-
UAE partnership to the region's security and prosperity.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, the UAE remained on Tier 2 for inconsistent efforts to combat
human trafficking, including failing to report any investigations into
human traffickers or labor violations. How will you work with the host
government and civil society actors to address these issues if you are
confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The UAE's Tier 2 ranking indicates that the UAE has taken
certain steps to improve its anti-trafficking enforcement and capacity,
but much work remains. The UAE has implemented multiple labor reforms
recently, including safeguards against contract switching, electronic
wage payment monitoring, improved legal protections for domestic
workers, and updated worker visa policies to limit vulnerabilities to
exploitation. However, the UAE has only prosecuted traffickers for
forced labor in limited instances. If confirmed, I will urge the UAE to
continue improving TIP enforcement and protections for the victims.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in the UAE?
Answer. Yes, this is an issue that has long been a priority for me
and the U.S. Mission to the UAE. If confirmed, I will work with my
colleagues in the Department to make sure the annual TIP report
reflects the most accurate assessment of the trafficking situation in
the UAE.
International Religious Freedom
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, the UAE was identified as making progress towards
increased societal and governmental respect for religious freedom. What
is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will
you work with office of the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The UAE has initiated reforms to promote religious
tolerance and is home to a diverse population of nationalities and
religious groups. A number of churches and temples, including an LDS
Temple in Dubai and several Evangelical churches, operate freely. The
UAE also recently opened the Abrahamic Family House, a multi-faith
physical manifestation of the interfaith tolerance and coexistence that
the UAE has sought to promote. If confirmed, I will work closely with
the Ambassador-At-Large on areas where further progress is needed,
while also highlighting important successes.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, the UAE
was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including arbitrary arrest, torture, restrictive laws on NGOs,
and more.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that
human rights are central to our foreign policy and that these concerns
will continue to be raised with partners as well as adversaries. The
State Department frequently engages the UAE on a range of human rights
concerns and will continue to do so. If confirmed, I will urge the UAE
to do more to protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, with a
special emphasis on the safety and wellbeing of U.S. citizens.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken raised human rights
with regional leaders during the July visit to the region. Human rights
remain at the top of the agenda for all our posts in the region. This
has been a focus for me in Saudi Arabia, both to address areas of
significant concern and to encourage progress underway in areas such as
women's economic and societal participation. Similarly, in the UAE
there are both areas of progress to build upon and areas of concern to
address. If confirmed, I will work with civil society groups to seek to
improve the human rights situation in the UAE.
State Department Manangement
Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over the
last few years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Abu Dhabi?
Answer. My understanding is that morale across Mission UAE is high,
despite many challenges our personnel face, including a tense regional
security environment and isolation from families and friends during the
pandemic. Our team is invested in their important mission and
demonstrates high levels of productivity and professionalism. If
confirmed, I look forward to supporting this committed team and
ensuring their morale is high, they have a strong sense of purpose, and
their hard work is recognized.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Abu Dhabi?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that every member of our
Mission knows that I am their champion. I have always prioritized
listening to my colleagues and their families, addressing their
concerns, and ensuring they have the resources and support they need.
Our work is often stressful, challenging, and at times dangerous.
Therefore, taking care of our team and protecting our employees in
every respect are among my top priorities as a leader and manager. That
means protecting our Mission from security threats first and foremost.
And, it also means ensuring that all of our employees are working in a
place where they feel safe and free from harassment and disrespect of
any kind, and where they feel valued and included. If confirmed, I will
prioritize our team's morale, resilience, and well-being, which will be
crucial to our success as a Mission in advancing our nation's foremost
foreign and security policy goals.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Abu Dhabi?
Answer. In a large, complex Mission such as UAE, ensuring that the
entire team is oriented around the same core objectives is key to our
success. The Mission's two diplomatic posts and 13 federal agencies
must have a thorough understanding of our Integrated Country Strategy
goals, our plans for accomplishing them, and most importantly, the
underlying reasons behind our objectives. It will also be incumbent
upon me, if confirmed, to work closely with our partners throughout the
U.S. Government, the U.S. Congress, as well as stakeholders in the
private sector and civil society. Bringing to bear all of the United
States' core sources of influence, developing innovative approaches,
and forming broad coalitions have been successful strategies I have
utilized in the past to strengthen our bilateral partnerships and
advance top U.S. objectives.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have approached my management
responsibilities with a focus on being an inclusive and supportive
leader. I have emphasized several core management principles, which I
have modeled and have expected every member of the team to adhere to:
serve the American people with integrity and be responsible stewards of
the American taxpayers' resources; respect everyone; and empower
colleagues to lead, generate solutions, and grow as professionals. As a
leader, I have also prioritized my responsibility to contribute to our
institutional capacity and mission readiness by mentoring my
colleagues, especially those in the early stages of their careers. Over
the years, building and broadening my colleagues' professional skills
have helped our teams deliver many successes on behalf of the American
people.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate anyone in
any setting. As a leader, I make it clear to the entire Mission that
respect for everyone is paramount. This means respect for everyone in
our Mission, for the host government, and for the public with whom we
interact. I approach my leadership role with humility and patience and
expect everyone on my team to do the same. When setbacks or mistakes
occur, we must coach, mentor, and course correct. We should always do
so in a professional and constructive manner.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. To be successful, a diplomatic mission requires a close
partnership, seamless collaboration, open communication, and a unity of
effort between the deputy chief of mission (DCM) and the chief of
mission. Having served as a DCM and acting DCM in four embassies and
having supported numerous outstanding DCMs in earlier assignments, I
recognize the vital importance of this position in setting the
Mission's direction, supporting our colleagues and their families, and
leading the team toward success.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. As a Chief of Mission and in prior senior roles, I have
prioritized empowering our employees, especially the Deputy Chief of
Mission, whose role and responsibilities are critical to every
diplomatic Mission's success, effectiveness, and efficiency. If
confirmed, I will empower the DCM and also make clear that I have the
DCM's back. As senior leader and chief of mission, I firmly believe
that the proverbial buck stops with me. I am also fully committed to
ensuring that everyone on my team has a professionally enhancing
experience.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports
(EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though
often lacking.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have focused on effective and
ongoing performance management as a core pillar of my approach to team
leadership. When we achieved a victory--big or small--we would
celebrate it. When we faced a setback or made a mistake as a team or
individually, we would acknowledge it, address it, learn from it, and
work on improving our performance. In this regard, constructive
feedback is critical to professional development and institutional
performance. I prioritize creating a safe environment to discuss how we
can do better.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. I take very seriously my responsibility for motivating our
employees and for promoting accountability. I have always focused on
ensuring the integrity of our performance management processes, to
include our evaluations. Performance management is indeed a process and
requires ongoing, constructive feedback to recognize achievements and
address development areas. Evaluations must assess employees'
performance accurately and fairly, reflect their accomplishments fully,
and document clearly their impact in support of the Mission's
objectives.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and fellow foreign
diplomats stationed in the UAE.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have consistently prioritized
active diplomatic engagement and public outreach. It is critical for
the conduct of our foreign policy that our policymakers have access to
diverse streams of information and inputs. At the same time, it is
important that U.S. diplomats engage host country governments and
publics frequently to advocate for and explain U.S. policies. American
taxpayers make significant investments in our diplomatic platforms
abroad to enable our diplomats to engage in person. It is our
obligation to make the most of this investment.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my DCM, regional
security officer, management officer, and public affairs team, to
review our budget and the prevailing security conditions in the UAE,
with the goal of maximizing the impact of our resources and managing
any relevant security risks appropriately. If confirmed, I will look
for opportunities to broaden our audiences, reach new segments of the
society, and ensure our Mission is a role model in terms of inclusive
events, to include representational events.
Question. Public Diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
UAE?
Answer. The UAE has sought U.S. partnership to build its education
and culture sectors' capacity, while also engaging with numerous
prominent U.S. institutions, such as Warner Bros. Inc., New York
University, Berklee College of Music, and the Guggenheim Museum, to
establish branches in the country to increase its touristic appeal and
nurture an ecosystem for cultural creation and academic innovation. At
the same time, the UAE government closely regulates and censors all
media in the country, and government institutions are responsible for
most education and culture activities. Our Mission in the UAE enjoys a
close relationship with the relevant Emirati institutions, and, if
confirmed, I will work to deepen our cooperation.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The ease with which public diplomacy programs can operate
varies, including within different Emirates. The UAE government closely
monitors U.S. public diplomacy activities. While the UAE government
welcomes programming that promotes innovation and entrepreneurship, all
UAE media is regulated.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy messages
for foreign audiences?
Answer. The Department of State, both domestically and in the
field, works to ensure clear communication of USG policies and
priorities to audiences in the UAE in a manner that is persuasive and
mindful of the social, cultural, and political context in the UAE.
``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that
the Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and
communicate to its personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. The security and health of our personnel are among my
highest priorities as a leader. If confirmed, I will continue to take
this threat seriously and to provide expeditious, full, and
compassionate support for our personnel, when required.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Abu Dhabi personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to speaking as openly as possible to
our Mission in the UAE about all matters. I am committed to empowering
our personnel and their families with information and offering them my
full support when they require it.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Martina Anna Tkadlec Strong by Senator March Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The Administration has clearly identified the PRC as
``America's most consequential geopolitical challenge,'' and DNI Avril
Haines testified to the threat that the PRC and the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) represent to U.S. national security and leadership
globally. Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against the PRC's efforts to expand its
influence in the UAE through robust and forthright diplomatic
engagements, public diplomacy programming, and commercial advocacy to
bolster the foundational pillars of U.S.-UAE bilateral ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the PRC's track record of
irresponsible disregard for international law and sovereignty of
countries and the CCP's increasingly aggressive posture
internationally. According to the ODNI's Annual Threat Analysis, the
CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between
Washington and its partners, and foster some norms that favor its
authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States would have to determine that any
potential collaboration with the CCP would--first and foremost--advance
very clearly defined U.S. national security interests. The United
States would have to weigh carefully all possible benefits and
downsides of such cooperation and ensure that the PRC would be unable
to use such cooperation to advance its own narrow and/or opportunistic
objectives.
If confirmed, I will work with the Department of State's new Office
of China Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful
behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Middle East.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in the UAE and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that we consider the PRC to be the United
States' most consequential geopolitical challenge and is committed to
working to strengthen our partners in the Gulf. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Administration and Congress to counter China's
efforts to expand its influence in the UAE and the Gulf.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to re-assure the UAE of
the United States' commitment to our bilateral relations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to cement our bilateral
relationship with the UAE by expanding and institutionalizing our
partnership in key areas. These include building on the Abraham Accords
and Negev Forum process and working to ensure security cooperation
remains robust in order to deter and confront external threats. I will
also seek to ensure that our cooperation encompasses the future energy
and scientific opportunities and industries that both countries value.
Question. The UAE is China's largest non-oil trading partner in the
region, estimated at more than $50 billion. The UAE has partnered with
Huawei for domestic network services, is open to using CCP technology,
and considering construction of a PLA military facility at Khalifa
port. Taking these into consideration, do you believe the U.S. should
move forward with U.S. military sales, such as drones and F-35s to the
UAE?
Answer. As the United States competes for influence with the PRC,
we have made clear the importance of safeguarding U.S. advanced
technology, a core national security priority that could be impacted
through certain categories of cooperation with the PRC. Should the
Administration move forward with these proposed defense sales, we will
seek clear mutual understandings from the UAE regarding its obligations
and actions before, during, and after delivery. If confirmed,
protecting U.S. technology and addressing concerning PRC cooperation
will be priorities for me.
Question. If so, what assurances should the UAE provide to the U.S.
regarding the safeguarding and security of U.S. defense technology?
Answer. The Administration continues to have robust dialogue with
the UAE on the sale of U.S. defense technology to ensure there are
unmistakably clear mutual understandings with respect to Emirati
obligations and actions before, during, and after delivery. Congress
and the Administration are focused on the same important issues. Should
the proposed sales move forward, I will ensure that these issues
continue to be addressed. Sensitive and advanced U.S. technology must
be protected.
Question. When Arab leaders met CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping in
Riyadh late last year, it was determined that China would hold a summit
for Gulf Cooperation Council member states and Iran in 2023. This is in
addition to the agreement that Beijing brokered between Riyadh and
Tehran which was announced last Friday. What do you believe accounts
for this recent win by China to supplant U.S. leadership in the Middle
East?
Answer. The United States has been promoting efforts at de-
escalation and a reduction in tensions across the region. The March 10
agreement was the culmination of two years of engagement, facilitated
by both Iraq and Oman, which we supported. The United States remains an
indispensable partner to the UAE and other countries in the Gulf,
having brokered the historic Abraham Accords and subsequent agreements
on overflights of Saudi Arabia and Oman for aircraft to/from Israel,
advanced peace in Yemen, and developed over decades and across U.S.
administrations strong, strategic partnerships with countries in the
region. If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. leadership and ensure
that we do not leave a vacuum for Russia or the PRC to fill.
Question. How would you as ambassador seek to restore the United
States' role as the region's main power broker?
Answer. The United States continues to lead the region in efforts
to create a more secure, more stable, and more integrated Middle East.
The United States helped Israel and UAE reach for peace through the
Abraham Accords and continues to advance Israel's integration with the
region. U.S. diplomacy facilitated the longest period of calm and de-
escalation in Yemen since the start of the conflict. If confirmed, I
will work to strengthen U.S.-UAE cooperation, including on regional
issues. I will pursue diplomacy, backed by close defense cooperation
and deterrence, to de-escalate and end conflicts and advance our
objective of a more secure, stable, prosperous, and integrated region.
Question. If confirmed, how will you facilitate increased trade and
ties between the UAE and the U.S.?
Answer. Our trade and investment ties are key components of our
relationship. Over 1,500 U.S. firms successfully operate in the UAE and
the United States enjoys a large trade surplus with the UAE, which is
the largest market for U.S. goods and services in the Middle East. If
confirmed, I will advocate for U.S. businesses in the UAE, as well as
job-creating UAE investment in the United States. I will also partner
with the UAE to expand trade opportunities through initiatives such as
I2U2, which is linking governments and companies from India, Israel,
the UAE, and the United States.
Question. What is your strategy to deepen and expand the UAE-Israel
relationship to ensure the Abraham Accords continue to benefit both
countries and long-term U.S. security interests?
Answer. The Abraham Accords are among the most important and
promising developments the Middle East in many years. If confirmed, I
will seize on this historic opportunity to strengthen UAE-Israel ties
and deepen trilateral and regional cooperation, including through the
Negev Forum and I2U2. Like the United States, the UAE cares deeply
about institutionalizing these efforts. We can strengthen our bilateral
ties with the UAE by championing its historic breakthrough with Israel
as part of our affirmative agenda.
Question. With the withdrawal from Afghanistan, what should be
changed in our security cooperation program with the UAE?
Answer. Security ties with the UAE, a capable and interoperable
partner, have been central to our fight against terrorism and other
defense efforts and continue to advance U.S. interests even after the
withdrawal from Afghanistan. If confirmed, I will prioritize our
ongoing efforts to bolster deterrence and regional stability; counter
terrorism; de-escalate regional tensions; protect freedom of
navigation, especially in critical maritime choke points; and support a
political settlement of the conflict in Yemen, while ensuring we do not
leave a vacuum for Russia or China to fill.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Martina Anna Tkadlec Strong by Senator Bill Hagerty
Combating Iranian Sanctions Evasion Efforts
The UAE last year reopened its embassy in Iran after more
than six years of downgraded ties and has deepened trade
relations. These business ties unfortunately have included
exports of proliferation-related technology to Iran and the use
of some UAE financial institutions by Iranian entities.
Numerous UAE-based entities have been sanctioned by the United
States for these activities in the last year. Just last week,
the Biden administration sanctioned 39 entities--many based in
the UAE--that form a global ``shadow banking'' network built by
Iran to evade previous sanctions.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to encourage our Emirati
partners to crack down on companies helping Iran gain access to
international financial and oil markets through sanctions evasion?
Answer. Any attempt to avoid U.S. sanctions is unacceptable. The
Administration continuously raises this issue and emphasizes to the UAE
that we will use all tools available to us to enforce our sanctions and
to stop Iran's destabilizing malign behavior. Iran continues to
threaten the UAE's and regional security through its nuclear and
ballistic missile programs, as well as malign support for militant
proxies in the region. If confirmed, I will continue the
Administration's whole of government efforts to press UAE officials to
work with us to stop sanctions violations and sanctions evasion efforts
by Iran and affiliated networks.
Strengthening The Abraham Accords
In 2020 the U.S. facilitated a historic agreement whereby the
United Arab Emirates agreed to normalize relations with Israel.
These agreements have already made tangible contributions to
regional security and prosperity, furthering U.S. interests.
Bilateral trade between Israel and the UAE reached $2.59
billion in 2022, up from $11.2 million in 2019, the year prior
to the Abraham Accords. The U.S. role in facilitating these
agreements cannot be overstated. They would not have happened
without involvement from the United States, and their continued
strengthening requires active U.S. engagement.
Question. If confirmed, how specifically do you plan to further
regional security and prosperity by deepening ties between the UAE and
Israel
Answer. The historic Abraham Accords offers a generational
opportunity to deepen and broaden cooperation between the UAE and
Israel, as well as other countries, which is central to the
Administration's strategic objective of a more peaceful, more secure,
more integrated, and more prosperous Middle East. If confirmed, I will
actively develop and implement efforts--in bilateral and multilateral
formats--to support the growing governmental, private sector, and
people-to-people ties between the UAE and Israel. From trade and clean
energy partnerships to tourism and interfaith tolerance cooperation,
there are numerous opportunities to build on the progress and momentum
already achieved under the Abraham Accords and related initiatives such
as I2U2 and the Negev Forum. Integrating Israel further into the region
can anchor the Administration's efforts to expand the circle of peace
and prosperity throughout the region.
Last month, the UAE introduced an unfairly one-sided anti-
Israel Presidential Statement at the U.N. Security Council and
previously intended on introducing an equally one-sided binding
resolution at the Security Council. While the Biden
administration should have blocked this unfair Presidential
Statement, that a U.S. partner was behind these unjustified
targeting of the U.S. best friend in the region is also
discouraging.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to engage with the
Emirati Government to ensure that Israel is not unfairly targeted at
the U.N. and at other international forums?
Answer. Unfair and biased targeting of Israel at the United Nations
and other international fora is unacceptable. If confirmed, just as I
have done at previous posts, I will engage with senior UAE officials to
encourage the Emirati Government to take a strong stand and to use its
influence with other countries against any unjustified and biased
criticism of Israel.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Rood by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Turkmenistan remained on Tier 3 due to the continued government
policy of forced labor. How will you work with the host government and
civil society actors to address these issues if you are confirmed as
Ambassador?
Answer. The U.S. Government places a priority on maintaining a
robust dialogue on human rights and democratic governance. If
confirmed, I will lead regular human rights dialogues with the Turkmen
Government. We have seen some progress on religious freedom, release of
conscientious objectors, accounting for disappeared persons, and
discussion of human trafficking. The International Labor Organization
(ILO) recently finalized a road map, currently awaiting approval by the
President of Turkmenistan, to address forced labor. If confirmed, I
will work to augment this progress on these critical issues.
Question. What do you envision as possible avenues of collaboration
to permanently eliminate the Government's use of forced labor in public
and private sectors?
Answer. Labor needs for the annual harvest have decreased in part
due to a long-running mechanization program involving U.S. industry
(largely with John Deere harvesters). In part due to significant U.S.
engagement, the Government of Turkmenistan allowed the ILO to visit
Turkmenistan in autumn 2022 to discuss reforms to Turkmen labor laws.
As a result, the Turkmen agreed to a three-stage program in which the
ILO will perform a legislative review, monitoring and surveys of forced
labor indicators, and capacity building and training. If confirmed, I
will continue our engagement with the Government of Turkmenistan aimed
at eliminating forced labor.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Turkmenistan?
Answer. Absolutely. Accurate and regular reporting, in addition to
our engagement with the Government of Turkmenistan, civil society, and
industry, are essential to combatting human trafficking and forced
labor.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Turkmenistan was described as lacking religious freedom
and having little tolerance for religious diversity and was eventually
designated as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC). What is your
assessment of this issue, and if confirmed, how will you work with the
office of the Ambassador-At-Large for International Religious Freedom
to bolster religious freedom in country?
Answer. Turkmenistan has been designated a Country of Particular
Concern since 2014. There are indications, however, that the Government
is loosening its tight grip on some religious groups. The former
president pardoned 16 prisoners of conscience in 2021 and has not
jailed conscientious objectors since, but it has also not provided an
alternative to mandatory military service compatible with conscientious
objection. The Embassy coordinates closely with the Office of the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. If confirmed,
I will continue these efforts to improve religious freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Turkmenistan was listed as having a litany of significant human rights
abuses, including restrictions on internet freedom, corruption, forced
labor, and more. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Through a Human Dimension Working Group, Embassy Ashgabat
promotes human rights, including freedom of religion and belief,
freedom of movement, labor issues, and women's empowerment, while
advancing educational and cultural programming. The embassy supports
efforts to strengthen civil society through programing alumni
activities and NGO capacity-building. If confirmed, I will direct and
lead Embassy Ashgabat's continued efforts to engage the Government of
Turkmenistan, civil society, media, and industry to improve human
rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Rood by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more assertive abroad. We will defend and
strengthen U.S. national security, prosperity, and values; defend
international law and agreements and the other principles and
institutions that maintain peace and security; protect the rights of
individuals and sovereign nations; and make it possible for all
countries to coexist and cooperate.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The United States will work with the PRC only when clearly
in U.S. national interests to do so. We cannot let the disagreements
that divide us stop us from moving forward on transnational issues that
demand that we work together, for the good of the American people and
for the good of the world.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States will work with the PRC only when clearly
in U.S. national interests to do so. This includes exploring possible
cooperation on transnational challenges such as counter-narcotics,
global health, and food security.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. We cannot let disagreements that divide us stop us from
making progress on the priorities that demand we work together, for the
good of the American people and for the good of the world. However, the
Administration has been clear that we consider the PRC to be the United
States' most consequential geopolitical challenge. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Administration and Congress to counter China's
efforts to expand its influence in Turkmenistan.
Question. Given the over $8 billion in loans from Chinese entities
to develop Turkmenistan's gas infrastructure and dependency upon
China's export market, do you believe Turkmenistan is neutral when it
comes to international relations and the CCP's regional aspirations?
Answer. Turkmenistan and China have strong economic ties due to the
sale of Turkmen natural gas to the People's Republic of China (PRC).
However, Turkmenistan reportedly has paid off all debt to the PRC for
pipeline construction. Thus, unlike most other Central Asian countries,
Turkmenistan is not linked to the PRC by an onerous debt burden, and
the PRC's influence remains limited. Turkmenistan does not engage in
security cooperation with China that we are aware of, nor is China
attempting to play an outsized political role within the country. Based
on our observation, Turkmenistan has consistently applied its policy of
``positive neutrality'' to China, as it has to Russia, Turkiye, and the
United States.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to promote U.S.-
led and international projects to develop Turkmenistan's energy
resources and infrastructure as an alternative to Chinese-backed
projects?
Answer. It is important for the United States to engage with
Turkmenistan to promote free trade, reduce business corruption, and
expand rule of law to build commercial ties and offer Turkmenistan
alternatives to PRC commercial interests. We have engaged routinely to
strengthen U.S.-Turkmenistan commercial ties, and, if confirmed, I will
continue to do so. An element of this engagement has been to promote
greater diversification of Turkmenistan's gas exports, reducing
Turkmenistan's reliance on any one country, including the PRC. If
confirmed, I will encourage European counterparts to send strong demand
signals for Turkmen gas, increasing the likelihood Turkmenistan will
agree to a Trans-Caspian pipeline.
Question. Is there a role for the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation in facilitating U.S. investment in Turkmenistan?
Answer. Opportunities for direct DFC involvement in Turkmenistan
are limited, but I anticipate DFC's involvement in region-wide projects
to benefit U.S. investment in Turkmenistan. If confirmed, I would
continue to promote a whole-of-government effort--including State
Department, USAID, Commerce's Commercial Law Development Program, USTR,
the Export-Import Bank, and DFC--to foster economic resilience in the
region, improving the workforce and business climate, and increasing
interconnectivity and diversity of trade routes. I would also continue
to encourage Turkmenistan's movement toward WTO membership.
Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage your position to hold
the Government of Turkmenistan accountable for human rights abuse,
including the use of forced labor in the cotton industry?
Answer. In our bilateral relationship with Turkmenistan,
maintaining a robust dialogue on human rights and democratic governance
is a top USG priority. If confirmed, I will continue to lead regular
human rights dialogues, including the Human Dimension Working Group,
with the Turkmen Government. We have seen some progress on human rights
in the last two years with regard to forced labor, religious freedom,
the release of political prisoners, and accounting for disappeared
persons. Turkmenistan has shown interest in making progress on labor
rights and worked recently with ILO on a roadmap to address forced
labor in the cotton harvest. I understand this roadmap is currently
awaiting approval by the President of Turkmenistan. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure progress on these critical issues continues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Karen Sasahara by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Kuwait was downgraded to Tier 2 Watch List for its lack of
sustained commitment to combat human trafficking, including decreased
funding for protection programs and a lack of standard practices for
screening potential victims. How will you address these issues with the
host government and civil society actors if you are confirmed as
Ambassador?
Answer. Human trafficking remains an issue of serious concern to
the U.S. Government and to me personally. Kuwait was downgraded last
year from Tier II to Tier II watch list due to fewer investigations,
prosecutions, and convictions of traffickers than in previous years and
fewer victim identifications. If confirmed, I will press Kuwait to
increase its anti-trafficking actions by reforming its visa sponsorship
system and improving oversight of foreign worker recruitment.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Kuwait?
Answer. Yes, I commit to do so.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Kuwait was noted as having some antisemitic incidents
and that U.S. officials in country continued engagements with religious
and government leaders to press on the importance of religious
tolerance. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the office of the Ambassador-at-Large
for International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Antisemitism in any form is unacceptable. This is a global
issue whose spread and practice must be stopped. If confirmed, I will
continue to support freedom of religion and expression for those of all
faiths. I was pleased to hear that Director and Principal Deputy to the
Ambassador-at-Large for the Office of International Religious Freedom
(IRF) Dan Nadel visited Kuwait on March 1-2; I look forward to working
with this office.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Kuwait was identified as having significant human rights abuses but
took attempts to punish some officials who committed them but impunity
remained a problem. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that
human rights are at the heart of the Administration's foreign policy. I
wholeheartedly agree. If confirmed, I will work with all relevant
parties to support progress on human rights issues, including raising
them at the most senior levels of the Kuwaiti government, making clear
that advancement in the protection of human rights will further
strengthen and deepen our relationship. Close consultation with civil
society is also a key part of our human rights engagement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Karen Sasahara by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The Administration has identified the PRC as ``America's
most consequential geopolitical challenge'' and DNI Avril Haines
testified to the threat that the PRC and the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) represents to U.S. national security and leadership globally.
Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and alliances. If
confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. national security interests
through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy
programming, and commercial advocacy to bolster the foundational
pillars of U.S.-Kuwait bilateral ties and to push back against the
PRC's efforts to expand its influence in the region and to cooperate
with U.S. partners in areas that could negatively impact directly on
U.S. national security interests.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the PRC's track record of blatant
disregard for international law and sovereignty of countries, and the
CCP's increasingly belligerent international posture. According to the
ODNI's Annual Threat Analysis, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S.
influence, drive wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster
some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States would have to determine that any
potential collaboration with the CCP would--first and foremost--advance
very clearly defined U.S. national security interests. The United
States would have to weigh carefully all possible benefits and
downsides of such cooperation and ensure that the PRC would be unable
to use such cooperation to advance its own narrow and/or opportunistic
objectives. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of State's
new Office of China Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter
harmful behavior by the PRC in Kuwait.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Kuwait and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that we consider the PRC to be the United
States' most consequential geopolitical challenge and is committed to
working to strengthen our partnerships in the Gulf. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the Administration and Congress to counter any
PRC effort to expand its influence at the expense of U.S. interests in
Kuwait.
Question. China is a leading importer of Kuwaiti oil and CCP
General Secretary Xi Jinping met with Kuwait's Crown Prince Al-Sabah in
December 2022. The CCP have engaged Kuwaiti partners on projects
including a port project and Kuwaiti telecom providers have partnered
with Huawei to develop a 5G communications network. If confirmed, how
do you plan to counter CCP initiatives in Kuwait and beyond?
Answer. Securing U.S. telecommunications networks and other
sensitive technology is an Administration priority. The United States
has been clear to partners there are sectors where their cooperation
with the PRC precludes cooperation with us because it touches on U.S.
security interests, including safeguarding our most advanced
technology. If confirmed, I will engage at the highest level of Kuwaiti
leadership on these issues. Ensuring the Kuwaitis remain clear-eyed
about the PRC will be a top priority for me, as will advocating for
U.S. businesses and ensuring Kuwait is a welcoming, secure environment
for them.
Question. To date, the Kuwaitis have chosen to not recognize or
engage with Israel. If confirmed, how will you work to promote Kuwait's
participation in the Abraham Accords and broader normalization with
Israel?
Answer. I share your concerns that Kuwait has not joined the
Abraham Accords. The security and economic benefits from the Accords
have been significant and will continue to grow. To not at least
explore them is to risk being left behind or being an outlier, which
comes with a great cost in today's global economy and regional security
environment. If confirmed I will make it a priority to pursue
opportunities to advance relations between Kuwait and Israel, and to
make the case that this is an opportunity worth seizing.
Question. While U.S.-Kuwait security cooperation is robust and an
anchor to the bilateral relationship, is the significant U.S. military
presence and programs in Kuwait as critical to national security as it
has been in the past, given this administration's withdrawal from
Afghanistan?
Answer. Our close security partnership with Kuwait, a Major Non-
NATO ally since 2004, has been and continues to be a pillar of our
efforts to promote regional stability and security. The United States
has a strong interest in maintaining a military presence in Kuwait,
from where we are able to support Kuwaiti self-defense needs, conduct
multinational exercises that improve U.S. interoperability and military
capabilities, and lead the coalition campaign against ISIS in Iraq and
Syria.
Question. If confirmed, how would you propose the United States
adjust its security cooperation program with Kuwait to better reflect
the changed dynamics in the region?
Answer. U.S. and Kuwaiti leadership meet regularly, as they have
done for decades, to review security cooperation and engagements to
ensure our national security needs are met. If confirmed, I will
continue to consult with the Kuwaiti leadership, as well as the
Departments of State and Defense and Congress, to ensure our security
cooperation remains close, effective, and appropriate for security
conditions in the region.
Question. When Arab leaders met CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping in
Riyadh late last year, it was determined that China would hold a summit
for Gulf Cooperation Council member states and Iran in 2023. This is in
addition to the agreement that Beijing brokered between Riyadh and
Tehran which was announced last Friday. What do you believe accounts
for this recent win by China to supplant U.S. leadership in the Middle
East?
Answer. U.S. leadership in the region remains robust, manifest in
progress toward peace in Yemen, the ongoing Negev Forum process, and
unmatched strategic ties with partners such as Kuwait. The recent
agreement was the culmination of two years of engagement, facilitated
by Iraq and Oman, which we supported to promote regional de-escalation.
Our focus is less on where talks were held and more on their outcome.
Should these talks lead Iran to actually better respect the sovereignty
of its neighbors and cease interference in their affairs, that would be
a benefit.
Question. How would you, as Ambassador, seek to restore the United
States' role as the region's main power broker?
Answer. The United States will continue to play its decades long
role as a vital partner to ensure regional and global stability. We
have been and remain the strategic partner of choice for Kuwait, and,
if confirmed, I will ensure we remain an engaged and present partner.
Kuwait remains one of our strongest and most reliable partners in
advancing regional security, and if confirmed, I will we will continue
to work with Kuwait to ensure this close relationship continues.
__________
Responses to An Additional Question for the Record
Submitted to Karen Sasahara by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. China has also made significant investments in Kuwait as
part of the CCP's Belt and Road Initiative. If you are confirmed, would
you welcome more CCP influence in Kuwait?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize ensuring the Kuwaitis
remain clear-eyed about the People's Republic of China (PRC). We must
continue to press the Kuwaitis to counter harmful PRC behavior in areas
such as telecommunications, as well as false and damaging narratives
about the United States proffered by the PRC in Kuwait and across the
broader Middle East. For decades, we have been Kuwait's strategic
partner of choice and remain so today, but we must remain engaged and
not cede space to any country.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, MARCH 30, 2023
U.S. Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations
Washington, D.C.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:19 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Chris Van
Hollen, presiding.
Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Kaine, Duckworth,
and Ricketts.
Also Present: Senator Sullivan.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. Good morning, everybody. The
nominations hearing of the Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
I am very pleased to be joined by the ranking member for
today's hearing, Senator Ricketts, and pleased to serve with
him on this committee. Congratulations to all four of you on
your nominations to be our Ambassadors to different and
important countries around the world. Congratulations to your
family and loved ones. As someone who grew up in a Foreign
Service family, I know this requires the support of other
members of the family and friends. All of you have
distinguished records within the career Foreign Service. I am
looking forward to today's hearing. Your nominations are to
countries in different parts of the world, as you know, from
East Asia to South America to Europe, so we are going to try
and cover a lot of territory.
In the interest of time, and we do not have a lot of time
this morning, I am going to forgo any opening remarks about
each of the countries to which you have been nominated to be
Ambassadors. I do look forward to using that time during the
question period, and, of course, I will introduce each of you
fully in a moment. Let me now turn it over to Senator Ricketts
for any opening comments he may have.
STATEMENT OF HON. PETE RICKETTS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEBRASKA
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Well, I
appreciate the brevity of your opening remarks, and I will
match it.
[Laughter.]
Senator Van Hollen. All right.
Senator Ricketts. So I just, again, want to congratulate
all the nominees on this opportunity, and thank you very much
for your previous service to our country and your willingness
to be able to serve this as well. And I would also like to echo
the chairman's remarks with regard to your families. I know
that you all have loved ones who support you, and you would not
be able to do this without that, so we appreciate the
sacrifices of your family as well.
As governor, I had the opportunity to do a number of trade
missions around the world and visit with embassy staff, and I
was always impressed by the quality of the people and the
sacrifices they were willing to make for us. So I just wanted
to add my thanks to that as well, and with that, Mr. Chairman,
I am going to turn it back over you, and we can started.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Ricketts. Yeah.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and, again, congratulations
to all of you. So let me introduce each of our nominees to the
committee, and then we will begin with the statements from each
of you.
We have here today Ms. Nicole Theriot, who is the current
U.S. consul general in Karachi, Pakistan. In her over 2 decades
of experience representing the United States, Ms. Theriot has
also served as the Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge
d'Affaires at the U.S. embassy in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, the
director for immigration and visa security at the U.S. National
Security Council, and U.S. consulate general in Casablanca,
Morocco, among many other assignments that have earned her
numerous State Department awards.
Ms. Ann Marie Yastishock serves as the USAID senior deputy
assistant administrator for Asia, and before her current role,
she served as USAID's mission director in Vietnam, a country to
which I will be heading next week as part of an official
congressional delegation. In 2021, she came home from that
overseas assignment to expedite the transition of the Biden-
Harris administration as chief advisor to the acting
administration and chief operations officer for USAID. Ms.
Yastishock's service was invaluable in jump-starting USAID's
operations internationally and bringing back the United States
as a force for service in the world. Congratulations to you.
Mr. David Kostelancik is--currently serves as the foreign
policy advisor to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
General Milley. He has held posts across Eastern Europe and the
Balkans, including Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge
d'Affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Budapest, Hungary, also as
director of the Office of South Central European Affairs and
director of the Office of Russian Affairs, both in the Bureau
of European and Eurasian Affairs. Congratulations to you.
Finally, Ms. Robin Dunnigan is the deputy assistant
secretary overseeing Central and Eastern Europe for the Bureau
of European and Eurasian Affairs. She has also served as Charge
d'Affaires and Deputy Chief of Mission of the U.S. Embassy in
Austria and Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Department of
State's Bureau of Energy Resources. She first joined the State
Department in 1992, and her 3 decades of experience are
complemented by her master's degrees in national security
strategy from the National War College and the Foreign Service
Institute at Georgetown University. Congratulations.
Congratulations again to all of you. Why do I not now turn
it over? We will just go down the dais in order. I chair the
East Asia Subcommittee. We will start with Ms. Theriot.
STATEMENT OF NICOLE D. THERIOT, OF LOUISIANA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE CO-OPERATIVE REPUBLIC OF
GUYANA
Ms. Theriot. Good morning. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman
and Ranking Member Ricketts. I am honored to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. I am grateful
for the confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have
placed in me and am thankful to you for considering my
nomination. If confirmed, I will work closely with you and all
members of Congress to advance our national interests in Guyana
and the broader Caribbean.
Over the past 24 years, I have been privileged to represent
the United States in 10 countries on four continents. Any
success I have had is due to the support of my family, so I
would like to take this opportunity to thank them--my spouse,
Tom Agnew; my father, Preston Terry Theriot; my mother, Brenda
Foti Theriot, who passed away in September; and my sister,
Tiffany Theriot--for their steadfast support and unstinting
love. And I actually learned of my nomination two days after my
mom passed away, so I am quite sure she had something to do
with it.
Two of my previous assignments have been in the Caribbean--
Haiti and Barbados--and others have been in countries with
incredible potential for economic growth, so I am familiar with
both the challenges and opportunities in Guyana. I have worked
on programs dealing with increasing bilateral trade and
investment, strengthening security, combatting trafficking,
increasing sustainable energy and climate resilience, and
countering corruption, all while enhancing critical people-to-
people ties that give us an important advantage over others
operating in the region, including the PRC. Given my service in
the Caribbean and in countries ripe for economic advancement,
such as Morocco and Pakistan, I am particularly honored to be
considered for this important position.
Guyana is experiencing rapid transformation and has
tremendous potential, but it also faces challenges, including
climate change, crime, poverty, and corruption. If confirmed, I
will work with the Guyanese Government and people to address
these challenges and proudly champion U.S. values in an
ethnically, religiously diverse Guyana. I will work with the
Government to continue responsibly leveraging the country's
newfound oil revenues to expand economic opportunities, develop
reliable infrastructure, and increase social services. I will
work to grow trade and investment and to promote the many
exciting opportunities for U.S. companies. I will support the
Guyanese in building upon gains in democratic governance and
will help them continue to address humanely the influx of
Venezuelan and other migrants.
A secure, democratic, and prosperous Guyana will remain an
important U.S. ally in the region.
As Secretary Blinken's representative to CARICOM, I will
work with regional partners, especially through the new U.S.-
Caribbean Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis, or PACC
2030, as well as on regional security, human rights, and food
and energy security. I sincerely thank you for this opportunity
and look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Theriot follows:]
Prepared Statement of Nicole D. Theriot
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished Members of
the Committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the Co-
operative Republic of Guyana. I am grateful for the confidence the
President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me and am thankful for
your consideration of my nomination. If confirmed, I will work closely
with you and all Members to advance our nation's interests in Guyana
and the broader Caribbean.
Over the past 24 years, I have been privileged to represent the
United States in 10 countries on four continents. Any success I have
had was made possible by my family, so I would like to thank my spouse,
Tom Agnew, my father, Preston Terry Theriot, my mother, Brenda Foti
Theriot, who passed away in September, and my sister Tiffany Theriot
for their unstinting love and steadfast support.
Three of my overseas assignments have been in the Western
Hemisphere, including two in the Caribbean--Haiti and Barbados--and
others have been in countries with incredible potential for economic
growth, so I am familiar with the challenges and opportunities that
exist in Guyana. I have worked on programs dealing with security and
the professional development of law enforcement; on increasing
bilateral trade and investment; on creating stronger military-to-
military ties for regional security; on combating drug, weapons, and
human trafficking; on increasing sustainable energy and bolstering
climate resilience, and on combatting corruption, all while enhancing
critical people-to-people ties that give us an important advantage over
others operating in the region, including the People's Republic of
China. Given my service in the Caribbean and in countries ripe for
economic advancement such as Morocco and Pakistan, I am particularly
honored to be considered for this important position in Guyana.
Guyana is experiencing rapid transformation. It has tremendous
potential, with large oil reserves and mineral resources, fertile
agricultural lands, virgin rainforests, a large U.S. diaspora, close
ties to the United States, and significant opportunities for
modernization of infrastructure, policies, and processes. It also,
however, continues to face significant challenges, including climate
change, crime, poverty, corruption, and trafficking of several types.
If confirmed, I will work with the Guyanese Government and people to
address these challenges and bolster and diversify economic growth,
strengthen democracy and governance, improve respect for human rights,
and promote opportunity for all Guyanese.
If confirmed, I will proudly champion U.S. values in ethnically,
religiously diverse Guyana. I will work with the Government to continue
responsibly leveraging the country's newfound oil revenues to expand
economic opportunities, develop reliable infrastructure, and improve
and expand social services. I will work diligently to increase
transparent, reciprocal trade and investment and to promote the many
exciting opportunities for U.S. businesses. I will support the Guyanese
Government and people to build upon their gains in democratic
governance and rule of law. I will help them to continue addressing
humanely the influx of Venezuelan and other migrants, all while
respecting Guyana's sovereignty. If confirmed, I will work to identify
immediate opportunities to support Guyana's efforts to strengthen
democratic institutions across every sector, including being a central
partner on regional security. A secure, democratic, and prosperous
Guyana will remain an important ally to the United States in the
region.
Guyana is experiencing a period of unprecedented growth, with the
IMF designating it one of 2022's highest growth economies. With its
extensive oil reserves, Guyana must carefully guard against the
``resource curse'' by diversifying its economy, capitalizing on gains
in good governance, and strengthening its civil society in an
equitable, inclusive manner. The Guyanese Government has recently begun
to tap into its oil wealth to improve critical infrastructure, health,
and education. If confirmed, I will help build upon this productive
path that wisely leverages Guyana's new wealth and encourage continued
partnerships with both the public and private sectors to make sure
Guyana's transformation benefits all.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Guyanese to help them
reach their laudable goals of greater security, good governance, and
economic prosperity, all while enhancing bilateral relations. As
Secretary Blinken's representative to CARICOM, I will work to increase
U.S.-Caribbean collaboration, especially through the new U.S.-Caribbean
Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis (PACC 2030), and in the areas
of regional stability, security, human rights, food and energy
security, and climate resilience.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Ricketts, and Members of the
committee, I sincerely thank you again for the opportunity to appear
before you today, and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you very much for that statement,
and I apologize the confusion. You, of course, are the nominee
to Guyana. I had my order mixed up here.
Ms. Theriot. No worries.
Senator Van Hollen. Now to--now to East Asia and to our
nominee to Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu,
Ms. Yastishock. Please proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF ANN MARIE YASTISHOCK, OF PENNSYLVANIA,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE INDEPENDENT
STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA, AND TO SERVE CONCUR-
RENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SOLOMON IS-
LANDS AND AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENI-
POTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
REPUBLIC OF VANUATU
Ms. Yastishock. Thank you, Senator. Chairman Van Hollen,
Ranking Member Ricketts, good morning. I am honored to appear
before you as President Biden's nominee for Ambassador to the
Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and the
Republic of Vanuatu. I am grateful for the confidence shown by
the President and Senator Blinken in nominating me, and I am
privileged to represent the United States. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with Congress to strengthen our ties with
our Pacific neighbors, advance United States' interest in a
free and open, connected, prosperous, resilient, and secure
Pacific region. I aim to achieve this by listening to and
learning from our Pacific partners and finding a path forward
together that celebrates the Pacific Way.
I want to thank the most important people in my life: my
family. Joining me here are my son, Dmitri; my brother, Daniel;
my sister, Betsy; and brother-in-law, John. Although my parents
are not here, I know they are looking down today with pride. As
the youngest of seven children from a long line of public
servants, my family inspired me to love this country that has
given us and me so much. If not for their love, support, and
encouragement, I would not be sitting here today.
My passion for international affairs began when I served as
a volunteer American Bar Association lawyer in Central Asia and
continued as a Foreign Service officer with USAID. Overseeing
USAID's Pacific expansion as the senior deputy assistant
administrator has required a broad-based skill set, which, if
confirmed, I will bring to our work in Micronesia. As a Pacific
nation, the United States shares much with these proud
countries, and World War II bonded us together. I will build
upon this legacy.
First, I will prioritize the embassy community's well-
being, including for our invaluable local staff, so that we can
better support our commitment to the safety and security of
U.S. citizens in these islands. Second, we will be very
present, leveraging our growing footprint, including the
elevated USAID presence and returning Peace Corps volunteers.
In Papua New Guinea, together with local and international
partners, we will advance the 10-year whole-of-government
effort under the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote
Stability. In Solomon Islands, we will address the legacy of
war by shaping the future through improved natural resource
stewardship.
As our Vanuatu friends know all too well, the Pacific faces
increasing natural disasters and rising sea levels, and
following President Biden's emphasis on the climate crisis, we
will support local climate resilience adaptation and
biodiversity. Success will depend on the strength, resilience,
and vibrancy of our sovereign partners, which appreciate that
democratic values, rule of law, and education underpin
productive, inclusive, and connected societies. Together with
allies and partners, if confirmed, my team and I will help
these governments and civil society meet democracy's promises.
Mr. Chairman and Mr. Ranking Member, thank you again, and I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Yastishock follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ann Marie Yastishock
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, Members of the
committee, good morning. I am honored to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee for Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and the Republic of Vanuatu.
I am grateful for the confidence shown by the President and
Secretary Blinken in nominating me, and I am privileged to represent
the United States. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
Congress to strengthen our ties with our Pacific neighbors and advance
the United States' interest in a free and open, connected, prosperous,
resilient, and secure Pacific region. I aim to achieve this by
listening to, and learning from, our Pacific partners and finding a
path forward together that celebrates the ``Pacific Way.''
I want to thank the most important people in my life: my family.
Joining me here are my son Dmitry, my brother Daniel, my sister Betsy
and brother-in-law John. Although my parents are not here, I know they
are looking down today with pride. As the youngest of seven children
from a long line of public servants, my family inspired me to love this
country that has given us and me so much. If not for their love,
support, and encouragement, I would not be sitting here today.
My passion for international affairs began when I served as a
volunteer American Bar Association lawyer in Central Asia and continued
as a Foreign Service Officer with USAID. Overseeing USAID's Pacific
expansion as Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator has required a
broad-based skill set, which, if confirmed, I will bring to our work in
Melanesia.
As a Pacific nation, the United States shares much with these proud
countries, and World War II bonded us together. I will build upon this
legacy,
First, I will prioritize the embassy community's well-being,
including for our invaluable local staff so that we can better support
our commitment to the safety and security of U.S. citizens in these
islands.
Second, we will be very ``present,'' leveraging our growing
footprint, elevated USAID presence, and returning Peace Corps
Volunteers. In Papua New Guinea and together with local and
international partners, we will advance the 10-year, whole-of-
government effort under the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and
Promote Stability. In Solomon Islands, we will address the legacy of
war while shaping the future through improved natural resource
stewardship.
As our Vanuatu friends know all too well, the Pacific faces
increasing natural disasters and rising sea levels, and following
President Biden's emphasis on the climate crisis, we will support local
climate resilience, adaptation, and biodiversity.
Success will depend on the strength, resilience, and vibrancy of
our sovereign partners, which appreciate that democratic values, rule
of law, and education underpin productive, inclusive, and connected
societies. Together with allies and partners, if confirmed, my team and
I will help these governments and civil society meet democracy's
promises.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the committee, thank
you again and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you for your
testimony. Now, as we turn to Ms. Dunnigan, I am pleased that
we are joined by our friend and colleague and the co-chair
with--along with myself, of the Foreign Service Caucus. Senator
Sullivan, the floor is yours.
Senator Sullivan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Ricketts. It is a great pleasure and honor to be here today to
introduce you to Robin Dunnigan, the President's nominee to be
Ambassador to Georgia. Robin and I have known each other for
more than 30 years, going back to our days at Georgetown where
we were both in the Master of Science of Foreign Service
Program. In fact, at that time, I was dating a beautiful,
brilliant woman named Julie. Robin was dating a great guy named
Harry. We were all good friends. Julie and I ended up getting
married, best thing that ever happened to me, and Robin and
Harry ended up getting married, best thing that ever happened
to Harry.
[Laughter.]
Senator Sullivan. Both Robin and Harry ended up joining the
Foreign Service. Our professional careers have intersected over
the years, and we have all stayed very good friends.
Robin joined the Foreign Service in 1992. She has served
with Harry in the Foreign Service, and I commend the State
Department for taking care of a very exceptional couple in six
different countries--Austria, Vietnam, Turkey, Chile, Cuba, and
El Salvador--as well as multiple tours in D.C. In Austria,
Robin was Charge d'Affaires and DCM for 3 years.
Mr. Chairman, she has served our Nation with honor,
distinction, and professionalism. And as you mentioned, Mr.
Chairman, just a few weeks ago before this committee, I note
that the reason you and I co-founded the Senate Foreign Service
Officers Caucus was to highlight and promote the integrity,
skill, and professionalism of those who have worked so hard,
often at significant sacrifice to their families, to promote
America's foreign policy interests. Robin embodies the type of
Foreign Service officer that you, Mr. Chairman, and I had in
mind when we started the caucus.
Robin is currently the Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Central and Eastern Europe, which includes Ukraine. Her work
over the last 18 months--no surprise--has been dominated by
helping Ukraine defend itself against the brutal Russian
invasion and unprovoked war. It has been a 24-and-7 effort over
at the State Department. As you can imagine, she has been
deeply engaged in working with our allies in Central Europe in
support of that effort. Other assignments that she has had
include 3 years as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of
Energy Resources from August 2014 to August 2017. There, she
was way ahead of the curve, encouraging European countries to
diversify away from Russian energy.
Clearly all this experience, close to the Russian account,
is going to serve her and America well in Georgia. In some
ways, our current problems with Russia started in Georgia back
in 2008 when Russia invaded Georgia. We talk a lot about how
Russia's invasion of Ukraine was unprecedented in terms of
scale and duration. It has been, but the world got its first
taste of what was in store for Russian sovereign neighbors back
in 2008 in Georgia. Robin is also an economic officer. She has
spent much of her career advocating for U.S. companies and
American workers around the globe. In addition to her
Georgetown degree, Robin is a distinguished graduate of the
National War College where she earned her master of science in
national security.
Mr. Chairman, I can tell you it is very gratifying to be
able to induce--introduce Robin Dunnigan this morning. She has
done so much important work for our Nation, but I am sure Robin
would agree that her most important work has been raising a
wonderful family with Harry. Their two children, Andrew and
Anna, as well as Harry are here today.
I urge all of my colleagues to strongly support Robin's
confirmation. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Sullivan.
Thank you for your remarks and for being here today. Ms.
Dunnigan, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF ROBIN DUNNIGAN, OF CALIFORNIA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO GEORGIA
Ms. Dunnigan. Thank you for that kind introduction, Senator
Sullivan, and thank you for your tremendous service to the
United States as a Senator, a Marine, and Assistant Secretary
of State, and many other positions. I would also like to thank
you and Senator Van Hollen for your strong support of the
Foreign Service, including as co-founders of the Senate Foreign
Service Caucus.
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity. I am
deeply honored to be President Biden's nominee to serve as U.S.
Ambassador to Georgia, and I am grateful for the confidence the
President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee and all members of Congress to advance the interests
of the United States in Georgia. It has been a privilege to
represent the United States as a career Foreign Service officer
for more than 30 years. I have promoted U.S. interests across
the globe, working to promote American--protect Americans,
expand our economic prosperity, and promote and defend the
democratic values at the heart of who we are as a country.
If confirmed, I will focus on four priorities. First, my
highest duty will be to ensure the safety and security of the
team working at the U.S. embassy and of all Americans in
Georgia. Second, if confirmed, I will work with the Georgian
Government and the people of Georgia to help them realize their
dream of being firmly integrated with the EU, NATO, and the
West. Not only will Euro-Atlantic integration benefit the
citizens of Georgia, I deeply believe it is in the U.S.
national interests. We want a democratic Georgia firmly
integrated with the West, capable of defending its borders and
able to withstand the pressure of Russian malign activities.
Georgia has made remarkable progress over the last 30 years,
but some concerning developments show there is more to do.
Third, I will strengthen bilateral trade and investment,
including by increasing U.S. exports and opportunities for
American companies in Georgia. My final priority will be to
advocate for Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity as
Russia still occupies 20 percent of its territory. I will work
with Georgia and our international partners to hold Russia to
its commitments under the 2008 ceasefire agreement and the U.N.
Charter.
Finally, I would like to thank and introduce my family: my
husband of 30 years, Harry Kamian, who is also a Foreign
Service officer, and our children, Andrew and Anna. As our
careers have carried us around the world, Andrew and Anna--oh,
sorry--have weathered multiple moves, adapting to new schools,
new friends with remarkable humor and resilience. I am so proud
of the young adults they have become. I would not be here today
without the love and support of my family and my extended
family. My dad, who was a small business owner, and my mom, who
was a teacher, taught my siblings and me the value of
integrity, honesty, hard work, and kindness--principles I try
to live by every day.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you, and I look forward
to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Dunnigan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robin Dunnigan
Thank you for that kind introduction, Senator Sullivan. And thank
you for your tremendous service to the United States, as a Senator, a
Marine, and an Assistant Secretary of State, among other positions. I
would also like to thank you and Senator Van Hollen for your strong
support for the Foreign Service, including as co-founders of the
bipartisan Senate Foreign Service Caucus.
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear
before you today. I am deeply honored to be President Biden's nominee
to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Georgia, and I am grateful for the
confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this Committee, all
members of Congress, and your teams to advance the interests of the
United States in Georgia.
It has been a privilege to represent the United States as a career
Foreign Service Officer for more than thirty years. I have promoted
U.S. interests across the globe, working to protect American citizens,
expand our economic prosperity, and promote and defend the democratic
values at the heart of who we are as a country.
If confirmed, I will focus on four priorities. First, my highest
duty will be to ensure the safety and security of the team working at
the U.S. Embassy and of all Americans in Georgia. Having worked over
the last 18 months to help keep our Embassy team in Kyiv safe in a very
challenging environment, I know this responsibility is sacred.
Second, if confirmed, I will work with the Georgian Government and
Georgian people to help them realize their desire to further integrate
with the EU, NATO, and the West, and to further their democratic
future. Not only will Euro-Atlantic integration benefit the citizens of
Georgia, I deeply believe it is in the U.S. national interest. We want
a democratic Georgia firmly integrated with the West, capable of
defending its borders and able to withstand the pressure of Russian
malign activities, including Russian disinformation. Georgia has made
remarkable progress over the last 30 years, but some concerning
developments show more remains to be done. The European Union provided
Georgia with a roadmap of reforms it should complete to achieve its aim
of EU candidate status this year. If confirmed, I look forward to
supporting Georgia as it pursues these reforms.
Third, I will strengthen bilateral trade and investment, including
by increasing opportunities for U.S. companies in Georgia and for
Georgian investment in the United States. I will vigorously promote
U.S. exports and encourage reforms to foster a fair and transparent
business environment. I will also work with the Georgian Government to
defend against potential coercive economic practices, including from
Russia and the People's Republic of China.
Russia's brutal war against Ukraine violates the U.N. Charter's
most fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Georgians know this Russian playbook all too well, because they saw it
happen in their own country in 2008 and experience it every day, as
Russia still occupies approximately 20 percent of Georgian territory.
My final priority will be to advocate for Georgia's sovereignty and
territorial integrity. I will commit to work with Georgia and our
international partners to hold Russia to its obligations and
commitments under the 2008 ceasefire agreement and the U.N. Charter.
Our partnership over the past 30 years has benefitted both the
people of Georgia and the United States. Georgia has been a steadfast
NATO Partner for Peace since 1994 and was the largest non-NATO
contributor of forces to Afghanistan, standing side-by-side with
American troops. We have tremendous people-to-people ties, with
thousands of exchanges over the decades. If confirmed, I hope to build
on this strong legacy of partnership and cooperation.
Finally, I would like to thank and introduce my family, who are
with me here today. My husband of 30 years, Harry Kamian, who is also a
Foreign Service Officer, and our children Andrew and Anna. As our
careers carried us around the world, Andrew and Anna weathered multiple
moves, adapting to new schools and new friends with remarkable humor
and resilience. I am so incredibly proud of the young adults they have
become. I would not be here today without the love and support of
Harry, Andrew and Anna, and my extended family. My dad, who was a small
business owner, and my mom, who was a teacher, taught my siblings and
me the value of integrity, honesty, hard work and kindness, principles
I try to live by every day.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, thank you again for this
opportunity and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ms. Dunnigan, and thank you
and all those who have introduced, you know, members of the
family and loved ones. As you said, it is a--it is a team
effort.
So, Mr. Kostelancik of Illinois, who was appointed by the
President--nominated by the President to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Albania, the floors is yours.
STATEMENT OF DAVID J. KOSTELANCIK, OF ILLINOIS, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ALBA-
NIA
Mr. Kostelancik. Thank you, Chairman. Chairman Van Hollen,
Ranking Member Ricketts, it is a privilege to appear before you
today. I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to
the Republic of Albania, and I thank President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
I want to begin by recognizing those who have made it
possible for me to be here today. First, I want to honor my
wife, Trish, for her love, commitment, and support during 30
years of marriage. I want to thank our three sons--Tim, Dan,
and Ben--for the sacrifices they have made growing up with
frequent moves and the demands of life in the Foreign Service,
and my sister, Kathi, and brother, Ken, for their steadfast
support. Our parents are no longer with us, but their examples
of hard work, sacrifice, and lifelong devotion to the Chicago
Cubs made us what we are.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Kostelancik. I am a career Foreign Service officer with
over 30 years of experience. From 1992 to 1994, I had the
unique opportunity of serving as the first political economic
officer assigned to the newly-reopened U.S. Embassy in Albania,
whose citizens rejected decades of communist dictatorship and
embraced democracy and freedom. I saw the hope that sprang from
people's desire for liberty, to revive the dormant links
between our countries, and transform expectations for a better
future into reality. Fast forward 30 years, Albania's progress
as a young democracy is astonishing. Today, Albania plays an
active role in supporting U.S. global priorities as a NATO ally
and rotating member of the U.N. Security Council, and in 2022,
Albania opened EU accession negotiations. Still, there is a
great deal more we can and must do together.
If confirmed, I will focus on the following priorities. My
primary responsibility will be the welfare and safety of U.S.
citizens in Albania. Second, I would continue work with
Albanians to strengthen democratic and judicial institutions.
President Biden identified fighting, corruption, and organized
crime as part of our national security strategy, key tasks in
the Western Balkans. Advancing legal and judicial reforms also
will advance Albania's EU ambitions.
Third, I would build on our defense partnership. My work
with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has reinforced
for me the importance of allies. Iran's cyberattack against
Albania in 2022 showed the need to develop a multifaceted
approach to investing in allies' defensive infrastructure and
training. Finally, I would continue strengthening the business
climate. U.S. interests are served by promoting a rules-based,
transparent marketplace in Albania. Albania's progress on these
objectives advances our own national priorities.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
address these challenges. I would be honored to build on 30
years of hard work in and with Albania. Thank you for
considering my nomination. I would be pleased to take your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kostelancik follows:]
Prepared Statement for David J. Kostelancik
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, distinguished Members
of the committee. It is a privilege to appear before you today. I am
honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Albania, and I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
Congress to advance U.S. interests in Albania.
I want to start by recognizing those who have made it possible for
me to be here today. First, I want to honor my wife, Trish, for her
love, commitment, and support for over 30 years of marriage. I want to
thank our three sons--Tim, Dan, and Ben--for the sacrifices they have
made growing up with frequent moves and the demands of life in the
Foreign Service. I want to thank my sister Kathi and brother Ken for
their steadfast support every step of the way. Our parents are no
longer with us, but their examples of hard work and sacrifice still
inspire us.
I am a career Foreign Service Officer with over 30 years of
experience. It has been my privilege to work on broadening and
deepening our bilateral ties with a range of partners and allies. I
have served in Albania, Turkey, Russia, Hungary, at NATO and the OSCE.
Much of my career has focused on supporting close relationships between
the United States and Allies and partners as well as defending and
advancing respect for human rights. I have also always prioritized the
welfare and safety of U.S. citizens abroad, and if confirmed I will
continue to do so in Albania.
From 1992-94, I had the unique opportunity of serving in Albania as
the first Political/Economic officer assigned to the newly re-opened
U.S. embassy after a 52-year break in diplomatic ties. I found myself
in a rapidly changing country, whose citizens rejected decades of
communist dictatorship and enthusiastically embraced democracy and
freedom. I traveled throughout Albania and saw the hope that sprang
from people's desire for liberty--to revive the dormant links between
our countries and transform expectations for a better future into
reality.
Fast-forward 30 years. Albania's progress as a relatively young
democracy is astonishing. Today, Albania plays an active role in
supporting U.S. global priorities. Albania is a NATO Ally and
contributes humanitarian and military assistance where needed. Serving
as a rotating member on the United Nations Security Council, it has
been a close U.S. partner and our co-pen holder on resolutions to hold
Russia accountable for its war in Ukraine. In July 2022, Albania opened
European Union accession negotiations, a major step toward EU
membership and a reflection of Albania's progress on democratic and
judicial reforms. There is a still a great deal of work to do, however,
and if confirmed, I will focus on the following three priorities.
First, I would continue work with Albanians to strengthen
democratic and judicial institutions. President Biden identified
fighting corruption and organized crime as part of our National
Security Strategy, an essential endeavor in the Western Balkans. We
will work with Albanians to further their efforts to make their
judicial system more equitable and trusted. We need to continue
providing guidance and resources for Albanians to succeed in their EU
ambitions.
Second, I would build on our defense partnership bilaterally and at
NATO. My work with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has
reinforced for me the importance of allies. Iran's cyberattack against
Albania in 2022 showed the need to develop a multifaceted approach to
investing in our allies' defensive infrastructure and training. I am
proud of our coordinated response to Iran's attack and, if confirmed,
look forward to working with Congress to address critical emerging
threats and to show the world the United States stands with our Allies.
Third, I would continue strengthening the business climate in
Albania. Albania needs our help developing an economic ecosystem that
creates jobs and opportunities in both our countries, eliminating
corruption that limits quality of life. We can serve U.S. interests by
promoting a rules-based and transparent marketplace in Albania.
U.S. partnership and assistance are vital to Albania as it
implements domestic reforms, attracts foreign direct investment,
contributes to regional stability, and remains active in global
matters. Albania's progress on these objectives advances U.S. national
priorities. If confirmed, I would build on 30 years of hard work in,
and with, Albania.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I would be pleased to take
your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you very much for your testimony.
Thank all of you. So we will now begin the rounds of
questioning, and I am going to start with Papua New Guinea and
the other Pacific Islands to which you have been nominated.
Let me--let me ask you about the Pacific partnership
Strategy that was outlined by the White House in September
2022. And as you, I am confident, hope you will be confirmed,
as you take on these new responsibilities, how are you going to
achieve the goal of ensuring that what we see as the growing
geopolitical competition in the region does not undermine the
sovereignty and the security of the Pacific Islands, and,
specifically, those to which you have been nominated to be our
Ambassador?
Ms. Yastishock. Thank you, Senator, very much for that
question. I think the growing competition is probably one of
our major concerns in the Pacific Islands and ensuring the
sovereignty of each of the countries, particularly Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. I think, first of all, we
need to look at what we bring. It does not start with the
question of the PRC but what we bring to the table, and that
is, we bring the advancement of transparency, democratic
values, also working with civil societies, but also, as I
mentioned in my statement, listening and learning from our
Pacific partners under the Pacific Way.
I think, you know, the other part about it is, is that we
want to ensure that our countries are not trapped into these
predatory economic opportunities, that they build the capacity
and the resilience of each of the countries, not just relying
on imported labor to build infrastructure but making sure that
they meet the high standards that are required and what we want
to see under the Indo-Pacific Strategy. So it is really working
with our countries to ensure that we are building the
resiliency, building the capacity, shining the light on those
activities that are not in compliance with what their
development goals are, as well as what their vision is for
their development.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and I may come back to you
for some further questions in a moment. But to Ms. Theriot, in
Guyana, as you know, there have been relatively recent
discoveries of significant oil reserves. And I know the new
President is committed to try to make sure that these are
developed in a responsible way, a transparent way, and where
the proceeds are invested to benefit the people of his country.
But we often hear that as the goal at the outset, and in many
countries we have--we have not seen those different goals
followed.
So what can you do as our Ambassador to try to help Guyana
ensure that there is a responsible development of these
reserves? And I also understand the President is committed to
try to invest some of the proceeds in renewable energy. If you
could just talk about that.
Ms. Theriot. Absolutely. Thank you very much for that
question. You are absolutely correct that we have seen the
``resource curse'' harm of other countries, and I believe that,
if confirmed, my role would be to provide guidance and support
to the Ali government, to the current Guyanese Government, in
making sure that they do follow very sustainable, appropriate
ways of developing their oil and gas sector. I think that is
something that U.S. companies bring to the table.
U.S. companies provide quality, reliability, and
sustainability, and the Guyanese have shown that, because of
their newfound oil wealth, they no longer have to always go
with the lowest bidder for important infrastructure and other
projects. Instead, they can now go to the quality, reliable
company, and they have shown that. In November of 2022, the
largest tender ever awarded in Guyana went to a U.S.
consortium, even though that consortium's bid was higher than
the other bidders, and that is because they bring what Guyana
is now looking for to the table. They also bring a robust CSR
package, which helps the people of Guyana.
So I do believe that with their partnership with the United
States and with U.S. companies, we can ensure that the resource
curse is not going to be an issue for Guyana.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and just in my remaining
time, one of the issues, as you know, in Guyana is their
neighbor, Venezuela. And the dictator in Venezuela, Nicolas
Maduro, has made threatening remarks against Guyana over a
territorial dispute dating back to the 19th century. Can you
confirm just for the record that the Biden administration and
you will stand by Guyana in this territorial dispute?
Ms. Theriot. Absolutely, Mr. Chairman. We will continue to
respect and support the current boundaries of Guyana as laid
out in the 1899 arbitral award, unless or until a competent
legal body, like the ICJ, decides otherwise, and we really hope
for a peaceful resolution to this issue.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Well, Mr.
Kostelancik, I am sure you know today is opening day for the
Cubs. We have the Brewers at home, so hopefully we start off
the season well.
On a more somber note, all of you are going to face the
challenges that the Chinese Communist Party poses. President Xi
has said that, essentially, he wants to be the world-dominating
power by 2049, and I do not think that is in any of our
interests anywhere around the world that that is going to be a
good thing.
Ms. Theriot, I want to talk you a little bit about the--
Guyana. You know, obviously they are a democracy and a friend,
which is a welcome thing in that part of the--part of the world
that is so close to us. And as mentioned, in 2015, ExxonMobil
made a discovery of oil there, and I think that, on a per
capita basis, that only Kuwait has more oil than Guyana now,
and we certainly want to encourage that development in a
responsible way. I think you said earlier that American
companies provide that reliability, correct?
My understanding is Guyana Shore Base, a private company
based in Georgetown, asked the Inter-American Development
Bank--IDB--for help in upgrading the Guyanese infrastructure,
and IDB proposed $180 million in debt financing for the
project. The Biden administration vetoed that, though, and the
reasoning is they want to back oil and gas projects. And I
think that is short-sighted given that China has no such
restrictions and is aggressively signing contracts to build
infrastructure in Guyana and around the world. And certainly, I
think we would all agree that we are going to do a better job
on that and, of course, contrasted with the administration then
provided sanctions relief to Venezuela's authoritarian Maduro
regime to boost oil production.
What are your thoughts on the Biden administration's
decision to block the IDB loan?
Ms. Theriot. Thank you very much, Mr. Ranking Member. That
decision was made in March of 2022. I would say that things
have changed significantly since the war on the Ukraine has
dragged on, and energy security is a real concern and a
significant issue. What I would do, if confirmed, is to make
sure that there is a level playing field for U.S. companies in
Guyana. I think that is our entree into ensuring that China
does not take over this industry. I think it is incredibly
important that we remain the preferred partner in Guyana,
whether it be the U.S. Government for security cooperation or
U.S. companies for oil and gas development. That is something
that I would work diligently to ensure.
Senator Ricketts. So do you think blocking the IDB loan was
against our strategic interests?
Ms. Theriot. Blocking the IDB loan was in line with the
current Biden administration--their priority to not contribute
further to oil and gas development of fossil fuels. I think
that because that vote is no longer an issue, that we can only
move forward and work to ensure that U.S. companies are given a
level playing field in the country.
Senator Ricketts. So do you think given--what I hear you
saying is because of the changing circumstances, you think that
the--well, the world has changed since the invasion of Ukraine.
Do you think if that were to come up again, that the Biden
administration should allow that loan to go forward for a U.S.
company to develop the resources there?
Ms. Theriot. I would not want to speculate on that. I think
we would have to see what the decision would be. Guyana's oil
and gas sector is developing very well through private sector
investment, and I cannot speculate on what the result of that
vote would be, sir.
Senator Ricketts. Do you know what Guyana's reaction to the
decision to block the IDB loan was?
Ms. Theriot. They were quite displeased.
Senator Ricketts. Do you believe that Guyana views the U.S.
as an unreliable partner and would turn to China because of
that?
Ms. Theriot. No, sir, I do not think that is the case, and
they have shown time and time again that we are the preferred
partner, both the U.S. Government and U.S. companies.
Senator Ricketts. And maybe we will have some more time to
follow up on some of the other things here as well, but I want
to go to Ms. Yastishock with regard to, again, staying on the
topic of the CCP and the Solomon Islands. My understanding is
that China signed an agreement with the Solomon Islands with
regard to the naval bases there, and this was a surprise to the
Biden administration. What would you be able to do with regard
to that agreement to be able to make sure that we continue to
have a strong relationship with the Solomon Islands, and is
there a way that we can--that's a 5-year agreement is my
understanding. Is there a way that we can convince the Solomon
Islands not to renew that because obviously having the Chinese
navy so close to our allies in Australia and to shipping lanes
is certainly a big issue?
Ms. Yastishock. Thank you, Senator Ricketts, for that
question. The agreement was signed, and Solomon Islands has
confirmed and has stated that they are not going to be locating
PRC bases in the country, but what we will be doing is
providing additional security assistance through different
ways. We have discussed a shiprider agreement with the Solomon
Islands. We are looking at providing additional security
capacity building, which we think is more sustainable and will
ensure the sovereignty of the country rather than relying on
foreign forces. So I think that there is a lot of discussion,
and I am committed, if confirmed, to continue that discussion
to ensure the safety of the region but also ensuring that we
become the partner of choice as well.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
each of the nominees. You have very, very stellar backgrounds
and are well positioned to serve in the positions for which you
have been nominated. Ms. Theriot--am I my pronouncing it
right--``THER-io?
Ms. Theriot. Sir, it is ``TER-io.''
Senator Kaine. Theriot. Ms. Theriot, I want to follow up on
Senator Ricketts' points about the IDB loan because I had a
chance to meet with President Ali last July, a few months after
the U.S. had blocked their efforts to receive funding for
energy sector improvements, and it is putting it mildly to say
they were displeased. They were incredibly disappointed by
this. And I have had similar discussions with other leaders in
the region--Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago--who have energy
resources, but they feel like the United States is standing in
the way of them developing their own energy resources and
stopping them from developing their own economies.
And the point that that President Ali made to me, and
others have as well, is, okay, you say you are an ally. You
should want us to be able to develop our economy just like you
have developed yours. Yes, that is true. You say that you want
to help nations wean themselves away from overreliance on
petrol dictators, like Venezuela or Russia or Iran or Saudi
Arabia, and have more available energy to backstop if they move
away from petrol dictators. Yes, that is American policy. You
are blocking us then from doing those things, developing our
own economy, and creating a resource that can help people move
away from reliance on petrol dictators, but you are blocking us
in a foolish way because we can go to China and get these
investments and without the strings attached.
I understand and share the administration's priority in
battling climate change, but as I have said at this committee
before, there are sort of three goals right now that can be
somewhat contradictory--battling climate change, helping our
allies develop their economies, helping people wean themselves
away from over-dependence on petrol dictators--and they can be
in conflict. But what I have yet to hear from the
administration is kind of how do we harmonize these things.
Instead, it feels like there is a tug-of-war in the White House
between the we got to help people wean themselves away from
over-reliance on dictators versus we got to be against fossil
fuel projects anywhere. And it is taking allies that are good
allies and pushing them away from us.
I think there is a strategy that can be articulated by the
administration that is probably a phasing strategy, that here
we are during this this war and it is imposing significant
challenges for nations that have relied on petrol dictators. We
need to have a strategy that can, in time, move nations away.
We do want to help allied nations develop their economies, be a
partner in that. We do not want them to go to China to get
resources when there are resources that are available that we
can provide them with. I think--I think there is a phasing
strategy on this.
And this is not for you, but I am just saying it because I
hope somebody from the State Department or the administration
is listening. You still have not come to Congress and explained
these competing priorities and how you intend to manage them
and phase them. But the cost so far has been to take nations
that are allies of ours and make them angry with us and push
them to over-reliance possibly on China, which is not a smart
move long term. So I just want to put that on the record.
Let me ask you this. The Caribbean region can tend to be
overlooked. We do recognize that--the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative. It is a bipartisan success. It is a regionalized
cooperation that has demonstrated that the U.S. is remaining a
partner of choice in the Caribbean. Senator Rubio and I have
introduced the authorizing legislation for CBSI earlier this
month, the companion bill on the House side by Representative
Espaillat. If confirmed, how will you continue to encourage
Guyana to fully implement provisions of the Inter-American
Convention Against Corruption and increase resourcing for
critically-important law enforcement and judicial institutions?
Ms. Theriot. Thank you very much for that question, Senator
Kaine. I am well aware of your and Senator Rubio's legislation,
and I think it is very much needed. It is going to expand and
enhance CBSI. I think what is important to bear in mind is that
most of the security issues that Guyana faces are replicated
throughout the Caribbean, whether it be the need to enhance
citizen security; to counter the influx of weapons coming into
the region; to counter narcotics trafficking; to bolster
climate resilience, or to combat corruption as you just
mentioned. Those are all problems that exist throughout the
region, and a regional problem needs a regional solution. That
is exactly what CBSI is. And we have been doing it for 10-plus
years, so we have that expertise.
I am also very pleased to see Guyana becoming more actively
engaged with some of the other multilateral and regional
security organizations, like CARICOM IMPACS, including the
Crime Gun Intelligence Unit, which we assist, and also RSS.
They are also working more with other bilateral partners,
including our European colleagues who bring other expertise to
bear. So I think this is exactly the right approach to address
these issues, and, if confirmed, I would work to harmonize
these efforts and also to implement all aspects of the
legislation that would allow for greater security in both
Guyana and the greater Caribbean.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Kaine. So, Ms.
Dunnigan, some questions on Georgia. I am sure you have been
following the protests there earlier this month over the so-
called foreign agents bill. And while the Georgian parliament
ultimately dropped the bill after a massive public outcry, this
still signals a worrying trend, not just in Georgia but other
countries around the world, in terms of legislative and other
crackdowns on NGOs and civil society. And I know in the eyes of
the protesters in Georgia, it appeared to be an example of
undue Russian influence.
If you could just talk a little bit about your perception
of Russian influence in the Georgian political system today--
obviously, they are a neighbor--but where that stands because
we have been watching that closely. And, of course, the EU has
also been watching it closely and has expressed concerns about
the state of democracy in Georgia, and it is one of the reasons
they deferred EU candidate status. So if you could just talk
about that set of issues.
Ms. Dunnigan. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for the
question. I did follow the protests in Georgia over the foreign
agents law, and I think it is very--I think they were
reflective of the Georgian people's desire to have their future
firmly integrated with the West and the EU. We see this over
and over again, the Georgian--people of Georgia's commitment to
this path, and I think it is in our national interest to
continue to support them in this path.
I do believe that Russia is implementing malign activities
in Georgia, including disinformation, and that is having an
impact on the country. It is why I think our assistance to help
them implement their democratic reforms is so essential. The EU
has laid out 12 reforms that Georgia needs to implement in
order to obtain EU candidate status, and if confirmed, I would
work closely with the Government to support them in
implementing those reforms. And I share your concern, Senator,
and if I were confirmed, I look forward to staying in close
touch on this issue because I think it is an essential issue
for the region and in Georgia.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you. You mentioned
disinformation and misinformation campaigns. One of those is
the effort by a lot of Russian propagandists to suggest that
the United States is trying to draw Georgia into Russia and
Ukraine, which, of course, is not true. So thank you for your
efforts that you are going to undertake there.
Mr. Kostelancik, I was in the Munich Conference not too
long ago. Senator Shaheen and I met with Prime Minister Rama.
You mentioned in your opening statement the issue that he
focused 75 percent of his time on, which is his really
desperate need for the United States to support Albania's
efforts to counter cyberattacks that have taken place against
their infrastructure. I do not need to revisit the history of
how we got to this point, but can you just emphasize how you
will work with Albania to meet their concerns and help provide
the resources necessary to protect their--them from these
attacks?
Mr. Kostelancik. Thank you for the question, Senator. Yes,
those attacks were malicious and did a great deal of damage to
Albania. I have been proud of the fact that since that time,
not only the United States, but together with partners from the
European Union, NATO, and other countries around the world, we
have brought experts to Albania to help them to begin to
mitigate, to repair the damage that was done, and to reinforce
and to build a stronger, more resilient cyber system across
sectors in Albania.
The United States has committed $50 million in assistance
to help Albania at this point, and our cooperation with them
will continue in both the civilian and defense sectors to
ensure that Albania can meet future threats and challenges that
come not just potentially from Iran but from other malign
activities actors in the cyber sphere.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you because it was the
issue that that he focused on during the meeting. We also
talked about the Open Balkan Initiative, and the prime minister
was very positive about that as an alternative way to achieve
economic development in the region as they--as they continue to
press for EU membership. Finally, as you know, Albania has
hosted a number of Afghan refugees, and, if confirmed, can you
assure this committee that you will help provide Albania the
support they need to continue in that effort?
Mr. Kostelancik. Thank you, Senator. Yes, I will assure the
committee, and I pledge that I will do all that I can, together
with the Albanian Government, with the other parts of the U.S.
interagency that are involved with the processing of Afghan
SIVs through Albania, which has been a gracious host since the
summer of 2021 to Afghans looking for a new home. We will work
with the Department of Defense, Department of Homeland
Security, and within the State Department to expedite the
processing of those persons in Albania as quickly as possible.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. Dunnigan, I
want to go back to what we were talking about previously with
the Georgian Dream and, of course, the influence of Bidzina
Ivanishvili. Am I getting that name, really kind of ballpark,
in the area? And I was wondering, so what--can you get more
specific about what can we do to combat the influence of what
is going on there with regard to the--what the Russians are
trying to do to pull them, Georgia, closer to their sphere of
influence?
Ms. Dunnigan. Thank you, Senator. It really is a critical
question, and I deeply believe that our support to continue
Georgia on this path to build its democratic institutions, to
strengthen its independent media, to strengthen its judiciary,
that these are all of the sorts of steps that help strengthen a
society and make it more resilient to Russian malign activities
or malign activities by the PRC.
So the work we do with Georgia in terms of security
cooperation and economic cooperation, trying to integrate
Georgia with the West, develop their middle corridor, through
energy infrastructure and transport infrastructure, these are
all of the steps that really do help cement Georgia's future
with the West. And, if confirmed, I would continue to make this
a priority because I think it is essential.
Senator Ricketts. Do we need to take a harder line against
some of these anti-democratic forces in Georgia?
Mr. Kostelancik. Thank you. I believe it is imperative that
we are frank with the Georgian Government about concerning
steps that we have seen, and I would continue to be frank with
the Government if confirmed. And so that is a conversation that
I know we are having with the Government now and I would
continue to have.
Senator Ricketts. Okay. Thank you. And, Mr. Kostelancik,
just how do you assess our cyber cooperation with Albania right
now? Is there more that we need to do?
Ms. Dunnigan. Thank you, Senator, for the question. At the
moment, we have marshaled resources from the Department of
Defense, from civilian sources, and from the U.S. Government to
provide as much expertise, and help, training to Albanians as
they build out protections against future cyberattacks. We are
working very closely with the Albanian Government, and I am
heartened as well by the help and assistance that is rendered
by European partners, by others from around the world, as well
as NATO through its Cyber Excellence Center. So there are a
number of resources that are being applied to the challenge
right now. If confirmed, I pledge to you that we will continue
those efforts. They are important to securing Albania's
cybersecurity, and as a NATO ally, that has great importance
for us as well.
Senator Ricketts. So do you assess that Albania is
satisfied with our efforts?
Mr. Kostelancik. I believe they are looking for us to
continue to commit to do more. I will pledge to do all that I
can, knowing that there are partners besides the United States
that also have significant expertise and experience that are
ready to provide that. Working all together, we hope that we
can address Albania's needs.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Ricketts, and,
Senator Duckworth apparently is on the way, has some questions.
So in the meantime, I will follow up with a few questions, and,
Senator Ricketts, if you would like to as well, please feel
free to do so.
I do want to mention that just today, the U.N. General
Assembly adopted a resolution, led by Vanuatu, that calls upon
the International Court of Justice to develop an advisory
opinion clarifying the obligations of states to protect rights
of future generations from adverse climate change, which does
bring me, Ms. Yastishock, to a question that I did want to
follow up with you on regarding the issue of the rainforests in
Papua New Guinea.
Obviously, all these countries are directly threatened by
rising sea levels and climate change. In the case of Papua New
Guinea, they are also home to 13 percent of the world's
rainforests, and I know that USAID has been working with them
to try to develop plans to create alternatives to the current
practice, which is cutting down a lot of the rainforests, but
all of us know that that, you know, this is a race against
time. So I am interested in your thoughts on how we can help
the people of Papua New Guinea when it comes to making sure
that their people can have a livelihood and, at the same time,
make sure that we can protect the rainforests, which would, of
course, be in their interest and the interest of the entire
world when it comes to climate change and sea level rise.
Ms. Yastishock. Thank you, Senator, for question. Yes,
Papua New Guinea is rich in biodiversity, and the rainforest
is--and tropical forests are one of the areas that USAID has
been working on. We have entered into a bilateral agreement
with Papua New Guinea on biodiversity adaptation as well as
conservation efforts. Looking at where we have worked in other
areas, we have adopted a number of livelihood programs that
ensure the safe use and the resources of the rainforests and
while also preserving the livelihoods of the people. So if
confirmed, I will continue that work and build upon it so that
we are preserving the natural resources of the country.
Senator Van Hollen. All right. Welcome, Senator Duckworth,
and the floor is yours.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. And let me--let me also say the gavel
is going to be yours because I do have to run to another
meeting momentarily. I want to thank and congratulate, again,
all of the witnesses for your nominations. I certainly look
forward to supporting each of your nominations to be
Ambassadors. Thank you for your service. Senator Ricketts,
after Senator Duckworth goes, you are, of course, free to
continue asking questions, but let me turn it over to Senator
Duckworth.
Senator Duckworth [presiding]. Wonderful. Thank you. It is
opening day, by the way. All us Cubbies are super excited. Ms.
Yastishock--did I pronounce that correctly--thank you for your
statement today and for your lifelong dedication to public
service.
Obviously, there is a significant concern about the growing
PRC influence in the Pacific Islands region, particularly since
the announcement of a security partnership between the PRC and
the Solomon Islands. As you know, this committee has recently
authorized additional diplomatic resources to be devoted to the
region as a signal of our dedication and commitment, and I have
been a strong supporter of those efforts. That said, my own
regular travels through the Indo-Pacific have reinforced my
belief that our engagement with regional partners cannot be
built primarily or solely around a strategic competition with
the PRC. Rather, I believe that we need to meet our partners
where they are and to figure out how we work together to meet
their needs as well as our own. We also need to figure out how
to leverage our closest regional partners, such as Australia
and New Zealand, in these efforts.
What do you see as the key challenges for the United States
in our efforts to bring the Pacific Island countries into
closer partnership with the United States, and, if confirmed,
how would you work to address those challenges in Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu?
Ms. Yastishock. Thank you, Senator. I think one that you
put your finger on is that we need to be there, increasing our
presence through our diplomatic efforts. We're elevating
USAID's presence in Papua New Guinea to establish a country
representative office, bringing back the Peace Corps to the
region. Having our presence there is part of addressing that
issue.
I think the other part that we need to focus on is really
building the capacity of each of the countries. Our difference
in the model that we bring as compared to others in the region,
such as the PRC, is to really work with our partners, listening
to them, learning from them, understanding what their needs
are, and building their capacity. And we do that in conjunction
and cooperation with our allied like-minded partners, including
Australia, New Zealand, and Japan.
We can see that in some of the programs that we are already
working on, for instance, in Papua New Guinea, on the
electrification program, which is a joint effort between Papua
New Guinea, U.S., Australia, New Zealand, and Japan. And so
that is our difference. That is what we bring is to make sure
that our partners have the capacity, able to make those
decisions and decide their own paths forward.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. I think there is also--you
know, in addition to electrification, also healthcare
opportunities there to do some joint--some joint missions as
well.
My colleagues here have heard me speak time and again about
my interest in elevating the U.S.-ASEAN relationship, which was
bolstered last year by a special summit in May. As you know,
last year, the Biden administration also hosted the first-ever
U.S.-Pacific Island Country Summit here in D.C. in September.
What role do you see ASEAN playing in the Pacific, especially a
year like this year when Indonesia is the chair of ASEAN?
Should we be doing more to encourage ASEAN or its members,
particularly the major maritime states, like Indonesia and the
Philippines, to engage regionally with the Pacific Island
nations?
Ms. Yastishock. Well, thank you again. I do agree that
ASEAN could play a major role with building capacity of the
Pacific Islands. They have a lot to offer as far as issues on
IUU fishing, how to patrol, how to ensure and work on
trafficking in persons, and also, as you mentioned, on
healthcare, to be able to detect and prevent transnational
threats through diseases. So I do think that there is a lot of
synergy that can be between the ASEAN countries as well as
the--as the Pacific Islands.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. I am going to switch gears a
little bit and look to Ukraine and Russia's invasion. You know,
it has impacted every country in the world, none more so than
the states that were formerly Russian--under Russian within the
Soviet Union. While many of our Eastern Bloc allies are some of
the fiercest advocates for Ukraine, others have hesitated to be
too far off sides with Russia for various reasons.
Mr. Kostelancik and Ms. Dunnigan, for Albania and Georgia,
respectively, can each of you speak to how those countries have
been managing their responses to the war in Ukraine since the
invasion last year, and identify some of your early priorities
for engagement in this area, if confirmed?
Ms. Dunnigan. Thank you, Senator. The Georgian people
overwhelmingly support Ukraine in this war, and the Georgians
have taken important steps to support Ukraine. They have sent
some critical energy equipment to help repair the energy grid
that Russia has damaged when they started targeting civilian
infrastructure. They welcomed thousands of Ukrainian refugees
into Georgia. They have also welcomed many Russian dissidents,
and activists, and journalists who fled Russia during the war.
Unfortunately, Georgia knows all too well the threat that
Ukraine is experiencing since Russia has occupied Georgia since
2008.
Senator Duckworth. Mm-hmm.
Ms. Dunnigan. And if I am confirmed, I will continue to
work closely with the Georgian Government and support their own
sovereignty and territorial integrity, and help hold Russia
accountable to its commitments under the 2008 ceasefire
agreement and under the U.N. Charter, in the same way we are
trying to do with Russia in relation to Ukraine.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Mr. Kostelancik?
Mr. Kostelancik. Thank you for the question, Senator.
Albania as a NATO ally has, since the beginning of the
conflict--Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine--offered
material, and non-lethal, and lethal assistance to Ukraine. It
has sent its forces to reinforce NATO, reinforcements in front-
line states as a way of signaling to Moscow our strength as a
NATO alliance that Albania is proudly part of. And quite
significantly, as a rotating member of the U.N. Security
Council and the co-pen holder with the United States on
resolutions dealing with Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine,
Albania has been enormously helpful to our diplomatic efforts
there in New York and throughout the world in bringing
attention to support Ukraine and to condemn Russia.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Senator Ricketts, did you
have further questions?
Senator Ricketts. Yeah, I just have--I just wanted to do a
quick follow-up with Ms. Dunnigan. So you were just talking
about Georgia's response to the invasion in Ukraine, and, of
course, they initially condemned it as unacceptable and
provided, as you mentioned, some of the resources there. But
they have not imposed any sanctions on Russia, and there are
concerns that Georgian businesses are being used to evade some
of the sanctions we have put on Russia. Can you just talk a
little about how do you see--again, you would think that the
Georgians, as you said, were overwhelming in support of
Ukraine.
You know, obviously they are very close regionally, and
there are a lot of cultural ties there, but it seems like the--
between Kiev and Tbilisi, there is tension. And so how do you
see the Georgian Government's reaction of not being more
helpful to Ukraine and less--you know, more condemning of
Russia, and do you--do you think that we need to do more with
regard to the sanctions, and are--you know, do you think
Georgian business are helping to avoid the sanctions? I mean,
just tell me how you think the Georgian Government thinks about
this, and what about Georgian companies helping to evade the
sanctions?
Ms. Dunnigan. Thank you, Senator. On the sanctions
question, it is absolutely a priority of the United States to
ensure sanctions compliance and implementation, or compliance
if you have not--if you have not signed on to the sanctions
yourself. And we are having that conversation directly with the
Georgian Government, with the National Bank of Georgia, with
the private sector of Georgia, and with the financial sector of
Georgia. And the Georgian Government wants to comply with these
sanctions. They have told us, and they have actually asked us
for some more training to help them with implementation to
ensure there is not evasion of sanctions with products going
through Georgia.
And I absolutely agree with you. Georgia, more than--you
know, Georgia absolutely should understand that we do not want
to continue to fund, via sanctions evasion, Russia's war
machine and its military for future aggression, so that is a
conversation that we are having with Georgia. In fact, our
special coordinator for sanctions and other interagency
officials will be going to Georgia in the coming months to
continue this important dialogue, and, if confirmed, I will
certainly make this a priority.
As far as, you know, providing assistance, and what they
have done, and why have they not done more, Georgia has also
been very important in the international fora, as my colleague
mentioned, both in the U.N. and other multilateral for a, like
the OSCE, in supporting this and supporting Ukraine, and
talking--passing resolutions that really call out Russia for
its aggression. And if I am confirmed, I would continue to work
with the Government and help them keep doing that. Thank you.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you very much. Senator
Duckworth?
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. This hearing has now come to
a close. Thank you to each of you for your service to our
Nation and your continued willingness to serve on behalf of the
American people. You obviously are not doing this for the
glamour or the high pay, so you must do this because your heart
truly is that of a servant to the people, so thank you. It is a
tough job that you are each taking on, and I am so proud to
have been able to made it back here to ask you questions.
For any members wishing to submit questions for the record,
the hearing record will remain open until close of business
tomorrow, Friday, March 31.
Senator Duckworth. And the committee stands adjourned.
Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 11:24 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nicole D. Theriot by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China (PRC) is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic,
diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far, the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity; defend
international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with Guyana to
strengthen democratic values and the commitment to a rules-based
international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving challenges we and other
countries face in common. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized,
however, to ensure they are neither springboards for narrow PRC
economic interests nor platforms to create more permissive conditions
for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to cooperation with
Beijing where our interests may overlap and where our cooperation can
advance solutions to transnational challenges, including possibly
climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation,
food security, and macroeconomics. We will work with Beijing only if it
secures American jobs, American values, and our way of life for future
generations.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China, if confirmed, I
would maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative efforts that
involve PRC entities and third countries or international organizations
in areas where it is in U.S. interests to do so. That said, I would
scrutinize and encourage third parties to scrutinize any such
arrangements to ensure they follow international norms, feature
transparency, and delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties
are working in good faith.
Question. Guyana is a founding member of the Caribbean community
(CARICOM). Its current President, Dr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali, is working to
unite Guyanese of all ethnicities, races, and religions in Guyana,
which is a very much needed approach considering the history of
tensions between different ethnic groups. How do you assess our current
relations with Guyana?
Answer. U.S.-Guyana bilateral relations are excellent. Guyana is a
steadfast partner and actively recruits U.S. investment. Visiting U.S.
officials and trade delegations are received regularly by His
Excellency President Ali, but also by members of the opposition, and on
all sides, there is a diversity of race and religion. The Guyanese
Government strongly supports U.S. Government priorities, activities,
initiatives, and programs, and, if confirmed, I will search for more
ways to include diverse audiences and beneficiaries so that Guyana's
economic transformation includes everyone.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your main priorities as U.S.
Ambassador in Guyana?
Answer. If confirmed, my priorities will be to protect U.S.
citizens and U.S. interests in Guyana and to strive for a stronger
bilateral partnership that supports improved governance, economic
prosperity, and security in Guyana. Guiding our efforts will be
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility; ensuring climate
concerns are incorporated into policy making; and emphasizing the
importance of transparency and accountability at all levels of
government. This path will provide opportunities for U.S. educational
institutions, businesses, and citizens to partner with Guyana.
Question. How will you support deepening Guyana's relations with
the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our relationship
and build on the momentum of President Ali's recent visits to
Washington DC and of U.S. Government leadership to Guyana and the
region. I will encourage cultural exchanges between our countries and
will support frank discussion of how we can help modernize Guyana's
systems and infrastructure, whether in the health care, agriculture,
education, or other sectors. The United States and Guyana share a
strong relationship based on the common values of openness, diversity,
and democracy.
Question. In your previous role as Deputy Chief of Mission at the
U.S. Embassy in Haiti, you worked through many challenges, including
the increase in gang violence, lack of leadership and weak government
institutions. How has your experience working in Haiti prepared you to
serve as Ambassador in Guyana?
Answer. My time in Haiti was challenging, and I am grateful for
that experience because it helped prepare me to weather crises. It
taught me that security underpins everything. There can be no true
economic growth or development without security. Guyana has weak
borders and suffers from corruption and an under-resourced security
sector. These deficiencies create opportunities for transnational
criminal organizations. If confirmed, I will use my experience to build
a stronger security sector, bringing to bear U.S. Government resources,
including the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative.
Question. What is your assessment of the border dispute between
Venezuela and Guyana?
Answer. Guyana's relationship with Venezuela is complicated, with
Venezuela claiming nearly two thirds of Guyana's territory as its own.
In the past few years, the United States and Guyana have solidified our
partnership. If confirmed, I will expand this partnership and encourage
a peaceful resolution of this dispute. The 1899 arbitral award
determined the land boundary between Guyana and Venezuela and should be
respected unless or until otherwise determined by a competent legal
body.
Question. What specific humanitarian support is the U.S. providing
to support Guyana's efforts to host Venezuelan migrants?
Answer. The United States provided $3.7 million in funding in FY
2021 to IOM, UNICEF, UNHCR, and the Pan American Development Foundation
for multi-sector assistance to Venezuelan migrants. The Guyanese
Government relies on international assistance to aid the Venezuelan
population. If confirmed, I will strengthen Embassy efforts to support
Guyana as it receives those fleeing from insecurity and economic
hardship. One key opportunity is to continue supporting English
language classes for migrants who want to work but struggle with the
language barrier.
Question. China and Guyana have had a long history of diplomatic
relations, dating to 1972. It was the first English speaking nation in
the Caribbean to open relations with the PRC. The Chinese Communist
Party has provided assistance and support to Marxist political parties
through Guyana's history. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between Guyana and China?
Answer. Guyana is a 2018 signatory to the Belt and Road Initiative,
and China National Offshore Oil Corporation has a 25 percent stake in
the ExxonMobil-Hess offshore oil venture. Other PRC-linked SOEs have
undertaken large infrastructure projects in the past. Prior to the
influx of oil wealth, the Ali administration generally sought lowest
cost bidders for large projects, but it has been vocal in the press
recently about the delays and cost overruns by PRC-linked SOEs,
especially on the international airport project.
Question. Are there concerns with their existing relationship? If
so, by whom?
Answer. While Guyana has historic ties to the PRC through a small
community of Guyanese descendants of Chinese indentured laborers, many
Guyanese are concerned about the PRC's poor investment practices. In
some sectors like mining infrastructure, PRC-linked companies were a
partner of necessity in a country with limited revenue. However, with
more oil revenues, the Guyanese Government is increasingly looking to
invest in high quality goods and services offered by U.S. companies.
Question. Are you concerned with media reports indicating that
Guyana's Vice President, Bharrat Jadgeo, has received bribes from
Chinese companies?
Answer. Guyana recently scored 39/100 on Transparency
International's Corruption Perceptions Index. Without strong
anticorruption efforts, businesses will be at a disadvantage when
competing for permits and contracts in Guyana, and both Guyanese and
international businesses care deeply about transparency. If confirmed,
this will be one of my top priorities for cooperation with the
Government of Guyana. I will work with the relevant authorities to
build Guyana's capacity to identify, investigate, and prosecute
corruption.
Question. The U.S. is a leading importer of Guyana's oil, with
China and India following. Guyana's total oil exports earned more than
$1 billion in revenue to the Government of Guyana in 2022 and benefits
both the U.S. and Guyana. Unfortunately, the Biden administration wants
to stop America's use of fossil fuel energy sources such as coal, oil,
and natural gas. This will hurt American's pocketbooks with increased
fuel prices, but also assist's China's attempt to achieve energy
dominance and will force Guyana to partner with the CCP for its
economic livelihood. In your estimation, which industry or sector
outside of oil exports in Guyana would result in $1 billion a year in
revenue for Guyana?
Answer. Guyana's leadership has been very clear that they will
continue to develop their energy resources even as they seek to make
investments in greener and renewable energy. U.S. businesses are key
leaders in this effort, and we are glad they continue to be chosen to
partner with Guyana in its development. Guyanese officials emphasize
the need to diversify its economy. Aside from its historical strength
in mining and continued exploration efforts for gold and other key
minerals, it is pushing hard to develop its agriculture, eco-tourism,
health care, and technology sectors.
Question. Do you support increased U.S. investment in developing
Guyana's energy industry, including in fossil fuels?
Answer. Guyana's energy sector offers extensive economic
opportunities for U.S. firms in both conventional and renewable energy,
including in decarbonization and methane reduction. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure a level playing field for American companies to
compete fairly and transparently. I will work with the Guyanese
Government to ensure U.S. firms' contracts and assets continue to be
respected. Finally, I will partner with the U.S. Export Import Bank,
Development Finance Corporation, and other agencies to promote the use
of high-quality U.S. goods and services.
Question. Do you agree with the Biden administration's decision
last year to vote against a proposal presented to the Inter-American
Development Bank to build a port that would support Guyana's oil and
gas industry?
Answer. The decision by the Inter-American Development Bank to not
call for a vote on the port expansion project because of the U.S.
policy at the time is understandable. My understanding is that the
project was not voted on or vetoed by the United States, rather it was
never brought to a vote. That said, energy security is a priority,
particularly in the Caribbean, and we are glad that the oil and gas
produced in Guyana is easier and more environmentally friendly to
refine than most.
Question. Are you worried that an absence of American investment in
Guyana's energy industry presents an opening for the Chinese Communist
Party to increase its role in Guyana's economy?
Answer. I am encouraged by growing U.S. private sector interest in
Guyana. Our Embassy is constantly hosting trade delegations, briefing
U.S. businesses, and supporting Guyanese businesses looking for high-
quality partners, products, or services. In the last six months, the
U.S. hosted large and diverse delegations from across the United States
representing small, medium, and large firms. If confirmed, my job will
be to make sure we remain responsive to our private sector and to the
needs of Guyana moving forward in a spirit of true partnership.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ann Marie Yastishock by Senator Robert Menendez
China
The security pact signed by China and the Solomon Islands
last year raised concerns about Beijing infringing on the
Solomon Islands' sovereignty as well as the possibility that
the PRC could establish a more permanent military presence in
the area.
Question. If confirmed, how will you respond to, monitor, and push
back on an increased presence of the PRC?
Answer. I will work closely with the Governments of Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu as well as our Pacific Island
neighbors to build greater stability, security, and economic
opportunity throughout the region. U.S. security cooperation activities
include the building, training, and equipping of countries' security
forces, and joint maritime law enforcement initiatives. I will make use
of all available tools within the U.S. Government to counter propaganda
and disinformation through capacity-building training, proactive work
to expose problematic PRC influence, and arrangement of provision of
open media sources for the region.
Question. What changes has the framework agreement yielded so far?
Answer. The broad nature of the Solomon Islands-PRC bilateral
security agreement could still leave the door open for the deployment
of PRC military forces to Solomon Islands. Additionally, we have
concerns over the expansion of the PRC's internal security and
surveillance apparatus beyond its own borders. The signing of the
agreement does not change our commitment to a strong relationship with
the region and our efforts to strengthen our longstanding bonds with
the people of Solomon Islands.
Question. What should the priorities be for the diplomatic team in
Honiara as the Department seeks to establish a permanent diplomatic
presence there?
Answer. In furtherance of U.S. policy in the Pacific, our
diplomatic team has sought to build our bilateral relationship by
prioritizing the needs of the people of Solomon Islands, being
responsive to requests from the Government of Solomon Islands and
coordinating our efforts with allies and partners. If confirmed, I will
continue to promote cooperation on unexploded ordnance, the dispatch of
the USNS Mercy hospital ship to address public health, the return of
the Peace Corps, climate change initiatives, and strengthened people-
to-people ties.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Anne Marie Yastishock by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity; defend
international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with our Pacific
Island partners to strengthen democratic values and the commitment to a
rules-based international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving challenges we and other
countries face in common. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized,
however, to ensure they are neither springboards for narrow PRC
economic interests nor platforms to create more permissive conditions
for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to cooperation with
Beijing where our interests may overlap and where our cooperation can
advance solutions to transnational challenges, including possibly
climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation,
food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China (PRC), if
confirmed, I would maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative
efforts that involve PRC entities, our Pacific Islands partners, and
third countries or international organizations in areas where our
collective interests align. That said, I would scrutinize and encourage
third parties to scrutinize any such arrangements to ensure they follow
international norms, feature transparency, and delineate steps to
verify regularly that all parties are working in good faith.
Question. In March 2022, the Solomon Islands and China signed a
security agreement to address ``internal threats'' and included
protection for Chinese-owned businesses in the country. The week before
the agreement was signed, the State Department released a report
attacking the Solomon Islands for their stance on same-sex marriage,
alienating our Solomon Islander partners. The nation's Prime Minister
declined to participate with U.S. representatives during a WWII
memorial marking the Battle of Guadalcanal, as well as temporarily
barring U.S. naval vessels from docking at its seaports. Is exporting
an overly progressive social policy in alignment with our national
security priorities?
Answer. We promote American values, such as democracy and human
rights, through diplomatic activities all over the world. Likewise, we
advance national security through diplomatic engagement as well as
military presence, multinational training, combined exercises, and
equipment exports.
I believe the report you may be referring to is the Human Rights
Report (HRR), which the Secretary of State is required to submit
annually to Congress. The HRR captures facts about the observance of
and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The HRR does not
contain analysis, makes no judgments, and makes no statements or
determinations as a matter of domestic or international law. Promoting
respect for human rights is a U.S. foreign policy priority that
furthers our national interests and security. Societies that respect
and defend human rights and fundamental freedoms, democratic
institutions, and the rule of law are more stable and secure.
Question. As much as we hate to confront this fact, American power
and influence has limits in what it can achieve. We face real tradeoffs
in the objectives we need to pursue. We do not necessarily live in a
world where we can both confront the growing Chinese Communist Party
influence and transform traditional culture in the South Pacific to
adopt the same social norms as Los Angeles. So, in the Solomon Islands,
what should our priority be--containing the CCP's influence or
promoting a progressive social agenda?
Answer. In Solomon Islands, we seek to build our bilateral
relationship by prioritizing the needs of the people of Solomon
Islands, being responsive to requests from the Government of Solomon
Islands and coordinating our efforts with allies and partners. If
confirmed, I will support locally owned and driven development that is
sustainable and elevates gender equity and women's economic
empowerment. We can showcase that supporting good governance and
increasing the strength of democratic institutions delivers for people,
enhancing fairness, transparency, and prosperity. If confirmed, I will
work to increase American influence in this way.
Question. In your assessment, will the Solomon Islands agreement
with the CCP result in a permanent military presence?
Answer. The Government of Solomon Islands stated privately and
publicly that it will not allow the PRC to build a military base. The
prime minister said publicly he would like to release more details if
the PRC agrees. It is up to the PRC to show if it can be transparent on
security matters that have raised concerns throughout the region from
many Pacific Island countries. The United States encourages vigilance
in the face of Beijing's strategy to increase its influence regionally
through ambiguous, incremental, and escalatory tactics in furtherance
of its authoritarian aims.
Question. How do you plan to counter the CCP's strategic agenda in
the South Pacific as it relates to their bilateral agreements,
increased presence, and overtures for military bases in the Solomon
Islands, Vanuatu, and PNG?
Answer. I will work closely with the Governments of Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu as well as our Pacific Island
neighbors to build greater stability, security, and economic
opportunity throughout the region. U.S. security cooperation activities
include the building, training, and equipping of countries' security
forces, and joint maritime law enforcement initiatives. The Solomon
Islands Government has said both privately and publicly that it will
not allow the PRC to build a military base.
Question. Should the U.S. be doing more with its allies in the
region regarding shared interests How do you envision coordinating
allied efforts if confirmed?
Answer. Over the past year, the United States has demonstrated our
deep and enduring partnership with the Pacific Island countries and
expanded our diplomatic, development, and people-to-people efforts,
including through the launch of the Partners in the Blue Pacific and
the U.S.-Pacific Island Country Summit. As a continual part of our
diplomatic and development activities, we regularly coordinate with
allies and partners in the region as well as multilateral organizations
in the advancement of shared interests. If confirmed, I will continue
to engage with our allies and partners to coordinate and partner on
policy, development and people-to-people initiatives in Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to promote U.S.-
led and international projects to develop energy resources and
infrastructure as an alternative to Chinese-backed projects?
Answer. The PRC's involvement in the region has grown, we have seen
a range of increasingly problematic behaviors, including its assertion
of unlawful maritime claims and the ongoing militarization of disputed
features in the South China Sea, predatory economic activities
including illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, and
investments that undermine good governance and promote corruption. We
must provide positive development alternatives and be visible in our
programs and engagements with Pacific Island countries. For example, if
confirmed I will continue efforts to work with the Government of Papua
New Guinea, Australia, Japan and New Zealand to implement the Papua New
Guinea Electrification Project to expand access to energy.
Question. Is there a role for the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation in facilitating U.S. investment in PNG, Solomon
Islands, and Vanuatu?
Answer. U.S. International Development Finance Corporation has two
active projects in Papua New Guinea. Reflecting our commitment to help
build a stronger Pacific region through investment in infrastructure,
DFC, along with the Japan Bank for International Cooperation, each will
provide $50 million USD in credit guarantees to Export Finance
Australia to support the acquisition of Digicel Pacific. If confirmed,
I will work with the DFC to support negotiation of an Investment
Incentive Agreement (IIA) with Vanuatu and Solomon Islands to catalyze
private sector activity, spur economic growth, and advance inclusive
development. Without an IIA, DFC is unable to finance projects in
Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands. DFC is eager to work in both markets.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robin Dunnigan by Senator Robert Menendez
Georgian Democracy
The recent image of Georgian police firing a water cannon at
a protestor fearlessly waving the flag of the European Union
epitomizes the current moment in Georgia. Georgia's people and
civil society remain committed to their European future, but
the Government still must grapple with de-oligarchization and
polarization to progress on their Euro Atlantic path.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to support Georgia in the
necessary reforms to move with forward with EU accession, while also
holding the Government accountable when they betray the will of the
Georgian people and threaten civil society, as they did with their
recently proposed foreign agent law?
Answer. The people of Georgia overwhelmingly support EU
integration, and, if confirmed, I will prioritize helping Georgia
implement the necessary reforms to achieve EU candidate status. I will
engage the people and the Government of Georgia and align our
assistance programming to help further Georgia's Euro-Atlantic
integration. Georgia has made remarkable progress, but some concerning
developments show there is more to do. I will engage the Government
frankly on this topic and will welcome cooperating with you and other
members of Congress on these issues.
LGBTQ Rights
The 2021 attack on Tbilisi Pride, which targeted members of
the LGBTQ community in Georgia, as well as journalists covering
the event, was a stark reminder that the authorities in Georgia
have neglected to protect vulnerable groups.
Question. How will you use your platform to stand up for Georgia's
LGBTQ community if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will reiterate our solidarity with the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI+)
community in Georgia. I will stress that the Government of Georgia is
responsible for safeguarding the right to peaceful assembly, preventing
discrimination and violence, and ensuring that in Georgia, everyone's
rights and safety are duly protected. I will also urge the authorities
to bring all instigators, organizers, and perpetrators of the 2021
violence at Tbilisi Pride to justice.
Occupied Territory
Twenty percent of Georgian territory remains under Russian
occupation. That is why I firmly believe that as we push the
Georgian Government to advance the democratic will of the
Georgian people, we must also support it in further developing
the means to defend itself.
Question. How can the United States best support Georgia's
sovereignty and territorial integrity as Russia's war in Ukraine sends
shockwaves through the South Caucasus?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize advocating for Georgia's
sovereignty and territorial integrity. I will work with Georgia and our
international partners, including through the Geneva International
Discussions, to hold Russia to its commitments under the 2008 ceasefire
agreement and the U.N. Charter. I will continue to support programming
that brings together people from across Administrative Boundary Lines.
I will also support assistance that will help Georgia defend its
borders, deter Russia, and prevent Russia from expanding its influence
in the region.
Question. What are the risks and opportunities created by this
moment?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine has shown why it is
essential we help strengthen the democratic, economic, and security
resilience of those facing Russian aggression and malign activities.
This moment is a tremendous opportunity for the Georgian Government and
the people of Georgia to realize their desire to further integrate with
the EU, NATO, and the West. If confirmed, I will prioritize supporting
Georgia's further Euro-Atlantic integration, which in the national
interest of Georgia, as well as in the national security interest of
the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robin Dunnigan by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity; defend
international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with Georgia to
strengthen democratic values and the commitment to a rules-based
international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving challenges we and other
countries face in common. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized,
however, to ensure they are neither springboards for narrow PRC
economic interests nor platforms to create more permissive conditions
for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to cooperation with
Beijing where our interests may overlap and where our cooperation can
advance solutions to transnational challenges, including possibly
climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation,
food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China, if confirmed, I
would maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative efforts that
involve PRC entities, Georgia, and third countries or international
organizations in areas where our collective interests align. That said,
I would scrutinize and encourage third parties to scrutinize any such
arrangements to ensure they follow international norms, feature
transparency, and delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties
are working in good faith.
Question. Since the 1990s, Georgia's relations with Russia have
been tense, resulting in Russia invading in 2008, and supporting
secession movements in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. There
have been significant concerns that Russia continues to influence
Georgian affairs. Most recently, the Government's attempts to enact a
``foreign agent'' bill that is inspired by Russia's foreign agents law.
Georgia has experience firsthand what an attack and occupation is like
from Russia. In light of Russia's aggression in Ukraine, have you
noticed a change in the Georgian Government's current approach towards
Russia?
Answer. The ruling party's attempt to pass a ``foreign agents''
bill was concerning. The people of Georgia made it clear this type of
legislation is incompatible with their Georgian and Euro-Atlantic
values. Georgia's citizens overwhelmingly support Ukraine and know the
danger Russia poses, as it continues to occupy approximately 20 percent
of Georgia's territory. The vast majority of Georgians understand it is
not in Georgia's interest to move closer to Russia. If confirmed, I
will prioritize advocating for Georgia's sovereignty and territorial
integrity, as well as its further Euro-Atlantic integration.
Question. What is your view regarding Georgia's prospects to
conduct the reforms needed to become a candidate for EU membership, as
well as prospects for NATO membership?
Answer. The people of Georgia overwhelmingly support EU
integration, which will help improve the lives and security of every
Georgian. If confirmed, I will prioritize helping Georgia implement the
necessary reforms to achieve EU candidate status.
I support Georgia's NATO aspirations. If confirmed, I will continue
to work with Georgia on strengthening its interoperability with NATO
and its defensive capabilities, while also promoting the vital
democratic reforms that are essential for NATO accession.
Question. Has Russian aggression against Ukraine accelerated
Georgia's processes to join the EU and NATO? Why or why not?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine has shown why it is
essential we help strengthen the democratic, economic, and security
resilience of those facing Russian aggression. At the 2022 NATO Summit,
Allies endorsed additional support for Georgia as one of NATO's
partners most directly affected by external threats. Also in 2022, the
EU recognized that Georgia has a ``European Perspective'' and set out
the reforms Georgia needed to implement to obtain EU candidate status.
Question. What are your views on the imprisonment of Georgia's
former president Mikheil Saakashvili and journalist Nika Gvaramia?
Answer. The United States has emphasized to the Georgian Government
its responsibility to provide the medical care former President
Saakashvili needs and to ensure his human rights are respected,
including his right to privacy. If confirmed, I will continue to follow
this issue closely.
As the State Department noted in the 2022 Human Rights report,
Georgia's Public Defender and human rights organizations have
criticized Mr. Gvaramia's prosecution, conviction, and sentence. If
confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government to respect freedom of
expression and to strengthen the justice system in line with its own
aspirations and goals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robin Dunnigan by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. With respect to the Georgian Parliament's decision to
withdraw the controversial ``foreign agents'' law, why did the
Parliament even consider legislation that would have clearly ended
their consideration for EU membership?
Answer. The ruling party's attempt to pass a ``foreign agents''
bill was concerning, and the people of Georgia made it clear this type
of legislation is incompatible with their Georgian and Euro-Atlantic
values. Georgia's citizens overwhelmingly support EU integration, which
will help improve the lives and security of every Georgian. If
confirmed, I will prioritize helping Georgia implement the necessary
reforms to achieve EU candidate status.
Question. Do you think that our funding levels are appropriate to
meet our objectives in place? Should the United States consider
recalibrating their funding levels or conditioning specific funds to
help encourage meaningful movement on the twelve-point plan outlined by
the EU?
Answer. Georgia has made remarkable progress over the past 30
years, but there is more to do. If confirmed, I will prioritize helping
Georgia implement the necessary reforms to achieve EU candidate status.
I am concerned that by conditioning our assistance we could undermine
our support for the people of Georgia and the democratic institutions
we want to strengthen. If confirmed, I would welcome consulting with
you and other members of Congress to ensure U.S. assistance is helping
achieve our objectives of supporting Georgia's further integration with
the EU, NATO, and the West.
Question. If confirmed, how do you see this initiative supporting
your efforts to advance Georgia's economic potential, strengthen its
democratic institutions and increase its regional cooperation with
other Black Sea partners?
Answer. The State Department is working together with the
interagency on a comprehensive Black Sea Security strategy that
promotes greater regional political engagement, security coordination,
economic cooperation, energy security, and democratic resilience, all
of which are critical for Georgia. If confirmed, I would work in the
context of this broader strategy to support Georgia's efforts to
develop a middle corridor, including in the transportation and energy
sectors, as well as regional security cooperation.
Question. Does the United States support a long-term observer
mission to ensure that next year's elections are free and fair, and
reflective of the wishes of the Georgian people?
Answer. The United States supports OSCE election observation
missions throughout the OSCE region. If confirmed, I will prioritize
helping to ensure the 2024 parliamentary elections meet the standards
of the OSCE, including by working with Georgian civil society
organizations, international organizations, and partner countries. I
would support an OSCE election observation mission and would encourage
the Government of Georgia to welcome OSCE election observers, as they
have in in the past. I would also welcome engagement by you and other
members of Congress on this issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David J. Kostelancik by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. I was pleased to see the EU open accession negotiations
with Albania, and USAID notify last year of its strategic re-engagement
with Albania in order to support accession. The EU obviously has a
large role to play in supporting Albania's accession too. How would you
see your role in managing donor coordination, and what type of
assistance should the United States specifically be providing to help
Albania fulfill its EU aspirations?
Answer. U.S. assistance helps Albania deter threats, strengthen its
democratic institutions, and push the necessary reforms to advance
Albania's Euro-Atlantic integration. I support efforts to combat
transnational organized crime and counter terrorism, strengthen
judicial and other government institutions, bolster civil society and
independent media, promote government transparency, and stiffen the
fight against corruption. If not remedied, rule of law deficits and
corruption in the judiciary will constrain Albania's EU membership
progress, as well as its economic development and democratic
consolidation.
With U.S. Government assistance, Albania established in 2016 the
Special Anti-Corruption Body (SPAK), a specialized anti-corruption and
organized crime entity. SPAK consists of a Special Anti-Corruption and
Organized Crime Prosecutor's Office (SPO) and a National Bureau of
Investigation (NBI) modeled on the FBI. SPAK has arrested former
ministers, sitting members of Parliament, judges, police, prosecutors,
mayors, and organized crime kingpins.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. resources accelerate
Albania's EU integration through targeted investment in areas not
addressed by the EU's growing assistance.
This includes, for instance, USG assistance to improve the role of
women in the local decision-making process by strengthening their
technical capacity to interact with local government officials and
advocate effectively for improved public services; to strengthen the
capacity of local civil society organizations in developing government
oversight, anti-corruption efforts, human rights, gender equality, and
other USG priorities; and to develop independent investigative
reporting skills to expose corruption and highlight human rights
issues.
Question. What do you see as the remaining obstacles in addressing
good governance and judicial reforms?
Answer. The multi-year vetting process in Albania, in which all
judges and prosecutors are assessed for ties to organized crime,
unexplained wealth, and professional competence, is vital to restoring
public trust in the rule of law, removing compromised actors, and
strengthening good governance. U.S. assistance and monitoring efforts
are supporting the vetting and selection of trusted new public
officials and mitigating adjudication backlogs stemming from the
vetting process.
Albania's main political parties tend to support U.S. policy and
positions and advocate for Albania's EU aspirations, though political
figures often are motivated by personal or partisan motives. The
Albanian political class has been sluggish to enact reforms that could
threaten their personal financial interests, power, and patronage
networks, particularly justice reform and electoral reform. If
confirmed, I will support efforts to combat corruption and focus the
Government of Albania's efforts to meet EU accession goals.
Question. Iran has launched cyber-attacks on NATO member Albania
for providing safe haven to the MEK at the request of the United
States. What should be the response to a cyberattack on a NATO ally?
Answer. NATO is the strongest military alliance in history, as
critical to ensuring the safety of the American people today as at any
time since its founding more than 70 years ago. NATO is the unique,
essential, and indispensable Transatlantic forum to consult,
coordinate, and act on matters related to our individual and collective
security. The Administration is working with NATO to strengthen our
defenses in cyber space and to produce and secure the technologies of
the future. NATO joined the United States and other partners making
public statements of support for Albania in the wake of the attack.
If confirmed, I will continue work to strengthen the Alliance's
capacity to address all threats to transatlantic security, including
the malign use of emerging and disruptive technologies, malicious cyber
and hybrid operations (including misinformation, disinformation, and
weaponized corruption), and other challenges to the rules-based
international order.
Question. While we have seen OFAC designate those responsible and
we have condemned the attacks, have we done enough to support Albania
in bolstering its cybersecurity and holding Tehran to account?
Answer. The Biden administration places alliances at the center of
U.S. foreign policy and is actively working to ensure these alliances
reflect and respond to the world we face, in order to make us stronger
and safer.
Since our October 2022 Strategic Dialogue, the U.S. has worked with
Albanian and U.S. experts to refine Albania's cyber needs and establish
a roadmap for a strong and resilient whole-of-government cyber
ecosystem. The United States has committed approximately $50 million in
cybersecurity assistance to Albania's civilian and military sectors--
one of our largest cyber support contributions to any individual
country to date. This is not only a response to the recent attacks, but
a continuation of long-standing U.S. support for Albania's cyber
capacity development goals, a commitment I intend to carry into the
future.
In September 2022, the United States designated Iran's Ministry of
Intelligence and Security (MOIS) and Iran's Intelligence Minister,
Esmail Khatib, for engaging in malicious cyber-enabled activities
against the United States and U.S. allies, including Albania.
Question. Albania has graciously hosted a large number of Afghan
evacuees. If confirmed, how will you ensure that the United States
provides Albania the support that they need as they continue to do this
important work?
Answer. Albania was the first European country to offer to host at-
risk Afghan travelers in August 2021, and it has provided temporary
protective status for almost 3,000 Afghans and their families to date.
The U.S. continues to work across the interagency to provide care
and sustainment for these individuals and their families as we evaluate
their applications for resettlement to the United States or other
suitable locations.
Albania has been an excellent partner in assisting our Afghan
allies and has expressed a willingness to continue the partnership into
the future.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David J. Kostelancik by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases in the world today. With their
absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop
all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the
Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity; defend
international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with Albania to
strengthen democratic values and the commitment to a rules-based
international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving challenges we and other
countries face in common. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized,
however, to ensure they are neither springboards for narrow PRC
economic interests nor platforms to create more permissive conditions
for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to cooperation with
Beijing where our interests may overlap and where our cooperation can
advance solutions to transnational challenges, including possibly
climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation,
food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the countries or organizations in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China, if confirmed, I
would maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative efforts that
involve PRC entities, Albania, and third countries or international
organizations in areas where our collective interests align. That said,
I would scrutinize and encourage third parties to scrutinize any such
arrangements to ensure they follow international norms, feature
transparency, and delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties
are working in good faith.
Question. The U.S. and Albania maintain excellent relations and the
U.S. enjoys favorable views from Albanian citizens. They agreed to host
Afghan evacuees from the U.S. departure from Afghanistan and is a
likeminded U.S. partner regarding Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Since
the early 1990s, the U.S. has provided more than $1 billion in
assistance to Albania regarding development, bolstering civil society,
and security assistance. How can the U.S. further strengthen bilateral
cooperation with Albania?
Answer. Advancing reform of Albania's judiciary is a key U.S.
priority. Albania has undertaken a major, sweeping justice reform
effort to make progress toward EU membership and the future Albanians
demand and deserve. Judicial reform will create a stable, more
prosperous partner with healthy, strong democratic institutions and a
better place for U.S. businesses to invest and do business. If
confirmed, I will do my part to help our partner reach its full
potential.
The United States has recently committed approximately $50 million
in cybersecurity assistance to Albania's civilian and military
sectors--one of our largest cyber support contributions to any
individual country to date.
The U.S.-Albania business relationship also continues to grow. More
U.S. companies are interested in doing business in Albania primarily in
priority sectors--energy, tourism, and Information and Communications
Technology (ICT). Our trade volume with Albania is currently small, and
there are opportunities to expand in several sectors, including energy,
tourism, and ICT. If confirmed, I commit to helping the Government of
Albania improve transparency, rule of law, and security and political
functionality to further improve the investment climate.
Question. If confirmed, how will you mitigate external
authoritarian influence in concert with Albania?
Answer. This Administration supports a free and active exchange of
ideas that will strengthen democracy, expand good governance, enshrine
the rule of law, and cement independence and integrity in the judicial
sector in Albania. These efforts help to close vulnerabilities to
malign outside actors.
A well-informed citizenry is key to strong democratic institutions.
If confirmed, I will use the full range of options, including exchange
programs, investigative journalist training initiatives, English
language education, media literacy programs, and grants to civil
society to deepen our engagement in Albania, reinforce objective and
independent analysis, strengthen the fight against combat corruption,
and promote information literacy.
I will also press the Albanian Government and political parties to
advance electoral reforms, especially those recommended by the OSCE's
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights to ensure free and
fair elections. U.S. assistance to Albania's new justice institutions
bolsters Albania's resilience not only against corruption, but also
against malign influence.
Question. If confirmed, what are your plans to counter corruption
and organized crime in Albania?
Answer. U.S. assistance helps Albania deter threats, strengthen its
democratic institutions, and push the necessary reforms to advance
Albania's Euro-Atlantic integration. I support efforts to combat
transnational organized crime and counter terrorism, strengthen
judicial and other government institutions, bolster civil society and
independent media, promote government transparency, and stiffen the
fight against corruption. If not remedied, rule of law deficits and
corruption in the judiciary will constrain Albania's EU membership
progress, its economic development, and democratic consolidation.
With U.S. Government assistance, Albania established in 2016 the
Special Anti-Corruption Body (SPAK), a specialized anti-corruption and
organized crime entity. SPAK consists of a Special Anti-Corruption and
Organized Crime Prosecutor's Office (SPO) and a National Bureau of
Investigation (NBI) modeled on the FBI. SPAK has arrested former
ministers, sitting members of Parliament, judges, police, prosecutors,
mayors, and organized crime kingpins. If confirmed, I will continue
U.S. support for the SPAK.
Question. Last year, Albania suffered a cyberattack that the U.S.
Government determined to have originated in Iran. The attack was so
damaging that Albania considered invoking NATO's Article 5. These
attacks are believed to be retribution for Albania's decision to host
members of an anti-Ayatollah group, the National Council of Resistance
to Iran. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure the United States
supports Albania's efforts to strengthen its cyber security?
Answer. The Biden administration places alliances at the center of
U.S. foreign policy and actively works to ensure these alliances
reflect and respond to the world we face, in order to make us stronger
and safer.
Since our October 2022 Strategic Dialogue, the Biden administration
has worked with Albanian and U.S. experts to refine Albania's cyber
needs and establish a roadmap for a strong and resilient whole-of-
government cyber ecosystem. The United States has committed
approximately $50 million in cybersecurity assistance to Albania's
civilian and military sectors--one of our largest cyber support
contributions to any individual country to date. This is not only a
response to the recent attacks, but a continuation of long-standing
U.S. support for Albania's cyber capacity development goals, a
commitment I intend to carry into the future.
Question. How can the United States support Albania to stand up to
future attempts by Iran to punish or coerce the Albanian Government?
Answer. NATO is the strongest military alliance in history, as
critical to ensuring the safety of the American people today as at any
time since its founding more than 70 years ago. The Administration is
committed to working with NATO Allies to strengthen our defenses in
cyber space and to produce and secure the technologies of the future.
NATO joined the United States and other partners making public
statements of support for Albania in the wake of the attack.
If confirmed, I will continue work to strengthen the NATO
Alliance's capacity to address all threats to transatlantic security,
including the malign use of emerging and disruptive technologies,
malicious cyber and hybrid operations (including misinformation,
disinformation, and weaponized corruption), and other challenges to the
rules-based international order.
Question. Given this blatant attack on Albania, an American ally,
do you support the Biden administration's continued attempts to
negotiate a nuclear deal with Iran?
Answer. The Biden administration has made clear its commitment to
never allowing Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon and believes diplomacy
is the best way to achieve that goal, which I support. The
Administration's diplomatic efforts on Iran's nuclear program have gone
hand in hand with pressure on the regime to curb its destabilizing
activities. If confirmed, I will continue to advance strong U.S.
support of our NATO Ally Albania to strengthen its defense in cyber
space and guard against Iran's destabilizing behavior.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David J. Kostelancik by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. If confirmed, how can the United States, through its U.S.
assistance to Albania, support its EU membership aspirations? Are there
particular areas where the United States can support Albania in
addressing remaining reforms?
Answer. U.S. assistance helps Albania deter threats, strengthen its
democratic institutions, and push the necessary reforms to advance
Albania's Western integration. Our programs support combatting
transnational organized crime and countering terrorism, strengthening
judicial and other government institutions, and bolstering civil
society (with an emphasis on youth) and independent media to promote
government transparency and counter endemic corruption. Weak rule of
law traditions and a corrupt judicial system are key constraints not
only to EU membership, but also to economic development, democratic
consolidation, and stability.
With U.S. Government assistance, Albania established in 2016 the
Special Anti-Corruption Body (SPAK), a specialized anti-corruption and
organized crime entity. SPAK consists of a Special Anti-Corruption and
Organized Crime Prosecutor's Office (SPO) and a National Bureau of
Investigation (NBI) modeled on the FBI. SPAK has arrested former
ministers, sitting members of Parliament, judges, police, prosecutors,
mayors, and organized crime kingpins.
U.S. resources help accelerate Albania's EU integration through
targeted investment in areas left unaddressed by the EU's growing
assistance, including through assistance with cyber security, COVID-19,
wildfire emergencies, education, health, social support services to
Afghan evacuees, and food security in the wake of the Ukraine invasion.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of
Albania, local organizations, and the individuals themselves to ensure
that the remaining Afghans are able to transit safely to the United
States?
Answer. Albania was the first European country to offer to host at-
risk Afghan travelers in August 2021, and it has provided temporary
protective status for almost 3,000 Afghans and their families to date.
I will continue our work with USG colleagues to provide care and
sustainment for these individuals and their families as we evaluate
their applications for resettlement to the United States or other
suitable locations.
Albania has been an excellent partner in assisting our Afghan
allies and has expressed a willingness to continue the partnership into
the future.
Question. Can you outline how the United States has supported
Albania in responding to the attacks, and if confirmed, how will you
support Albania in strengthening their cyber defenses?
Answer. The Biden administration has placed alliances at the center
of U.S. foreign policy and is actively working to ensure these
alliances reflect and respond to the world we face, in order to make us
stronger and safer.
Since our October 2022 Strategic Dialogue, the Biden administration
has worked with Albanian and U.S. experts to refine Albania's cyber
needs and establish a roadmap for a strong and resilient whole-of-
government cyber ecosystem. The United States has committed
approximately $50 million in cybersecurity assistance to Albania's
civilian and military sectors--one of our largest cyber support
contributions to any individual country to date. This funding is not
only in response to the recent attacks, but also a continuation of U.S.
support for Albania's cyber capacity development goals, a commitment I
intend to carry into the future.
Question. Can you provide an update on discussions with regard to
Albania's offer of a NATO military port at Porto Romano?
Answer. Albania is a valued NATO Ally, and we appreciate its
contributions to regional security. NATO's ongoing refurbishment of
Albania's Kucova Air Base will directly support NATO air operations in
the region. Discussions on Porto Romano as we review, along with NATO,
technical specifications and designs Albania provided. Any final
decision regarding the Porto Romano offer, or any other offer to NATO,
will be made by NATO Allies collectively.
Question. Can you offer your assessment of the Open Balkans
initiative? Does the United States continue to support the Open Balkans
Initiative?
Answer. We see the future of all the Western Balkan countries in
the European Union, so advancing these countries European integration
remains a U.S. priority. If confirmed, I will support all economic
integration efforts, including the Open Balkans initiative, that
advance the region's European path and benefit all citizens of the
region.
Question. How does the Open Balkan initiative fit within the
domestic and foreign policy priorities for the Albanian Government?
Answer. Albanian Prime Minister Rama publicly advocates for the
Open Balkan Initiative as a strong vehicle for regional integration
and, eventually, Western Balkan integration into the European Union.
The United States supports regional integration measures that align
with EU accession priorities. Public support in Albania for EU
integration remains around 90 percent, and the latest EU Commission
report shows Albania progressing well on its accession process.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, MAY 4, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:17 a.m., in
Room 419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert Menendez,
chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Ricketts, Young,
Cruz, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
committee will come to order. Let me congratulate all the
nominees before us today on your nominations. Let me welcome
your family members and friends who are part of the sacrifice
of serving.
Whether in the Western Hemisphere or the Middle East, your
service will come at a challenging time for the United States.
We are facing growing instability and competition around the
world.
That is why our diplomatic engagement, our cooperation with
allies and partners, our efforts to counter the coercive
policies of authoritarian states, these are more critical than
ever for U.S. national security. Now, despite this, we see
House Republicans hurtling towards debt default.
Their plan would not only undermine the United States'
ability to compete with China, but by cutting funding for the
State Department, USAID, and other agencies on the front lines,
it would undermine our ability to protect and advance U.S.
foreign policy.
I hope today's nominees will not take this lack of
commitment to advancing American interests on the part of those
who view that as the appropriate path as a reflection of our
committee's respect for the work that you do all over the
world. Indeed, the posts today's nominees must fill are
critical, and I want to thank each of you, and as I have said,
your families, for your willingness to serve our country.
Mr. Brown, Ecuador is experiencing a political turbulence
that has implications for democracy and the Americas. President
Lasso is as close a partner of the United States as you can
get. President Biden receives him at the White House in
December. That same week, Congress passed my U.S. Ecuador
partnership to deepen cooperation between our two countries.
The United States must always stand with democratic leaders
who share our values and work to improve the quality of life
for their citizens. We need an ambassador that will work with
President Lasso to confront organized crime and drug
trafficking, to support his efforts to address climate change
and protect Ecuador's environment for all of its citizens and
support our governments and our private sectors to work
together to promote inclusive economic growth for both nations.
And I look forward to hearing you on that. Ms. Syptak-
Ramnath, is that the correct pronunciation?
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Syptak-Ramnath.
The Chairman. Syptak, Syptak-Ramnath, okay.
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Yes.
The Chairman. If confirmed, you will be taking over the
U.S. Embassy in Lima, as the country has been rocked by
protests that have left more than 50 people dead. In December,
Peru raised a significant political crisis when former
President Castillo resorted to unconstitutional measures in an
illegal attempt to dissolve Peru's Congress.
President Castillo was legally removed from office, but the
political tensions remain. I look forward to hearing from you
about how the United States can best engage diplomatically in
this context, and how you will work to strengthen the
principles shared by our countries, as well as address the
mutual concerns of our citizens.
Mr. Nyhus, the assignment to Bridgetown is incredibly
important. You would not only serve as our representative to
Barbados, but also as our Ambassador to Antigua, Barbuda,
Dominica, Grenada, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent,
and the Grenadines, but you only get one salary. I just want
you to know.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. At the time of growing geopolitical
competition, it is incredibly important that we double down on
our relationships with our closest democratic partners,
including our neighbors in the Caribbean. We must continue to
advance our relationship based on our shared values, economic
ties, and the bonds between our people.
I look forward to hearing about how the United States can
further strengthen our relationship with the governments of
Barbados and Prime Minister Mia Mottley, who is a global leader
on climate change and the environment. This is an incredibly
important assignment because of the breadth and scope--each of
those countries have a vote in some of our, as Senator Cantwell
has pointed out to us on several times.
Ms. Lempert, I am proud and pleased to see you are the
President's nominee to our Ambassador to Jordan, a longstanding
strategic U.S. partner in the region. As someone who has spent
her entire public service career working on issues facing the
Middle East, for both Republican and Democratic
Administrations, whether it was your leadership as the key U.S.
negotiator, the ten year memorandum of understanding between
the United States and Israel, securing the largest package of
assistance in the history of our bilateral relationship, or
your work to build on the historic Abraham Accords as the
Administration's point person on the negative framework, your
experiences will serve you well in leading our Embassy in
Amman.
I am a lifelong advocate for a strong U.S., Israel
relationship, and I know you are as well, and I look forward to
your leadership as we build even stronger relationships between
Israel and her neighbors, including Jordan.
In closing, I must note that there is one nominee not on
this panel that I hope we can get to at some point. A couple of
our colleagues have consistently come up to me. And that is
Ambassador Jean Manes for Columbia. She is a consummate
diplomat, professional. It has been nearly a year since our
former Ambassador departed Bogota. The U.S., Colombia
relationship is too important not to have a confirmed
Ambassador.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate those
remarks. And I am going to start with the nomination of
Ambassador to Ecuador. Ecuador is a democratic partner facing
immense pressures from political forces controlled by former
President Correa, bad Chinese deals made by Correa a decade
ago, and violent Mexican cartels seeking access to Europe
through the Ecuadorian ports.
The United States has a national interest in a stable and
prosperous Ecuador. As such, I have joined Chairman Menendez on
legislative efforts to deepen our economic relations and
security cooperation with Ecuador.
I look forward to hearing from Mr. Brown on how the United
States can best support Ecuador as it works to successfully
emerge from these crises. On the nomination of Ambassador to
Peru. Peru is another democratic partner facing a decade's long
political crisis worsened by President Castillo's failed self-
coup attempt in December, economic and social pressures related
to the regional illegal migration crisis, and growing security
threats from transnational organized crime.
I hope to hear from the nominee how her experiences in
other challenging places, as such as Mexico and Mali, will
inform her priorities and efforts in Lima.
Turning to the nomination of Ambassador to Barbados and the
long list of other countries that the nominee will represent us
in.
The United States has enjoyed a strong and mutually
beneficial relations with the nations of the Eastern Caribbean
for a very long time. Their stable democracies are an example
for the rest of the continent. We certainly hope that stays
that way.
Overall, in the region, despite our shared democratic
values, the region is a battleground against malign influences
from China and transnational criminal organizations. I look
forward to hearing from the nominee on how we can maximize our
shared values and interests to keep the Caribbean an open and
thriving part of the Americas.
Finally, turning to the nomination of Ambassador to Jordan,
the Kingdom is an essential U.S. partner in an often turbulent
region. It is clear the Middle East is rapidly changing, and
strategic competition is alive and well. I think the king, who
meets with us regularly, both myself and the chairman, works
very hard to keep our relationship strong and we want to keep
it that way.
As China continues to make inroads with our long-standing
partners, it is vitally important that we have diplomats who
are ready to roll up their sleeves and compete in the Middle
East, and I look forward to hearing your thoughts on that.
As to the Manes Columbia nomination, Mr. Chairman, thank
you for your remarks.
I am subject to the same input that you are regarding the
nomination from some of our members. But I am getting it both
ways. And I have to say that our staff on our side has received
complaints about Ms. Manes' leadership ability, interagency
management style, and judgment while serving as Ambassador in
charge in El Salvador.
These are serious matters that we are continuing to look
into. Moreover, the state IG conducted a board of investigation
into her questionable leadership and judgment. While the State
IG recently closed its investigation, I am really disturbed
that Manes was not forthcoming about the nature of the IG
investigation on her questionnaire or in the meetings with my
staff.
We all know Colombia is a critically important post. It
requires the highest levels of leadership, skill, and
interagency cooperation, and there are indications there that
the country is not going in a good direction that we would like
to see. Given the aforementioned concerns, I have more vetting
work to do before putting her on a hearing, and I am not going
to commit to that, to agreeing to the hearing, but you and I
will discuss that some more.
I will work in good faith in that regard, but I want to
underscore the concerns I have got. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Well, thank you, Senator Risch, for those
remarks. Let me just say with reference to Ambassador Manes, of
course, I respect your prerogative and your right to have
serious vetting.
I just hope that at some point the vetting can come to a
conclusion, whatever that conclusion is, and that we bring the
nominee before the committee and ask her tough questions at the
end of the day, and that she has her hearing. But I will look
forward to working with you to get to that point.
Senator Risch. Thank you. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. We have the distinguished Chair of the
Commerce committee with us to introduce one of our nominees, so
we are going to recognize Senator Cantwell first.
Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to
you and Ranking Member Risch for holding this hearing today and
for putting the nomination of Roger Nyhus before the committee.
I represent one of the most trade dependent states in the
United States. To me, this committee is a very important
committee in furthering the agenda of opening up markets and
having good relations around the globe. I will say, as the
chair of the Chips and Science Conference report, one of my big
laments is that we were not able to get over the goal line, the
very important work that this committee contributed,
particularly in the Indo-Pacific area.
And it is my hope that we will be able to do that this
year, so I look forward to working with you. I want to thank
you for allowing me to introduce Roger Nyhus, who I have worked
with and known for many years, and wholeheartedly support his
nomination to the U.S. Ambassador to seven sovereign nations of
the Eastern Caribbean.
Roger has made a mark in Washington as a business and civic
leader, also an advocate for the LGBT community, his Native
American tribe, the Chinook Nation, and many others. As a
professional communicator, his core skills as an Ambassador, I
think, will be to communicate these priorities of the United
States.
He earned a bachelor's degree from the famous Edward R.
Murrow College of Communication at Washington State University,
and he grew up in a small fishing village of Westport on
Washington's Pacific Coast. That gave him a keen idea about
understanding the life and economies of natural resources and
tourism, like the areas that he will have to represent.
This background, combined with a proven ability to solve
complex problems and manage issues that cut across the public
and private sectors, which really require building trust,
having diverse stakeholders come to the table, and having
people who can help communicate the issues and priorities.
Rodger's career has prepared him for that role.
Over three decades, he has represented clients in advancing
global commerce engagement and exchange, is the founder of NCO
of Nyhus Communications, a leading PR firm in the Pacific
Northwest, that he grew to the eighth largest Native American
owned company in Washington.
He also served as communications director for our former
Governor Locke, Seattle Mayor Paul Schell, and advocacy officer
for the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. I think these
experiences give him the critical skills as an Ambassador to
this important area that you and the ranking member just
articulated.
We cannot leave this to just other nations, particularly
China, to advocate. We need representation and to say what the
great Americas mean for all of us in the United States in that
region, so I thank the committee for this opportunity.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cantwell, for that strong
introduction. And I know that you have other things to do, so
feel free to excuse yourself whenever you----
Senator Cantwell. Well, unless Senator Risch has any
questions.
Senator Risch. I was actually going to have her put under
oath for the questions----
Senator Cantwell. Yes.
[Laughter.]
Senator Cantwell. I was going to tell the committee that we
greatly support moving forward on the Columbia River Treaty.
So, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. She would be a formidable challenge, I can
tell you, Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Oh, how well I know.
The Chairman. All right. We will turn to our nominees. I
would ask you to summarize your statements in about five
minutes or so, so that the committee can engage in a
conversation with you. Your full statements will be included in
the record, without objection. And, Mr. Nyhus, we will start
with you and just go down the line.
STATEMENT OF ROGER F. NYHUS TO BE AMBASSADOR OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO BARBADOS, SAINT KITTS
AND NEVIS, SAINT LUCIA, ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA, THE
COMMONWEALTH OF DOMINICA, GRENADA, AND SAINT VIN-
CENT AND THE GRENADINES
Mr. Nyhus. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am grateful to appear
before you as President Biden's nominee to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Barbados and six other sovereign nations.
If confirmed, I would represent the United States and the
American people to these seven island nations. I would like to
thank my two Senators, Senator Murray, Patty Murray, and
Senator Maria Cantwell, who you just heard from, for their
support and friendship. I am especially grateful to Senator
Cantwell for her leadership and her introduction. I am the
proud product of rural America.
I grew up in West Port, Washington, a small fishing and
tourist town on the Pacific Ocean. Oceans and coastal
communities are in my blood. I am the son of a Native American
mom and a Norwegian American fisherman dad. My family fish for
salmon, tuna, Dungeness and king crab, shrimp and bottom fish,
frequently miles off the Pacific coast for days and weeks at a
time. My tribe, the Chinook Indian Nation, is legendary.
My ancestors greeted explorers Lewis and Clark at the mouth
of the mighty Columbia River more than 200 years ago. Chinook
means strong fighter, and if confirmed, I commit to being a
strong fighter for the United States, the American people, our
shared democratic values, our strategic interests, as well as
those priorities that we work on with the Eastern Caribbean. I
am from the nation's most trade dependent state.
Throughout my career, I have been a strong and effective
advocate for international trade and economic development in
rural, urban, and diverse communities. Over three decades, I
grew my strategic communications business to represent
Seattle's most successful and impactful companies, Fortune 500
companies, startups, nonprofits. I advise organizations on how
to solve complex business issues, solve crises, and grow their
business in the United States and abroad.
If confirmed, I am eager to put my private sector expertise
and connections to use for the American people. This
ambassadorship is unique in the world, representing the United
States to these seven island nations, these sovereign
countries, allies, right here in our own hemisphere.
The countries of the Eastern Caribbean, Antigua and
Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, St. Kitts and Nevis, St.
Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines comprise a vital
political and economic region. Due to their close geographic
proximity, and our shared historical and cultural ties, these
countries play an outsized role in many important areas. If
confirmed, my priorities are clear.
First, hundreds of thousands of American tourists visit the
Eastern Caribbean each year. If confirmed, my paramount duty
will be to ensure the safety and security of these visitors, as
well as the 16,000 Americans who call the region home. This
includes addressing the illegal trafficking of narcotics,
people, and guns in the region.
And specifically, I will work to deepen our security and
law enforcement partnerships through the Caribbean Basin
Security Initiative. Second, I will ensure that the United
States effectively competes with the People's Republic of China
and remains the partner of choice, the preferred partner in the
Eastern Caribbean.
These seven countries are on the front lines of Beijing's
global power projection through its ever-expanding trade,
investment ties, and diplomatic presence, as well as the PRC's
ongoing push to limit Taiwan international engagement. I will
work to be a strong advocate for our positive U.S. agenda, and
an active and visible countering force to the PRC's efforts.
Third, these small island nations are facing a unique and
evolving climate and energy challenges. I am committed to
working with each country on specific solutions, employing
American technology and innovation.
And through the U.S. initiatives such as PACC 2030, the
Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis. It is in our
national interest to help these countries become more resilient
to the effects of climate change and support their transition
to renewable fuels, including by increasing their access to
finance.
Finally, drawing on my broad private sector expertise, if
confirmed, I would support U.S. business interests in the
region. I would be their number one advocate and help identify
new and expanded opportunities for American innovation and
investment.
I look forward to leading the strong and experienced team
of professionals at the mission, if I am confirmed, and
collaborating closely with this committee and your staff, and
together we will advance U.S. interests that benefit the
American people in this very important region so close to our
shores. I am happy to answer your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Nyhus follows:]
Prepared Statement of Roger F. Nyhus
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members
of the committee. I am grateful to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Barbados and the Eastern
Caribbean. If confirmed, I would represent the United States and the
American people in seven island nations.
I would like to thank the two senators from my home state of
Washington--Senator Maria Cantwell and Senator Patty Murray--for their
support. I am especially grateful to Sen. Cantwell for her leadership,
kind introduction, and partnership over many years.
Rural America
I am the proud product of rural America. I grew up in Westport,
Washington, a small fishing and tourist town on the Pacific Ocean.
Oceans and coastal communities are in my blood. I am the son of a
Native American Mom and a Norwegian-American fisherman Dad. My family
fished for salmon, tuna, Dungeness and king crab, shrimp, and bottom
fish, frequently miles off the Pacific Coast for days or weeks at a
time.
Family
My tribe--the Chinook Indian Nation--is legendary. My ancestors
greeted explorers Lewis and Clark at the mouth of the mighty Columbia
River more than 200 years ago. Chinook means ``strong fighter,'' and,
if confirmed, I commit to being a strong fighter for the United States,
the American people, our strategic interests and democratic values, as
well as our shared priorities in the Eastern Caribbean.
Private Sector Experience
I am from the nation's most trade-dependent state. Throughout my
career, I have been a strong and effective advocate for international
trade and economic development in rural, urban, and diverse
communities. I have represented numerous clients in advancing global
commercial engagement and people-to-people exchange.
Over three decades, I grew my strategic communications business to
represent Seattle's most successful and impactful Fortune 500
companies, startups, and nonprofits. I advised organizations on how to
navigate complex business issues, manage crises, and grow in the United
States and overseas. If confirmed, I am eager to put my private sector
expertise and connections to use for the American people.
Post Priorities
This U.S. ambassadorship is unique in the world--representing the
United States to seven sovereign nations right here in our own
hemisphere. The countries of the Eastern Caribbean--Antigua and
Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia,
and St. Vincent and the Grenadines--comprise a vital political and
economic region. Due to their close geographic proximity and our shared
historical and cultural ties, these countries play an outsized role in
many important areas.
If confirmed, my priorities are clear:
First, hundreds of thousands of American tourists visit the Eastern
Caribbean each year. If confirmed, my paramount duty will be to ensure
the safety and security of these visitors as well as the many thousands
of Americans who call the region home. This includes addressing the
illegal trafficking of narcotics, people, and guns in the region.
Specifically, I will work to deepen our security and law enforcement
partnerships with the Eastern Caribbean through the Caribbean Basin
Security Initiative.
Second, I will ensure that the United States effectively competes
with the People's Republic of China and remains the partner of choice
in the Eastern Caribbean. These seven countries are on the frontlines
of Beijing's global power projection through ever-expanding trade,
investment ties and diplomatic presence, as well as the PRC's ongoing
push to limit Taiwan international engagement. I will work to be a
strong advocate for our positive U.S. agenda, and an active and visible
countering force to the PRC's efforts.
Third, these small island nations are facing unique and evolving
climate and energy challenges. I am committed to working with each
country on specific solutions employing American technology and
innovation, and through U.S. initiatives such as the Partnership to
Address the Climate Crisis (PACC 2030). It is in our national interest
to help these nations become more resilient to the effects of climate
change and support their transition to renewable fuels, including by
increasing their access to finance.
Finally, drawing on my broad private sector experience, if
confirmed, I would support U.S. business interests in the region and
help identify new and expanded opportunities for American innovation
and investment.
Conclusion
If confirmed, I look forward to leading the strong and experienced
team of professionals at the mission and collaborating closely with
this committee and its staff. Together, we will advance U.S. interests
and benefit the American people in this important region so close to
our shores. I am happy to answer your questions. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you. Ms. Lempert.
STATEMENT OF YAEL LEMPERT TO BE AMBASSADOR OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM
OF JORDAN
Ms. Lempert. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve
as a U.S. Ambassador to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I
would like to thank the President and the Secretary of State
for the confidence that they have shown in me with this
nomination.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee
and the Congress more broadly on U.S. interests in Jordan.
Since joining the Foreign Service 25 years ago, I have spent
most of my career working either in or on the Middle East and
North Africa, including in Iraq, Egypt, Libya, and Israel, as
well as in domestic assignments at the State Department, and on
the national security staff under three Presidents.
It is impossible to sufficiently express my appreciation to
my family for their stalwart support throughout my career,
especially to my husband, Andrea, who is here today, and our
wonderful daughter Bianca, who is on her sixth-grade field trip
to New York City, so is not here, who are most impacted by this
itinerant lifestyle. And to my parents and siblings, who no
matter how much worry I caused them, serving in a post war zone
and through a revolution, always supported me in this life of
serving our country.
I want to particularly recognize my late father, U.S. Air
Force captain and ophthalmologist Philip Lempert, who instilled
in me a devotion to public service and always believed in me
and that I would reach this day. As President Biden has said,
the role Jordan plays as a force for stability in the Middle
East cannot be overstated.
The strategic partnership between the United States and the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is key to advancing U.S. priorities
throughout the region and to promoting regional security and
stability.
The United States has a profound interest in supporting the
political and economic reform agenda laid out by the Jordanian
government to address persistent economic, environmental, and
regional challenges, from unemployment, to water scarcity, to
the spillover effects of the crisis in Syria. U.S. priorities
in Jordan are focused on supporting economic growth,
strengthening water security, and deepening our strong security
cooperation.
These goals are advanced through our new seven-year
assistance MOU, which supports key reforms centered on
improving the lives of Jordanians, including essential public
services, tackling the water crisis, and expanding economic
opportunities.
Thanks to strong Congressional support, U.S. economic
assistance to Jordan using Fiscal Years 2023 funds includes
over $1.2 billion aimed at bolstering Jordan's stability and
strengthening our partnership.
If confirmed, I will work with Jordanian leaders, the IMF,
and others to support Jordan's reform and modernization
efforts, and to ensure that our assistance package is used
effectively. As a major non-NATO ally and crucial member of the
global coalition to defeat ISIS, Jordan has long been a key
ally in the fight against terrorism, while also supporting
international peacekeeping efforts and providing humanitarian
assistance.
Our new MOU includes a minimum of $400 million annually in
foreign military financing for Jordan, making it among the
largest recipients of FMF globally. This funding bolsters
Jordan's capacity to play a stabilizing role in the Middle
East.
It helps to address emerging threats and ensures continued
operability--interoperability with U.S. and coalition forces.
Jordan has long offered a refuge to those displaced by regional
conflicts and crises, most recently in the extraordinary
generosity that the Jordanian government and its people have
shown to Syrians.
The United States has contributed over $2.2 billion in
humanitarian aid to Syrian refugees in Jordan since the
conflict in Syria began. If confirmed, I will continue to
advocate for humanitarian assistance from our partners and the
international fora to promote burden sharing and ensure that we
collectively provide for those in need.
I will also promote regional integration and support
Jordan's important role in contributing to regional peace and
prosperity. Next year marks 30 years since Jordan signed its
historic peace treaty with Israel.
Jordan's commitment to working towards peace between
Israelis and Palestinians, as well as partnering with the
United States and others to advance de-escalation efforts, is
indispensable. The U.S. Embassy in Jordan is among the largest
in the world, with a talented, dedicated, and diverse team of
American and local staff that, if confirmed, I would be so
proud to lead.
The safety and security of the embassy team and of U.S.
citizens in Jordan, including the over 33,000 Americans
residing there and the more than 150,000 American tourists who
visit annually, will always be my foremost priority.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished
members of the committee, if confirmed, I will work to further
strengthen the vital U.S., Jordan partnership, and to ensure
that it serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values. I thank
you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Lempert follows:]
Prepared Statement of Yael Lempert
Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished Members of the committee,
it is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I
would like to thank the President and the Secretary of State for the
confidence they have shown in me with this nomination. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with this committee, and the Congress more
broadly, on U.S. interests in Jordan.
Since joining the Foreign Service 25 years ago I have spent most of
my career working either in or on the Middle East and North Africa,
including in Iraq, Egypt, Libya, and Israel, as well as in domestic
assignments at the State Department and on the National Security
Council staff under three Presidents. It is impossible to sufficiently
express my appreciation to my family for their stalwart support
throughout my career, especially to my husband, Andrea, and our
wonderful daughter, Bianca, who are most impacted by this itinerant
lifestyle, and to my parents and siblings, who--no matter how much
worry I caused them, serving in a post-war zone and through a
revolution--always supported me in this life of serving our country. I
want to particularly recognize my late father, U.S. Air Force Captain
and ophthalmologist Philip Lempert, who instilled in me a devotion to
public service, and always believed in me and that I would reach this
day.
As President Biden has said, ``The role Jordan plays as a force for
stability in the Middle East can't be overstated.'' The strategic
partnership between the United States and the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan is key to advancing U.S. priorities throughout the region, and
to promoting regional security and stability. The United States has a
profound interest in supporting the political and economic reform
agenda laid out by the Jordanian government to address persistent
economic, environmental, and regional challenges--from unemployment to
water scarcity to the spillover effects of the crisis in Syria.
U.S. priorities in Jordan are focused on supporting economic
growth, strengthening water security, and deepening our strong security
cooperation. These goals are advanced through our new seven-year
assistance MOU, which supports key reforms centered on improving the
lives of Jordanians--including essential public services, tackling the
water crisis, and expanding economic opportunities. Thanks to strong
Congressional support, U.S. economic assistance to Jordan using Fiscal
Year 2023 funds includes over $1.2 billion aimed at bolstering Jordan's
stability and strengthening our partnership. If confirmed, I will work
with Jordanian leaders, the IMF and others to support Jordan's reform
and modernization efforts and to ensure that our assistance package is
used effectively.
As a Major Non-NATO Ally and crucial member of the Global Coalition
to Defeat ISIS, Jordan has long been a key ally in the fight against
terrorism, while also supporting international peacekeeping efforts and
providing humanitarian assistance. Our new MOU includes a minimum of
$400 million annually in Foreign Military Financing for Jordan, making
it among the largest recipients of Foreign Military Financing globally.
This funding bolsters Jordan's capacity to play a stabilizing role in
the Middle East, helps to address emerging threats and ensures
continued interoperability with U.S. and Coalition forces.
Jordan has long offered a refuge to those displaced by regional
conflicts and crises, most recently in the extraordinary generosity
that the Jordanian government and its people have shown to Syrians. The
United States has contributed over $2.2 billion in humanitarian aid to
Syrian refugees in Jordan since the conflict in Syria began. If
confirmed, I will continue to advocate for humanitarian assistance from
our partners and in international fora to promote burden sharing and
ensure we collectively provide for those in need. I will also promote
regional integration and support Jordan's important role in
contributing to regional peace and prosperity. Next year marks 30 years
since Jordan signed its historic peace treaty with Israel; Jordan's
commitment to working towards peace between Israelis and Palestinians,
as well as partnering with the United States and others to advance de-
escalation efforts, is indispensable.
The U.S. Embassy in Jordan is among the largest in the world, with
a talented, dedicated, and diverse team of American and local staff
that, if confirmed, I would be proud to lead. The safety and security
of the Embassy team and of U.S. citizens in Jordan--including the over
33,000 Americans residing there and the more than 150,000 American
tourists who visit annually--will always be my foremost priority.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished Members of the
committee, if confirmed, I will work to further strengthen the vital
U.S.-Jordan partnership and to ensure that it serves U.S. interests and
reflects U.S. values. I thank you for the opportunity to appear before
you today and I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Well, thank you. So far, our nominees have
not been affected by the State Department's inability to stay
to five minutes, so thank you very much. Mr. Brown.
STATEMENT OF ARTHUR W. BROWN TO BE AMBASSADOR OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF EC-
UADOR
Mr. Brown. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear here today as President Biden's nominee to be the next
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the trust and confidence they have shown in nominating me for
this position. I appear before you today, accompanied by my
wife, Krista.
I would like to first publicly honor you and express my
deep gratitude and love for you. We began our public service
journey in West Africa, where we met in 1991, serving as Peace
Corps volunteers. You in Togo, I in Benin. Krista, without your
sacrifices, we would not have completed over 30 years of
service with the Federal Government doing the nation's work, so
thank you. It has been an honor of a lifetime to serve the
United States of America.
My career as a Foreign Service Officer is taking me to
Southwest Asia, Central America, Africa, and the Caribbean,
showing that democracy can deliver. And if confirmed, I believe
my experience will serve me well in Ecuador.
If confirmed, the safety and security and welfare of U.S.
citizens and mission personnel will be my top priority. Ecuador
is a strategic partner for the United States in South America
as we see democratic governance under pressure around the
region.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will prioritize strengthening
our bilateral relationship and bolstering cooperation with
Ecuador, including supporting the U.S. Ecuador Partnership Act
of 2022, and the proposed Innovation and Development in Ecuador
Act, the IDEA Act.
If confirmed as the next Ambassador, I will continue the
excellent work of the U.S. mission in Ecuador, working with the
Ecuadorian government, the private sector, civil society
institutions, the Ecuadoran citizens to advance democracy,
promote human rights, and the inclusion of historically
marginalized communities, and support anti-corruption and crime
prevention programs, and promote inclusive economic
development, environmental conservation efforts.
As cartels expand their influence, local gangs align with
them engaged in open warfare to control drug trafficking
routes. Such robberies have provoked the worst violence in
Ecuador's recent history, with increased prison deaths and a
record homicide rate in 2022.
If confirmed, I will focus on our mutual security interests
to combat drug trafficking and associated violence. In addition
to these challenges, there are opportunities. Ecuador joined
the UN Security Council in January for the fourth time as a
critical--at a critical juncture in history.
If confirmed, I will further our collaboration with the
Ecuadorian government, in conjunction with our mission to the
UN to support Ecuador's stance for its democratic principles.
Mr. Chairman, ranking member, and members of the committee,
thank you for considering my nomination today. I look forward
to any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Brown:]
Prepared Statement of Arthur W. Brown
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and Distinguished Members
of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to
the Republic of Ecuador. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for the trust and confidence they have shown in nominating me
for this position.
I appear before you today accompanied by my wife; Krista; I would
first like to publicly honor you and express my deep gratitude and love
for you. We began our public service journey in West Africa, where we
met in 1991 serving as Peace Corps Volunteers (you in Togo and I in
Benin). Today, we are the proud parents of Arrington (19) and Ella (15)
who are in school and could not be here today. Krista, without your
sacrifices, we would not have completed over 30 years of service with
the federal government doing the Nation's work.
It has been the honor of a lifetime to serve the United States of
America. My career as a Foreign Service Officer has taken me to
southwest Asia, Central America, Africa, and the Caribbean, and if
confirmed, I believe my experience will serve me well in Ecuador. I
have experience in expanding public health and education programs,
promoting economic development and environmental activities, and
strengthening governance and rule of law projects. I have dedicated
decades of service to helping countries show that democracy can
deliver. I look forward to leading our dynamic interagency teams at the
Embassy in Quito and our consulate in Guayaquil. U.S. Mission Ecuador
is doing amazing work advancing this important bilateral relationship,
and I would use my experience, if confirmed, to bolster the team's
outstanding efforts.
If confirmed, the safety and security of U.S. citizens and Mission
personnel will be my top priority. I will prioritize initiatives that
protect and advance the interests of U.S. citizens in Ecuador.
Ecuador is a strategic partner for the United States in South
America as we see democratic governance under pressure around the
region. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will support the implementation
of the proposed Innovation and Development in Ecuador (IDEA) Act, and
the U.S.-Ecuador Partnership Act of 2022. Strengthening our bilateral
relationship and continued cooperation with Ecuador through deepening
trade and commercial ties, increasing cooperation on security matters,
promoting mutual and inclusive economic growth, and cooperating on
issues of mutual interest will be key priorities for me.
As the United States and Ecuador confront our shared challenges, if
confirmed as the next ambassador, I will work with the Government of
Ecuador, the private sector, civil society institutions, and Ecuadorian
citizens to advance democracy, promote human rights and the inclusion
of historically marginalized communities, support anticorruption and
crime prevention programs, and promote inclusive economic development
and environmental conservation efforts.
Ecuador faces many challenges, including increased violence
perpetrated by transnational criminal organizations. As cartels expand
their influence, local gangs aligned with them engage in open warfare
to control drug trafficking routes. Such rivalries have provoked the
worst violence in Ecuador's recent history, with increased prison
deaths and a record homicide rate in 2022. The Ecuadorian Government
and the Ecuadorian people have not backed down from these drug
trafficking organizations. However, they need our support. U.S.
Government assistance helped Ecuador interdict hundreds of metric tons
of drugs in 2022. If confirmed, I will focus on our mutual security
interests, continuing initiatives led by our diplomatic mission in
Ecuador to bolster the Government's efforts to combat drug trafficking
and associated violence.
In addition to these challenges, there are opportunities. Ecuador
joined the U.N. Security Council in January for the fourth time at a
critical juncture in history. If confirmed, I will further our
collaboration with the Ecuadorian Government, in conjunction with our
mission to the U.N., to support Ecuador as it stands for its democratic
principles.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the committee, thank
you for considering my nomination today. I look forward to any
questions you may have.
The Chairman. Okay. Extra time. And considering how long
you have been in the State Department, you haven't been
infected. So, next, we will hear from Ms. Syptak-Ramnath.
STATEMENT OF STEPHANIE SYPTAK-RAMNATH TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE RE-
PUBLIC OF PERU
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply
honored to be here today and grateful to President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for placing their confidence in me to serve
as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Peru.
If confirmed, I commit to working with the committee and
other members of Congress to advance the interests of the
United States, protect the safety of our citizens, promote
democracy and human rights, and strengthen a bilateral
relationship that has endured for close to 200 years.
As the daughter and granddaughter of career military
officers who served our country in World War II and Vietnam, it
has been an honor to dedicate the past 32 years of my life to
U.S. Government service, including as an officer in the Navy.
My diplomatic career has allowed me to represent the United
States in Africa, Asia, Latin America, Europe, and the Arab
world, and to bring American optimism, leadership, and values
to diverse audiences.
My husband, Gautam, here with us today, has joined me in
this adventure and in representing the diversity and
opportunity that the United States represents. My daughters,
Malena and Sophia, join us in this life of commitment. I am
grateful to all three for their resilience, love, and support,
as well as that of Gautam's mother, Subadra Ramnath, who has
been an important part of our success.
I am honored to have my father, Colonel Michael Syptak,
with us today, as I am eternally grateful for his example of
devotion to faith, family, and country. I would also like to
pay tribute to my mother, Eileen, who I know is looking down on
us from heaven. She taught me to love God first and raised me
with high expectations of excellence and service.
The call to service, specifically the Foreign Service, is a
tremendous responsibility to both advance U.S. policy goals and
represent the very best of American values in every
interaction, both public and private.
And that is my commitment to you, if confirmed, in leading
U.S. engagement in Peru. Peru is experiencing a
transformational moment in its history. If confirmed, I will
ensure the United States remains a steadfast partner for Peru's
democratic institutions and the people they serve, prioritizing
human rights and ensuring understanding, inclusion, and respect
in all interactions.
And we will continue to support the people and government
of Peru as they work to overcome the current political
instability and protect the democracy, they have fought so hard
to build. Peru is home to many dual Peruvian and U.S. citizens,
and an important destination for American citizen travelers,
researchers, and students.
It is also a key economic partner with a two-way trade that
surpasses $22 billion and a destination for strategic U.S.
investment. If confirmed, I will prioritize the protection of
the more than half a million Americans who visit Peru each
year. I will also work with the U.S. private sector to promote
inclusive and sustainable growth, and to highlight the benefits
of doing business with the United States.
Our companies promote unparalleled transparency, cutting
edge technology, quality engineering, and a commitment to
social and environmental responsibility. With Peru, we will
continue to advance our shared climate and environmental goals,
including the protection of Peru's diverse ecosystems, seek
regional solutions to the challenges of irregular migration,
and address the scourges of illicit drug and human trafficking
and other transnational organized crime.
I thank the members of Congress for your steadfast support
for U.S. aid and State Department programs in Peru. If
confirmed, I pledge to continue working with you to ensure that
we are good stewards of the resources provided by the American
people.
I look forward to leading the extraordinary interagency
team in Lima, and to benefit from the wise counsel of our more
than 600 locally employed staff in understanding the diversity
of the country and how we can most effectively engage.
Our locally employed staff are the heart of our diplomatic
missions around the world, and any success I can claim as a
U.S. diplomat is due primarily to their devotion and dedicated
service. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for
considering my nomination, and I look forward to your
questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Syptak-Ramnath follows:]
Prepared Statement of Stephanie Syptak-Ramnath
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished Members of
the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today and grateful to
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for placing their confidence in
me to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Peru. If
confirmed, I commit to working with this committee and other Members of
Congress to advance the interests of the United States, protect the
safety of our citizens, promote democracy and human rights, and
strengthen a bilateral relationship that has endured for close to 200
years.
As the daughter and granddaughter of career military officers who
served our country in World War 2 and Vietnam, it has been an honor to
dedicate the past 32 years of my life to U.S. Government service,
including four years as an officer in the Navy. My diplomatic career
has allowed me to represent the United States in Africa, Asia, Latin
America, Europe, and the Arab world; and to bring American optimism,
leadership, and values to diverse audiences.
My husband, Gautam, here with us today, has joined me in this
adventure and in representing the diversity and opportunity the United
States represents. My daughters, Malena and Sophia, joined us in this
life of commitment to the Foreign Service. I am grateful to all three
for their resilience, love, and support, as well as that of Gautam's
mother, Subadra Ramnath, who has been an important part of our success.
I am honored to have my father, Col. Michael Syptak, with us today
as I am eternally grateful for his example of devotion to faith,
family, and country. I would also like to pay tribute to my mother,
Aileen, who I know is looking down on us from heaven. She taught me to
love God first and raised me with high expectations for excellence and
service.
The call to service, specifically the Foreign Service, is a
tremendous responsibility to both advance U.S. policy goals and
represent the very best of American values in every interaction, both
public and private. And that is my commitment to you, if confirmed, in
leading U.S. engagement in Peru.
Peru is experiencing a transformational moment in its history. If
confirmed, I will ensure the United States remains a steadfast partner
for Peru's democratic institutions and the people they serve,
prioritizing human rights and ensuring understanding, inclusion, and
respect in all interactions. And we will continue to support the people
and Government of Peru as they work to overcome the current political
instability and protect the democracy they have fought so hard to
build.
Peru is home to many dual Peruvian and U.S. citizens, and an
important destination for American citizen travelers, researchers, and
students. It is also a key economic partner, with a two-way trade that
surpasses $22 billion and a destination for strategic U.S. investment.
If confirmed, I will prioritize the protection of the more than half a
million Americans who visit Peru each year. I will also work with the
U.S. private sector to promote inclusive and sustainable growth and to
highlight the benefits of doing business with the United States. Our
companies
promote unparalleled transparency, cutting edge technology, quality
engineering, and a commitment to social and environmental
responsibility.
With Peru, we will continue to advance our shared climate and
environmental goals, including the protection of Peru's diverse
ecosystems; seek regional solutions to the challenges of irregular
migration; and address the scourges of illicit drug and human
trafficking and other transnational organized crime that rob
communities of the security required for prosperity.
I thank the members of Congress for your steadfast support for
USAID and State Department projects in Peru. If confirmed, I pledge to
continue working with you to ensure that we are good stewards of the
resources provided by the American people as we work with our
municipal, state, and federal partners in Peru to create a more secure,
more prosperous, and more inclusive society.
I look forward to leading the extraordinary interagency team in
Lima and to benefitting from the wise counsel of our more than 600
locally employed staff in understanding the diversity of the country
and how the United States can most effectively engage. Our locally
employed staff are the heart of our diplomatic missions around the
world, and any success I can claim as a U.S. diplomat is due primarily
to their devotion and dedicated service.
Mr. Chairman, Members of the committee, thank you for considering
my nomination. I look forward to your questions. Thank you.
The Chairman. This is an all-star cast. Everybody has
stayed under five minutes, so. Let me, before we start a series
of five-minute rounds, ask some questions on behalf of the
committee as a whole that we ask of nominees, speaks to the
importance the committee places on responsiveness by all
officials to the Executive Branch.
And I would ask each of you just to give me a verbal yes or
no to each question. Do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
Mr. Nyhus. Yes.
Ms. Lempert. Yes.
Mr. Brown. Yes.
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Yes. Senator.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keeping the committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Nyhus. Yes, sir.
Ms. Lempert. Yes, Senator.
Mr. Brown. Yes, Senator.
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Yes, Senator.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Mr. Nyhus. Yes, Senator.
Ms. Lempert. Yes, Senator.
Mr. Brown. Yes, Senator.
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Yes, Senator.
The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Nyhus. Yes, Senator.
Ms. Lempert. Yes, Senator.
Mr. Brown. Yes, Senator.
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Yes, Senator.
The Chairman. Thank you all. For the record, each of the
nominees has responded yes to all the questions, so we will go
to a series of five-minute rounds. Ms. Syptak-Ramnath, in the
past seven years, Peru has had six Presidents. Pretty
remarkable.
The level of political instability has significantly
affected not only our efforts to strengthen bilateral relations
with Peru, but the ability of Peruvian democracy to deliver
results for its people, including ensuring their safety and
security.
I have one of the largest Peruvian Diasporas in the nation,
and I hear from them all of the time. While protests against
the current Boluarte government have decreased since their
height in February, President Boluarte and congress remain
highly unpopular, and efforts to address citizen demands,
including calls for early elections, have seemingly stalled.
Meanwhile, the Peruvian people continue to face growing
security, economic, and migration challenges. So, what is your
assessment of the stability and viability of the Boluarte
government, and what steps would you take to work with Peru to
strengthen its institutions and be able to meet the ability to
respond to the challenges I have just discussed?
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Thank you, Senator, for that very
important question. So, President Boluarte is in power due to
the democratically authorized process in the constitution, and
she is our partner in working to see how the United States can
support the government and the people of Peru in emerging from
this moment of instability.
I think it is critically important that we continue to work
with civil society and across the many sectors of the--of Peru
to ensure that we understand what the issues are at play and
how we as the United States can bring our resources to bear to
support both the people and the government of Peru in
strengthening the institutions that have, you know, come into
question as to their effectiveness.
The U.S. Embassy and thanks to Congress, we have
significant resources in USAID, and I know we have a very
strong military relationship. Our Peace Corps volunteers just
returned to Peru. So, I think we are blessed with a number of
resources to really understand what the needs of the people, of
the government of Peru are and how we can support them.
The Chairman. Well, one of the issues there is the question
of human rights, and I would expect you to be a strong voice in
standing up for human rights within the country. Is that
something we can expect?
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Yes, Senator.
The Chairman. Mr. Brown, last year, Congress passed, and
President Biden signed my U.S. Ecuador Partnership Act. It is
the first standalone piece of legislation dedicated to U.S.
foreign policy towards Ecuador.
The U.S. Ecuador Partnership Act requires the State
Department, USAID, and other relevant agencies to submit a
comprehensive strategy to Congress on how to bolster our
bilateral ties, including on issues regarding countering
transnational crime, inclusive economic development, protecting
Ecuador's environment and natural resources.
We expect these strategies to be shared with Congress in
June. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring swift and
effective implementation of these strategies and to regularly
meet with my office to discuss progress on implementation?
Mr. Brown. Thank you, Senator, for the question. Yes, to
answer it specifically and directly. If confirmed as
Ambassador, my approach would be a whole of Government
approach. The U.S. Partnership Act for it with Ecuador is a
very important legislation. The U.S. relationship with Ecuador
is strong and the community development work that is going on
with the people of Ecuador is strong.
Strengthening different democratic institutions and
promoting inclusive economic growth, supporting environmental
conservation initiatives, and expanding capabilities to address
corruption and crime that is going on in Ecuador will be a
primary focus.
This legislation that you authored, Senator, is something
that I will be focusing on as I am--if confirmed as Ambassador
there, I will be reporting back. And I pledge to work with the
committee whenever possible to highlight our successes of how
we are implementing the Act.
The Chairman. Well, thank you for that. Last month I
traveled to Quito and met with President Lasso during my
Congressional delegation of South America. This was my second
trip to Ecuador in the last six months.
This is the most democratic President aligned with the
United States and its values that we have in the entire
hemisphere. That is a pretty big statement. But he is besieged,
as the Ecuadorian people, amid rising levels of drug
trafficking, violence, targeted killings of government
officials, and so much more.
So, if you are confirmed, I would ask you to engage
robustly in how the United States can help Ecuador meet those
challenges as a partner in our collective interests. Is that
something I can expect you to do?
Mr. Brown. Certainly, Senator. We do know right now that
Ecuador is a strong partner with the United States. Our
engagement, a whole of Government approach from our program
with USAID, INL, OSC right now is making inroads to help
strengthen some of those democratic institutions. I will be
reporting back, and you can count on me and my team, the U.S.
mission in Quito to be able to respond to all of those elements
to help strengthen the security posture in Ecuador.
The Chairman. Thank you. I will take one other minute. Ms.
Lempert how do--we are both--as the ranking member said, we are
very strong supporters of the U.S., Jordan relationship. We
think Jordan is essential.
However, I get concerned that not only Jordan but others in
the region are cozying up to Assad, and it will be a horrific
global statement that after the butchery that Assad has been
part of, we now in invite him back without consequence. How do
you see dealing with that?
Ms. Lempert. Thank you, Senator, for this important
question. I want to be clear, our views on Assad are that he
has been the source of nothing but misery for Syria and for the
region. The United States will not normalize with the Assad
regime, and we do not support others normalizing with Damascus.
We have made this abundantly and vocally clear to our
partners, and we will continue to do so. The United States
believes that a political solution, as outlined in UN Security
Council Resolution 2254, is the only solution to a political
crisis in Syria. There is clearly an array of views across the
Arab world on engagement with the Assad regime.
We remind our partners that our sanctions architecture
remains in place and will be enforced in accordance with our
laws, and also of the primacy and the importance of UN Security
Council Resolution 2254.
In fact, the Secretary of State is speaking with the
Jordanian Foreign Minister this morning to raise our concerns
and discuss the meeting that occurred in Jordan on Monday. If
confirmed, this will be a priority topic of discussion.
The Chairman. Some of the statements coming out of the NSC
make me worry that we are diminishing 2254, and that is not
something we should do. So, I look forward to your engagement.
Before I turn to Senator Risch, I know you are known to be
somewhat of a shawarma aficionado and have made the point of
publicly sampling shawarma during your travels to the Middle
East. I know this is going to be a sensitive question, but
where is the best shawarma in the Middle East?
Ms. Lempert. Senator, it is a deeply sensitive question,
and you can get me in trouble in the region, but I think it
will come as no surprise, given where I have been nominated to
head to that in my opinion, it is a close contest, but
Jordanian shawarma is without doubt the best shawarma in the
Middle East.
The Chairman. Very well done. I am going to ask Senator
Kaine to preside as the chair of the Western Hemisphere
subcommittee as I go to the floor. Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you. Ms. Lempert, obviously you have
as good an understanding and knowledge of the Jordanian
situation as anyone, and I am impressed with that here.
I am also impressed with your strong view on normalization
with the Assad regime. It is dicey, as you know, because there
is the--when we talk with the Arabs, they are soft on the
issue.
They think this has gone on long enough and that
normalization would be good for the region and for themselves,
which frankly, you can understand. Having said that, I think we
are a little more neutral on it, and in looking at what Assad
has done over the years is just--it is stunning. He falls in
the same category as Hitler, Putin, and himself and some others
that have done some pretty bad things.
Again, I hope you will continue to give that strong
statement that you have. I think that you heard the chairman,
he and I share the same view on that, that this is--that this
is just simply not acceptable to the United States.
These countries are going to have to deal with it as they
see appropriate, but it is going to cause nothing but
difficulties with us if they try to cozy up to this guy, that
cannot possibly be accepted into normalcy after what he has
done.
One of the things that--another concern we have as far as
Jordan is concerned is, I know that you played a leading role
in the Negev Forum and that--which grew out of the Abraham
Accords.
And we are concerned that Jordan does not have the warm
embrace maybe that it should. What are your thoughts on that?
Ms. Lempert. First of all, Senator, let me just reiterate
on Syria. I am in complete agreement with you and the chairman.
And as you have heard from the Secretary of State, U.S. policy
on Syria and on normalization with the Assad regime will not
change. With regard to your question about Jordan, Israel
relations.
I would note that the peace treaty between Jordan and
Israel has been a pillar of regional stability for the past 30
years. There is a strong relationship, a relationship that is
not without its strengths, like all relationships, but one
that, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen and advance.
And part of that would be encouraging Jordan to participate
in, among other regional integration efforts, the Negev Forum,
which as you rightly point out, is building upon the historic
Abraham Accords and creating an unprecedented multilateral
framework of Israel and its regional partners focused on
further cementing and advancing peace.
It makes all kinds of sense for Jordan to be there. Jordan
is the second Arab country that signed a peace treaty with
Israel, and I will continue to encourage them to do so, just as
I have in my current position.
Senator Risch. Well, I really appreciate that. The other
thing, I think from a domestic standpoint in Jordan, the
chairman, I think, outlined as clearly as possible the warm
relationship we enjoy with the king.
Obviously because of the demographics in the country, that
is not shared by everyone in the country. And I do not know if
you have thoughts on how we can ratchet that up. Obviously, he
is in a better position than we are to advance it. But what--do
you have any thoughts on that?
Ms. Lempert. I am sorry, Senator. Do you mean in advancing
the strike that the strengthening the U.S.----
Senator Risch. Our Jordanians view of us. I mean, you know,
we do a lot for them, but I am not sure it is fully appreciated
there by the masses.
Ms. Lempert. Senator, if confirmed, I can tell you that
that is going to be a top priority for me working with our
embassy team, getting out and about in Jordan, explaining the
role that the United States has played in supporting the
Jordanian people. And I want to get the news out about that as
much as possible as we work with our Jordanian partners.
Senator Risch. I appreciate it.
Mr. Brown, you have got a heavy lift. There are things
happening in Ecuador that indicate the country is headed in the
wrong direction, as you probably know.
Their coca crop was at an all-time high of 500,000 acres in
the last crop. This is not a good sign because obviously that
the greater the drug problem, the greater the problem it is for
us, for democracy in the country and everything else.
And we have we have seen some awful examples of this on the
continent. What are your thoughts on this?
Mr. Brown. Senator, thank you for the question. If you are
referring to the transport of cocaine from narcotrafficking
networks through--from Colombia and through--and from Peru, the
country is really being impacted, there is no doubt about that.
But with U.S. intervention over the past year, Ecuador has
been able to seize more cocaine tonnage than it has ever done.
2022 had record seizure, but there is so much more that
needs to be done. The instability that is being created in the
communities where drug trafficking has taken over, especially
in some of the coastal communities, it is a problem.
So, if I am confirmed as Ambassador, I want to use a whole
of Government approach, working with--throughout the
interagency, something I have done throughout my career, to
sort of figure out strategically how to engage in these
communities, to work with the Government and those local
communities to--it is not about just seizing cocaine being
transported.
And it is not just about arresting corrupt people that are
involved in narcotrafficking, but it is also about dealing with
some of the root problems of why young people are choosing
illicit crime and committing these acts and working with the
government on that.
So, you have my firm commitment to help reduce crime and
violence that is going on in Ecuador at the moment.
Senator Risch. Well said. I would say that the record
seizures are probably the result of record production, so that
would explain that. I think, again, your focus on that is
absolutely critical because the--obviously, it is a huge
problem for Ecuador itself, but every ounce of that that leaves
the country is a huge problem for the U.S. of A. So, thank you
for being willing to serve there and I hope you will focus on
that. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Well, let me thank all four of you for your
continued or willingness to step forward to serve our nation,
and I thank your families because it truly is a family
commitment.
So, thank you very much for that. There is a common thread
here for the four nominees to serve in our hemisphere, and that
is, as we have already talked about, drug trafficking. I was
recently in Ecuador, and I am convinced that President Lasso is
committed to doing what he can to help in that regard, but he
will tell us the challenges he has in his neighboring
countries.
And we know that the political leadership in our hemisphere
is changing, and their view towards drug trafficking has
changed. So, the challenge is, how do we develop a coordinated
strategy, including the United States, in dealing with the
narcotrafficking that comes through our hemisphere?
And so I want to ask each of the three nominees for our
hemisphere, how do you intend not only to work within your
country that you will be assigned to, but recognizing that we
have to establish a U.S. strategy for the region, that
particularly, I might tell you in Ecuador, is a challenge with
the policies in Colombia where they are not exactly in sync as
to how to deal with drug trafficking.
How do you represent the U.S. interests to be effective in
curtailing the amount of illegal trafficking of drugs? I will
start with Mr. Brown, because I think Ecuador--by the way, I
think we have a very close relationship with Ecuador today, and
I think we can build on that. So, how do we deal with that?
Mr. Brown. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for the question. And
to state affirmatively, President Lasso is a strong partner.
Ecuador is a democratic nation, and the Ecuadorian people--the
U.S. and Ecuadorian people, along with the government there,
are in solidarity to confront this problem.
I think what is really important is that regionally we
discuss these issues and have the correct forum to be able to
discuss this from country to country. You are right, there is
not a consistent policy in Colombia, in Peru that impact
Ecuador. I certainly pledge as Ambassador, if I am confirmed,
to help sponsor any dialog that needs to be done to help at a
policy level and then in an implementation level to confront
this problem.
The transnational organized crime is crippling a country
like Ecuador. They are being impacted and they need additional
support. As long as I am Ambassador there, if confirmed, they
will get that support.
Senator Cardin. Before I go on to the other two nominees, I
just want to underscore that in Ecuador, they are a close ally
and friend. They have serious corruption issues that they have
to deal with.
And in all four of your countries that you are being
nominated for, we need to make sure that we are laser focused
on American values and anti-corruption issues, which are
challenging in all four of the regions we are talking about.
So, I just want to make that point. In Peru, you have got a
problem of civility on the ground. It is a challenging
atmosphere in which to operate. But it is also a country that
has a focus on narcotrafficking. What is your strategy?
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Thank you, Senator. What I am learning
about our efforts in Peru is that the work on coca eradication
is holistic, and I think that is important. So not only are we
working to help eradicate the crops, but our USAID is coming in
to provide licit livelihoods, opportunities for that.
Our INL is working on community policing, rule of law. So,
we really have to look at this very holistically. It is not
just about destroying the crops. It is about what do we bring
in afterwards to make sure that people have the ability to live
prosperous and secure lives? But for your question on the
regional aspect of it, you are absolutely right, Senator. And
we as the United States have remarkable convening power.
And fortunately, we tend to have relationships that can
bring people together. And I agree that that is something that
we need to be doing just as we are trying to work on a regional
basis on migration as well.
The other thing I note is USAID does have a regional office
based in Lima that covers many of these countries, so there is
another place that we can see how we can work together.
Senator Cardin. Eastern Caribbean, I do not want to leave
that our, but first, let me just set this up. We need to be
more invested. You are right about China's influence, so we see
other concerns.
We do not have the support within OAS that we would like to
see among the Caribbean states. So, we have to invest more in
the region itself. But drug trafficking is also an issue within
the East Caribbean. Your response?
Mr. Nyhus. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator. And it is even
beyond narcotics. It is guns and people as well. And I would
say there is a model in the Eastern Caribbean that is working.
It is called the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative.
And I know that centers Kaine and Rubio recently introduced
a reauthorization funding package. That program is working. Its
13 countries, so it is really Caribbean wide. And that, from
what I have learned in my briefings, I think that is a program
that is worth deepening and strengthening, and it is certainly
something that, if confirmed, I would spend a great deal of
time on.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Senator Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And
congratulations on all our nominees on being nominated for
these very important positions. And I want to say thank you for
your willingness to step up and serve the United States, and
especially to our career Foreign Service people. I had the
privilege as Governor to travel on to a number of different
countries on trade missions and was always very impressed by
our Foreign Service staff.
So, I know that whatever mission you end up in, you will
have great teams behind you. And also, to your families as
well, because I know they all will sacrifice along with you
when you are overseas. Ms. Lempert, let us start talking about
Jordan. One of the things that I am concerned about is the
Chinese Communist Party and their expansion around the world
has been discussed here today.
The CCP and the PLA have a track record tied to Huawei, and
Jordan recently chose Ericsson and Nokia to do their 5G
network. And this is a little courageous considering that I
think both the 2G and 3G and 4G are done by Huawei.
And of course, also Jordan is a partner in China's Belt and
Road Initiative, and China has a track record of penalizing
people who do not do what they want. For example, when three
years ago Australia asked for--had the temerity to ask for an
investigation to COVID in China, China launched a trade war
against them.
So, given the fact that Jordan is such a close ally and has
chosen to not use Huawei, what can we do to be able to make
sure that they do not face additional economic pressure from
the CCP? What can we do to make sure that they do not backtrack
on this decision, and how can we support them, if there is some
retaliation by the PRC?
Ms. Lempert. Thank you, Senator, for raising this important
topic. The President and the Secretary have been clear, China
presents America's single most consequential geopolitical
challenge. The strategic competition with the PRC will be the
defining feature of U.S. diplomacy for certainly the duration
of the rest of my career and likely well beyond.
And there is not a U.S. Ambassador or a U.S. embassy
anywhere in the world that is not focused squarely on this. And
if confirmed, that would certainly be the case for me in
Jordan. You rightly point out the decision that Jordan just
took.
I think what we can do is continue to double down on our
partnership with Jordan. Ultimately, our ability to compete
with the PRC in the Middle East rests on the continued strength
of our partnerships.
And for all of the region's challenges, and they are
manifold, our deep and decades long strategic cooperation with
our partners across the Middle East, none more so than Jordan,
remain an asset that no other country can match. So, if
confirmed, I would work to remain engaged and focused on
limiting China's influence in Jordan.
Actually, the largest Chinese investment in Jordan is a
power plant, Attarat Power Plant, $2.2 billion. It is a case
study in the risks of engaging in major infrastructure projects
with China. It is mired in international arbitration and a case
of overpromising and under-delivering. And I think it is
important that examples like that continue to be highlighted.
We cannot be complacent about China, and if confirmed, I will
not be.
Senator Cardin. Great. Thank you very much, Ms. Lempert.
Mr. Nyhus, same sort of thing with the CCP in this hemisphere
where we have the CCP making investments, and Ecuador has also
got issues, so is Peru. What I would like to know is just
talking about, you know, going back to 1949 and Taiwan being
separate from the PRC, President Xi has made it very clear he
wants to reunify Taiwan by force if necessary.
And diplomatic relations have been established in many
Caribbean countries. However, since President Tsai took over, I
know that 10 countries around the world have switched--to the
PRC, including Honduras, which cut ties with Taiwan in March,
and of the only 13 countries have formal relations, and a
number of them in the Caribbean, including Belize, Haiti, St.
Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines.
What can we do, and what can you do in particular, to make
sure that we continue to have strong relationships in the
Caribbean? And can we--how can we counter what the PRC is doing
with regard to investment or the private, public partnerships?
What can we do to make sure that we are doing our part to be
able to keep those relationships, you know, focused toward the
United States and not the PRC?
Mr. Nyhus. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator. Coming from the
private sector, I actually have spent a couple of decades in
telecom, in wireless communications. I worked with Craig McCaw,
the pioneer of the US and global cellular networks.
So, in 5G in particular, I think that is an opportunity for
American companies and allied companies because a lot of
companies do not want to look at these small countries because
they are too small to deploy a technology. And so, I think
there are opportunities for us to look more regionally as
opposed to at an individual company--or excuse me, country
level.
I do think there is--I think the U.S. companies are the
best way to compete against China in the Belt and Road
Initiative and such. These countries are small, they are debt
ridden, which makes them susceptible to Chinese influence.
They also, as you mentioned, there are 3 of the 13
countries that recognize Taiwan are in the 7 that I would be
responsible for. And I think using the U.S., the power of the
U.S., you know, our values, our companies, I think there is an
opportunity to tell a story, and to deepen that story and
connection with these allies.
These are democratic countries. We can do more to elevate
the U.S. values and U.S. brand and U.S. companies, quite
honestly. I would be a strong advocate, if confirmed, for U.S.
companies in this region, and especially on the technology
side. So that is really what I would do, if I am confirmed.
Senator Cardin. Great. Thank you, Mr. Nyhus. Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you to the witnesses. Congratulations
on your nominations. It is a great panel. Just a few comments.
And Mr. Nyhus, I have some questions for you. So, Ms. Syptak-
Ramnath, what a wonderful country, Peru, but six Presidents in
six years. I mean, it is very, very challenging. It is a very
challenging environment.
And obviously, my colleagues have asked a number of
questions. But doing what we can do to offer advice on anti-
corruption efforts. I mean, it is going to be so very critical
to you, and I know you are up to the task.
Mr. Brown, I have been to Ecuador twice in the last few
years, and after many, many years of a pro-Chinese orientation,
the country beginning in 2021, in a fairly surprising election,
both at the Presidential and the parliamentary level, really
embraced a different path, wanting--having seen the downsides
of being too close to China, whether it is shoddy
infrastructure projects, drilling in the Amazon, illegal
fishing around the Galapagos, I think they realized a different
direction was necessary.
But I will say I have not been satisfied with the degree of
attention that the Administration has paid to Ecuador.
Ecuador's requests were fairly modest when they embraced a much
more pro-U.S. orientation, and their requests included. ``We
are the only nation on the Pacific Coast of the Americas that
does not have a trade agreement with the United States.
``We would like to do that. Could we be added to a trade
agreement like the Colombia trade agreement? We do not mind
high standards, we just want to not be the only nation not in
the network of a trade agreement.''
But the Administration has been unwilling to pursue that,
and I think that is a huge, missed opportunity.
I would just encourage, and I know from your background,
that you would do all you can to try to attract more attention.
And Ms. Lempert, just for you, there is a Virginian--a Virginia
family member, Bassem Awadallah, who is imprisoned in Jordan
under murky circumstances. Our mission in Jordan does have
visits with him in prison.
His family in Virginia has a weekly call with the State
Department to check on him, and I would just ask, should you be
confirmed that you maintain communication about the case with
my Virginia constituents. Mr. Nyhus, I want to say to you,
should you be confirmed, you will have the honor of having the
longest title of any member of the United States Diplomatic
Service.
I have been just looking at your name tag and I would
clearly flunk an eye chart test even with my 2.0 reading
glasses on. But it is an important part of the world, and the
fact that your embassy has such a broad reach, including many
different independent nations with a fairly small size, makes
it a challenging task. There is staffing shortages and morale
issues everywhere.
Talk about how your own experiences position you to manage
so many different nations with such a small embassy staff.
Mr. Nyhus. Thank you, Senator. I think it is a great
question and certainly one I have had a lot of time to think
about. I will say that I am really, I am very excited and
honored about this opportunity. I come from rural America, as I
mentioned. I grew up in a town of 1,200 people. I know what it
is like to be forgotten and kind of left out.
And I spent my career fighting for the underdog. And I
think these countries are small, but they are incredibly
mighty, and they are incredibly important. And I think that
travel is a big challenge for this embassy. Getting from
country, from country to country, there aren't interconnecting
flights that are easy.
I think that is the biggest challenge for the Ambassador. I
do think that there is a strong desire for more engagement from
the United States, and especially the Ambassador. And if
confirmed, I commit to spending more time outside of the
embassy, actually in the countries, and engaging with the
leadership, but also the civil society.
I do think that I do--I want to point out that there is
global attention on this region, I think, thanks in large part
to Prime Minister Mia Mottley of Barbados. She has--is not only
a regional leader, but she is a global leader. And I would look
forward to deepening that relationship in a bold and impactful
way, if I am confirmed.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Well, you mentioned the Caribbean
Nation Security Initiative. We voted it out of committee
yesterday with a unanimous vote. It is my hope we can take that
up on the floor.
I think that has been a successful effort. The last thing I
will say before calling on Senator Cruz is there is also a
regional security system that is done through the State
Department's international narcotics control strategy. That has
also had some success. The nation of Guyana has recently
completed the process to become part of that regional security
system.
And I would urge you to focus on that, that there may even
be some advantages in broadening that regional security system
to deal with security efforts in Haiti, for example.
So, I would commend your attention to that. With that, I
will call on Senator Cruz, and I will yield the chair to
Senator Shaheen.
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Welcome, everyone.
Congratulations on your nominations, Ms. Lempert, I want to
start by asking you about the case of Ahlam Tamimi. As you
know, she is an FBI most wanted terrorist. She helped
mastermind a horrific attack in Israel in 2001.
That attack injured over 100 people and killed 15,
including seven children and a pregnant woman. The pregnant
woman was an American, Judith Greenbaum. One of the murdered
children was also an American, Malki Roth. Jordan has for some
time been harboring to Tamimi and refused--and is refusing to
extradite her to the United States. They say that our
extradition treaty with them is not valid.
Three years ago, I questioned our Ambassador to Jordan,
Ambassador Wooster, about the United States position on this
issue, which he answered in testimony to this committee. I
would now like to ask you about your understanding.
First, Ambassador Wooster testified in writing that the
United States believes the government of Jordan is wrong and
that our extradition treaty with them is valid. Is that also
your understanding?
Ms. Lempert. Thank you, Senator, for raising this important
question. And if I may, I would just like to begin by
acknowledging what a difficult and frustrating issue this has
been for the Congress, for those of us in the Executive Branch,
but most of all, for the families of the American citizen
victims of Ahlam Tamimi's horrific crimes, Malki Roth and
Shoshana Judith Greenbaum.
If confirmed, I will do everything in my power to ensure
that Ahlam Al-Tamimi faces justice in the United States for her
horrific crimes. And to your precise question, Senator, yes,
that is my understanding.
Senator Cruz. Thank you. And I appreciate your strong
commitment on this. I can tell you I have personally raised
this issue face to face multiple times with the King of Jordan,
and we need to get this resolved.
Second, Ambassador Wooster committed to me and to this
committee in writing that he would explore all options,
including and specifically including withholding military and
economic assistance from the government of Jordan to secure
Tamimi's extradition. I would like to hear if you are willing
to make the same commitment today.
Ms. Lempert. Senator. I think our relationship with Jordan
is multifaceted and extremely important. There are obviously
some issues that we are not going to agree on. I think that
what I can confirm to you is that I will do everything in my
power to ensure that Ahlam Al-Tamimi faces justice in the
United States.
As to the specifics of that, I would have to defer to my
colleagues at the Department of Justice as this is a law
enforcement issue, and I am willing to explore a variety of
ways to continue this discussion with the Jordanians.
Senator Cruz. Does that variety of ways include potentially
withholding military and economic assistance?
Ms. Lempert. Senator, I think that that would need to be
weighed very carefully against the range of issues and
priorities that we have with the Jordanians before considering
such a step, which I think would be profound. I would want to,
if confirmed, get out there and try and work on this and see if
we can make progress in other ways.
Senator Cruz. Well, and let me be clear, I am not asking
you to commit today to withholding that aid, but your
predecessor committed in writing that that was one of the
options on the table to force Jordanian cooperation.
And you said you want to consider it further and consider
it with your colleagues. I am going to ask you to do that, and
follow up to this hearing, I am going to ask you in writing
again the same questions I asked your predecessor, and I very
much hope the answer is the same. We need to use every tool we
have--and I have no desire to cut off aid to Jordan.
What I have desire is to get this terrorist who murdered
Americans to face justice. Let me shift to another topic
briefly. In 2004, President Bush provided assurances to our
Israeli allies about how the United States envisions a final
peace deal between Israel and the Palestinians.
Specifically, the so-called Bush letters stated that Israel
would not be expected to withdraw from all of its cities and
towns in the West Bank.
And I want to read you part of that assurance. ``In light
of new realities on the ground, including already existing
major Israeli population centers, it is unrealistic to expect
that the outcome of final status negotiations will be full and
complete return to the armistice lines of 1949.''
Is it your understanding that these assurances are still
the policy of the United States?
Ms. Lempert. Senator, the President has been clear that
in--as we pursue the goal of a two-state solution, that it
would be along 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps. So, I
believe that that speaks to exactly the question that you are
raising.
Senator Cruz. So, is your answer, yes?
Ms. Lempert. Yes.
Senator Cruz. Okay. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And
congratulations to all of you on your nominations. Ms. Lempert,
if I could start with you. Congratulations. Thank you for the
points you made in your opening statement regarding the fact
that Jordan is a very important partner of the United States,
major non-NATO ally.
Thank you also for mentioning the issues of the need to
move forward on political and economic reform in Jordan. Also,
Jordan's role as custodian of the Temple Mount, I-Haram al-
Sharif, and the other issues that were raised, including the
fact that they are right now having to absorb lots of refugees
from Syria.
A very important ally at a very important time. Let me just
briefly say in response to Senator Cruz, I think it has always
been envisioned that any two-state solution would, as you said,
involve land swaps. I would also point out that the Bush
Administration was very clear about objecting to expansion of
settlements.
For example, E1 specifically, Secretary Condoleezza Rice
was very strongly opposed to. Yesterday was World Press Freedom
Day, and the reports that came out showed that journalists are
experiencing increased threats on their life. President Biden
spoke eloquently the other night at the White House
Correspondents Dinner about the need to protect the safety of
journalists.
So, I want to ask you about a case of an American citizen
perspective journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, who was killed in a
shooting covering an IDF operation in Jenin on the West Bank
about a little less than a year ago. At the time, the President
made clear, and the Secretary of State made clear that the
United States was going to insist on accountability, both
because we wanted to protect journalists and because we were
dealing with a U.S. citizen.
In fact, a letter that the State Department sent to me, and
others said, ``as the President made clear during his visit to
the region, we will continue to insist on full accountability
of Ms. Abu Akleh's tragic death.'' They go on to say, ``in this
case, just as with any wrongful death, but particularly of an
American citizen, we have made clear that we expect
accountability.'' My question to you is, have we seen that
accountability as of today?
Ms. Lempert. Senator, thank you for raising this question.
Shireen Abu Akleh's death almost one year ago, I think next
week it will be one year, was a tragedy. Not only was Shireen
an American citizen, but she was, as you pointed out, a
renowned reporter who earned the respect of audiences around
the world.
I was honored to be in the Secretary of State's meeting
last year with the Abu Akleh family, where we underscored our
deepest condolences for their loss. I can tell you that we
continue to underscore, at the level of the Secretary of State,
the importance of accountability in her killing, and we will
continue to do so.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I appreciate that response. And of
course, your answer indicates that we have not yet seen any
accountability in her shooting death. The U.S. security
coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian authority recently
updated his report, he submitted a summation report on the
killing of Shireen Abu Akleh. You are aware of that, right?
Ms. Lempert. I am aware of that document. I have not yet
seen it myself.
Senator Van Hollen. You have not yet read it. Okay. Well,
we requested this document from the Administration for well
over almost two weeks now, and we were told that they were
going to send it back to the coordinator for, ``technical
changes'' they say deal with classification issues, which is
fine.
I just want to be really clear that we, I, and maybe other
members of the committee want to see that report and we want to
see that report in full without any substantive changes or
edits. Can you commit to that?
Ms. Lempert. Yes, Senator. I understand that the department
has been in touch with your staff about the document in
question and is working through those technical issues.
Unfortunately, the document is still being reviewed for
appropriate classification. The Administration is working to
have it completed as soon as possible.
I want to assure you that the department has not and will
not make any substantive changes to the document. The
Administration is only working to address the classification
issue. And again, it is my understanding that my colleagues are
in touch with the committee to ensure that you are able to
review the full document as soon as possible.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. We look forward to getting
it right away. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am glad you are
back.
The Chairman. So am I.
Senator Shaheen. And I want to begin by congratulating each
of you on your nominations, and thanking you for your
willingness to serve, for those of you who are career Foreign
Service officers, for your willingness to continue to serve the
country and for you, Mr. Nyhus, for your willingness to serve
as well, and appreciate your family's commitment to that
service.
I was in--excuse me, for the three of you who were
nominated for Latin American countries, I was in Latin America
last month with a group, a bipartisan delegation. Sadly, we did
not visit any of the countries that you are being nominated to
represent, but or just to go to.
But what we did hear there was the importance of having
Ambassadors on the ground from the United States, and how
important that is in the region, not only for United States
interests, but as we are looking at how we offset the influence
from the PRC and other actors who may be interested in
subverting U.S. interests.
In this 118th Congress, we have only confirmed three
Ambassadors, so I do hope we can move your nominations as
quickly as possible. One of the other things that we heard on
that trip was the interest in, on the part of those countries,
in doing business with the United States, and improving our
trade relations and encouraging the private sector to look at
Latin America as an opportunity to invest.
That sometimes has been overlooked. So can each of the
three of you who are going to Latin America, if confirmed, can
you speak to how you see we might better encourage those trade
opportunities and other economic opportunities with Latin
America. And I will start with you, Ms. Syptak-Ramnath.
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath. Thank you. Well, we are fortunate to
have a free trade agreement with Peru that we signed in 2009.
And thanks to that, we have seen an increase in our trade from
$9 billion to $22 billion.
And we are continuing to be the top investor in Peru.
Clearly, what our private sector needs are transparent and
leveled playing fields. And what, if confirmed, I would do as
U.S. Ambassador to Peru is to continue to work with the private
sector to make sure that we are making the case for U.S.
business there.
We have competitors, and we have competitors that may have
low costs now, but in the long term will have very high costs
for the people of Peru. So, if confirmed, I commit to working
with the private sector to make the case for private and for
U.S. businesses and U.S. investment. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Mr. Brown.
Mr. Brown. Thank you, Senator. If confirmed as Ambassador,
I certainly will be doing my hardest to promote U.S.
enterprise. U.S. companies engaging in Ecuador, I think is very
important. There is no doubt that U.S. companies efficiently
and effectively produce results on the ground.
I will be working with the Ecuadorian government to
understand how best we can collaborate and promote American
enterprise in Ecuador. I think that there are clear examples
from an infrastructure perspective where the government in the
history has chosen PRC led activities.
And we know that the debt structure, the financing, and the
actual infrastructure construction, I think that there are
doubts about the effectiveness of PRC's results. So, all we can
do is promote American companies, and if confirmed as
Ambassador there, I will be a champion for those initiatives.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I agree. I think we heard
some buyer's remorse when we were visiting. Mr. Nyhus.
Mr. Nyhus. Thank you, Senator. This question is very close
to my heart. As a private sector business leader, I see
business as a critical element in any ambassadorship, but
especially for mine, if I am confirmed. I have worked in all
the sectors that matter to this region, from technology, global
health, finance, and energy.
These are areas where I will deploy my connections and my,
quite honestly, my communications abilities, I think, to
promote U.S. goods and services. And I think just to remember
is not just products, it is services, it is banking. That is
much needed in this region. So, I would certainly look forward
to hosting trade delegations.
I think my friends in Seattle who are watching right now
are probably already planning one, if confirmed, of course. And
I would welcome Congressional delegations as well, because I
think folks avoid this region because it is a beautiful place
with sand and sun, and so there are perceptions of, oh, let us
not go to the nice place.
But these countries are on the front lines of climate
change, of the China influence. So, I think it would be welcome
to have you come and visit.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you all very much for that. I
think Latin America offers a tremendous opportunity in our own
backyard and we need to do a better job of taking advantage of
it.
I am really pleased that legislation I sponsored with
Senators Durbin and Boozman was included in the Western
Hemisphere Partnership Act that we passed out of this
committee. It is designed to double U.S. trade to Latin
America. So hopefully that will help you as you take over these
responsibilities.
I have one more question, and this one also is for you, Ms.
Syptak-Ramnath. Peru's government faces challenges with drug
trafficking, money laundering, and transnational crime. And
last December, an arbitration tribunal adjudicated a claim
brought against the government of Peru for lack of payment on
Peruvian agrarian reform bonds.
I assume you are familiar with this case, but the tribunal
ruled that Peru must repay Gramercy Fund Management, the
property--the properly updated value of the matured land bonds.
And I raised this because this is an issue that affects U.S.
pension funds, including in New Hampshire.
Unfortunately, Peru still has not paid the arbitration
award. If confirmed, will you commit to raising this issue with
the government of Peru and to keeping Congress updated on the
progress to get this settlement paid? Yes, Senator, I will.
Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Two last questions. The rest I
will submit for the record. Mr. Nyhus, I heard your opening
statement and what--but one of the challenges we have in the
Caribbean is the challenge of China and of the Caribbean
nations voting in ways that are contrary to where I think they
should be in terms of alignment at the OAS and other
international institutions.
Over the last decade, the United States' complacent
approach to the Caribbean has created a power vacuum, allowing
China to assert its influence at the expense of our national
interests, security, prosperity. China has become one of the
largest trading partners for many Caribbean nations, allowing
it to further expand its predatory economic practices.
Nevertheless, the United States continues to fail to
dedicate sufficient resources and attention to the Caribbean
nations, particularly those in the eastern Caribbean. So, if
confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen our ability
to compete with China in the region?
How will you strengthen the visibility and impact of U.S.
diplomatic efforts not just in Barbados, but across the eastern
Caribbean?
Mr. Nyhus. Thank you, Chairman Menendez. This is a topic
that will be one of my top priorities, if confirmed as
Ambassador. I come from Seattle. As I mentioned in my
statement, we are the most trade dependent state in the nation,
so we know a lot about China. We see it in action in our
community.
We are engaged. I worked for a friend and mentor, Governor
Gary Locke, who was the nation's first Chinese American
Governor. I traveled to China with him on a trade delegation. I
have had a lot of experience with China. I think, you know, a
lot of these small countries see this, you know, easy Chinese
money as very enticing. And I think part of the job of the
Ambassador is to ensure they know what they are getting for
their increased debt, and also showing some alternatives.
And I think that, you know, the U.S. private sector, I
think we do not have a lot of U.S. Government money to give a
round like the Chinese do, but we certainly have an incredible
private sector that I would like to see us promoting more in
the region.
And again, not just as a one off for a small nation but
looking at it more holistically like in the 5G rollout. So, I
think the power of communication is also really incredible. I
hear that a lot from the post, that that having someone with my
background as a professional communicator, a PR person, I
actually know how to generate interest and advocate for
American companies.
I have spent 30 years doing that. So, I look forward to, I
think, deepening the connections with these countries in the
leadership, but also introducing them to the great U.S.
industries that are out there, that may not look at these
countries right now because they are so small.
The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that. But one of the
things I really would like to see upon your confirmation is a
robust engagement, particularly at the OAS. These countries
have an equal vote as anybody else in the hemisphere, but they
consistently vote against our positions, and we are
consistently seeking to try to help them.
So, something is a disconnect there between our desire to
help them and what we do. And they are voting in adversity to
our interests, so I hope that you will make that a priority.
Mr. Nyhus. Absolutely. Senator. I spoke with the Ambassador
to the OAS yesterday about this very topic and would look
forward to partnering with him.
The Chairman. Finally, Ms. Lempert, before I turn to
Senator Hagerty, Jordan has been an important advocate for calm
stability, particularly given its role with respect to the holy
sites in Jerusalem.
It is hosting of the recent Aqaba meetings with senior
officials from the U.S., Israel, Egypt, and Jordan. And the PA
went a long way towards easing tensions. How do you evaluate
the current state of relationship between Israel and Jordan,
and what steps can you take as Ambassador to bring Jordan into
the Negev Forum?
Ms. Lempert. Thank you, Senator, for the question. The
peace treaty between Israel and Jordan has been a pillar of
regional stability for the past 30 years. That said, there is
always room for growth. And if confirmed, that would be
something that I would definitely want to work together with
Jordan on.
I think there is a variety of interesting avenues to
pursue, Project Prosperity, the water for solar deal between
the UAE, Israel, and Jordan with U.S. support is one such
example of, I think, very interesting way to take advantage of
increasing regional integration and move forward economic
initiatives.
I do think that Jordan belongs in the Negev Forum. In my
current capacity, I have made that point to Jordanian
officials. If confirmed, I look forward to encouraging them to
do so. I believe that as the second Arab country to make peace
with Israel, it makes absolute sense.
There is an empty seat at the table of the Negev Forum
where Jordan should be, and this is a very interesting, new
multilateral grouping, building on the Abraham Accords that
really could advance peace and regional integration, but also
cooperation regionally on these transnational issues such as
water, food, security, health, energy.
And I think it would really behoove Jordan to be there. I
think it would benefit them. At the risk of taking too much
time, I am sorry, but I also very much agree with you about the
important role that Jordan had played in convening the meeting
in Aqaba in February, and then there was a subsequent meeting
in Sharm el-Sheikh in March, and we are looking to work with
our regional partners, Jordan chief among them, to continue
those meetings, because it is very, very important to help de-
escalate tensions.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to
stay on the topic of Jordan, if I could, Ms. Lempert. Is border
security important?
Ms. Lempert. Senator, thank you for the question. More
security for Jordan or----
Senator Hagerty. Border security.
Ms. Lempert [continuing]. Oh, I am sorry. Thank you. Yes,
Senator, border security is very important.
Senator Hagerty. Do you support physical security measures
like border walls?
Ms. Lempert. In Jordan, Senator?
Senator Hagerty. Let's say on Jordan.
Ms. Lempert. I think I would have to defer to the
Jordanians, whether they think that such measures----
Senator Hagerty. But we are spending American taxpayer
dollars for border security in Jordan. Are you familiar with
the President's budget request?
Ms. Lempert. I am, sir. In terms of moving forward border
security in Jordan, yes.
Senator Hagerty. One hundred ten million dollars is
requested in the Fiscal Years 2024 budget to include border
security for Jordan. And you request that--you support that
request, I just want to make this clear.
Ms. Lempert. I do support that request.
Senator Hagerty. Okay. Hasn't the United States Government
built a giant wall along Jordan's border?
Ms. Lempert. With--in the border with Jordan----
Senator Hagerty. With United States taxpayer dollars, the
U.S. Government built a wall along Jordan's border.
Ms. Lempert [continuing]. The U.S. Government has worked
with Jordan to enhance its border security in a variety of
ways. Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Let us be clear, U.S. taxpayer dollars
have been deployed in this regard. Is that correct?
Ms. Lempert. That is correct.
Senator Hagerty. And as our nominee, you would be
responsible for overseeing future funding in this regard. Is
that correct?
Ms. Lempert. That is correct, Senator, if confirmed.
Senator Hagerty. In fact, the Omnibus, last year provides
for at least $150 million for border security in Jordan. It is
a large amount of taxpayer dollars. And if you think about the
purpose of this is to provide physical security, to keep people
from illegally crossing into Jordan. Is not that correct?
Ms. Lempert. It is to provide physical security, to stop
drug smugglers, to deal with the threat of Jordan's neighbor,
Syria. Obviously, the conflict there continues, and it is a
dangerous neighborhood.
Senator Hagerty. Well, I would think that if the funding
request that has been put in place for the coming year is the
size it is, there must be a belief that this sort of funding is
important and that this sort of physical security is effective.
Is that correct?
Ms. Lempert. In the Jordanian context, I do believe that
that is correct, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Well, you have been very clear to talk
about this in the Jordanian context. I just think it is an
important lesson for us to learn as Americans, that we are
spending United States taxpayer dollars to support border
security in a country that we are trying to build stronger
relations with.
I think we ought to be learning a lesson ourselves because
there is not a penny in the President's budget to support our
own border security here. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. I am almost
enticed to follow Senator Hagerty down his road, but I am not
going to. I know Senator Risch is very happy I am not going to
do that. We should have a discussion about that at some point,
which I would enjoy. I always appreciate my colleagues'
insights.
The record for the hearing will remain open until the close
of business on Friday, May the 5th. Please ensure that
questions for the record are submitted no later than the close
of business, Friday.
I would say to our nominees that as soon as you get,
assuming you get questions, I am sure each of you will have
some questions, for the record, to answer them expeditiously.
Because the quicker you answer them, and the fuller that you
answer them, you know, sufficient to be responsive to the
question, not just to highlight it, but be responsive,
otherwise there will be a reiteration of the question.
The quicker we can consider your nominations before the
business committee hearing of the Senate so we can vote on your
nominations and send you to the floor. With the thanks of the
committee for your testimony and your service, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:55 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Roger F. Nyhus by Senator Robert Menendez
Environment and Climate
Barbados is one of the Caribbean's most vulnerable nations to
climate change. Under the leadership of its Prime Minister, Mia
Mottley, Barbados has become an international champion of the
global environmental movement, campaigning and fighting against
climate change, pollution, and deforestation. This includes
leading efforts like the Bridgetown Initiative, which calls for
reforms in development finance to better assist and equip
developing nations to address the effects climate change.
Question. If confirmed, what measures will you take to strengthen
U.S. support to Barbados in addressing these environmental and climate
challenges?
Answer. The Caribbean is on the frontlines of the climate crisis,
including sea level rise that threatens low-lying islands like Barbados
and exacerbates storm surge associated with hurricanes. Strengthening
energy security and building climate resilience can unlock new business
opportunities and safeguard communities.
Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley is not only a regional leader
on climate, but also a global one. Her tireless advocacy is giving
voice to small island developing countries around the world. Fostering
an even closer working relationship with Prime Minister Mottley will be
a priority, if confirmed. There are tremendous opportunities to
collaborate on many issues we share, including regional security,
climate resilience, energy security, food security and water scarcity.
If confirmed, I would support the Biden Administration's efforts to
promote the evolution of the Multilateral Development Banks to meet the
challenges of the 21st century. If confirmed, I would advance the U.S.-
Caribbean Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis (PACC 2030), the
U.S. Government's flagship partnership with Caribbean countries to
advance climate adaptation and resilience, and to expand clean energy
programs across the region, including Barbados and the other countries
of the Eastern Caribbean. With a comprehensive, adaptive, and goal-
oriented approach, we will seek to support our Caribbean neighbors in
addressing energy security and climate adaptation and resilience with
the urgency these challenges demand.
As an example, the Administrator of the U.S. National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) traveled to Barbados in April and led
a workshop with the Caribbean Institute of Meteorology and Hydrology to
advance regional climate services and their applications for national
planning and adaptation efforts. The State Department is also providing
support to Dominica as it develops a 10-megawatt geothermal power plant
and transmission lines to build a more resilient and reliable grid.
These types of assistance initiatives will help create the right
conditions to attract new renewable energy partnerships.
If confirmed, I will support the work of PACC 2030 both in Barbados
and the rest of the Eastern Caribbean to facilitate collaboration
between the U.S. private sector and Caribbean companies to support
renewable energy infrastructure project development. I will also bring
the power of public diplomacy to bear in advancing this important
initiative. The Eastern Caribbean has participated in U.S.-sponsored
professional development and network-building programs for experts
working on climate resilience, infrastructure transformation, and the
switch to renewable energy. I will continue to use public diplomacy
initiatives to support our partner countries and advance our priorities
in the Eastern Caribbean. I will also use the power of U.S. messaging
to highlight these building blocks of success and other stories that
advance U.S. climate priorities.
China in the Caribbean
Over the last decade, the United States' complacent approach
to the Caribbean has created a power vacuum allowing China to
assert its influence at the expense of our national interests
and the security and prosperity of populations in the region.
Today, China has become one of the largest trading partners for
many Caribbean nations, allowing it to further expand its
predatory economic practices. Nevertheless, the United States
continues to fail to dedicate sufficient resources and
attention to Caribbean nations, particularly those in the
Eastern Caribbean. We must reassert our leadership and ensure
the number of U.S. personnel and diplomatic posts we have are
commensurate to what is needed to ensure that the United
States, not China, is the primary partner of choice going
forward.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen our
ability to compete with China in the region? How will you strengthen
the visibility and impact of U.S. diplomatic efforts not just in
Barbados, but across the Eastern Caribbean?
Answer. The Caribbean is the United States' third border, and I am
very concerned with the PRC's efforts to project problematic influence
in the region. Whether investing in Caribbean infrastructure, growing
its regional diplomatic presence, or including them in its Belt and
Road Initiative, the PRC has established considerable influence in the
region.
If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against problematic PRC influence in the
Eastern Caribbean, through robust and forthright diplomatic
engagements, public diplomacy programming, and commercial advocacy. To
ensure the U.S. is the preferred partner going forward, this also means
being responsive to Caribbean needs and priorities, particularly on
climate, and this Administration is committed to doing so.
In particular, as a business leader with 30 years of private sector
experience in a variety of key sectors, I will intensively pursue
increased trade and market opportunities for U.S. businesses and
innovation in the region--and the broader Caribbean. I will pay special
attention to promoting and, ideally, expanding U.S. business interests,
which I believe is an effective counter to PRC's Belt and Road
Initiative.
Embassy Bridgetown is an important regional post. I will be a
strong advocate for the resources necessary to achieve our goals, if
confirmed. While interconnection among the seven countries is weak, if
confirmed, I commit to prioritizing time to travel and present a
strong, visible, and engaged presence in each country, and I will ask
my team to do the same. I will also invite Congressional and staff
delegations to the mission to learn about and witness the PRC's
problematic practices and the U.S. response firsthand.
I understand that the Department of State and USAID have recently
committed resources for six new U.S. direct hire positions for Embassy
Bridgetown, the establishment of new USAID satellite offices in
Trinidad and Tobago and Suriname, and last year increased INL program
funding for the Eastern Caribbean. I also understand that Embassy
Bridgetown has received additional funds to facilitate more regional
travel and that the Department of State is actively considering whether
to open new posts in the Eastern Caribbean. If confirmed, I will
support these and other efforts to further develop relationships and
areas of cooperation with host governments in the Eastern Caribbean and
to counter the increasingly assertive moves of the PRC, Cuba,
Venezuela, and other state and non-state actors.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Roger F. Nyhus by Senator James E. Risch
Chinese Influence in the Region
Question. Are there any areas of engagement by the People's
Republic of China in the Eastern Caribbean that raise concerns for U.S.
interests?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) makes little secret of
its aspirations for recognition and influence in the Caribbean. Whether
investing in Caribbean infrastructure, responding to storms and natural
disasters, or including Caribbean nations in its Belt and Road
Initiative, the PRC seeks to establish considerable influence in the
region.
Nevertheless, the United States shares long-standing ties,
democratic values, and regional security interests with all seven of
these countries, and we remain their preferred partner. If confirmed, I
will support U.S. companies and urge our partners to conduct rigorous
due diligence on public projects involving the PRC or any other
potentially problematic actor, to avoid risks to national security and
sectors such as critical infrastructure.
Question. How will your experiences in China inform your work as
Ambassador to Barbados and neighboring Caribbean countries?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Barbados and the Eastern
Caribbean, countering problematic PRC influence in the region will be
central to my ambassadorship and one of my top priorities.
I built and owned a small business--a strategic communications firm
in Seattle--focused on promoting U.S. companies and their products and
services across the U.S. and around the world. I have deep sector
experience in energy, including fossil fuels (promoting an
international export terminal for Powder River Basin coal) and
biofuels; health care, global health and pharmaceuticals; aviation;
technology and telecommunications; manufacturing (airplanes and glass);
travel and tourism; real estate development; agriculture; seafood; and
global philanthropy--all relevant to the seven independent nations I
would cover, if confirmed.
I not only want the United States to be the preferred partner to
these seven Eastern Caribbean democracies, but I also want the United
States--and American businesses--to win and prosper. I believe the
strength and innovation of the U.S. private sector is an effective
counter to China's Belt and Road Initiative. Promoting U.S. businesses
and creating new and expanded opportunities for them will be core to my
ambassadorship, if confirmed. I have worked with hundreds of Fortune
500 companies, startups and nonprofits.
The PRC undermines U.S. interests through disinformation. As a
communications professional, I will use the power of communications to
ensure our partners are clear-eyed about the PRC's problematic
influence and to promote the United States' positive agenda not only in
the seven Eastern Caribbean countries but in the region as well. These
countries may be small, but they are vitally important to U.S.
interests. If confirmed, I will be a strong fighter for U.S. interests
and the American people in the region. I will work to counter
problematic PRC activities, promote a positive U.S. agenda and U.S.
business interests, and strongly support the three nations that have
diplomatic relations with Taiwan --Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia,
and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines--in their efforts to resist
Beijing's pressure.
Question. Nearly half of the countries covered by Embassy Barbados
maintain relations with Taiwan, while the other half have relations
with the PRC and joined the BRI.
Answer. Three of the seven countries covered by Embassy Barbados
maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan--St. Kitts and Nevis, St.
Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. This constitutes nearly half
of the countries that have diplomatic ties with Taiwan in Latin America
and the Caribbean. If confirmed, I would seek to buttress these
important relationships with Taiwan, especially given Honduras's recent
change in diplomatic ties from Taiwan to the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, how would you advance U.S. interests in
reducing malign Chinese influence in the Eastern Caribbean?
Answer. The Biden administration has clearly identified the PRC as
``America's most consequential geopolitical challenge,'' with the PRC
and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) representing a threat to U.S.
national security and leadership globally. Under President Xi, the CCP
has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad, seeking
to undercut U.S. influence and partnerships, including with the
countries in the Eastern Caribbean.
The PRC Government also uses transnational repression by reaching
outside its borders to harass, surveil, and threaten individuals into
silence who are critical of the PRC Government, including in the
Eastern Caribbean.
If confirmed, I will work aggressively to advance U.S. national
security interests and push back against the PRC's efforts to expand
its influence in the Eastern Caribbean through robust and candid
diplomatic engagements, increased public diplomacy programming, and
strong commercial advocacy for U.S. businesses and innovation.
Question. Do you agree it is in the interests of the United States
to deepen collaboration with Taiwan in those countries with which we
maintain diplomatic relations?
Answer. Yes, I strongly agree. Taiwan's relationships in the
region--official and unofficial--reinforce the hemisphere's democratic
values and support sustainable development. I believe we must stand
together to support our democratic partner, Taiwan. If confirmed, I
commit to supporting existing ties between Taiwan and the three
countries in the Eastern Caribbean that maintain diplomatic relations
with Taiwan and to pursuing new and creative ways to deepen that
collaboration as well, including collaborating with other U.S.
Ambassadors and third-country counterparts in Taiwan's diplomatic
partners in the Caribbean and elsewhere.
Question. Would you support Taiwanese efforts, if any, to deepen
trade and cultural ties with Caribbean countries with which they do not
currently have diplomatic relations?
Answer. I would encourage partner nations in the Eastern Caribbean
to deepen cooperation with and support for Taiwan. I would share with
partners that our trade with Taiwan, for instance, advances U.S.
interests and helps create economic opportunity in our country. Indeed,
Taiwan is a global leader in advanced manufacturing, democratic
governance, and public health, to name just a few areas in which the
international community benefits from engagement with Taiwan.
Anti-Money Laundering
Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to engage with Barbadian
authorities to address the anti-money laundering concerns flagged by
the Financial Action Task Force in Barbados? Would Barbados benefit
economically from addressing these pending AML concerns?
Answer. Yes, I will absolutely engage with Barbadian authorities to
address the anti-money laundering concerns flagged by the Financial
Action Task Force (FATF) in Barbados.
FATF sets internationally recognized standards for anti-money
laundering and counterterrorism financing (AML/CTF). FATF promotes
international cooperation to identify, disrupt and dismantle money
laundering schemes. Since February 2020, Barbados has been on FATF's
list of Jurisdictions under Increased Monitoring (``gray list'') of
countries that are working with FATF to meet international AML/CTF
standards. Appearing on this list can seriously damage the
international reputation of countries that fail to meet their
international commitments. Barbados has committed to resolving the
deficiencies identified by FATF. If confirmed, I would encourage
Barbados to continue working with FATF to address any issues identified
in its action plan; ensure that accurate, up to date beneficial
ownership information is available to authorities; and further pursue
repatriation or sharing of confiscated assets with other countries.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Barbados was upgraded to Tier 2 for its significant efforts to
improve its anti-trafficking capacity but failed to secure any
convictions against traffickers, among other key issues. How will you
address these issues with the host government and civil society actors
if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Combating transnational organized crime will be a top
priority, if confirmed. The trafficking of narcotics, guns and people
are real threats to the region and the United States.
As reported in the 2022 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, human
traffickers exploit domestic and foreign victims in Barbados, Saint
Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Antigua and Barbuda. If
confirmed, I will encourage and work with the countries of the Eastern
Caribbean to strengthen their efforts to investigate and prosecute sex
and labor traffickers and sentence convicted traffickers to significant
prison terms. I will also urge these countries to proactively screen
victims and provide any identified victims with trauma-informed
services. I will additionally urge these countries to continue to
undertake measures to prevent people from becoming victims of human
trafficking. If confirmed, I also commit to supporting civil society
partners working on this important issue.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Barbados?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to reporting current and
accurate information regarding the reality of the trafficking situation
in Barbados and all other Eastern Caribbean countries.
International Religious Freedom
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Barbados was described as having significant societal
and governmental respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment
of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
office of the Ambassador At Large for international religious freedom
to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. As a person of faith, I strongly support religious freedom.
Barbados and the other countries in the Eastern Caribbean have solid
democracies and a strong commitment to and respect for human rights,
including freedom of religion or belief. If confirmed, I will continue
the Embassy's strong engagement on promoting religious freedom with
Eastern Caribbean counterparts, civil society and the public. I will
also look for ways to use our programming to support civil society and
governments' work on this important issue.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report,
Barbados was identified as having few significant human rights abuses
but the U.S. Mission can still support the work of civil society actors
in country or regionally to better improve respect for human rights.
How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil society
organizations to improve the human rights situation on the ground?
Answer. Barbados and the other countries in the Eastern Caribbean,
all stable democracies, have values that largely align with the United
States. These countries have a tradition of respecting human rights,
such as freedom of expression, and also of respecting the media. But we
can do more to support the capacity of civil society organizations in
the Eastern Caribbean. The Embassy currently supports civil society
through exchanges and grants, including programs promoting independent
journalism and supporting entrepreneurship, women's empowerment and a
free press. If confirmed, I will explore ways to continue and deepen
this support through more robust programming, capacity building and
visibility.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Roger F. Nyhus by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The Chinese Communist Party under President Xi has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. If confirmed, I
will work to advance U.S. national security interests and aggressively
push back against the PRC's efforts to expand its problematic influence
in the Eastern Caribbean, through robust and forthright diplomatic
engagements, public diplomacy programming, and commercial advocacy.
Importantly, three of the remaining 13 countries that maintain
diplomatic ties with Taiwan are in the Eastern Caribbean--Saint Kitts
and Nevis, Saint Lucia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. If
confirmed, I will continue to support Taiwan's international
relationships. I will also work with all seven countries to leverage
the inherent advantages of our democracies and to ensure the
international system remains rooted in democratic values.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC)
clearly are strategic competitors. The Biden administration believes we
face some common challenges that we must work together to address,
including transnational crime, nonproliferation, climate change and
global food security.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States competes vigorously with the PRC, and, if
confirmed, I will do the same in the Eastern Caribbean. The United
States manages competition with the PRC responsibly and is open to
cooperation with Beijing where our interests clearly overlap and where
our cooperation can advance solutions to transnational challenges.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Congress, U.S.
Government officials, including other U.S. Ambassadors in the region
and like-minded third-country diplomatic partners, to advance U.S.
interests and counter harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in
the Eastern Caribbean.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be a strong fighter for the United
States and the American people--above all else. I will prioritize
advancing U.S. national security interests in the Eastern Caribbean and
countering efforts by our strategic and regional competitors who may
wish to undermine them. I would encourage others, to include the seven
countries in the Eastern Caribbean, to closely scrutinize any
activities that involve the PRC, to ensure they are transparent and
that all parties are working in good faith.
Question. What is your understanding, and how would you assess,
cooperation of Eastern Caribbean states with the U.S. on
counternarcotics efforts in Florida's back-yard?
Answer. I believe the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) is
a success story, and, if confirmed, I would be a strong advocate for
the program. Thank you for your leadership and strong support of this
work. Since launching in 2010, CBSI has been a shining example of
effective regional security cooperation. The 13 Caribbean countries
engaged in this U.S. partnership are disrupting illicit trafficking and
transnational crime. Simply put, CBSI is making citizens safer in the
United States and in the Caribbean.
CBSI's three core pillars are to reduce illicit trafficking,
increase citizen security, and prevent youth crime and violence. As of
2022, the U.S. Government has provided over $800 million in CBSI
funding, greatly benefitting Caribbean partners.
If confirmed, I commit to being a strong and outspoken advocate for
CBSI and its continuing work to keep the Caribbean safe for all of us.
Question. In your opinion, is CBSI improving the Eastern
Caribbean's drug interdiction capability?
Answer. Criminal organizations in the Eastern Caribbean include
both local and transnational groups that traffic drugs, guns, and other
illicit goods, while also laundering money and committing financial
crimes to fuel their enterprises and enable corruption, threatening
regional and U.S. national security.
CBSI programming has produced quantifiably positive outcomes in
improving the Eastern Caribbean's drug interdiction capabilities,
through its capacity-building work with CARICOM IMPACS and the Regional
Security System. CBSI programs have had success in deterring and
disrupting illicit drug trafficking by improving regional maritime
security, port and border security, and interdiction capacity. As just
one example, between 2010 and 2019, Eastern Caribbean countries
achieved a 454 percent increase in cocaine seizures. Nevertheless, CBSI
merits continued, concerted efforts with our partners.
Question. If confirmed, how will you improve it?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the CBSI programs are
working for the United States and our Caribbean partners. Since 2010,
CBSI has greatly improved the region's capacity to combat illicit
trafficking and disrupt organized crime. The reauthorization of CBSI
seeks to update this 13-year-old program to ensure it can address the
hardships we and the region are facing today. If confirmed, I will work
to ensure CBSI and related programs work to address key challenges,
including trafficking in persons, cybersecurity, and strengthening the
ability of countries to prepare for and respond to natural disasters.
It is important the United States Government assist our democratic
allies to counter old and new threats alike, protecting our homeland in
the process.
I see that you have led trade missions to Cuba as part of
your job representing the Seattle Metropolitan Chamber of
Commerce and for Alaska Airlines. Speaking on behalf of the
Cuban exile community in Miami, many of whom are barred by the
regime from returning to visit their family members, it is
heartbreaking to see Americans travel to Cuba and provide
tourism dollars to a regime that continues to deny basic human
rights to its own people.
Question. During your trips to Cuba, did you meet with any Cuban
Government officials?
Answer. I did not meet with any Cuban Government officials during
either of my two brief trips to Cuba. My role as a guest of the Seattle
Chamber and a consultant to Alaska Airlines was to network with the
U.S.-based Seattle delegations of government, business, civic, and
educational leaders traveling on these trips. These two-day educational
trips were highly controlled, and guests were not allowed to engage
with Cuban nationals. I have no connections to or with Cuba, and I do
not support Cuba's authoritarian regime. Even though I was in Havana
only about 48 hours, I was able to witness firsthand the failed and
crumbling policies of the current government.
Question. If so, were any subject to U.S. sanctions?
Answer. N/A
Question. If so, did you receive a license from the Office of
Foreign Asset Control that provided you an exemption from sanctions to
meet with these officials?
Answer. N/A
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to upholding U.S. law that
prohibits providing assistance to Cuban Government entities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will uphold all U.S. laws regarding
interactions with Cuba and its officials, to include the prohibition on
providing assistance to Cuban Government entities.
You have a substantial record of supporting a progressive
social agenda in Seattle and in private business. You will now
be charged with advocating for our prosperity and national
security efforts in the great power competition with China. I
will note your resume shows little to no experience in living
or working overseas, advancing Americas prosperity outside of
the Northwest region of the U.S., nor a firm grasp of the
complex national security apparatus you will be expected to
helm as an Ambassador.
Question. Will you prioritize Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and
Accessibility considerations over the dire need to ensure our Nation
can compete with the rise of the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. Countering problematic PRC activities in the region will be
one of my top priorities, if confirmed as Ambassador to Barbados and
the Eastern Caribbean.
I built and owned a small business--a strategic communications firm
in Seattle--focused on promoting U.S. companies and their products and
services across the United States and around the world. I have deep
sector experience in energy, including fossil fuels (promoting an
international export terminal for Powder River Basin coal) and
biofuels; health care, global health and pharmaceuticals; aviation;
technology and telecommunications; manufacturing (glass and airplanes);
travel and tourism; real estate development; seafood; and global
philanthropy--all relevant to the seven independent nations I would
cover, if confirmed.
I not only want the United States to be the preferred partner to
these seven Eastern Caribbean democracies, but I also want the United
States--and American businesses--to win and prosper. I believe in the
strength and innovation of the U.S. private sector. Promoting U.S.
businesses and creating new and expanded opportunities for them will be
core to my ambassadorship, if confirmed. I have worked with hundreds of
Fortune 500 companies, startups and nonprofits. My approach and private
sector engagement will be nonpartisan. In my three decades in business,
I can safely say that more than half of my clients and many of my
senior leaders were Republicans. My business was always nonpartisan.
The PRC misuses communications to create disinformation and doubt
about how the United States is the partner that consistently delivers
for the people of the Eastern Caribbean. As a communications
professional, I will use the power of strategic messaging to counter
the PRC and promote the United States' positive agenda not only in the
seven Eastern Caribbean countries but in the broader region as well.
If confirmed, I would highlight America's strong stance on
religious freedom, human rights, and diversity and inclusion,
juxtaposed against the record of the PRC on these issues, to make it
clear that our shared values and interests give the United States a
competitive advantage and make us the preferred partner for the
countries of the Eastern Caribbean. And I would continue with the
inclusive and engaging leadership style that brought me success in the
private sector.
Question. China has increased engagement with the Eastern Caribbean
region over the past 20 years and some members of CARICOM have signed
onto the Chinese Communist Party's Belt and Road Initiative for
infrastructure developments. What is your characterization of the
existing relationship between the region and China?
Answer. The PRC has been expanding its influence in the Eastern
Caribbean. In recent years, the PRC has made notable economic and
political gains. Whether investing in Caribbean infrastructure,
responding to storms and natural disasters or including Caribbean
nations in its Belt and Road Initiative, the PRC has established
considerable influence in the region.
Three of the remaining 13 countries that have diplomatic ties with
Taiwan are in the Eastern Caribbean. If confirmed, I will work closely
with and strongly support Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, and Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines to highlight Taiwan's positive influence in
the region. In addition, the United States shares democratic values and
regional security interests with all seven countries. If confirmed, I
will work hard to ensure that the United States remains the preferred
partner for all of these sovereign nations.
Question. Are there concerns with their existing relationship? If
so, by whom?
Answer. The United States and other partners are concerned about
the coercive economic pressure the PRC exerts. We echo long-standing
calls from Caribbean capitals that PRC actions respect local laws and
interests, including on the human rights of all persons and protections
for the environment.
If confirmed, I will use my 30 years of private sector experience
to better engage U.S. companies and technologies to create new and
expanded opportunities to counter problematic PRC activities. I believe
the U.S. private sector is the best counter to the PRC's Belt and Road
Initiative. As Ambassador, if confirmed, I will lead my team in
pursuing opportunities for American companies to compete for projects
and contracts in these countries.
In addition, if confirmed, I will urge our country partners to
conduct thorough due diligence on public projects to avoid the risks to
national security, data privacy, and supply chain resiliency posed by
many PRC investments, particularly in sectors such as critical
infrastructure.
Question. If confirmed, what initiatives will you focus on to
provide U.S. businesses fair competition regarding infrastructure
projects in the region?
Answer. As I mentioned above, if confirmed, I will use my 30 years
of private sector experience to better engage U.S. companies and
technologies to create new and expanded opportunities to counter the
PRC. Specifically, I believe the U.S. private sector is the best
counter to the PRC's Belt and Road Initiative. As Ambassador, if
confirmed, I will tirelessly pursue opportunities and work on
initiatives that help level the playing field for American companies to
compete for projects and contracts in these countries.
The PRC offers loans, investments and aid to many countries
globally including in the Eastern Caribbean, but at what cost and with
what strings attached? It is imperative that the United States work to
counter unfair and problematic PRC economic practices. If confirmed, I
will advocate for economic and commercial alternatives that adhere to
our principles of respecting sovereignty, labor rights, and protection
of the environment.
Specifically, if confirmed, I will engage at the highest level with
the countries to which I am accredited to secure U.S.
telecommunications networks, other sensitive technology, and critical
infrastructure. Shining a light on problematic PRC practices in this
area will be a top priority for me, as will advocating for U.S.
businesses and ensuring this region is a welcoming, secure market for
them.
USAID's aim in the Eastern Caribbean is focused on disaster
resilience, climate change, and climate finance to name a few.
However, many of the clean energy aid programs, such as solar-
powered aid projects and wind turbines projects, source these
products or components made in China. Besides USAID subsidizing
China's industry by using solar panels and wind turbines parts
for aid projects, the production of these items in China is
anything but ``clean'' and simply provides the veneer that
these USAID projects somehow reduce Co2 emission. Further,
there is ample concern that components used in these projects
are likely connected to forced labor in China.
Question. Are you concerned that solar panels, wind turbines, or
other ``clean'' energy products/components made in China might be
produced with slave labor?
Answer. It is well-established that the PRC uses forced labor in
Xinjiang, not only in the solar industry but also in supply chains for
products used across the economy. If confirmed, I will work with our
partners, including the private sector, to promote accountability for
the PRC Government's conduct and take joint action to ensure Eastern
Caribbean supply chains are free from the use of forced labor.
Question. If confirmed, how will you verify current and future
``clean'' energy projects in the region are sourced from non-China
suppliers?
Answer. The United States Government has several tools it can use
to promote more transparent and secure supply chains. For example, the
Global Magnitsky sanctions program holds individuals and entities
accountable for forced labor and other human rights abuses, and the
Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act prohibits the importation of goods
into the United States that were produced in Xinjiang, unless the
importer demonstrates by clear and convincing evidence that the goods
were not produced using forced labor. If confirmed, I commit to using
the full range of options available to me to prevent any person or
entity from benefiting from forced labor for projects in the Eastern
Caribbean and to advocate for high-quality products and U.S. suppliers
in the renewable energy sector.
I believe the U.S. private sector is the best counter to the PRC's
Belt and Road Initiative. As Ambassador, if confirmed, I will
aggressively pursue opportunities for American companies to compete for
clean energy projects and contracts in these countries, and I will
advocate for economic and commercial alternatives that adhere to our
principles of sovereignty, labor rights, and protection of the
environment.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Yael Lempert by Senator James E. Risch
Question. The Middle East has become ground zero for strategic
competition. Our Gulf partners are quick to point to the
Administration's overly restrictive arms sales policies, disastrous
withdrawal from Afghanistan, endless Iran nuclear negotiations, pivot
to the Indo-Pacific, and initial repudiation of the Abraham Accords as
a reason to ``diversify'' their relationships. China is taking full
advantage of this opportunity both economically and diplomatically. How
do you address criticism that Biden Middle East policies have pushed
our partners to China and away from the United States?
Answer. While we are clearly in a competitive global environment,
it is also clear where our competitive advantages lie--American
partnerships in the Middle East are unmatched, as is our ability to
build alliances, partnerships, and cooperative solutions. The United
States remains deeply committed to regional peace, security and
prosperity as we strengthen decades-long strategic cooperation with our
regional partners. We continue unrivaled defense cooperation with our
partners to meet their security requirements, to include our robust
military and security presence, provision of assistance, training and
intelligence sharing. Our partners strongly prefer U.S. security
partnerships and military equipment to those of the People's Republic
of China. Our affirmative agenda of regional engagement is anchored by
work to support economic development, mitigate food and water
insecurity, address climate change, enhance maritime security, and
cooperatively bolster air and missile defense, while also promoting
regional integration through the Negev Forum and other efforts, as well
as our ongoing work to deepen, strengthen, and expand the Abraham
Accords.
It is imperative that our partners in the region continue to view
the United States as their partner of choice. If confirmed, I will work
to ensure continued active U.S. engagement and leadership to further
strengthen and deepen our partnership with Jordan, engaging the public
and key decisionmakers to underscore the ongoing vital role of the
United States in the region, and of our unmatched cooperation with
Jordan.
Question. I understand you have played a leading role in the Negev
Forum, which has grown out of the historic Abraham Accords. Despite the
1994 peace treaty with Israel, Jordan has not been a full participant
in the progress brought about by the Accords. Jordan's peace with
Israel continues to be cold with little public support for relations
with Israel, despite the significant benefits Jordan receives from its
partnership with Israel. If confirmed, how will you work with Jordan to
continue deepening its relationship with our ally Israel? How do we
increase the understanding amongst the Jordanian public of the
importance of this relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government
of Jordan to identify areas of cooperation and mutual benefit with
Israel that strengthen their diplomatic, economic, and people-to-people
ties. I will encourage Jordan to participate in regional coordination
efforts, such as the Negev Forum. I will also encourage further
regional economic integration that strengthens Jordan's security and
resilience. Project Prosperity--the water-for-solar energy deal between
Jordan and Israel--is an excellent example of such regional economic
integration efforts. The positive benefits to Jordan help demonstrate
to the Jordanian people the value of the Jordanian-Israeli relationship
and the benefits of expanding cooperation.
Question. I understand you have played a leading role in the Negev
Forum, which has grown out of the historic Abraham Accords. Despite the
1994 peace treaty with Israel, Jordan has not been a full participant
in the progress brought about by the Accords. Jordan's peace with
Israel continues to be cold with little public support for relations
with Israel, despite the significant benefits Jordan receives from its
partnership with Israel. Are you familiar the Prosperity Blue and
Prosperity Green plans between Israel, Jordan and the UAE? What role
can the U.S. play in helping these projects come to fruition?
Answer. Jordan, Israel, and the UAE entered into the Project
Prosperity agreement to bring UAE investment to Jordan to build a solar
plant that would share clean, sustainable energy with Israel in
exchange for water to help address Jordan's acute water needs. At
COP27, Jordan and Israel renewed their commitment to Project Prosperity
and agreed to continue furthering the initiative with the UAE. The
U.S., led by the Office of the Special Envoy for Climate Affairs,
continues to work closely with Project Prosperity partners, emphasizing
the shared benefit this project offers and encouraging the parties to
sign binding agreements to implement the project in December at COP28.
Question. I understand you have played a leading role in the Negev
Forum, which has grown out of the historic Abraham Accords. Despite the
1994 peace treaty with Israel, Jordan has not been a full participant
in the progress brought about by the Accords. Jordan's peace with
Israel continues to be cold with little public support for relations
with Israel, despite the significant benefits Jordan receives from its
partnership with Israel. How can we encourage Jordan to take part in
the Negev Forum Working Groups, in a constructive manner, while not
allowing complex issues related to the Palestinians to slow progress on
unrelated issues that benefit all partners?
Answer. The United States strongly supports Jordan joining the
Negev Forum.
By advancing projects and initiatives in the Negev Forum's six
topical working groups that benefit the members and demonstrate the
value of regional cooperation, we are optimistic that countries not yet
part of the Negev Forum, including Jordan, will be incentivized to
join. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to encourage Jordan to
participate in the Negev Forum, which will help to strengthen Jordan's
economy, security, and resilience.
Question. What is current U.S. policy on normalization with the
Assad regime?
Answer. The Administration will not normalize relations with the
Assad regime nor do we support others normalizing with Damascus. We
will not lift sanctions on Syria or change our position to oppose
reconstruction in regime areas of Syria until there is authentic
progress toward a political solution consistent with UN Security
Council Resolution 2254.
Question. How will you work as Ambassador to oppose efforts to
``rehabilitate'' Assad, who has murdered thousands of civilians in
Syria?
Answer. The United States has made clear in our diplomatic
discussions with partner countries that we do not support normalizing
relations with the Assad regime. If confirmed, I will continue to
strongly underline that position, as well as underscore the need for
accountability for the Assad regime's horrific atrocities against
Syrians and that anyone seeking to invest in Syria would risk sanctions
exposure. The United States believes that stability in Syria can only
be achieved through a political process in line with U.N. Security
Council Resolution 2254, and will continue working with allies,
partners, and the UN to ensure that a durable political solution
remains within reach.
Question. Jordan has long played the role of mediator on Israeli-
Palestinian issues. However, we've seen a Palestinian refusal to
reposition security forces outside of Ramallah, U.S. assistance has
failed to drive down levels of violence, the PA has lost significant
credibility, and more Palestinians turn to terror groups to advance
their causes. Why has our approach to Palestinian policy failed to
change conditions on the ground?
Answer. The Administration is deeply concerned about rising levels
of violence in the West Bank that have claimed both Israeli and
Palestinian lives. As you note, Jordan has an important role to play on
Israeli-Palestinian issues; earlier this year, we partnered with Jordan
and Egypt to hold the first such Israeli-Palestinian meetings at the
political level in nearly a decade. At these ``Quint'' meetings in
Aqaba and Sharm El Sheikh in February and March respectively, we urged
Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) to take steps to de-escalate
tensions, including resuming security cooperation with Israel, ending
incitement, and refraining from settlement activity and demolitions.
The Aqaba and Sharm El Sheikh meetings helped to restore a measure of
calm during the sensitive period in which Passover, Ramadan, and Easter
converged. We will continue working with Israel, the PA, and our
regional partners to stabilize the West Bank and build towards a just
and lasting peace between Israelis and the Palestinians.
Question. Jordan has long played the role of mediator on Israeli-
Palestinian issues. However, we've seen a Palestinian refusal to
reposition security forces outside of Ramallah, U.S. assistance has
failed to drive down levels of violence, the PA has lost significant
credibility, and more Palestinians turn to terror groups to advance
their causes. What role do you see for Jordan in Palestinian policy
moving forward?
Answer. In recent months, Jordan's leadership was crucial in
convening Israeli and Palestinian officials, along with representatives
from Egypt and the United States, in Aqaba and in Sharm el-Sheikh, to
advance de-escalatory measures. While more work remains to be done to
reduce the levels of violence, Jordan's continued engagement with the
parties remains indispensable to maintaining positive momentum toward a
sustainable calm. If confirmed, I will work closely with Jordan in
support of efforts to bolster stability in the West Bank, promoting
security for Palestinians and Israelis alike, and preserving the
prospects of a two-state solution.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Jordan was identified as Tier 2 for sustained efforts to combat
human trafficking, but did fall short several key areas. How will you
work with the host government and civil society actors to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Overall, the Government of Jordan demonstrated significant
and increasing efforts over the previous reporting period. However, it
did not meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking
in several key areas. If confirmed, I will continue the work of our
Embassy to encourage the Government of Jordan to increase efforts to
reduce lenient sentencing of convicted traffickers, proactively screen
for and identify trafficking victims among vulnerable populations, and
continue increasing efforts to investigate, prosecute, and convict sex
trafficking and labor trafficking crimes. I will work with relevant
government officials, international human rights NGOs, and members of
Jordanian civil society toward this end.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Jordan?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting accurate information on
the topic of trafficking in persons in Jordan via our annual,
Congressionally-mandated Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report and will
work closely with the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in
Persons to encourage collaborative efforts with the Government of
Jordan to combat human trafficking.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Jordan was identified as generally lacking societal
respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the office of
the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Jordanian constitution safeguards ``the free exercise
of all forms of worship and religious rites,'' and stipulates there
shall be no discrimination based on religion. Nevertheless, the
government denies official recognition of most non-Abrahamic faiths,
and converts from Islam to Christianity report societal ostracism,
threats, and verbal and physical abuse. Jordanian law criminalizes some
acts of free expression, including blasphemy against Abrahamic faiths
and insulting the Prophet Muhammad, punishable by one to three years'
imprisonment.
If confirmed, I will work with the Office of Ambassador-at-Large
Rashad Hussain to engage the Government of Jordan at all levels to urge
respect for freedom of religion or belief and work with civil society
towards progress on peaceful coexistence.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report,
Jordan was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including violence against women and threats of violence against
minorities, including the use of torture, censorship, arbitrary arrest,
and more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our Embassy's efforts to
encourage the Jordanian government at all levels to uphold human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all in Jordan, including, but not limited
to, members of ethnic and religious minority groups, women and girls,
LGBTQI+ persons, and persons with disabilities. I will also engage with
international human rights NGOs, human rights defenders, journalists,
and other members of Jordanian civil society to underscore our support
for civil society, freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and
association, and media freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report,
Jordan was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including violence against women and threats of violence against
minorities, including the use of torture, censorship, arbitrary arrest,
and more. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil society
organizations to improve the human rights situation on the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will work with senior
officials, international human rights NGOs, and Jordanian civil society
to enhance judicial independence, promote accountability among the
security forces, and instill respect for the rule of law and human
rights. I will also focus on expanding registration and operating space
for civil society and addressing our concerns about the Government's
use of broad criminal provisions to restrict those exercising
fundamental freedoms. Prioritizing engagement with human rights
defenders, journalists, and other members of Jordanian civil society is
key to advancing our human rights priorities in Jordan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Yael Lempert by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The Administration has clearly identified the People's
Republic of China (PRC) as ``America's most consequential geopolitical
challenge''. Earlier this year, Director of National Intelligence Avril
Haines testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally''. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut
U.S. influence and alliances. If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S.
national security interests and push back against the PRC's efforts to
expand its influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic
engagements, public diplomacy programming, and commercial advocacy to
bolster the strong pillars of U.S.-Jordanian ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the PRC's track record of
irresponsible disregard for international law and sovereignty of
countries, and the CCP's increasingly aggressive posture
internationally. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system''.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. The United States would have to determine that any
potential collaboration with the CCP would--first and foremost--advance
very clearly defined U.S. national security interests. The United
States would have to carefully weigh all possible benefits and
downsides of such cooperation and ensure that the PRC would be unable
to use such cooperation to advance its own narrow and/or opportunistic
objectives. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of State's
new Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S. objectives and
counter harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors in the Middle
East.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Jordan and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to counter China's efforts to
expand its influence in Jordan and the region.
Question. What is your assessment of the current state of U.S.-
Jordanian relations?
Answer. Our relationship is strong, as evidenced by our wide-
ranging cooperation, and the 2022 signing of our $10.15 billion, seven-
year assistance MOU, the longest and largest such MOU with Jordan.
Jordan is a long-time, essential strategic partner of the United States
on a wide range of shared concerns and regional challenges. We work
closely together to advance mutual objectives on key issues, such as
countering terrorism and extremism, including pursuing the enduring
defeat of ISIS, promoting stability in Iraq, and preserving prospects
for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Question. What is your assessment of the presence of Russian
military forces along the Jordanian-Syrian border?
Answer. Russia maintains a nominal presence of military police in
southern Syria.
Question. Is this a potential source of leverage for Russia over
Jordan?
Answer. Russia maintains a nominal military presence in southern
Syria. There is concern among some partners that the withdrawal of that
presence could create a vacuum which could be exploited by Iran or its
proxies. However, Jordan has consistently been aligned with us in
voting on Ukraine at the United Nations. Jordan has demonstrated
diplomatic support for Ukraine at key moments, including voting for
major U.N. resolutions, such as a February 2023 U.N. General Assembly
resolution calling for a cessation of hostilities and for Russia to
``immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw all of its
military forces from the territory of Ukraine,'' and on U.N. General
Assembly resolutions in March and October 2022, rejecting Russia's
invasion and condemning Russia's illegal annexation of four partially
occupied regions in Ukraine.
Question. If Russia removes their security forces from Syria's
border with Jordan to fight in Ukraine, do you believe Iranian-backed
militias, such as Hezbollah, would fill the void along Jordan's border?
Answer. There is concern among some partners that the withdrawal of
Russia's nominal military presence in southern Syrian could create a
vacuum which could be further exploited by the IRGC, Hizballah, and
other groups commanded or supported by Iran that threaten regional
stability and the security of our allies and partners. These forces
play a particularly destabilizing role in Syria, threatening prospects
for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. We are committed to
countering the threats posed by Iran but are also clear-eyed on the
destructive role Russia has played in Syria. We will continue to work
with our allies and partners to push back against Iran's destabilizing
activities in Syria and to seek a political resolution to the Syrian
conflict.
Question. Does Hezbollah's presence in southern Syria pose a threat
to Jordan?
Answer. Yes, along with other Iranian-aligned groups. Jordan shares
our concerns about the malign presence of Iran and its proxies in
Syria. U.S. security assistance to Jordan helps to bolster the security
and stability of a vital partner against threats such as these. If
confirmed, I will work to deepen our security and other cooperation
with Jordan to continue addressing these threats.
Question. In your opinion, how porous is the border between Jordan
and Syria?
Answer. United States security assistance has bolstered Jordan's
border security, enabling it to mitigate the spillover effects from the
conflict in Syria and deter malign influences in the region, which
helps to advance our mutual objectives on key issues such as pursuing
the enduring defeat of ISIS. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our
cooperation with Jordan on border security, and to ensure that
instability in Syria does not threaten the security of such a critical
partner.
Question. Is this a serious problem in regards to narcotics
smuggling and for counterterrorism purposes?
Answer. The United States cooperates with regional partners,
including Jordan, to strengthen local port and border security and
counter narcotics smuggling through information sharing and capacity
building. This includes efforts to counter captagon smuggling and
consumption, which is a major issue in the region. In September 2022,
the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement allocated
$2.5 million in annual INCLE funds to establish a bilateral program in
Jordan to help it address the illicit drug trade, which will bolster
regional stability and help deter malign actors.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to assure Jordan that its
security does not depend on Russian forces in Syria?
Answer. While Russia maintains a nominal presence of military
police in southern Syria, United States security assistance enables
Jordan to mitigate the spillover effects from the conflict in Syria and
deter malign influences in the region through effective border
security; this advances our mutual objectives on key issues such as
countering illegal drug trafficking and pursuing the enduring defeat of
ISIS. If confirmed, I will support longstanding U.S. efforts to
strengthen Jordan's border security and push back on Russia's
destructive activities in Syria and throughout the region.
Question. Recently, a Jordanian Member of Parliament was arrested
for allegedly smuggling weapons into Israel's Judaea and Samaria
region. This has led to a deterioration in Jordan-Israel ties. How
would you manage the bilateral relationship between Jordan and Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government
of Jordan to identify areas of cooperation and mutual benefit with
Israel that strengthen the diplomatic, economic, and people-to-people
ties between the two countries. I will encourage Jordan to participate
in regional coordination and integration efforts, such as the Negev
Forum, and will continue U.S. support for efforts to address shared
areas of concern, such as water scarcity, through Project Prosperity's
water-for-solar energy initiative. I will underscore the importance of
continued Jordanian-Israeli cooperation in the pursuit of regional
stability, including through actions that ease tensions and encourage
de-escalation, including through the ``Quint'' mechanism (U.S., Israel,
Palestinian Authority, Jordan, Egypt) that has featured productive
discussions between the parties in Aqaba and Sharm El Sheikh.
Question. At $1.3 billion in foreign military financing, Jordan is
expected to be one of the largest recipients of U.S. security
assistance after Ukraine, Egypt, and Israel in FY 2023, and U.S.
assistance to Jordan accounts for approximately 40 percent of official
aid Jordan receives annually. How is U.S. security enhanced by taxpayer
investment in Jordan?
Answer. The Jordanian Armed Forces play a key role in regional
stability. United States security assistance provides Jordan with
strategic capabilities to support our partnership, including to ensure
the enduring defeat of ISIS, providing border security, and deterring
malign influences in the region. The strength of the U.S.-Jordanian
partnership demonstrates our sustained commitment to partners in the
Middle East and joint defense against hybrid threats by state and non-
state actors. The U.S. will provide $425 million in Foreign Military
Financing (FMF) to Jordan in FY 2023. The high levels of FMF included
in the seven-year bilateral Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)--a
minimum request of $400 million per year--reflect the outsized
contribution by the Jordanian Armed Forces to regional security and
stability. U.S. assistance contributes to a more resilient and stable
Jordan, and consequently, a stronger and more capable partner for the
U.S. as we address regional and security challenges.
Question. In your view, what would happen if the U.S. did not
provide a high level of foreign military financing to Jordan?
Answer. U.S. security assistance to Jordan, including Foreign
Military Financing, helps the United States confront a wide range of
threats to our national security, including by enabling Jordan's
participation in coalition efforts to ensure the enduring defeat of
ISIS. U.S. support and security cooperation have also enabled Jordan to
support other U.S. national security priorities. Because of our
longstanding partnership, Jordan provided critical support over the
years to our operations in Afghanistan. It has also enabled Jordan to
participate in seven U.N. peacekeeping missions, including MONUSCO in
the Democratic Republic of Congo and MINUSMA in Mali. Without U.S.
security assistance, it is unlikely that Jordan would be able to
cooperate with us on these and myriad other shared security priorities,
which could create additional burdens for our own military.
Question. What is your view regarding Jordan's economy, given its
debt load of 114 percent GDP in 2021, and that $2.4 billion of its
annual economic output comes from remittances from the estimated
800,000 Jordanian's living overseas?
Answer. Jordan faces a variety of internal and external challenges,
including protracted regional crises that have disrupted trade, a
chronic water deficit, and a burgeoning young population anxious for
economic opportunities, as well as the lingering effects of the COVID-
19 epidemic, which has contributed to limited economic growth and a
high rate of unemployment. The Jordanian government has launched a
home-grown, ten-year Economic Modernization Vision and a Public Sector
Modernization Roadmap to systematically address these challenges.
The United States supports Jordan's modernization reform agenda.
Our recently signed seven-year assistance MOU supports targeted
assistance to help Jordan effectively tackle key aspects of its
economic and modernization reform effort regarding economic growth, and
water sector improvements, including deficit reduction.
Question. If confirmed, which aid programs will you focus on to
promote Jordanian economic growth with U.S. business partners?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for U.S. businesses and will
focus on those aid programs that encourage and empower Jordan to
attract foreign direct investment, including from the United States,
which currently totals less than $1 billion. If confirmed, I will
continue to pursue programs intended to bolster digital infrastructure
to help bolster broadband speed and drive down data costs in Jordan--
key to improving the business investment climate.A sustainable water
supply is also critical to Jordan's economic growth--and, ultimately,
to its ability to partner with U.S. businesses. If confirmed, I will
continue to use U.S. assistance to tackle Jordan's water scarcity
through both improved infrastructure and water governance, as outlined
in our bilateral MOU.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Yael Lempert by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with Jordan to continue
deepening its relationship with our ally Israel? How do we increase the
understanding amongst the Jordanian public of the importance of this
relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government
of Jordan to identify areas of cooperation and mutual benefit with
Israel that strengthen their diplomatic, economic, and people-to-people
ties. I will encourage Jordan to participate in regional coordination
efforts, such as the Negev Forum. I will also encourage further
regional economic integration that strengthens Jordan's security and
resilience. Project Prosperity--the water-for-solar energy deal between
Jordan and Israel - is an excellent example of such regional economic
integration efforts. The positive benefits to Jordan help demonstrate
to the Jordanian people the value of the Jordanian-Israeli relationship
and the benefits of expanding cooperation.
Question. Are you familiar the Prosperity Blue and Prosperity Green
plans between Israel, Jordan and the UAE? What role can the U.S. play
in helping these projects come to fruition?
Answer. Jordan, Israel, and the UAE entered into the Project
Prosperity agreement to bring UAE investment to Jordan to build a solar
plant that would share clean, sustainable energy with Israel in
exchange for water to help address Jordan's acute water needs. At
COP27, Jordan and Israel renewed their commitment to Project Prosperity
and agreed to continue furthering the initiative with the UAE. The
U.S., led by the Office of the Special Envoy for Climate Affairs,
continues to work closely with Project Prosperity partners, emphasizing
the shared benefit this project offers and encouraging the parties to
sign binding agreements to implement the project in December at COP28.
Question. How can we encourage Jordan to take part in the Negev
Forum Working Groups, in a constructive manner, while not allowing
complex issues related to the Palestinians to slow progress on
unrelated issues that benefit all partners?
Answer. The United States strongly supports Jordan joining the
Negev Forum. By advancing projects and initiatives in the Negev Forum's
six topical working groups that benefit the members and demonstrate the
value of regional cooperation, we are optimistic that countries not yet
part of the Negev Forum, including Jordan, will be incentivized to
join. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to encourage Jordan to
participate in the Negev Forum, which will help to strengthen Jordan's
economy, security, and resilience.
Question. What can the U.S. do to help Jordan stop the smuggling of
arms and drugs across its borders?
Answer. Jordan continues to face spillover effects from the
conflict in Syria, including the illicit trafficking of drugs and arms.
Over the last 10 years, U.S. security assistance has significantly
improved Jordan's ability to control its northern border and to
interdict illicit smuggling attempts. The United States has supported
the Jordan Border Security Program, an integrated border security
surveillance, detection, and interdiction system, along 350 miles of
Jordan's land borders. The United States continues to cooperate with
regional partners, including Jordan, to strengthen local port and
border security and counter narcotics smuggling through information
sharing and capacity building. Additionally, in September 2022 the
State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement (INL) allocated $2.5 million in annual INCLE funding to
establish a bilateral INL program in Jordan to help it address the
threat posed to the Kingdom by illicit drugs, to bolster regional
stability and help deter malign actors.
Question. Jordan is currently harboring Ahlam Tamimi a Palestinian
terrorist responsible for the bombing of a pizzeria in Jerusalem that
killed 15-year-old U.S. citizen Malki Roth and U.S. citizen Judith
Greenbaum who was pregnant at the time. The United States has long
sought the assistance of the Jordanian Government in sending Ms. Tamimi
to stand trial in the U.S. for the murders. If confirmed, will you make
this case a priority?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything in my power to
ensure that Ahlam al-Tamimi faces justice in the United States for her
horrific crimes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Yael Lempert by Senator Ted Cruz
Abraham Accords
In February 2021, the White House instructed the State
Department to stop signaling support for the Abraham Accords.
The State Department implemented that guidance, including
through specific guidance distributed on February 4 by a
staffer in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. That internal
guidance instructed staffers to no longer even refer to the
relevant agreements as ``Abraham Accords,'' and to instead call
them ``normalization agreements.'' The guidance specifically
stated that ``we are no longer using `Abraham Accords' to refer
to the normalization of relations between Israel and other
countries.'' On April 1 Spokesperson Ned Price told reporters
that the policy of the State Department was to ``call them
normalization agreements.'' On May 18, White House Spokesperson
Jen Psaki said ``Aside from putting forward a peace proposal
that was dead on arrival, we don't think [the Trump
administration] did anything constructive, really, to bring an
end to the longstanding conflict in the Middle East.'' On June
4 the Washington Free Beacon (WFB) confirmed the existence of
the policy, citing ``two internal State Department emails''
reviewed by the outlet.
At the time you were a high-ranking official in NEA, and
would afterwards be appointed Acting Assistant Secretary. The
staffer who sent the internal guidance was a press officer for
Israel and Palestinian Affairs, which at the time was overseen
by then-Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Israel and
Palestinian Affairs Hady Amr.
Question. When did you become aware of the guidance sent from the
White House?
Answer. During the referenced time period, I was serving as Charge
d'Affaires, a.i. at the U.S. Embassy in London, which reports to the
Bureau of European Affairs. I was not aware of any such guidance from
the Department, and referred in any discussions I had in the United
Kingdom about the Abraham Accords to them as such. I did not begin my
current assignment in NEA until the end of August 2021.
Question. When did you become aware of the internal guidance issued
by the NEA staffer?
Answer. I was not aware of any such guidance at the time.
Subsequently, I became aware of questions about the existence of such
guidance, but I have not seen it.
Question. Did you clear the internal guidance sent by email from
the NEA staffer? If yes, please explain your rationale for clearing it.
If no, do you believe it was appropriate for such guidance to be issued
within your bureau without you clearing it?
Answer. I was serving at the U.S. Embassy in London during the
referenced time period, and did not begin my current assignment in NEA
until the end of August 2021. I thus did not clear on any internal
guidance issued within NEA during this timeframe, and would have had no
basis to do so, as I was not serving in NEA at that point.
Question. Did you ever discuss the internal guidance with Mr. Amr?
Answer. No, I did not discuss with Mr. Amr any internal guidance
related to this topic as I was serving in the United Kingdom.
Question. Did you clear the language that Mr. Price used in his
press briefings, and specifically his statement on April 1 that
regarding the Abraham Accords the State Dept. ``call[s] them
normalization agreements?''
Answer. No. I was serving at the U.S. Embassy in London at the
time, and did not begin my current assignment in NEA until the end of
August 2021, so did not have any reason to review or clear on such a
statement.
Question. Do you believe that the United States should not support
the Abraham Accords?
Answer. Quite the opposite, I strongly support the Abraham Accords.
The President, Secretary of State, and other officials, including
myself, have been clear, privately and publicly, that the United States
strongly supports the Abraham Accords, which are in the national
security interests of the United States. As such, we are continuing to
work with Israel and other regional countries to deepen them, build
upon them, and expand the circle of peace. These efforts include the
establishment of the Negev Forum, which I am proud to have played a
role in creating and building.
Question. Do you believe that State Department officials should not
use the phrase ``Abraham Accords?''
Answer. No. State Department officials, from the Secretary of State
down, regularly use the phrase ``Abraham Accords.'' When I began my
current assignment in NEA at the end of August 2021, following my
assignment at the U.S. Embassy in London, the first public engagement I
had was to speak on behalf of the State Department at a September 15,
2021 event celebrating the one-year anniversary of the Abraham Accords,
hosted by the Abraham Accords Institute of Peace. In my remarks, I
repeatedly referred to the Abraham Accords, and have done so routinely
since then, privately and publicly.
Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance which you
cleared--emails, memos, cables, notes, decision memos, briefing papers,
instructions, etc.--that instructed staffers not to signal support for
the Abraham Accords, including by not using the phrase ``Abraham
Accords.''
Answer. As I never cleared on any such internal guidance, I have no
documents to submit in response to this question. Any request for
Department records will need to be addressed to the Department.
Question. Do you believe that the policy outlined in the February 4
email, i.e. to downplay the significance of the Abraham Accords as
``normalization agreements,'' was in the national security interests of
the United States? Please also describe any effects that you believe it
had on US diplomacy more broadly.
Answer. I was not aware of any such State Department policy. I
regularly referred to the agreements as the ``Abraham Accords'' in any
relevant discussions I had in the context of my then-assignment in the
United Kingdom. Secretary Blinken noted in a January 27, 2021, press
availability that, ``First, as we've said, we very much support the
Abraham Accords. We think that Israel normalizing relations with its
neighbors and other countries in the region is a very positive
development, and so we applauded them, and we hope that there may be an
opportunity to build on them in the months and years ahead.''
The Abraham Accords are in the national security interests of the
United States. The Biden administration's strong embrace of the Abraham
Accords, and efforts to build upon them in a variety of ways, has been
a key focus of U.S. efforts in the region.
Question. In your own assessment, is Ms. Psaki's May 18 assessment
tenable, i.e. that the Trump administration did not do ``anything
constructive. to bring an end to the longstanding conflict in the
Middle East.''
Answer. The Abraham Accords were more than constructive; they were
historic. That is why the United States is continuing to work to
expand, deepen, and build upon them. I have noted publicly that the
Abraham Accords are historic and have created the opportunity for a
transformation in the region. I have been at the center of the current
Administration's efforts to build on them, including through the
creation of the Negev Forum, an unprecedented multilateral grouping of
Israel and its regional partners, aimed at cementing and further
advancing regional peace and regional integration.
Question. In May 2020, then-nominee and now-ambassador to Jordan
Henry Wooster submitted written testimony to the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations in response to several questions I asked him about
the case of Ahlam Aref Ahmad Al-Tamimi. In 2017, the Department of
Justice unsealed a criminal complaint against, and an arrest warrant
for, al-Tamimi. She is charged with conspiring to use a weapon of mass
destruction against U.S. nationals outside the U.S., resulting in
death, for helping to mastermind an August 9, 2001 attack in Jerusalem.
The attack killed 15 people, including two U.S. nationals, Judith
Shoshana Greenbaum, a pregnant 31-year-old school teacher, and Malka
Chana Roth, who was 15 years old. Al-Tamimi is a Jordanian national who
is being harbored in Jordan, and whose address is known to the
Government of Jordan. The United States has asked the Jordanians to
extradite her. They have thus far refused.
In his written testimony, Ambassador Wooster committed to
leveraging American assistance to Jordan, including potentially
withholding aid, to secure al-Tamimi's extradition. I am now going to
ask you the same questions I asked him, and I very much hope your
answers will be the same.
Please describe the extent to which Jordan's refusal to extradite
Tamimi has affected U.S.-Jordanian relations? For reference, Ambassador
Wooster's answer to this question was ``We continue to ask that the
Government of Jordan arrest Ahlam Aref Ahmad Al-Tamimi and agree to
extradite her to the United States. The Government of Jordan has been
unwilling to accede to our request due to the Court of Cassation's
ruling that our bilateral extradition treaty is not valid. We continue
to dispute the court's claim, as we exchanged instruments of
ratification that brought the treaty into force on July 29, 1995 and
the treaty has not been terminated. We continue to raise this issue at
the highest levels in order to reach a satisfactory solution.''
Answer. The Administration continues to engage with the Government
of Jordan at the highest levels to press that Jordan arrest Ahlam Aref
Ahmad Al-Tamimi and agree to extradite her to the United States. Our
assessment of the U.S.-Jordan extradition treaty remains the same. We
continue to dispute the Court of Cassation's ruling that our bilateral
extradition treaty is not valid. We continue to raise this issue at the
highest levels in order to reach a satisfactory solution. In my current
position, I have raised this issue with senior Jordanian officials. If
confirmed, I commit to making this a priority and doing everything in
my power to ensure that Ahlam Aref Ahmad al-Tamimi faces justice in the
United States for her horrific crimes.
Question. In May 2020, then-nominee and now-ambassador to Jordan
Henry Wooster submitted written testimony to the Senate Committee on
Relations Committee in response to several questions I asked him about
the case of Ahlam Aref Ahmad Al-Tamimi. In 2017, the Department of
Justice unsealed a criminal complaint against, and an arrest warrant
for, al-Tamimi. She is charged with conspiring to use a weapon of mass
destruction against U.S. nationals outside the U.S., resulting in
death, for helping to mastermind an August 9, 2001 attack in Jerusalem.
The attack killed 15 people, including two U.S. nationals, Judith
Shoshana Greenbaum, a pregnant 31-year-old school teacher, and Malka
Chana Roth, who was 15 years old. Al-Tamimi is a Jordanian national who
is being harbored in Jordan, and whose address is known to the
Government of Jordan. The United States has asked the Jordanians to
extradite her. They have thus far refused.
In his written testimony, Ambassador Wooster committed to
leveraging American assistance to Jordan, including potentially
withholding aid, to secure al-Tamimi's extradition. I am now going to
ask you the same questions I asked him, and I very much hope your
answers will be the same.
What options and leverage does the United States have to secure
Tamimi, including potentially withholding assistance to the Government
of Jordan? For reference, Ambassador Wooster's answer to this question
was ``The United States has multiple options and different types of
leverage to secure Ahlam Aref Ahmad Al-Tamimi's extradition. We will
continue to engage Jordanian officials at all levels not only on this
issue, but also on the extradition treaty more broadly. U.S. generosity
to Jordan in Foreign Military Financing as well as economic support and
other assistance is carefully calibrated to protect and advance the
range of U.S. interests in Jordan and in the region.''
Answer. The Departments of State and Justice continue to pursue all
viable means to ensure Ahlam Aref Ahmad al-Tamimi faces justice in the
United States. As Ambassador Wooster noted, the United States has
multiple options and different types of leverage to secure Ahlam al-
Tamimi's extradition. If confirmed, I will continue to engage Jordanian
officials at all levels not only on this issue, but also on the
extradition treaty more broadly.
U.S. generosity to Jordan in Foreign Military Financing as well as
economic support and other assistance is carefully calibrated to
protect and advance the range of U.S. interests in Jordan and in the
region.
Question. In May 2020, then-nominee and now-ambassador to Jordan
Henry Wooster submitted written testimony to the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations in response to several questions I asked him about
the case of Ahlam Aref Ahmad Al-Tamimi. In 2017, the Department of
Justice unsealed a criminal complaint against, and an arrest warrant
for, al-Tamimi. She is charged with conspiring to use a weapon of mass
destruction against U.S. nationals outside the U.S., resulting in
death, for helping to mastermind an August 9, 2001 attack in Jerusalem.
The attack killed 15 people, including two U.S. nationals, Judith
Shoshana Greenbaum, a pregnant 31-year-old school teacher, and Malka
Chana Roth, who was 15 years old. Al-Tamimi is a Jordanian national who
is being harbored in Jordan, and whose address is known to the
Government of Jordan. The United States has asked the Jordanians to
extradite her. They have thus far refused.
In his written testimony, Ambassador Wooster committed to
leveraging American assistance to Jordan, including potentially
withholding aid, to secure al-Tamimi's extradition. I am now going to
ask you the same questions I asked him, and I very much hope your
answers will be the same.
Can you commit to using those options and leverage to secure
Tamimi's extradition? For reference, Ambassador Wooster's answer to
this question was ``If confirmed, I would explore all options to bring
Ahlam Aref Ahmad Al- Tamimi to justice, secure her extradition, and
address the broader issues associated with the extradition treaty.''
Answer. If confirmed, I would explore all options to bring Ahlam
Aref Ahmad al- Tamimi to justice, secure her extradition, and address
the broader issues associated with the extradition treaty.
Background
The Biden administration has sought to pressure the
Government of Egypt on issues ranging from energy to human
rights. The administration has withheld assistance from the
Government of Egypt, a policy that has been publicly justified
by reference to Egypt's imprisonment of among others Muslim
Brotherhood figures. Public reports suggest that Biden
administration officials have in particular pressured Egypt
regarding the case of Salah Soltan, a Muslim-Brotherhood linked
preacher imprisoned by the Egyptian government on terrorism
related charges. Soltan is a notorious hate preacher. He has
said: ``I travel all over the world, and I met supporters of
Al-Aqsa, of the prisoners, of Jerusalem, and of Palestine--
people who thirst for the blood of the Jews, and who are eager
for the promised war against the sons of Zion, until Palestine
is liberated in its entirety.'' He has also said ``I want our
brothers, and the whole world, to know what's going on these
days, during Passover. Read Dr. Naghuib Al-Kilani's book, Blood
for the Matzos of Zion. Every year, at this time, the Zionists
kidnap several non- Muslims [sic]--Christians and others... By
the way, this happened in a Jewish neighborhood in Damascus.
They killed the French doctor, Toma, who used to treat the Jews
and others for free, in order to spread Christianity. Even
though he was their friend and they benefited from him the
most, they took him on one of these holidays and slaughtered
him, along with the nurse.
Then they kneaded the matzos with the blood of Dr. Toma and
his nurse. the world must know these facts about the Zionist
entity and its terrible corrupt creed. The world should know
this.'' He has also said ``Any Zionist--tourist or other--who
enters Egypt must be killed. We will not kill tourists from any
[other] country. We stress that this fatwa is directed only
toward those Zionists, who destroyed our country, killed our
people, and shed our blood on our land.''
The Biden administration has also engaged Egypt regarding the
administration's efforts to deliver gas to Lebanon through a
route that includes Syria, in likely violation of American
sanctions, including the Caesar Act.
Question. Have you engaged the Egyptian Government on the case of
Salah Soltan in any way?
Answer. The Administration supports further strengthening the
United States' strategic partnership with Egypt while seeking tangible
improvements by the Government of Egypt on human rights. In that
context, the Department of State has raised Mr. Soltan's case with
Egyptian authorities. Other U.S. officials and I have encouraged the
Government of Egypt to ensure Mr. Soltan and all detainees have access
to appropriate medical care, the ability to meet with family members
and lawyers, and other rights guaranteed to them under Egyptian and
international law.
Question. Have you specifically conveyed requests to the Egyptian
Government to release Soltan?
Answer. In my discussions with the Government of Egypt about Mr.
Soltan, I have encouraged the Government of Egypt to ensure he has
access to appropriate medical care, and other rights guaranteed to him
under Egyptian and international law. I have also noted the bipartisan
interest from some members of Congress in seeing a resolution to Mr.
Soltan's case.
Question. Do you consider the Muslim Brotherhood to be a terrorist
group?
Answer. To so designate a group, the Department of State uses
credible, sourced evidence to demonstrate that the organization meets
the statutory criteria. At this time, the Administration has not
designated the Muslim Brotherhood as a foreign terrorist organization.
Question. Do you consider any of these statements by Mr. Soltan to
be antisemitic hate speech?
Answer. I strongly condemn antisemitism in all its forms and share
the deep concern about antisemitic rhetoric, including in Egypt. The
referenced statements attributed to Mr. Soltan denigrating and calling
for violence against Jewish people are reprehensible and are rightly
condemned as antisemitic.
Question. Do you consider any of these statements by Mr. Soltan to
advocate genocide against Jews?
Answer. The referenced statements attributed to Mr. Soltan
denigrating and calling for violence against Jews are reprehensible and
antisemitic.
Question. Do you consider Mr. Soltan to be a ``hate preacher?''
Answer. The referenced statements attributed to Mr. Soltan clearly
constitute hateful and reprehensible rhetoric.
Question. Have you engaged the Government of Egypt on issues
related to the delivery of gas to Lebanon through Syria? If so, please
describe those engagements.
Answer. Other U.S. officials and I have engaged the Government of
Egypt to discuss the acute energy crisis in Lebanon. These engagements
reflected that the proposal to deliver gas from Egypt to Lebanon, with
potential World Bank support pending Lebanon's progress on required
reforms, could potentially help Lebanon address its acute power crisis
in a sustainable and transparent manner. We have informed all parties
that Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control must review the final
contracts and financing terms in order to be able to conduct its final
sanctions assessment.A central element of all such engagements with the
Government of Egypt has been that U.S. sanctions targeting the Assad
regime remain in place, and are an important tool to press for
accountability for the Assad regime, to include on its atrocious record
of human rights abuses.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disarming Hizballah during your
tenure as Ambassador? A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. I have never served as Ambassador to Lebanon. U.S.
assistance strengthens the professional capacity of the Lebanese Armed
Forces (LAF) and reinforces its role as the sole legitimate defender of
Lebanese territorial integrity. Thanks to U.S. training and equipment,
the LAF continues to defend Lebanon from terrorist organizations and
other militant groups, thereby undercutting Hizballah's claim that the
Lebanese need Hizballah and its weapons to protect Lebanon from
external threats.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hizballah military
activities other than through disarming them during your tenure as
Ambassador, e.g. through roadblocks? A rough estimate or a range will
be sufficient.
Answer. I have never served as Ambassador to Lebanon. U.S. security
assistance strengthens the professional capacity of the Lebanese
security services, enabling them to defend Lebanon from terrorist
organizations and other militant groups, thereby undercutting
Hizballah's claim that the Lebanese need Hizballah and its weapons to
protect Lebanon from external threats. U.S. security assistance
includes training and equipment that has also improved the frequency
and sophistication of Lebanese anti-crime operations, including to
counter drug trafficking, which works against Hizballah's interests.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hizballah continues to influence or exert control over the Beirut-Rafic
Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the airport.
Answer. The Administration is clear-eyed about the threat that
Hizballah poses and remains concerned by reports that Hizballah
continues to exert influence over Lebanese ports of entry. We continue
to target Hizballah's financial and logistical capabilities through a
range of tools, including sanctions. U.S. foreign assistance to the
Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the Internal Security Forces (ISF)
enables them to maintain a robust security presence in the airport,
including elements which regularly benefit from U.S. training.
Question. Is it your assessment that the Beirut-Rafic Hariri
International Airport maintains effective antiterrorism efforts?
Answer. Lebanon has taken steps to improve antiterrorism controls
at Beirut International Airport. For example, Lebanon has made efforts
to implement U.N. Security Council Resolutions 2396 and 2309 by
collecting air travelers' biographic data and providing updates to the
INTERPOL watchlist. Lebanese security services routinely coordinate
with the United States to investigate individuals involved in terrorism
and share information about falsified travel documents. Regrettably,
government budget shortfalls have prevented significant progress on
biometric collection and storage capabilities.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hizballah continues to influence or exert control over the Port of
Beirut or facilities located within the port?
Answer. Hizballah's continued influence over the Port of Beirut
remains a concern, as it supports the terrorist group's illicit
activities and deprives the Lebanese government and people of much
needed customs revenue. We continue robust engagement with the
Government of Lebanon and likeminded partners on the need to strengthen
security at Lebanon's ports of entry. We continue to use sanctions to
target Hizballah's financial and logistics capabilities. For instance,
in 2019 the United States designated Hizballah security official Wafiq
Safa, who has exploited Lebanon's ports and border crossings to smuggle
contraband, facilitate Hizballah travel, and facilitate the passage of
illegal drugs and weapons into the Port of Beirut, routing certain
shipments to avoid scrutiny.
Question. Is it your assessment that the Port of Beirut maintains
effective antiterrorism measures?
Answer. The Port of Beirut was decimated by the explosion in August
2020, and due to budget shortfalls resulting from the economic crisis
the government has not been able to fully rebuild it. Some security
infrastructure at the container terminal remains dysfunctional. The
Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) has maintained perimeter security at the
port since the blast and plays an important role in deterring terrorist
activity in and around the facility.
Question. In your capacity as an NEA official, did you convey
concerns to the Lebanese Armed Forces or the Lebanese government that
their level of coordination or cooperation with Hizballah during their
2017 Arsal operations risked compromising American support, including
but not limited to security assistance?
Answer. During that timeframe in 2017, I was serving as Acting
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Egypt and North Africa, and thus did not
engage Lebanese officials on this as it was not in my purview.
Question. Did you clear policies providing livelihood support for
LAF and ISF members?
Answer. In my capacity as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Near Eastern Affairs (NEA), I maintained oversight of all offices in
the bureau responsible for U.S. foreign assistance in the region,
including the policies that drive them. NEA manages the livelihood
support program for the Lebanese Armed Forces, while the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement manages the livelihood
support program for the Internal Security Forces (ISF). Our teams
worked together, along with other bureaus and offices within the
Department, to design a program consistent with applicable U.S. laws.
The Government of Israel is aware of this program and, in general,
supports efforts to strengthen the role of Lebanon's legitimate
security services in shoring up domestic stability.
Question. What steps has the State Department taken to ensure that
livelihood support provided to LAF and ISF members are not spent in
businesses owned by Hizballah or individuals linked to Hizballah?
Answer. The Department undertakes rigorous measures to mitigate the
risk that U.S. assistance might benefit terrorist groups, including
thorough oversight, vetting, project monitoring, and other risk
mitigation practices carried out by the U.S. government and trusted
implementing partners. Historically, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)
and Internal Security Forces (ISF) have maintained exemplary compliance
with U.S. monitoring requirements. Through our engagement on the
livelihoods program, LAF and ISF senior officers committed to
safeguarding livelihood resources. To ensure accountability, in
addition to U.S. government personnel monitoring and extensive
reporting from the implementing partner, the Department mandated that
this program utilize a third-party monitor, which will visit LAF and
ISF units throughout the country to document where and how livelihood
recipients are spending their funds.
Question. Please describe what you understand to be the statutory
basis for providing livelihood support for LAF members.
Answer. The LAF livelihood support program was funded from
Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funds, which I understand are available
for peacekeeping operations and other programs carried out in
furtherance of the national security interests of the United States
consistent with the authority in the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
Question. Please describe what you understand to be the statutory
basis for providing livelihood support for ISF members.
Answer. The Internal Security Forces (ISF) livelihood support
program was funded from the International Narcotics Control and Law
Enforcement (INCLE) account, which I understand is appropriated to
carry out foreign assistance programming for counternarcotics and other
anti-crime purposes consistent with the authority in the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961.
Question. Please describe what you understand to by any precedents
for providing livelihood support for LAF members.
Answer. The United States has provided livelihood support to
foreign security partners in extraordinary circumstances, as has been
the case in Somalia using Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funds. The
Department works closely with all relevant interagency stakeholders to
ensure such programs include robust risk mitigation protocols and clear
exit plans.
Question. Please describe what you understand to by any precedents
for providing livelihood support for ISF members.
Answer. International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INCLE) funds
have been used to provide limited stipends for targeted, vetted groups
outside the region. The Department works closely with all relevant
stakeholders to ensure such programs include robust risk mitigation
protocols and clear exit plans.
Question. In January and March 2022, the ISF announced that it had
dismantled 17 different Israeli espionage networks that were operating
against Hizballah. Do you believe that these actions enhanced American
national security?
Answer. The Department is concerned by any Lebanese government
action that may benefit Hizballah, especially if it also affects
Israel's security.I understand that our diplomats in Beirut constantly
encourage our Lebanese security partners to focus on their core
mission, which is to meet the internal security needs of the Lebanese
people. Broadly speaking, I believe U.S. support for the Internal
Security Forces (ISF) enhances American national security.
Strengthening the Lebanese state, including its security forces,
weakens Hizballah's flawed argument that it is the sole defender of
Lebanon. Our support to the ISF continues to build the institution's
professionalism and capacity to counter internal threats that have the
potential to destabilize the country and the region.
Question. In April and May 2023, the LAF and ISF participated in
the deportation of Syrian refugees back into territory controlled by
the Assad regime. Do you believe that these actions enhance American
national security?
Answer. The Administration is concerned by these reports and
remains in contact with representatives of the U.N. High Commissioner
for Refugees and the Lebanese government. We have conveyed our concerns
to Lebanese authorities and continue to discuss the issue of Syrian
refugee protections with involved stakeholders. We consistently
reiterate that all refugees and displaced persons should be treated
humanely, and anyone detained should be afforded all applicable legal
protections.
Question. Did you clear the decision to rename NEA/IPA in April
2022? If not, do you agree with the decision? If you either cleared on
the decision or agree with it, please describe your rationale for doing
so.
Answer. I support the State Department's March 2022 decision to
update the name of the ``Office of Israel and Palestinian Affairs'' to
the ``Office of Israeli and Palestinian Affairs.''The updated name
ensures greater consistency in naming conventions for country desks
across the Department of State, using the adjectival form of the
country, region, or group, such as with the Office of North African
Affairs, Office of Iraqi Affairs, and Office of Iranian Affairs in NEA;
the Office of Northern European, Baltic, and Arctic Security Affairs in
EUR; the Office of Canadian Affairs in WHA; and the Office of East
African Affairs in AF, among others.
Question. Did you clear the decision to waive Congressional anti-
terrorism sanctions in order to facilitate the October 2022 visit to
Washington, D.C. by Secretary General of the Executive Committee of the
PLO Hussein AlSheikh? If not, do you agree with the decision? If you
either cleared on the decision or agree with it, please describe your
rationale for doing so.
Answer. The U.S. Government unequivocally rejects terrorism in all
its forms and has consistently condemned terrorist attacks and
incitement by Palestinian actors and groups. I supported the State
Department's decision to engage in the meetings that the Department and
other agencies held with the PLO delegation because they were aimed at
advancing U.S. interests, including our steadfast commitment to
Israel's security and to enhancing Israeli-Palestinian cooperation,
including security cooperation, and reinforcing commitments to non-
violence and countering terrorism. The State Department's approach to,
and decision to engage in, the meetings was consistent with advice
obtained from the Office of Legal Counsel of the Department of Justice,
which was subsequently published and shared with Congress. Per that
advice, no ``waiver'' under the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1987 was
required.
Question. Did you clear language accusing the Government of Israel
of changing the status quo on the Temple Mount in January 2023? If not,
do you agree with the decision to publicly accuse the Israelis? If you
either cleared on the decision or agree with it, please describe your
rationale for doing so.
Answer. While I am not familiar with the referenced language, the
United States has consistently called for all parties to uphold the
historic status quo on the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, and to refrain
from unilateral steps that exacerbate tensions. The United States also
continues to respect the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, which
recognizes the special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in
Muslim holy shrines in Jerusalem.
Question. Do you believe that publicly expressing concerns with the
Government of Israel's efforts to advance judicial reform is in the
national security interest of the United States? If yes, please
describe your rationale for believing so.
Answer. As the President has said, ``The genius of American
democracy and Israeli democracy is that they are both built on strong
institutions, on checks and balances, on an independent judiciary.
Building consensus for fundamental changes is really important to
ensure that the people buy into them so they can be sustained.'' The
strength of the U.S.-Israel partnership is rooted in shared interests
and democratic values, which have served to anchor bilateral
cooperation for 75 years. Accordingly, the Administration works with
Israel to advance both the interests and values central to the national
security interests of both our countries.
Question. Is it your understanding that it is still the policy of
the United States that ``In light of new realities on the ground,
including already existing major Israeli populations centers, it is
unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations
will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949, and
all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution have reached the
same conclusion. It is realistic to expect that any final status
agreement will only be achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes
that reflect these realities?''
Answer. Yes. President Biden has been clear that the vision of two
states along the 1967 lines with mutually agreed land swaps remains the
best way to achieve a peace agreement between Israel and the
Palestinians that protects Israel's long-term security and its status
as a Jewish and democratic state.
Illegal Leaks of Trump Official's Health Status
In October 2020, the Washington Post revealed that the
director of policy planning at the State Department, Peter
Berkowitz, had tested positive for COVID-19 after a trip he had
just taken to Britain, Hungary, and France. The Post cited
``four U.S. and foreign officials familiar with the
situation,'' including an official who ``said that Berkowitz's
mask-wearing and social distancing practices were lax during
the trip.'' As you know, the leak of a U.S. official's medical
status is illegal, and doing so to undermine allies' confidence
in the State Dept. harms American interests. Indeed, the Post
wrote ``[f]ollowing Berkowitz's visit to London, British
officials have started being more selective about approval of
American delegations. [and] postponed an upcoming trip by
Elliott Abrams, the U.S. special envoy for Iran and Venezuela,
officials said.'' You were the Deputy Chief of Mission at the
U.S. Embassy in London when that leak occurred.
Question. Do you believe that the leaks of Mr. Berkowitz's health
status to the Washington Post undermined confidence in the State
Department among our allies?
Answer. Due to privacy considerations, I cannot provide information
related to Mr. Berkowitz's health status at that time. In general, I
take protecting personally identifiable information (PII) and other
sensitive information as a core responsibility as a public servant and
if confirmed, I will work to ensure all Embassy Amman personnel will
strictly follow such rules and regulations.
I do not believe the referenced press article undermined confidence
in the State Department among our allies. The U.S. Embassy in London
acted in strict compliance with local regulations in place at the time,
which our UK partners appreciated. Subsequent critical visits to London
from Washington continued, without concerns raised by our UK partners.
Question. Were you involved in any internal investigations related
to the leak? If so, please describe your role and any determinations
from those investigations.
Answer. Once press inquiries about Mr. Berkowitz were made to the
State Department and the U.S. Embassies in London and Paris, the press
team at Embassy London immediately worked to determine how and from
where a leak could have emanated. The conclusion, conveyed to the
Ambassador and me, was that the leak did not emanate from Embassy
London.
Question. If there were no investigations inside the U.S. Embassy
in London related to the leaks, please describe your rationale for not
conducting such investigations.
Answer. Once press inquiries about Mr. Berkowitz were made to the
State Department and the U.S. Embassies in London and Paris, the press
team at Embassy London immediately worked to determine how and from
where a leak could have emanated. The conclusion, conveyed to the
Ambassador and me, was that the leak did not emanate from Embassy
London.
__________
follow-up questions
Background
Egypt
In previous QFRs, I asked if you had specifically conveyed
requests to the Egyptian Government to release Salah Soltan.
You did not answer that question, but instead said that you
``noted the bipartisan interest from some members of Congress
in seeing a resolution to Mr. Soltan's case.'' You also said
that you ``have encouraged the Government of Egypt to ensure
Mr. Soltan and all detainees have access to appropriate medical
care, the ability to meet with family members and lawyers, and
other rights guaranteed to them under Egyptian and
international law.''
I sent you a series of statements by Soltan calling for
genocide against Jews, and asked you if you considered them to
be anti-Semitic, including: ``I travel all over the world, and
I met supporters of Al-Aqsa, of the prisoners, of Jerusalem,
and of Palestine--people who thirst for the blood of the Jews,
and who are eager for the promised war against the sons of
Zion, until Palestine is liberated in its entirety,'' Every
year, at this time, the Zionists kidnap several non-Muslims
[sic]--Christians and others... They killed the French doctor,
Toma, who used to treat the Jews and others for free Even
though he was their friend and they benefited from him the
most, they took him on one of these holidays and slaughtered
him, along with the nurse. Then they kneaded the matzos with
the blood of Dr. Toma and his nurse,'' and ``Any Zionist--
tourist or other--who enters Egypt must be killed. We will not
kill tourists from any [other] country. We stress that this
fatwa is directed only toward those Zionists, who destroyed our
country, killed our people, and shed our blood on our land.''
You responded that you condemn antisemitism and that those
statements were ``attributed'' to him.
Question. Did you specifically convey requests to the
Egyptian Government to release Soltan?
Answer. No. I have noted to Egyptian Government officials the
interest of some members of Congress in a resolution to Mr.
Soltan's case. I have separately urged the Egyptian Government
to fulfill the legislative conditions on a portion of U.S.
assistance that Egypt make clear and consistent progress in
releasing political prisoners and in providing detainees with
due process of law.
Question. Did you specifically convey requests on behalf of
the Biden administration to the Egyptian Government to release
Soltan?
Answer. No. I have urged the Egyptian Government to ensure
that Mr. Soltan has access to appropriate medical care, and
other rights guaranteed to him under Egyptian and international
law. I have also noted the interest of some members of Congress
in a resolution to Mr. Soltan's case. I have not conveyed a
specific request on behalf of the Biden administration for Mr.
Soltan's release.
Question. If you did specifically convey requests to the
Egyptian Government to release Soltan, did you also encourage
Egypt to release all detainees, by name? If not, please
describe the policy rationale for prioritizing Soltan's
release?
Answer. I did not specifically convey requests to the
Egyptian Government for Mr. Soltan's release.
Question. Do you acknowledge that Soltan did indeed make
those statements?
Answer. Yes, I acknowledge that Mr. Soltan made those
statements.
I asked you whether you have ``engaged the Government of
Egypt on issues related to the delivery of gas to Lebanon
through Syria.'' You answered that you did, and described a
``proposal to deliver gas from Egypt to Lebanon,'' which I
understand would include transiting gas through Syria. You also
answered that ``[a] central element of all such engagements
with the Government of Egypt has been that U.S. sanctions
targeting the Assad regime remain in place.''
Question. Please describe why you believe that proposal would
not violate sanctions targeting the Assad regime, including
specifically the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act.
Answer. No final determination has yet been made about the
U.S. sanctions implications of that proposal. We received
provisional contracts for both the electricity and gas deals
last year. The final financing terms and contracts are still
being discussed by the parties and the World Bank. The
Departments of Treasury and State still need to review details
of the final financing terms and contracts to assess any
relevant sanctions concerns. Only at that time will we have the
information needed to make any final determinations. The
Department of State looks forward to continuing to consult with
Congress on this important issue.
In previous QFRs, I asked you a series of questions regarding
the degree to which U.S. assistance to Lebanon has been used
for disarming or disrupting Hezbollah's military activities.
You acknowledged that in your capacity as Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs (NEA) you
maintained oversight of all offices in the bureau responsible
for U.S. foreign assistance in the region. You did not answer
those questions, and instead wrote about undermining
Hezbollah's narrative. I also asked you whether in your
assessment the Beirut-Rafic Hariri International Airport and
Port of Beirut maintain effective antiterrorism efforts. You
did not answer those questions either.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used
for activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah
during your tenure at NEA in the Biden administration? A rough
estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. All U.S. Government efforts are ultimately aimed at
fostering a stable, sovereign Lebanese state free of
Hizballah's malign influence. U.S. security assistance is aimed
at increasing the Lebanese Armed Force's (LAF) professional
capacity as the legitimate defender of Lebanese territorial
integrity and as a strong state institution, which remains the
best way to erode Hizballah's malign influence. Ultimately the
LAF responds to the orders and guidance of the country's
civilian leadership, which continues to express concern that
attempts to disarm Hizballah by force could trigger civil war
and destabilize the region. The LAF has proven itself capable
of applying our assistance to face a broad range of evolving
threats. U.S. security assistance to Lebanon enables counter
terrorism operations against ISIS, and Al-Qaeda affiliates, in
addition to operations against captagon traffickers and arms
smuggling networks on the Syrian border, some of whom are
alleged to be affiliated with Hizballah.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used
for activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah
military activities other than through disarming them during
your tenure at NEA in the Biden administration, e.g. through
roadblocks? A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. All U.S. Government efforts are ultimately aimed at
fostering a stable, sovereign Lebanese state free of
Hizballah's malign influence. U.S. security assistance
strengthens the professional capacity of the Lebanese security
services, enabling them to defend Lebanon from terrorist
organizations and other militant groups, thereby undercutting
Hizballah's claim that the Lebanese need Hizballah and its
weapons to protect Lebanon from external threats. U.S. security
assistance includes training and equipment that has also
improved the frequency and sophistication of Lebanese anti-
crime operations, including against captagon traffickers and
smuggling networks on the Syrian border, which works against
Hizballah's interests.
Question. Is it your assessment that the Beirut-Rafic Hariri
International Airport maintains effective antiterrorism
efforts?
Answer. The Department of State shares your concerns about
Hizballah's influence at Beirut-Rafic Hariri International
Airport; moreover, widespread corruption in Lebanon also
undermines the integrity and effectiveness of anti-terrorism
efforts at the airport. The Department of State would welcome
the opportunity to offer a classified briefing to go into
further details on our assessment of anti-terrorism efforts at
the airport. The Department and the Embassy continue to engage
senior Lebanese officials on the need to strengthen
counterterrorism measures at the airport and other ports of
entry and have seen a commitment on behalf of the Government of
Lebanon to interdict high-risk individuals and cargo. U.S.
foreign assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the
Internal Security Forces (ISF) enables them to maintain a
robust security presence in the airport, including with
elements which regularly benefit from U.S. training.
Question. Is it your assessment that the Port of Beirut
maintains effective antiterrorism measures?
Answer. The Department of State shares your concerns about
Hizballah's influence at the Port of Beirut; moreover,
widespread corruption in Lebanon also undermines the integrity
and effectiveness of anti-terrorism efforts of partners like
the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), which maintains perimeter
security at the port and plays an important role in deterring
terrorist activity in and around the facility. As such, we are
not satisfied with anti-terrorism efforts at the Port of
Beirut. Due to the explosion in August 2020, some security
infrastructure at the container terminal remains dysfunctional
and the capacity of the port remains greatly diminished. As
Lebanon looks to rebuild the port, the Department continues to
engage senior Lebanese officials on the need to ensure security
measures, including anti-terrorism measures, are in line with
international best practices.
I asked you whether you cleared policies providing livelihood
support for LAF and ISF members. You did not answer that
question. You responded that ``the Government of Israel is
aware of this program and, in general, supports efforts to
strengthen the role of Lebanon's legitimate security services
in shoring up domestic stability.'' I also asked you what steps
the State Department has taken to ensure that livelihood
support provided to LAF and ISF members are not spent in
businesses owned by Hezbollah or individuals linked to
Hezbollah. You answered that the LAF and ISF maintain
compliance with U.S. monitoring requirements, which is
irrelevant to this question, and that ``the Department mandated
that this program utilize a third-party monitor, which will
visit LAF and ISF units throughout the country to document
where and how livelihood recipients are spending their funds.''
Question. Did you clear policies providing livelihood support
for LAF and ISF members?
Answer. Yes. In my capacity as Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs (NEA), I maintained
oversight of all offices in the bureau responsible for U.S.
foreign assistance in the region. This included participating
in the institutional clearance process that resulted in the
recommendation to provide livelihood support to the Lebanese
Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF). This
temporary and extraordinary program was approved to offset the
unprecedented financial and other strains on these two national
security forces due to Lebanon's ongoing economic crisis. The
LAF and ISF are the only remaining state institutions with
cross-confessional support capable of guaranteeing the
country's stability. The LAF and ISF have taken on new
challenges, especially in maintaining domestic social order
even as the collapse of Lebanon's currency has hollowed out
personnel salaries. Buttressing both institutions figures as
part of a larger Administration effort to bolster the Lebanese
state and avoid outright collapse, which could precipitate the
return of sectarian militias, prompt civil war, strengthen
Hizballah, and threaten Israel's security. This temporary
program supplements our larger efforts to press Lebanon's
political leadership to move on critical reforms and government
formation.
Question. Does the Government of Israel support this specific
policy, of providing livelihood support for LAF and ISF
members?
Answer. The Israeli Government has been briefed on this
program and has not objected. I understand that the Government
of Israel supports U.S. efforts to strengthen Lebanon's
legitimate military and security services, and the Lebanese
state itself as the country experiences a profound economic
crisis which could impact domestic stability.
Question. Please provide details of the arrangement the State
Department has with the third-party monitor, including who the
third-party monitor is, how often they will be visiting those
units, how many units they will be visiting, and so on.
Answer. The U.N. Development Programme (UNDP), as the primary
implementer for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal
Security Forces (ISF) livelihood support programs, issued a
subcontract to consulting firm BDO as the third-party monitor
for this program, according to a competitive process. Per the
monitoring plan, BDO will gather data from all ISF and LAF
barracks in Lebanon and provide reports on a monthly basis.
Each month, for the duration of the program, BDO will travel
to each base location, collect data from ISF or LAF members,
and cross-reference the recipients' information with the
approved list of eligible recipients. BDO plans to collect 100
percent of all data via in-person interviews rather than via
remote surveys.
Question. Please transmit any documents between the
Department and this third-party monitor detailing the
arrangement.
Answer. The Department of State entered into assistance
agreements with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
to implement the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal
Security Forces (ISF) livelihood support programs. UNDP
contracted with consulting firm BDO to conduct monitoring
surveys and data analysis. BDO designed its monitoring plan
according to requirements defined by both UNDP and the
Department of State and the Department has full access to the
results of BDO monitoring. The Department did not enter into an
agreement directly with BDO; they were subcontracted by UNDP as
the primary implementer.
I asked you for the statutory basis for providing livelihood
support for LAF members, and you responded that the program is
funded from Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funds. When the
livelihood support program initially became public, reports
indicated that the support from come from Foreign Military
Financing (FMF) funds.
Question. In your capacity as Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for NEA, were you aware of plans to use FMF for
livelihood support?
Answer. Yes, in my capacity as Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs (NEA), I was aware of the
Department's discussions about the use of FMF for livelihood
support to the LAF.
Question. In your understanding, why did the Department
choose to use PKO funds instead?
Answer. The Department determined that this program was an
appropriate use of PKO funding. In making this decision, the
Department considered feedback provided during the
Congressional consultation and notification process.
I asked you about operations by Lebanon's Internal Security
Forces (ISF) to dismantle Israeli assets in Lebanon that were
operating against Hezbollah. The U.S. funds the ISF, including
providing livelihood support for ISF members. You answered that
``Broadly speaking, I believe U.S. support for the Internal
Security Forces (ISF) enhances American national security.
Strengthening the Lebanese state, including its security
forces, weakens Hizballah's flawed argument that it is the sole
defender of Lebanon. Our support to the ISF continues to build
the institution's professionalism and capacity to counter
internal threats that have the potential to destabilize the
country and the region.'' I consider this answer to be deeply
troubling.
Question. Do you believe that it is in the U.S. national
security interest for the ISF to dismantle Israeli assets that
operate against Hezbollah, because it undermines Hezbollah's
narrative?
Answer. No. The Department of State does not assess that any
reported effort by the Internal Security Forces (ISF) to
dismantle such networks is in the U.S. national security
interest. This is why the Department continues to urge the ISF
to focus on its core mission--bolstering stability and meeting
the internal security needs of the Lebanese people. Our support
to the ISF continues to build the institution's professionalism
and capacity to counter internal threats that have the
potential to destabilize the country and the region.
Question. Your original answer cited a ``naming convention''
that doesn't exist. I'd like to give you another opportunity to
explain why you supported changing the name of NEA/IPA
Answer. The name change of NEA/IPA was an administrative
action, not a policy decision. The administrative change made
the name of NEA/IPA consistent in its use of the adjectival
form. The State Department's regional bureaus, including NEA,
routinely use the adjectival form of countries and sub-regions
in the name of offices. While I did not personally sign the
memo regarding the name change, I supported the decision on
this basis. The name change did not have any policy
implications on the state-to-state relationship with Israel,
nor was it intended to have such implications.
Question. Do you believe that the name change signals that
U.S. is leveling its relationship with Israel to the same level
as the U.S.-Palestinian relationship?
Answer. No. The U.S.-Israel relationship dates back 75 years
and is a strategic state-to-state partnership. The name change
did not have any impact on policy and did not in any way change
the way the U.S. views the special bond between the United
States and Israel.
Question. I was not asking about a waiver under the Anti-
Terrorism Act. The relevant waiver was issued pursuant to
section 604 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal
Year 2003, i.e. ``Denial of Visas to PLO and Palestinian
Authority Officials.'' Did you clear the decision to provide
that waiver and, if not, do you support providing it?
Answer. Yes, I participated in the institutional clearance
process that resulted in the recommendation to the Secretary of
State to find the PA/PLO non-compliant and to provide a waiver.
In regard to section 604 of the Foreign Relations Authorization
Act, Fiscal Year 2003, every Administration since its
enactment, upon finding the PLO or PA in non-compliance with
certain commitments, has taken the approach of imposing a
sanction and waiving it upon the basis of such a waiver being
in the national interest of the United States. Beginning in
2019, with the closure of the PLO Office in Washington, the
previous Administration determined it was appropriate to impose
the sanction of the denial of visas to PLO and PA officials,
and then waive it. I participated in the institutional
clearance process that resulted in the State Department
clearance of packages recommending decisions to impose and
waive the same visa sanctions in 2021 and 2022.
Question. Regarding the OLC advisory that you cited, did you
clear the decision to request it, and if not, do you support
that decision?
Answer. I fully support implementation of the Anti-Terrorism
Act of 1987. In this vein, I supported the Department seeking
advice from the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) at the Department
of Justice on compliance with the Anti-Terrorism Act.
Question. Do you agree with the decision not to have State
Department officials meet with Minister Smotrich when he was in
Washington, D.C.?
Answer. It is my understanding that Minister Smotrich did not
request to meet with any State Department officials during his
visit to Washington, D.C. As there were no requests, there was
not a decision made about any meetings with State Department
officials.
Question. If you do agree with that decision, please
distinguish between the sorts of engagement you support with
Secretary General Al-Sheikh about Israeli-Palestinian
cooperation from the sorts of engagement that would have
occurred with Minister Smotrich.
Answer. As noted in my previous response, there was no such
decision about meetings with Minister Smotrich and State
Department officials during his visit to Washington.
Question. Do you believe that Minister Ben-Gvir's visit was a
change in the Temple Mount status quo?
Answer. No. I do not think the visit represented a change in
the status quo. The United States expressed concern about the
visit's potential to exacerbate tensions.
Question. In previous QFRs, I asked you about an October 2020
leak to the Washington Post of the medical data of Peter
Berkowitz, who was then the director of policy planning at the
State Department. The leak was in the context of a trip
Berkowitz had just taken to Britain, Hungary, and France, and
the Washington Post story included specific and extensive
details related to U.S.-British diplomacy. You were the Deputy
Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in London when the leak
occurred. I specifically asked you about any internal
investigations related to the leak. You answered that there was
an investigation conducted by the press team, and the
conclusion--which was conveyed to the Ambassador and to you--
was that the leak did not emanate from Embassy London. Please
describe the press team's investigation.
Answer. I instructed the Embassy's press team to conduct a
thorough review of who could have been in touch with the
journalist from the Washington Post who reported the story. The
press team's leadership queried all members of their staff to
ensure none had violated Embassy policy on communicating with
members of the press. I also asked the press team's leadership
about any engagement with the Washington Post concerning the
story. I reaffirmed to all Embassy section heads strict
guidelines which prohibit any engagement with the media without
prior approval from the Embassy's Public Affairs section.
Question. What other communications did you have with the
press team about the leak? Did the press team interview you or
the Ambassador in the context of trying to figure out who
leaked, or just convey to you the results?
Answer. I communicated with the Embassy's press team that the
Ambassador and I were upset about the leak, and coordinated
with them on suggested press guidance to use in response to it,
that they were working with Washington on (the Department had
the lead in responding to incoming inquiries). The press team
did not interview the Ambassador or me, knowing both of us had
a strict policy of not speaking with journalists unless it was
coordinated through them.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Yael Lempert by Senator Bill Hagerty
The Kingdom of Jordan is one of the United States' most
important friends in the Middle East. Jordan was designated a
U.S. major non-NATO ally and the United States is Jordan's
single largest provider of bilateral assistance. In fiscal year
2023, over $1.6 billion was appropriated for bilateral
assistance to Jordan. As you noted in your testimony, the $400
million that the U.S. sends to Jordan in Foreign Military
Financing is premised on Jordan playing a stabilizing role in
the Middle East. However, recent statements made by King
Abdullah, the Jordanian Foreign Minister, and members of the
Jordanian parliament that incited violence against Israel are
deeply concerning. Just one day before armed extremists
recently barricaded themselves inside the Al Aqsa Mosque in
Jerusalem, reportedly with incendiary devices, King Abdallah of
Jordan declared it, and I quote, ``the duty of every Muslim to
deter Israeli escalations against holy sites in Jerusalem,'' an
implicit green light for potential violence.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to conveying to the
Government of Jordan, in the strongest possible terms, that incitement
to violence against Israel and Jews by Jordanian officials--at any
level of the Government--is wholly unacceptable and will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to make clear that
encouraging violence against Israel and Jews is wholly unacceptable. I
will also continue to work closely with both the Israeli and Jordanian
Governments to encourage them to deepen bilateral cooperation and
regional integration efforts.
Question. Did you find it alarming that a Jordanian Member of
Parliament reportedly sought to smuggle hundreds of guns and assault
rifles across the border, presumably to be used against Israelis?
Answer. I have seen media reports about the arrest of the Jordanian
Member of Parliament. I would defer to the Governments of Israel and
Jordan for further details on the specifics of the case. However, in
general, any action to encourage violence, or in contravention of the
law, should be condemned and that individual held accountable.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to making clear to the
Government of Jordan that members of Parliament who partake in
incitement to violence and who attempt to smuggle arms to extremists
must be held fully accountable?
Answer. Yes. In general, any action to encourage violence, or in
contravention of the law, should be condemned and that individual held
accountable.
follow-up questions
Leak of Information About State Department Official
In October 2020, the Washington Post reported that Peter
Berkowitz, at the time the State Department's Director of
Policy Planning, had tested positive for COVID-19 after work
travel to Britain, Hungary, and France. As you know, the leak
of a U.S. official's medical information is illegal. You were
serving as the Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in
London when that leak occurred, and thus were one of a small
circle of people who had access to the leaked medical
information.
Question. Do you have any information pertaining to who
leaked Mr. Berkowitz's medical information?
Answer. I do not have any information pertaining to who
leaked Mr. Berkowitz's medical information, which could have
emanated from the range of foreign interlocutors that he met
with, in addition to the U.S. embassies he visited or the
Department of State.
I take protecting personally identifiable information (PII)
and other sensitive information as a core responsibility as a
public servant and if confirmed, I will work to ensure all
Embassy Amman personnel will strictly follow such rules and
regulations.
Question. Did the U.S. embassy in London conduct an
investigation into the leak? If not, please describe your
rationale for not conducting such an investigation. If yes,
please describe the determinations of that investigation?
Answer. Once press inquiries about Mr. Berkowitz were made to
the State Department and the U.S. embassies in London and
Paris, the press team at Embassy London analyzed who may have
shared the medical information. The conclusion, conveyed to the
Ambassador and me, was that the information was not shared with
the press by any Embassy London employee.
Leaks of Information While Serving on the National Security Council
You served on the National Security Council (NSC) during the
Obama administration from 2014 until 2017. You subsequently
served on NSC during the Trump Administration for a period of
time in 2017.
Question. Did you sign and complete a Classified Information
Nondisclosure Agreement (SF-312) prior to serving on the NSC
during the Obama Administration and the Trump administration?
Answer. When I first started working at the State Department
in 1998, I signed a non-disclosure agreement for classified
information. I also completed all official forms I was
requested to before and during my tenure on the NSC, and
believe I signed the SF-312 form prior to starting my detail at
the NSC in 2014. As a career public servant, I take protecting
classified information as a core responsibility.
Question. While serving on the NSC during the Trump
Administration, did any news reports emerge on President
Trump's Middle East policies that contained unauthorized leaks
of sensitive or classified information?
Answer. Yes.
Question. During the Trump administration, did you ever participate
in unauthorized leaks of sensitive or classified information to news
reporters?
Answer. Absolutely not. I have never participated in an
unauthorized leak of any sensitive or classified information to news
reporters, neither during the Trump Administration nor at any other
time during my 25 years of government service.
Leaks of Information About a U.S. Department of State official (2nd
follow-up)
In October 2020, the Washington Post reported that Dr. Peter
Berkowitz--the Director of Secretary of State's Policy Planning
Staff (S/P) at the time--had tested positive for COVID-19 after
official State Department travel to Britain, Hungary, and
France. As you know, the leak of a U.S. Government official's
medical information is illegal. You were serving as the Deputy
Chief of Mission (DCM) at U.S. Embassy London when that leak
occurred and therefore were one of a small circle of people who
had access to the leaked medical information.
In testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, you
stated that you ``do not have any information pertaining to who
leaked Mr. Berkowitz's medical information''. Additionally, you
stated: ``the press team at Embassy London analyzed who may
have shared the medical information. The conclusion, conveyed
to the Ambassador and me, was that the information was not
shared with the press by any Embassy London employee.''
Question. Please provide step-by-step details about the
structure of and the steps taken in this investigation,
starting with who led the investigation and which personnel
carried it out?
Answer. I instructed the Embassy's press team to conduct a
thorough review of who could have been in touch with the
journalist from the Washington Post who reported the story. The
press team's leadership queried all members of their staff to
ensure none had violated Embassy policy on communicating with
members of the press. I also asked the press team's leadership
about any engagement with the Washington Post concerning the
story, and also discussed with other relevant section chiefs. I
reaffirmed to all Embassy section heads strict guidelines which
prohibit any engagement with the media without prior approval
from the Embassy's Public Affairs section.
Question. Were you personally involved in the internal
investigation related to the leak? If so, please describe your
role.
Answer. I instructed the Embassy's press team to conduct a
thorough review of who could have been in touch with the
journalist from the Washington Post who reported the story. I
also asked the press team's leadership about any engagement
with the Washington Post concerning the story, and also
discussed with other relevant section chiefs. I reaffirmed to
all Embassy section heads strict guidelines which prohibit any
engagement with the media without prior approval from the
Embassy's Public Affairs section.
Question. Who else participated in overseeing the
investigation?
Answer. The Minister-Counselor for Public Affairs and Press
Spokesman queried their team, and assessed that inappropriate
information, such as medical information, was not leaked by
Embassy London, and could have emanated from the wide range of
foreign interlocutors with whom Mr. Berkowitz met (who in
accordance with contact tracing protocols at the time, would
have been informed if they had been exposed to COVID), in
addition to other U.S. embassies he visited or the Department
of State.
Question. Did the press team at Embassy London interview you
on the possibility that you leaked this information? If not,
why not? If yes, was a simple denial sufficient?
Answer. The press team did not interview me, or the
Ambassador, knowing both of us had a strict policy of not
speaking with journalists unless it was coordinated through
them.
Question. Were simple denials sufficient for all those
questioned as part of the investigation?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Did the investigation of this leak include any
analysis of phone records, e-mail correspondence, or other
forms of electronic communication?
Answer. No.
Question. What specific role did you, in your capacity as
Deputy Chief of Mission at U.S. Embassy London, play in the
Embassy's preparation for Mr. Berkowitz's visit?
Answer. I reviewed the schedule that the Embassy team
prepared for Mr. Berkowitz, and consulted with the team about
what meetings to recommend for him with UK Government
officials. I also joined some of his meetings with UK
Government officials.
Question. Did you convey, in any way and at any time, any
hostility towards Mr. Berkowitz or disapproval of Mr.
Berkowitz's planned visit to U.S. Embassy London?
Answer. No, not that I recall.
Question. Did you convey, in any way and at any time, any
guidance or direction to those responsible for the
investigation that expressed hostility towards Mr. Berkowitz or
disapproval of Mr. Berkowitz's visit to U.S. Embassy London?
Answer. No, not that I recall.
Question. Will you provide us with the conclusions of U.S.
Embassy London's investigation into the leak of Mr. Berkowitz
medical status?
Answer. The conclusion of the Embassy press team's review was
that there was no reason to believe that inappropriate
information, such as medical information, was shared with the
press by an Embassy London employee. The information reported
in the article could have emanated from the range of foreign
interlocutors with whom Mr. Berkowitz met (who, in accordance
with contact tracing protocols at the time, would have been
informed if they had been exposed to COVID), in addition to the
other U.S. embassies he visited or the Department of State.
Question. While you were at U.S. Embassy London, did any
investigations into potential leaks of information about Trump
administration officials ever conclude the Embassy was
responsible for a leak?
Answer. In separate instances regarding potential disclosures
of unclassified information regarding the Ambassador, the
conclusion reached was that they likely emanated from personnel
who had departed Embassy London, or could possibly have
emanated from Embassy staff. The Ambassador and I underscored
to Embassy staff that any such actions were unacceptable. We
regularly reiterated the Embassy's policy which prohibits any
engagement with the media without prior approval from the
Embassy's Public Affairs section.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Arthur W. Brown by Senator Robert Menendez
Security
Ecuador is facing an increasingly dire security situation
amid rising levels of drug trafficking, violence, targeted
killings of government officials, and deadly prison riots. The
magnitude of these security challenges has forced President
Lasso to declare several state of emergencies and request
additional international assistance, a request he personally
made to our delegations both times. The United States should
always strive to stand with democratic leaders who share or
values and are seeking to improve the safety and security of
their people. Failing to stand with Ecuador in its hour of need
by bolstering security and law enforcement cooperation risks
jeopardizing our commitment to democratic partners, regional
security in the Americas, and ultimately U.S. national
interests.
Question. Is it your assessment that current U.S. security and law
enforcement assistance to Ecuador is sufficient to address Ecuador's
security challenges?
Answer. U.S. security and law enforcement assistance to Ecuador is
robust and effective. Drug seizures in Ecuador have reached historic
levels. The United States and Ecuador also signed several instruments
and established new programs to enhance counternarcotics and law
enforcement cooperation. The Department of Defense provides equipment
and training to the Ecuadorian military to increase patrols of the
rivers used by drug traffickers on the Colombian border. I look forward
to--if confirmed--continuing this collaboration while seeking more
opportunities to expand security cooperation.
Question. If confirmed, what measures will you take to help
Ecuador's government address these urgent security challenges?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead the already fantastic work of the
U.S. Mission in Ecuador equipping the police and justice sector
institutions with investigative training, technical advisors,
technology, software, vehicles, facilitating record drug seizures, as
well as strengthening the ability of authorities to prosecute criminal
activity. I will continue our active drug- demand reduction program,
training social and health officials, community activists, and business
leaders to join forces to push narcotrafficking out of neighborhoods. I
will continue support for Department of Defense and State Department
programs to boost Ecuadorian navy and air force capabilities to patrol
maritime and aerial borders.
Economy
Under the Lasso Government, Ecuador has demonstrated a strong
interest in bolstering economic ties with the United States. I
am proud that the Biden administration has taken some important
steps in this direction by updating our bilateral Trade and
Investment Council Agreements and including Ecuador within the
Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity. But, there is
more that we can do. That is why I wrote to U.S. Trade
Representative Tai and Secretary of State Blinken last year to
encourage them to take steps to set the stage for free trade
negotiations with Ecuador. And that is why Ranking Member Risch
and I introduced the Innovation and Development in Ecuador Act
to make Ecuador eligible for inclusion under the Caribbean
Basin Economic Recovery Act, which would reduce U.S. tariffs on
nearly 50 percent of Ecuadorian exports to our country.
Question. Mr. Brown, what are your thoughts on both opening free
trade negotiations with Ecuador and having Ecuador be included as a
beneficiary country within the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act?
Do you support these efforts?
Answer. I support efforts to strengthen our bilateral economic and
commercial ties. Still, the Biden-Harris Administration remains focused
on strengthening the domestic economy through investments in American
workers and competitiveness before signing new trade deals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Arthur W. Brown by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Would you agree that the absence of a trade agreement
with the United States puts Ecuador at an economic disadvantage
compared to Colombia and Peru?
Answer. U.S.-Colombia and U.S.-Peru Free Trade Agreements certainly
benefit both pairs of countries. The United States has a strong
economic partnership with Ecuador, as demonstrated by the passage of
the U.S.-Ecuador Partnership Act of 2022 as part of the NDAA and the
signing of an Open Skies Agreement in November 2022. If confirmed, I
will continue supporting our robust bilateral relationship to the
benefit of both our countries, including continued coordination in
implementing the Protocol on Trade Rules and Transparency that went
into effect in August 2021. The Biden-Harris administration remains
focused on strengthening the domestic economy through investments in
American workers and competitiveness before signing new trade deals.
Question. If confirmed, what measures or actions do you intend to
take improve the business environment for U.S. firms to compete
effectively in Peru?
Answer. To improve the business environment for U.S. firms in
Ecuador, if confirmed, I will maintain our focus on expanding bilateral
trade and investment and strengthening effective economic governance
and legal certainty in Ecuador. If confirmed, I will support continued
implementation of the Protocol on Trade Rules and Transparency that
went into effect in August 2021 while working to advance our robust
commercial relationship with Ecuador, boosting U.S. exports and
reducing trade barriers between the two countries.
Colombia's crop of illicit coca has reached historically high
levels. Meanwhile, the Petro Government has stopped voluntary,
forced, and aerial eradication, and it is seizing significantly
lower amounts of cocaine and heroin that the previous
government.
Question. What impact does this situation have on the security
environment in Ecuador?
Answer. The Colombian Government continues to forcibly eradicate
coca and seized approximately 210.9 metric tons of cocaine (184.6
metric tons of cocaine HCL and 26.3 metric tons of cocaine base)
between January and April 2023. Nonetheless, given Ecuador remains a
primary transit route for criminal organizations trafficking Colombian
cocaine to the United States and other overseas markets, the
anticipated increased coca cultivation and cocaine production in
Colombia are cause for concern. We expect to see continued increases in
violence and cocaine seizures as additional drugs transit Ecuadorian
territory; if confirmed I will continue to work closely with Ecuador's
security forces to prevent Ecuador being used as a transshipment point
for drugs bound for the United States and Europe, and also to stem the
record violence drug gangs are bringing to Ecuadorian streets.
Question. Please describe your understanding of the influence of
Mexican drug cartels in Ecuador.
Answer. Since 2017, Ecuador has faced intensifying violence and
citizen insecurity along the northern border with Colombia, and coastal
cities, including Guayaquil. Violence is in part driven by Mexican drug
trafficking groups exerting influence on local gangs, who provoked the
worst prison riots in Ecuador's history in 2021 and record homicide
rates last year.
Escalations in 2022 included targeted assassinations of police and
prosecutors, IED attacks, coordinated attacks by narcotrafficking gangs
against security forces, and a near doubling of the homicide rate.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to expedite security
cooperation projects to increase security at Ecuador's ports and
counternarcotic efforts in the Pacific?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue close cooperation with
Ecuadorian authorities, including Ecuador's Navy, Coast Guard, custom's
officials, and national police, to increase security at Ecuador's
ports, and combat narcotics trafficking along the Pacific.
Question. Is the Chinese fishing fleet off the coast of Galapagos a
source of concern regarding drug trafficking from South America?
Answer. The PRC fishing fleet off the coast of the Galapagos
remains a source of concern regarding potential illicit activity,
including illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, drug
trafficking, and other activities of concern.
We do not have concrete information about the scale of potential
drug trafficking via this fleet, as shipments are primary headed to the
Asia-Pacific region.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage Ecuadorian society
and authorities about establishing competitive and transparent
infrastructure project selection and public procurement processes that
promote transparency, open competition, financial sustainability, and
adherence to international global standards and norms?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging Ecuadorian partners
including civil society and authorities to establish competitive and
transparent infrastructure project selection and public procurement
processes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize engagements
with Ecuadorian society and authorities about establishing frameworks
or mechanisms to review and address the long-term financial
sustainability and national security implications of foreign
investments in strategic sectors or services in Peru?
Answer. If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Ecuador, I
commit to engaging with Ecuadorian society and authorities to address
long-term financial sustainability and national security implications
of foreign investments in Ecuador.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Ecuador operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. By the end of 2021, the Government of Ecuador had increased
prosecutions and convictions of traffickers, brought charges against
three individuals in a high-profile case involving forced labor
allegations, and continued to work with governments in the region to
combat trafficking in persons. Earlier this year, Ecuador's National
Assembly also passed an important law to better align the Government's
efforts to combat trafficking in persons and protect victims. Despite
ongoing progress, there remains work to be done. If confirmed, I will
encourage authorities to criminally prosecute and convict labor
traffickers and complicit officials, expand specialized services for
all victims, increase funding and support for civil society actors, and
combat domestic and transnational criminal groups involved in
trafficking in persons, as well as other crimes.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Freedom of religion or belief stands among the United
States' most important founding principles, and remains central to the
Biden-Harris Administration's commitment to upholding and advancing
human rights. If confirmed, I commit to continue U.S. Embassy Quito's
outstanding work promoting and bolstering Ecuador's societal respect
for religious diversity. If confirmed, I also will work closely with
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain
to build on existing efforts to promote religious freedom and combat
intolerance in all its forms in Ecuador and around the world.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging directly with
Ecuador's diverse civil society and religious and spiritual actors on
this matter, including with Ecuador's Indigenous communities.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Ecuador increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with religious and
spiritual actors, along with other civils society actors, to fully
understand the myriad ways others disrespect religious freedom. From a
place of understanding, I would collaborate with the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom to leverage the appropriate
tools to increase societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom, if confirmed.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct U.S. Embassy Quito to continue
meeting with civil society, faith-based organizations, labor unions,
and advocates of peace and human rights to incorporate their input
wherever possible. Such sessions remain of incredible value to us as
policymakers because they give us a broader and deeper view of the
issues. I will also work with others throughout the Department,
including the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, to ensure
support for civil society-led efforts to strengthen democratic
institutions and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Question. Would you agree that the absence of a trade agreement
with the United States puts Ecuador at an economic disadvantage
compared to Colombia and Peru? Please answer yes or no, and explain
why.
Answer. While a conclusive answer would require further comparative
economic analysis, given the market access between partner FTA
countries, I would answer yes with the information available to me.
With that said, I understand Ecuador and the United States have
expanded economic and commercial ties in the past few years. Both
countries signed the Protocol on Trade Rules and Transparency in
December 2020, facilitating trade across several sectors. In October
2022, USTR Tai and Ecuador's Production Minister Prado committed to
establishing a Fair-Trade Working Group and exploring potential
negotiations on labor, environment, and digital trade. Ecuador also
ranked as a top beneficiary of the Generalized System of Preferences
(GSP) prior to its December 2020 expiry.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Arthur W. Brown by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all
of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. The Chinese Communist Party has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad Under President Xi. If confirmed, I
commit to helping defend U.S. national security and advancing our
values and prosperity; defend international law, agreements,
principles, and institutions that maintain peace and security; protect
the rights of individuals and sovereign nations; and make it possible
for all countries to coexist and cooperate. I will continue our work
with Ecuador to strengthendemocracy and the rules-based international
order if confirmed.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. It may be possible for the PRC to make constructive
contributions toward solving challenges we and other countries face in
common, despite the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) remaining strategic competitors. Any PRC contributions must be
reviewed closely, however, to ensure they are neither launchpads for
narrow PRC economic interests nor platforms to create more permissive
conditions for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to supporting the United States'
efforts to manage competition with the PRC responsibly. This includes
maintaining openness to cooperation with Beijing where our interests
may overlap and where our cooperation can advance solutions to
transnational challenges. Such areas include possibly climate change,
counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation, food security,
and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I would maintain openness to U.S. involvement
in cooperative efforts that involve PRC entities, Ecuador, and third
countries or international organizations in areas where our collective
interests align in line with the Administration's approach on
competition and cooperation with the People's Republic of China. I
would carefully review and encourage third parties to scrutinize any
such arrangements to ensure they follow international norms, feature
transparency, and delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties
are working in good faith.
Under President Guillermo Lasso, Ecuador has sought a closer
relationship with the U.S. However, the U.S. has not been
responsive to Ecuador's request for a free trade agreement,
and, as I noted in a letter late last year, the Development
Finance Corporation (DFC) does not appear to be on track to
honor the Trump administration's commitment to provide $2.8
billion in investments for Ecuador. The United States is
Ecuador's largest trading partner, with petroleum as the top
export.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to promote U.S.-
led and international projects to develop energy resources and
infrastructure in Ecuador?
Answer. Ecuador is an important market for the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation (DFC), not just in the Western
Hemisphere but globally, and DFC is committed to continuing to work to
strengthen Ecuador's private sector and the country's economic
stability. In fact, DFC's largest exposure in the Western Hemisphere is
in Ecuador with $1.7 billion of loans and investments. DFC's
investments in Ecuador include support for the country's health sector,
small businesses, and major infrastructure, among others. If confirmed,
I will continue facilitating DFC's great work to promote infrastructure
and other sectors. I will also work with USTDA to help develop
infrastructure, including through their recent expansion of USTDA's
Global Procurement Initiative in Ecuador, if confirmed. Additionally, I
will work with the State Department's Bureau of Energy and Resources to
facilitate technical assistance for Ecuador's energy sector.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with President
Lasso's administration to continue to strengthen our relations and
cooperation on security and counter narcotics programs?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with President
Lasso's administration to bolster growing security cooperation and
deepen our bilateral relationship.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with the DFC to
provide the full $2.8 billion in investments to Ecuador, as promised by
the previous administration?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging the DFC to explore
options for providing investments in Ecuador.
Ecuador incurred significant debt to China under President
Correa's leftist policies. In January 2023, Ecuador and China
concluded technical talks surrounding a free trade agreement,
after receiving no positive indication from the United States
for a U.S.-Ecuador free trade agreement.
Question. If confirmed, how do you aim to compete with China's
increased leverage in Ecuador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize strengthening our bilateral
trade relationship through our bilateral Trade and Investment Council.
Additionally, I will serve as a champion for U.S. business in
Ecuador if confirmed. U.S. companies stand as partners of choice due to
their fair and transparent business practices, state of the art
technology, quality construction and engineering, and commitment to
corporate social responsibility.
Question. What tools will you use to ensure Ecuador does not move
closer to China and away from likeminded partners in the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to address the
PRC's inroads into the Western Hemisphere through extensive and
productive diplomatic, economic, and security dialogues with our
partners in the region. Mission Ecuador works with the Ecuadorian
government to create a business and investment climate that thrives on
transparency and competitiveness. This allows U.S. companies to compete
with PRC companies on a more level field, particularly for government
tenders and procurement contracts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Stephanie Syptak-Ramnath by Senator Robert Menendez
Mexico
Ms. Syptak-Ramnath, given your current post, I have one
question about Mexico. On December 12, 2022, the United States
and Mexico celebrated 200 years of diplomatic relations. While
Mexico remains one of the United States' most important
partners, many of President Lopez Obrador's actions have set
the clock back on both U.S.-Mexico relations and Mexican
democracy. As you know, I've expressed significant concern
about troubling backsliding on issues related to rule of law,
human rights, and democracy under President Lopez Obrador's
watch. These include President Lopez Obrador's politicization
of the Mexican judiciary, failure to protect journalists,
militarization of civilian institutions, and, most recently,
erosion of the country's independent electoral system. Frankly,
I have been disappointed by the lack of forceful, public rebuke
of these actions by senior leadership at our Embassy in Mexico
City.
Question. As you reflect on your time in Mexico City, do you
believe the United States has been publicly vocal enough on issues of
democratic backsliding under President Lopez Obrador?
Answer. I share your commitment to democratic principles, human
rights, and the rule of law in Mexico and around the world. The
Administration and the Mission Mexico team regularly raise these issues
with officials at the most senior levels of Mexico's Government and in
meetings with members across all of Mexico's political parties and
civil society organizations. Our security and economic frameworks
highlight rule of law, anti-corruption, and accountability as key
shared values.
We work across the U.S. Government to ensure strong public support
for Mexico's democratic institutions, including the judicial and
legislative branches. We partner with like-minded embassies to continue
to raise the issue of press freedom in public fora, including through a
joint Ambassadorial op-ed published this month on that topic. We remain
fully committed to ensuring the enduring strength of democracy and good
governance in Mexico and press these issues in public and private.
If confirmed as Ambassador to Peru, I will continue my life-long
work to advance our country's commitment to democracy and human rights.
Question. What remain your biggest concerns for Mexico and our
bilateral relationship moving forward?
Answer. My three tours in Mexico impressed upon me the critical
nature of the U.S.-Mexico relationship and its daily impact on millions
of U.S. citizens. My biggest concern is we find ways to maintain open,
honest, respectful, and productive relations with the Government of
Mexico--both federal and state--as well as with the Mexican public
across administrations. We must strike a balance in our bilateral
relationship that underscores our joint commitment to democratic
principles, while continuing to build upon existing cooperation on
shared priorities to stem irregular migration, strengthen security
cooperation, combat the production and trafficking of fentanyl and
other synthetic drugs, and fortify our economic ties.
Protests/Human Rights
Since President Castillo's unconstitutional attempt to
dissolve the Peruvian Congress in December, there have been
widespread, and oftentimes violent, anti-government protests
throughout Peru. These protests have resulted in the tragic
deaths of over 60 Peruvians, a significant number of which have
occurred at the hands of Peruvian security forces, who have
been credibly accused of excessive use of force and other human
rights violations. Let me be clear. Violence by both the
Government and protestors is unacceptable and will only result
in the further erosion of Peru's hard-fought democracy.
Peruvians must strive to express their political opinions
peacefully, and the Peruvian Government must simultaneously
ensure accountability for any human rights violations
committed.
Question. Ms. Syptak-Ramnath, if confirmed, do you commit to
publicly calling for accountability for human rights violations
committed by Peruvian authorities, including violations committed in
response to protests this year?
Answer. I share your concerns about the violence that marked the
protests and its deleterious effects on Peru's democracy.
Accountability is critical to ensure respect for human rights and to
strengthen public confidence. Since the protests began on December 7,
2022, the United States publicly supported the right for peaceful
demonstrations, respect for the rule-of-law, and the Peruvian
Government's stated commitment to investigate all protest-related
deaths. If confirmed, that message will be an inherent part of my
engagement with Peruvians and partners in the region.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure that human rights
issues remain a priority for the United States in Peru?
Answer. The promotion and protection of human rights are requisite
for any democratic society and foundational values to U.S. engagement
around the world. If confirmed, human rights will stand among my top
areas of focus with government interlocutors. I will make clear that
human rights form a critical component of USG assistance and
engagement, and that safeguarding them strengthens Peru and the entire
region. I will support the Government of Peru in its efforts to swiftly
investigate potential violations of human rights and to bring to
justice those responsible for any such violations, ensuring this USG
priority remains clear. Military and police training in Peru--
particularly in human rights--is critical, and I will make clear
fundamental freedoms remain foundational to our partnership and our
assistance.
Migration
Peru is the second-largest host country for Venezuelans, with
about 1.5 million migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees living
in the country as of late last year. Historically, the country
has taken important steps to welcome Venezuelan refugees and
migrants, including temporarily regularizing their status to
provide them with the rights to work and access essential
services. But as the current migration crisis in the Peru-Chile
border shows, communities hosting refugees and migrants
throughout the Americas, including those in Peru, are
struggling with rising levels of regional migration and require
additional support and assistance from the United States and
the international community, as I have called for in my
regional plan to manage migration and refugee challenges.
Question. In your view, what more can be done to strengthen
integration and inclusion programs for migrants and refugees in Peru?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy in Peru has done important work in
supporting the integration and inclusion of migrants in Peru, including
supporting the transfer of professional credentials that allow migrants
to more easily find employment and working closely with the Government
of Peru to ease economic burdens of migrant communities. If confirmed,
I will continue this positive engagement with the Government of Peru at
national and sub-national levels to identify gaps in existing programs
for integration and inclusion for migrants as well as migrant-hosting
communities. If confirmed, I will work across the interagency to direct
U.S. Government support, including technical assistance, to assist Peru
in targeting its highest priorities for these populations.
Peru endorsed the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and
Protection, a framework that includes initiatives to support
regularization and integration of migrants into their host communities.
Peru leads the working group on ``Combatting Xenophobia,'' bringing
together other endorsing countries to find collaborative and innovating
ways to fight discrimination and better integrate migrants into their
host communities. If confirmed, I will support the Peruvian
Government's efforts to turn its commitments under these lines of
effort into reality.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Stephanie Syptak-Ramnath by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Please provide an update on the negotiations with Peru on
a Non-Lethal Air Interdiction Agreement.
Answer. I understand that negotiations remain ongoing with Peru on
an agreement governing the use of U.S. assistance for non-lethal
interception of civil aircraft. Such an agreement would further U.S.
interests in ensuring our assistance is used effectively and consistent
with U.S. and international law, including with respect to the safety
of civil aircraft in service.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to expeditiously finalize and
robustly implement the Non-Lethal Air Interdiction Agreement with Peru?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to ensure the successful conclusion
of the negotiation of this agreement remains a priority.
Question. In your opinion, what areas of engagement by the People's
Republic of China in Peru raise greatest concerns for U.S. interests?
Answer. In my opinion, the People's Republic of China's growing
presence in Peru's critical infrastructure and critical mineral sectors
raise the greatest concerns for U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to engage with the
Peruvian people and authorities about concerns regarding malign Chinese
influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to raise concerns regarding
problematic People's Republic of China activities directly with the
Government of Peru. Our objective is not to stand against the Chinese
people, but to stand up for democracy, fair competition, the
environment, security, and human rights.
If confirmed, I will ensure all the Embassy's programs and people
serve as examples of the benefits of working with the United States,
and that we effectively tell our story to the Peruvian people.
Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to improve the business
environment for U.S. firms to compete effectively in Peru?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Government of Peru and its
financial institutions to ensure a level playing field for U.S
businesses. I will meet regularly with the U.S. private sector to both
understand their challenges and work together to identify
opportunities. My experiences in Mexico and Singapore have shown me
that U.S. businesses bring innovation, transparency, excellence, and
fair labor practices that can transform societies and the world. If
confirmed, I will continue my strong support for our U.S. private
sector partners and the values they represent.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage Peruvian society
and authorities about establishing competitive and transparent
infrastructure project selection and public procurement processes that
promote transparency, open competition, financial sustainability, and
adherence to international global standards and norms?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to promoting these practices
critical to building public trust and ensuring quality investment. Peru
aspires to attract quality investment, as evidenced by its interest in
accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
While Peru is not a member of the World Trade Organization's Agreement
on Government Procurement, promoting the practices you highlighted in
your question would advance both the interests of the United States and
Peru and deliver clear advantages for both of our citizenry.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize engagements
with Peruvian society and authorities about establishing frameworks or
mechanisms to review and address the long-term financial sustainability
and national security implications of foreign investments in strategic
sectors or services in Peru?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to undertaking this important work
and to enlisting the expertise of interagency partners in doing so.
Question. Peru is an important source for temporary guest-workers
working as sheepherders in my home state of Idaho and across the U.S.
If confirmed, do you commit to provide expeditious consular services to
qualified H-2A visa applicants that are vital to our domestic
agricultural industry, including sheepherders?
Answer. If confirmed, I will do so. Embassy Lima has a robust
outreach program to communities that provides approximately 1,200
workers annually on H2-A visas to staff open range sheepherding
operations in the Western United States. To meet this demand, the
consular section conducts outreach through in-person visits and media
in Peru and in 2022 introduced outreach materials in Indigenous
languages spoken in several of these communities. Embassy Lima's
Consular Section maintains regular communication with petitioning U.S.
ranches and reserves sufficient visa appointments to ensure that all
H2-A participants can quickly schedule visa interviews.
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report
Peru remained on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking but making
significant efforts to do so.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Peru operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. The United States and Peru share a commitment to combating
human trafficking in all its forms. If confirmed, I will engage the
Peruvian Government to achieve progress on the priorities set forth in
the recommendations in the TIP Report. Specifically, I will urge
progress in increasing Peruvian Government funding to implement the
National Policy Against Human Trafficking, including through allocating
dedicated anti-trafficking budgets for relevant institutions;
increasing Peruvian Government funding for victim protection, including
availability of services to meet the needs of adult victims, boys,
LGBTQI+ individuals, and labor trafficking victims; and strengthening
and institutionalizing training for criminal justice officials on
enforcing anti-trafficking laws, employing victim-centered, trauma-
informed procedures, and awarding compensation to victims.
The U.S.-Peru Child Protection Compact (CPC) to combat child
trafficking began in 2017 and now has been extended to 2024.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure that the progress
achieved during the CPC will be sustained past the closure of the
compact?
Answer. The U.S.-Peru CPC Partnership demonstrates our countries'
multi-year commitment to address the crime of child trafficking in
Peru. If confirmed, I will build upon the many accomplishments of the
CPC and work with the Peruvian Government to implement the commitments
they made under the Partnership over the last seven years. This
includes advocating for the application of national TIP legislation
when prosecuting traffickers; encouraging the expansion of
comprehensive, trauma-informed protective services to child victims to
areas outside the scope of the CPC Partnership, including increasing
the funding allocated for child TIP shelters; and promoting the
continued implementation of the National Policy Against Human
Trafficking, which the CPC was instrumental in helping develop, pass,
and implement across all relevant Peruvian ministries addressing this
crime
Question. What is your assessment of religious freedom in Peru and
if confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Freedom of religion or belief stands among the United
States' and Peru's most important founding principles, and remains
central to the Biden-Harris Administration's commitment to upholding
and advancing human rights.
Peru's constitution protects freedom of religion, and the
Government of Peru and civil society widely support religious freedom
in law and practice. Social cohesion across religious and spiritual
lines is strong, making religious actors relevant interlocutors on
human rights issues of concern.
For instance, the highly diverse Interreligious Council of Peru
played a mediation role in efforts to deescalate violence in 2022.
If confirmed, I pledge to continue the U.S. embassy's good work to
highlight the important role religious actors can serve in humanitarian
efforts and to promote religious tolerance. If confirmed, I also will
work closely with Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom Rashad Hussain to build on existing efforts to emphasize the
importance of equal treatment of all religious groups under the law in
Peru and around the world.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on promoting religious freedom?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging directly with
Peru's diverse civil society, including religious and spiritual actors,
representatives of Indigenous communities, and faith-based
organizations, on this matter.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Peru increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek consultations with
representatives of diverse faith and belief communities to better
understand concerns regarding their free exercise of freedom of
religion or belief. If confirmed, I will raise these concerns with
governmental officials and pursue solutions to strengthen and exchange
best practices on religious freedom at the bilateral level.
The State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report describes
significant human rights issues in Peru including unlawful or
arbitrary killings, restrictions on free expression and media
and violence and threats against journalists.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Freedom of expression and freedom of association are
fundamental freedoms and, I believe, the foundation of successful,
prosperous democracies. That message will be inherent in all our
engagement. If confirmed, I will prioritize hearing from civil society
organizations of all types to understand their various perspectives.
Once I hear their concerns, their needs, and their views, then I will
have a clearer picture of how to direct my team and how to best partner
with the diplomatic community and other international organizations.
Question. How will you approach addressing these serious human
rights issues with the Peruvian Government?
Answer. If confirmed, human rights will be among my top areas of
focus with government interlocutors. I will make clear that our
partnership, our good work on migration, economic endeavors, and law
enforcement all have protecting human rights as the common and primary
thread. I will remind them of the imperative for Peru to investigate
potential violations of human rights and bring to justice those
responsible for any such violations. Military and police training in
Peru--particularly in human rights--is critical, but, if confirmed, I
will make clear that our partnership and our assistance demand a clear
respect for human rights.
According to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal, there are four open allegations of sexual exploitation
and abuse by Peruvian personnel deployed to U.N. peacekeeping
missions, in cases from 2021 and 2023. The Peruvian Government
has pending action in all the cases.
Question. How will you engage with the Peruvian Government to
ensure that perpetrators of sexual exploitation and abuse from U.N.
peacekeeping missions are held accountable?
Answer. I understand there are currently three open allegations of
sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by Peruvian personnel in U.N.
peacekeeping missions since 2020-2023 pending the Peruvian Government's
final action, according to the Conduct in U.N. Field Missions online
portal. In one case, U.N. reimbursements to Peru have been suspended as
an interim action.
If confirmed, I will encourage the Peruvian Government to hold
perpetrators accountable for SEA if any of the cases are substantiated,
and to report the final results of those efforts to the U.N.
Additionally, I will encourage the Peruvian Government to conduct a
comprehensive review of SEA within their military and develop steps to
prevent SEA violations in the future.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Stephanie Syptak-Ramnath by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all
of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. The Chinese Communist Party has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad under President Xi. We will continue to
defend our U.S. national security interests and advance our core values
and prosperity; defend international law and institutions that maintain
peace and security; promote the rights of individuals and sovereign
nations; and work to enable all countries to coexist and cooperate.
If confirmed, I will continue our work with the Government of Peru
to strengthen our shared democratic values and the commitment to a
rules- based international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving shared challenges we and
other countries have in common.
Any PRC activities must be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are
neither springboards for narrow PRC economic interests nor platforms to
create more permissive conditions for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the
People's Republic of China where we differ, we must manage this
competition responsibly. This includes an openness to cooperation with
Beijing where our interests overlap and where our cooperation can
advance solutions to shared transnational challenges, to include
possibly climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-
proliferation, food security, and inclusive economic growth.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on strategic
competition and cooperation with the People's Republic of China (PRC),
if confirmed, I would maintain openness to U.S. involvement in
cooperative efforts that involve PRC entities, Peru, and third
countries or international organizations in areas that align with our
collective interests and are consistent with U.S. law. Importantly, I
would scrutinize--and encourage third parties to scrutinize--any such
arrangements to ensure they are in keeping with U.S. values, follow
international norms, feature transparency, and delineate steps to
verify regularly that all parties are working in good faith.
A critique of successive Peruvian governments and civil
society writ large has been widespread corruption and
inadequate public services. This has led to a dearth in public
trust in Peru's leadership and the resignation or impeachment
of four of the last six Presidents of Peru. In your previous
role at the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City, you worked through
many challenges, including narco-gang violence, weak government
institutions, and questionable rule of law practices.
Question. How do you assess the current government's stability and
overall level of corruption in Peru?
Answer. Allegations of corruption and nepotism among former
president Castillo's cabinet ministers and associates contributed to
Peru's ongoing political turmoil. Frequent turnover of key personnel
and a lack of political will to effect strategic and institutional
change within the Ministry of Interior and the Peruvian National Police
have previously made it difficult to implement lasting successes.
President Boluarte recently ordered the removal of the Commanding
General of the Peruvian National Police for allegations of bribery. We
support President Boluarte's efforts to uncover corruption and
acknowledge these types of activities as a sign the current
administration is performing the required functions of a government
committed to combatting corrupt practices. Transparency is key to
earning the trust of citizens in countries around the world. If
confirmed, I will support the Government of Peru, its citizens, and its
civil society in their efforts to increase public trust.
Question. If confirmed, which programs will you focus on to
increase the rule of law in Peru and counter corruption as U.S.
Ambassador?
Answer. Effective and efficient justice systems are crucial to
democracy, economic development, and limiting spaces where criminal
organizations can operate and thrive. They begin with professional
policing mechanisms and run through the courts where citizens look for
justice and accountability. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's
focus on the rule of law, access to justice for vulnerable populations,
and successful prosecutions of criminal actors in order to address
regional and global criminal and environmental threats. If confirmed, I
will work with my team to continue building the capacity of Peruvian
judges, prosecutors, police, and defense attorneys, and we will
strengthen internal integrity bodies and anticorruption measures in the
justice sector.
My experience in Mexico has taught me it is critical to work with
host governments to address the financial infrastructure of criminal
organizations, identify and confiscate assets derived from these
crimes, and successfully prosecute the people and organizations
responsible. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Peru
towards these ends.
The State Department has labeled their highest travel
advisory level of ``Do Not Travel'' to the Peruvian-Colombian
border due to drug trafficking and criminal activity.
Question. If confirmed, how will you increase the Peruvian ability
to counter illicit cross-border drug trade and capacity to fight crime
and secure their border?
Answer. We must focus on building sustainable programs that will
disrupt illicit drug trafficking, promote efficient and transparent
criminal justice system, and combat transnational criminal activity. If
confirmed, I will continue to partner with the Peruvian National Police
on national-level programs that demonstrate success in building the
capacity of their forces in the border regions. This includes expanding
support for interdiction operations, increasing training for Peruvian
customs (SUNAT) and anti-narcotics police officials (DIRANDRO), and
identifying additional areas where limited investments can have the
greatest impact in securing Peru's borders. If confirmed, I will
additionally examine ways that we can partner with U.S. Embassy Bogota
to engage on these issues trilaterally.
Question. How will you support deepening Peru's relations with the
United States?
Answer. The United States and Peru have a steadfast partnership
based on shared respect for democracy, human rights, rule-of-law,
security, and inclusive economic prosperity. If confirmed, I will work
with my Peruvian counterparts to advance our shared goals and
strengthen a bilateral relationship that has endured for close to 200
years. Critical to this relationship are the people-to-people programs
that foster understanding and broaden our deep ties. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department to strengthen programming across our
large network of binational centers, increase educational exchange, and
look for innovative ways to work with the Peruvian diaspora in the
United States to ensure our mutual success.
Question. If confirmed, will you publicly support the Peruvian
people's desires to maintain the democratic values enshrined in the
country's constitution?
Answer. The United States remains committed to helping Peru
strengthen its democratic institutions. The political turmoil that has
prevailed over the last two decades has raised concerns about the
erosion of Peruvians' confidence in their democracy and political
stability. If confirmed, I will continue to voice my support publicly
and privately to the Peruvian Government for our shared goal of
preserving Peru's democracy and political stability. The people of Peru
deserve stable democratic institutions that follow Peru's constitution,
adhere to the Inter-American Democratic Charter, and carry out the
mandates of democratic governance.
Last month, the current Ambassador to Peru celebrated the
Ocho Sur, an American mining company. This prompted protests by
an indigenous community that claims ancestral ties to the land
Ocho Sur bought from the Peruvian government.
Question. What is your assessment of this claim to land owned by
Ocho Sur?
Answer. My understanding is that Ocho Sur is a Peruvian palm oil
company in eastern Peru. It is backed by U.S. investment and the
current investors took ownership in 2016. As Ambassador Kenna publicly
highlighted, it has created a significant amount of formal employment
and economic development in that region. I also understand that Peru's
highest court (constitutional court) ruled in 2022 that the Indigenous
community's claims that their ancestral lands were taken was deemed of
no merit. During Ambassador Kenna's visit, she met with members of that
indigenous community who expressed support for Ocho Sur and their many
social responsibility programs. I understand, furthermore, the
community members have publicly decried actions by NGOs and other
activist groups who have purported to act on their behalf but without
community input or authorization.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that U.S.
investment in the region is not called into question by local
communities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will hold U.S. companies to the high
standards agreed upon through the United States-Peru Trade Promotion
Agreement (PTPA). If confirmed, I will regularly meet with U.S.
companies, individually and through local chambers, and encourage them
to respect local laws and interests, uphold labor, environmental, and
social safeguards, and foster inclusive growth in line with
international best practices. U.S. firms remain subject to the Foreign
Corrupt Practice Act, and foreign governments understand this. Wherever
they go, U.S. investors help create economic growth and prosperity and
increase the size and scope of the formal economy. If confirmed, I will
work with the U.S. private sector to build strong relations with local
communities as an important signal of the benefit of doing business
with the U.S.
Since 2010, the People's Republic of China and Peru have
maintained a free trade agreement and the PRC is now Peru's
main trading partner in copper, precious metals, mineral fuels,
and other commodity export fields. A Chinese company will soon
complete construction of a ``mega-port'' in Chancay that could
give the People's Liberation Army (PLA) a base to operate from
in Latin America, given Beijing's strategy of establishing
dual- use infrastructure throughout the developing world.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between Peru and China?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has an extensive
economic relationship with Peru. Driven by its growing demand for
mineral ore and fish products, the PRC is the top destination for
Peru's exports, with 28.29 percent export share (based on value)
compared to 16.10 percent for the United States between 2016-2020.
Building off their initial entry into Peru with large-scale
infrastructure and resource extraction projects, PRC engineering
companies have transitioned to secure smaller sub-national
infrastructure contracts, often with the support of PRC banks. While
PRC investment in mining has largely stalled, PRC companies continue to
pursue opportunities in energy and transportation. We are concerned
about the PRC's controlling interest and ownership of the megaport
under construction in Chancay and its potential national security
implications on Peru and the United States. If confirmed, I will
continue to monitor these developments and search for partners within
the United States and other western nations to offer alternatives to
the PRC as well as to engage in dialogue with the Peruvian people and
government on the long-term costs of doing business with the PRC.
Question. Is there a role for the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation in facilitating U.S. investment in Peru?
Answer. Yes, the DFC's role in providing loans and loan guarantees,
equity investments, and political-risk insurance for development
projects could help Peru address their infrastructure gap, while
simultaneously providing an alternative to PRC investment. If
confirmed, I will work closely with the Department, the DFC, and other
potential economic partners to facilitate U.S. investment in Peru.
Question. Do you agree that the DFC should be given more discretion
to support investment in ``high income'' countries, like Peru, in order
to provide a U.S.-alternative to Chinese investment bids?
Answer. DFC has a range of important tools under the BUILD Act to
support private sector-led development and advance our foreign policy
goals, including in countries like Peru and in Latin America more
broadly. The Secretary of State, who chairs the DFC Board, provides a
certification to Congress that investments DFC undertakes in upper
middle-income countries, such as Peru, are in the national interest. A
range of projects are covered under an existing, categorical
certification for upper middle-income countries. The requirement for
the Department's certification of the national interest in upper
middle-income countries supports DFC's dual development and strategic
priority mandate.
Currently, the Chinese Communist Party requires Chinese
companies to ensure that ports overseas should be built so they
can accommodate PLA navy ships. These guidelines stem from the
PRC's 2017 National Defense Transportation Law.
Question. Are you concerned that this law could apply to the
Chancay port?
Answer. Yes, we have concerns about People's Republic of China's
controlling interest and ownership of the megaport under construction
in Chancay and its potential national security implications on Peru and
the United States. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues at
the Department and across the U.S. government to monitor developments
on this project and to respond appropriately.
Question. How will you communicate the risks to the Peruvian
Government of doing business with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to raise concerns regarding
problematic People's Republic of China (PRC) activities directly with
the Government of Peru and the short, medium, and long-term costs of
doing business with the PRC that we have seen around the world. Our
objective is not to stand against the Chinese people, but to stand up
for democracy, fair competition, the environment, security, and human
rights. We share these values with our Peruvian partners.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Peruvian
Government to work with U.S. business to counter Chinese presence in
the country?
Answer. U.S. companies promote unparalleled transparency, cutting
edge technology, quality engineering, and a commitment to social and
environmental responsibility. If confirmed, I commit to encouraging the
Peruvian government to work with U.S. business to counter the predatory
PRC economic practices we have seen around the world.
Question. Before the war in Ukraine, Peru imported significant
amounts of fertilizer from Russia for food production and disruptions
to this supply chain have caused food prices to sharply rise both in
Peru and the region. If confirmed, which programs will you focus on to
increase food security in Peru and promote self-reliance and resilience
in the food sector as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. USAID manages several ongoing programs to address food
security concerns in Peru, including initiatives to help smallholder
cacao and coffee farmers increase productivity and incomes, adapt to
climate change, and reduce their dependence on imported synthetic
fertilizer. USAID also partnered with the World Food Program to
directly support 792 community kitchens with equipment, food, technical
assistance, and transportation support, reaching an estimated 116,000
people since July 2021. In addition, USAID finances Save the Children
and World Vision emergency food assistance programs in Peru that combat
hunger among vulnerable populations, including migrants and refugees.
USAID has committed $42.6 million in FY 2022 to address food insecurity
throughout Peru. If confirmed, I will continue this important focus of
our USAID programming.
Question. How do you characterize the relationship between Peru and
Russia? Are there existing elements of concern to our national
security?
Answer. After initial reluctance to denounce Russia for its
invasion of Ukraine, Peru has subsequently consistently voted to
condemn Russia's invasion in multilateral fora. Peru has been most
affected by rising fertilizer prices as a result of the Kremlin's
unprovoked war. Peru also operates military equipment of Russian or
Soviet origin but is interested in transitioning to other platforms. If
confirmed, I will work with interagency partners and U.S. private
sector to identify opportunities to diminish Peru's dependence on
Russian military equipment and other key commodities as well as to
monitor any Russian activity that could threaten U.S. national
security.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, MAY 16, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:06 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
Murphy presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy [presiding], Kaine, Booker, Van
Hollen, Ricketts, and Young.
Also Present: Representative Slotkin.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. Good afternoon. It is my pleasure to
convene the committee today for an important nominations
hearing. You are all before us to represent the United States
in key posts overseas in the Middle East and sub-Saharan
Africa.
We want to collectively thank you for your willingness to
serve the American people and this administration. We are going
to make brief opening remarks and then we will turn it over to
our nominees for your remarks and then we will engage in a
series of dialogues.
Ms. Escrogima, the United States has a distinctive
partnership with Oman as a country that plays a really
important role in mediating different disputes and conflicts in
the Gulf, especially when it comes to Iran and Yemen.
I was there a few years ago pushing the Omanis to take a
more active role in midwifing peace negotiations in Yemen and
today it is more important than ever before for our Ambassador
to Oman to support that back channel role.
Ambassador Johnson, you are headed to Lebanon where the
economic and political crises continue to deteriorate. As I
told you privately, our Lebanon policy has helped prevent
collapse but we have to admit it has not been successful in
prompting the political elites to make the compromises
necessary to rescue the economy. Your job will be to help us
think out of the box as to how we allow Lebanon to make a major
leap forward.
Mr. Massinga, the brutal conflict in Ethiopia's northern
Tigray region was the world's deadliest conflict in 2022. All
sides committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.
While many Ethiopians and the international community
welcomed a preliminary peace deal signed by the federal
government and the Tigrayan authorities in November,
significant challenges in the peace process lie ahead and other
simmering conflicts remain unaddressed.
Mr. Hunt, there were mass protests in Sierra Leone last
summer and the skyrocketing costs of living continue to drive
unrest there. At least 20 civilians and six police officers
died in those clashes with the economic situation still dire
and political tensions running high ahead of elections next
month. Working with our partners and allies to help prevent
more violence there will be critical.
And, finally, Ambassador Popp, you are nominated to lead
our post in Uganda. A lot to talk about with respect to Uganda
but their parliament just passed one of the most extreme anti-
LGBT laws in the world that puts LGBT individuals in Uganda in
great danger and may embolden other countries in the region to
crack down on those rights as well. The world is watching. We
look forward to talking to you about that important topic.
I am looking forward to discussing how all of you are going
to represent the administration and advance our U.S. interests
and safeguard U.S. personnel abroad.
We thank you all for being here today for the sacrifice you
are making on behalf of the country.
And with that I will turn it over to the ranking member,
Senator Young.
STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank our
five nominees today for their distinguished careers in public
service to the United States both at home and abroad.
The positions for which you have been nominated represent
the front lines of American diplomacy in increasingly
challenging times. I look forward to all our nominees today
explaining their vision and plans for advancing American
leadership and interest at their respective posts.
In Oman, our engagement with this strategic partner must
continue to further U.S. interests and finding a sustainable
peace in Yemen, reasserting clear control of vital sea lanes,
and not permitting Iran the space to undermine security and
stability in the region.
In Beirut our goals are increasingly undermined by
prolonged political stasis supercharged by Hezbollah and public
corruption and economic collapse. Nor can we forget the massive
arsenal of increasingly sophisticated munitions Hezbollah has
trained on Israel.
In Ethiopia our ambassador will immediately be responsible
for reasserting American leadership and pursuing accountability
in a country recently torn apart by horrific conflict, a
conflict fueled in part by regional actors.
Our ambassador in Kampala will be tasked with moving our
bilateral relationship beyond one of humanitarian and security
aid and towards a U.S. position that actually pushes back
attempts by strategic competitors to swallow that country
whole.
And our ambassador to Sierra Leone will represent the U.S.
in a country with immense potential but a need for sustained
political and economic growth and stability.
So all of you have your work cut out for you and each of
you will have a different perspective on what American
leadership and engagement means for each of the posts you have
been nominated for.
I look forward to our discussion today and thank you again
for your willingness to continue serving the United States.
Senator Murphy. Let me provide brief introductions and then
I will ask you to all make opening statements in the order of
introduction. I ask you to keep your opening comments to five
minutes or less. Your full statement will be made part of the
record.
Ms. Ana Escrogima currently serves as the general counsel
at the U.S. Consulate General in Montreal. She has previously
served our country in a variety of posts, mostly in the Middle
East, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Algeria, Iraq, and Syria.
Ambassador Lisa Johnson is the principal deputy assistant
secretary in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs. She has previously served as an ambassador
to Namibia from 2018 to 2022, coming before the committee for a
second time.
Mr. Ervin Massinga is the principal deputy assistant
secretary in the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs.
He previously served as a United States Trade Representative
trade policy officer. His postings overseas have included
Sudan, Guinea, Chile, and the Dominican Republic.
Mr. Bryan Hunt serves currently as the senior policy
adviser to the United States Transportation Command at the
Scott Air Force Base in Illinois. His career in the State
Department has a long list of overseas posts including
Mozambique, Ghana, Papua New Guinea, Pakistan, Guinea Bissau,
and Botswana.
And finally, Ambassador William Popp currently serves as
our ambassador to Guatemala, again a second time before this
committee, previously serving in Brazil, Kenya, Colombia,
Angola, and Nicaragua.
Welcome to you all. I look forward to your testimony and to
engaging with you over the course of this hearing. I will turn
it over to you.
STATEMENT OF ANA A. ESCROGIMA, OF NEW YORK, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAOR-
DINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE SULTANATE OF OMAN
Ms. Escrogima. Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Young, and
distinguished members of the committee, it is my honor to
appear before you as President Biden's nominee to represent the
United States as Ambassador to the Sultanate of Oman. I am
grateful for the trust that the President and Secretary Blinken
have placed in me.
I want to take a moment to acknowledge my father, Pedro
Escrogima, and my mother, Ana Fernandez, immigrants from the
Dominican Republic and retired career public servants from the
great city of New York. My siblings and my brother-in-law, who
are here today, and myself, we all admire their example of
courage of conviction and dedication to family.
I want to thank my husband Houssam, my partner on this
exciting journey, which became more exciting with the arrival
of our one-year-old son, Pedro. I understand that our little
guy is watching on screen along with Grandma and Grandpa,
although he may not exactly realize what is happening.
Senators, I have spent most of my career in the Foreign
Service in the Middle East protecting the interests and
security of the American people. If confirmed, I will draw on
this experience to advance U.S. values and national security
interests in Oman. I will work every day to ensure the safety
and wellbeing of our Mission Oman team and the American
citizens working, traveling, and studying in Oman.
The warm and enduring U.S. relationship with the Sultanate
of Oman dates to the earliest days of our republic. We
established commercial relations 190 years ago in our first
trade agreement with an Arab state.
Today, the U.S.-Oman free trade agreement supports American
jobs and drives bilateral trade, which reached a record high of
$4.2 billion in 2022, a 30 percent increase from the prior
year.
This February Oman hosted the inaugural U.S.-Oman Strategic
Dialogue where we pledged to build our economic relationship
for the future.
We have a strategic opportunity to support Oman's economic
diversification toward renewable energy, manufacturing, and
logistics sectors.
We signed a $500 million dollar EXIM MOU that will support
American companies seeking to be a part of that transition. If
confirmed, I will work with our Omani partners to grow trade
and commercial ties and build opportunities for our countries
to innovate, contribute to global energy security, and create
further prosperity.
Now, the bright and prosperous future we seek in the region
is only safeguarded if we can address the security challenges
that affect Oman and its neighbors.
The Gulf is vital to key U.S. national security priorities
and the Sultanate of Oman has consistently been a valued
partner in advancing those priorities.
Together, we have worked to disrupt Iranian weapons
smuggling and pursue peace in Yemen, which has seen the longest
period of calm since the war began. We partner with Oman to
address security challenges in the Strait of Hormuz through
which 88 percent of the region's oil transits.
Since 1996 Oman has hosted the Middle East Desalination
Research Center, the longest functioning regional integration
mechanism that includes Israel.
If confirmed, I intend to build on these solid foundations
to explore further avenues for deepening regional integration,
prosperity, and security.
I will focus on countering Iran's destabilizing actions and
on advancing concrete strategic alternatives to the PRC's
aggressive practices in the region.
I will encourage Oman to build on its announcement
permitting Israeli civilian over flight through its airspace by
taking additional steps including consideration of full
normalization with Israel.
We are in an exciting moment in the U.S.-Oman people-to-
people relationship. We recently announced the resumption of
the Fulbright Program for Omanis and a new partnership between
Oman and the Arizona National Guard.
If confirmed, I would support exchanges that advance shared
priorities and bring together students and experts to take our
relationship forward into the future.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Escrogima follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ana A. Escrogima
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Young, and distinguished Members of
the committee: It is my honor to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to represent the United States as Ambassador to the Sultanate
of Oman. I am grateful for the trust that the President and Secretary
Blinken have placed in me.
I am joined on this special occasion by my father, Pedro Escrogima,
and my mother, Ana Fernandez, immigrants from the Dominican Republic
and retired career public servants. My siblings and I admire their
example of service and dedication to family. I want to thank my husband
Houssam Eddine Beggas, my partner on this exciting journey, which
became even more exciting with the arrival of our year-old son Pedro. I
understand our little guy is watching on screen, although he may not
exactly realize what is happening.
Senators, I have spent most of my Foreign Service career protecting
the interests and security of the American people in the Middle East.
If confirmed, I would draw on this experience to advance U.S. values
and national security interests in Oman. I will work every day to
ensure the safety and well-being of our Mission Oman team, and the
American citizens working and traveling in Oman.
The warm and enduring U.S. relationship with the Sultanate of Oman
dates to the earliest days of our republic. We established commercial
relations 190 years ago, in our first trade agreement with an Arab
state. Today, the U.S.-Oman Free Trade Agreement supports American jobs
and drives bilateral trade, which reached a record high of $4.2 billion
in 2022, a 30 percent increase from the prior year. This February, Oman
hosted the inaugural U.S.-Oman Strategic Dialogue, where we pledged to
build our economic relationship for the future. We have a strategic
opportunity to support Oman's economic diversification toward the
renewable energy, manufacturing, and logistics sectors. We signed a
$500 million EXIM MOU that will support American companies seeking to
be a part of that transition. If confirmed, I will work with our Omani
partners to grow trade and commercial ties, and build opportunities for
our countries to innovate, contribute to global energy security, and
create further prosperity.
The bright and prosperous future we seek in the region is only
safeguarded if we can address the security challenges that affect Oman
and its neighbors. The safety and wellbeing of Americans in Oman will
be my top priority. The Gulf is vital to key U.S. national security
priorities in the region, and the Sultanate of Oman has consistently
been a valued partner in advancing those priorities. Together, we have
worked to prevent smuggling across Oman's borders and to pursue a
resolution to the conflict in Yemen and move the peace process forward.
We partner with Oman to address security challenges in the Strait of
Hormuz, through which 88 percent of the region's oil transits. Oman has
since 1996 hosted the Middle East Desalinization Research Center, the
longest functioning regional integration mechanism that includes
Israel.
If confirmed, I intend to build on these solid foundations to
explore further avenues for deepening regional integration, prosperity,
and security. I will focus on countering Iran's destabilizing actions,
and on advancing concrete, strategic alternatives to the People's
Republic of China's aggressive practices in the region. I will
encourage Oman to build on its announcement permitting Israeli civilian
overflights through its airspace by taking additional steps, including
consideration of full normalization with Israel.
We are also in an exciting moment in the U.S.-Oman people-to-people
relationship. We recently announced the resumption of the Fulbright
program for Omanis and a new partnership between Oman and the Arizona
National Guard. If confirmed, I would support exchanges that advance
shared priorities and bring together students and experts to take our
relationship forward into the future.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
STATEMENT OF LISA A. JOHNSON, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MIN-
ISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE LEBANESE REPUBLIC
Ms. Johnson. Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Young,
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve
as U.S. Ambassador to the Lebanese Republic.
I would like to express my gratitude to the President and
Secretary of State for the confidence they have shown in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working very closely with this
committee and with Congress more broadly to advance our
nation's interests in Lebanon.
Please permit me to acknowledge my parents and my brother
without whose steadfast support I would not be here today. I am
deeply grateful for their encouragement as well as that of
mentors, colleagues, and dear friends during my more than 32
years serving the American people at home and abroad.
If confirmed, I would be honored to return to Lebanon where
I had the privilege of serving from 2002 to 2004. During that
time, I gained a deep admiration for the vibrancy of the
Lebanese people and a sobering appreciation for the challenges
they face, including endemic corruption, poor governance, and
Hezbollah's continued threat to their country's sovereignty and
security.
Unfortunately, Lebanon today stands on the brink of
collapse, battling what the World Bank has described as one of
the world's three worst economic crises of the past 150 years.
In this, the Lebanese people bear the costs of their
leaders' inaction. Lebanon's leaders have failed to implement
critical economic reforms required for an IMF program, the
country's only realistic path to recovery.
They also have yet to elect a president and form a
government, depriving the Lebanese people of leadership when
they need it most. The way forward is clear. Lebanon must elect
a president, form an empowered government, and implement long
overdue reforms.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing U.S. efforts to
support the Lebanese government and Lebanese people every step
of the way.
I am grateful for the strong bipartisan congressional
support for the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security
Forces as trusted partners in maintaining Lebanon's stability
and security.
Since 2006, we have provided more than $3 billion in
security assistance, enabling these forces to strengthen
Lebanon's sovereignty, mitigate instability, disrupt
terrorists, and counter Hezbollah's false narrative that its
illicit weapons are necessary to defend Lebanon.
We also remain committed to UNIFIL's mission and to the
safety of U.N. peacekeepers who continue to play a critical
role in defusing tensions in Lebanon. I am heartened, too, by
the substantial U.S. development assistance we provide to the
Lebanese people. For example, last year we provided over $100
million U.S.dollars to support the Lebanese private sector,
enhance service delivery, and improve access to education.
Importantly, we also provided over $400 million for
critical humanitarian assistance for the most vulnerable,
including both Syrian refugees and vulnerable Lebanese.
The way ahead for Lebanon will not be easy. I am all too
aware there are entities that stand in the way of progress in
pursuit of self-interest. As demonstrated by our recent
sanctions designations, the United States remains committed to
fighting corruption in Lebanon, which I will continue to
prioritize, if confirmed.
I also am clear eyed about the threat Hezbollah poses to
Lebanon's sovereignty and stability as well as to the United
States, to Israel, and to the wider region.
Recent U.S. sanctions against financiers, drug traffickers,
and a sanctions evasion network all demonstrate the United
States is committed to targeting those with Hezbollah ties. If
confirmed, I will continue to pursue all tools to advance U.S.
counterterrorism objectives.
There is, however, cause for optimism. Lebanon's recent
conclusion of a historic maritime boundary agreement with
Israel, brokered by the United States, demonstrates what the
country's leaders can achieve if they set aside partisan and
personal interests and put those of the country and Lebanese
people first.
If confirmed, I look forward to invoking that same sense of
unity and purpose to press Lebanon's leaders along the path to
both political and economic recovery.
Finally, as a former Ambassador, I know well that advancing
U.S. interests is a team effort. If confirmed, I would be
honored to lead Embassy Beirut's talented, dedicated, diverse
team of American and Lebanese staff whose safety and security
along with that of the more than 40,000 U.S. citizens residing
in Lebanon will always be my top priority.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Johnson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Lisa A. Johnson
Mr. Chairman, ranking member, distinguished Members of the
Committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Lebanese Republic. I
would like to express my gratitude to the President and Secretary of
State for the confidence they have shown in me. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with this committee, and Congress more
broadly to advance our nation's interests in Lebanon.
Please permit me to acknowledge my parents and brother, without
whose steadfast support I would not be here today. I am deeply grateful
for their encouragement, as well as that of mentors, colleagues, and
dear friends during my more than 32 years serving the American people
at home and abroad.
If confirmed, I would be honored to return to Lebanon, where I had
the privilege of serving from 2002 to 2004. During that time, I gained
a deep admiration for the vibrancy of the Lebanese people and a
sobering appreciation of the challenges they face, including endemic
corruption, poor governance, and Hezbollah's threat to their country's
sovereignty and security.
Unfortunately, Lebanon today stands on the brink of collapse,
battling what the World Bank has described as one of the world's three
worst economic crises in the past 150 years. In this, the Lebanese
people bear the costs of their leaders' inaction. Lebanon's leaders
have failed to implement critical economic reforms required for an IMF
program, the country's only realistic path to recovery. They also have
yet to elect a president and form a government, depriving the Lebanese
people of leadership when they need it most.
The way forward is clear: Lebanon must elect a president, form an
empowered government, and implement long overdue reforms. If confirmed,
I look forward to continuing U.S. efforts to support the Lebanese
Government and people every step of the way.
I am deeply grateful for bipartisan congressional support for the
Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces as trusted partners
in maintaining Lebanon's stability and security. Since 2006, we have
provided more than $3 billion in assistance, enabling these forces to
strengthen Lebanon's sovereignty, mitigate instability, disrupt
terrorists, and counter Hezbollah's false narrative that its illicit
weapons and fighters are necessary to defend Lebanon. At the same time,
we remain committed to UNIFIL's mission and the safety of U.N.
peacekeepers, who play a critical role in diffusing tensions in
southern Lebanon.
I am heartened, too, by the substantial development assistance the
United States provides to the Lebanese people. Last year, we provided
over $100 million to support the private sector, enhance service
delivery, and improve access to education. We also provided over $400
million in humanitarian assistance for the most vulnerable, including
Syrian refugees and vulnerable Lebanese.
The way ahead for Lebanon will not be easy. I am all too aware
there are entities that stand in the way of progress in pursuit of
self-interest. As demonstrated by our recent sanctions designations,
the United States remains committed to fighting corruption in Lebanon,
which I will continue to prioritize, if confirmed. I also am clear-eyed
about the threat Hezbollah poses to Lebanon's sovereignty and
stability, as well as to the United States, Israel, and the region.
Recent U.S. sanctions against financiers, drug traffickers, and a
sanctions evasion network demonstrate the United States is committed to
targeting those with Hezbollah ties. If confirmed, I will continue to
pursue all tools to advance U.S. counterterrorism objectives.
There is reason for optimism. Lebanon's conclusion of a historic
maritime boundary agreement with Israel--brokered by the United
States--demonstrates what the county's leaders can achieve if they set
aside partisan and personal interests and put those of the country and
people first. If confirmed, I look forward to invoking that same sense
of unity and purpose to press Lebanon's leaders along the path to
political and economic recovery.
As a former Ambassador, I know well that advancing U.S. interests
is a team effort. If confirmed, I would be honored to lead Embassy
Beirut's dedicated, talented, diverse team of American and Lebanese
staff, whose safety and security--along with that of the more than
40,000 U.S. citizens residing in Lebanon--will always be my top
priority.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much. Just before you begin,
let me welcome Representative Slotkin to the committee today, I
believe here in support of her friend, Ms. Escrogima. Thank you
very much for being here.
STATEMENT OF ERVIN JOSE MASSINGA, OF WASHINGTON, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERAL DEMO-
CRATIC REPUBLIC OF ETHIOPIA
Mr. Massinga. Senator Murphy, Senator Young, and
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to speak with you and to answer your questions on
my nomination to be the United States Ambassador to the Federal
Republic of Ethiopia.
I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for this
tremendous opportunity to serve my country, and my wife,
Lauryne, for helping to make all of this possible in countless
ways.
My story is like all Americans with my family having many
different origins, from my mother's roots in Louisiana where
her parents and grandparents worked tirelessly to establish an
educational foundation for later generations despite the
enormous challenges of that era, to my father's parents and
grandparents who struggled with the Portuguese colonial regime
in what is now Mozambique.
I am deeply humbled today to appear before the United
States Senate as an ambassadorial nominee. My parents
themselves provided clear guidance and instilled bedrock values
that I have aspired to emulate from discipline, integrity, and
treating with people with kindness and respect.
Public service has always been a hallmark of my family,
from my mother's national level leadership in the social
services arena to her father's service in World War II in a
refinery and her mother's service as a school principal.
If confirmed by this body I pledge I will do my utmost to
live up to those values and models in leading this important
diplomatic mission.
My career includes challenging tours in China, Latin
America, and leadership roles in Guinea, Sudan, and Washington,
all of which have reinforced my core belief that there is no
higher calling than to serve my fellow Americans and to also
mentor the next generation of Foreign Service professionals.
Mr. Chair, the United States seeks a trusted partner in
Ethiopia, a country significant not only for its strategic
location and growing population but for its economic potential
as well as its prominent role in history and the global
community.
The last two years have tested our bilateral relationship.
The conflict that began in late 2020 wrought horrific
violations and abuses upon the citizens of Ethiopia.
In response, as required by U.S. law, the United States
placed restrictions on our foreign assistance and suspended
Ethiopia's trade benefits under the AGOA--Africa Growth and
Opportunities Act.
But our diplomatic engagement never faltered, and to the
credit of Ethiopian federal government and the Tigrayan
regional authorities they left the door open to our efforts to
seek a peace agreement in concert with our partners, notably
the African Union, Kenya, and South Africa.
The November 2022 cessation of hostilities agreement
silenced the guns and I am deeply proud of the role the
Department of State played in facilitating that outcome.
We continue to focus on supporting the implementation of
that agreement, be it through human rights monitors,
humanitarian assistance, or transitional justice.
But more must be done to ensure peace in Ethiopia is
durable. I believe we must be ready to support Ethiopia in all
ways that further our own policy objectives.
Chief among those objectives is security and stability in
the Horn of Africa. Historically, Ethiopia has been an exporter
of stability, for example, being one of the largest global
contributors to U.N. peacekeeping operations.
But instability within Ethiopia, notably Oromia, threatens
to destabilize the region. We welcome the recent announcement
of government talks with the OLA and we stand ready to
facilitate those discussions if asked.
Ethnic tensions persist and youth unemployment is high, now
exacerbated by the need to demobilize thousands of soldiers
following the cessation of hostilities in the north.
Investment in the country's democratic and economic reforms
will address the root causes of conflict, including economic
and social fragility. At the same time we need to ensure there
is accountability for the atrocities committed during the
conflict. That is key to ensuring true reconciliation and
durable peace.
To that end, we should support Ethiopia's nascent
transitional justice efforts. Transitional justice is a key
part of any country's path from war to peace and Ethiopia will
be in urgent need of international support and technical
expertise as it seeks to heal, pursuing the key transition
justice elements of truth telling, accountability, reparations,
and guarantees of nonrecurrence.
We should support these efforts not just out of a
commitment to peace and human rights but also because a durable
peace in Ethiopia will promote security throughout the Horn of
Africa, making Americans at home and abroad safer.
Finally, we should be clear eyed about our primary mission
in any overseas embassy, to protect and serve U.S. citizens. In
that context, I echo the thanks extended to the government of
Ethiopia for enabling the evacuations out of Sudan.
I am proud to make it my mission to ensure U.S. citizens in
Ethiopia can expect the highest level of attention and service
that they deserve.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Massinga follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ervin J. Massinga
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young, and Distinguished Members of
the committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak with you and to
answer your questions on my nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador to the
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.
I thank President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken for this
tremendous opportunity to serve my country, and my wife Lauryne for
helping to make all of this possible in countless ways.
My story is like all Americans, with my family having many
different origins. From my mother's roots in Louisiana, where her
parents and grandparents worked tirelessly to establish an educational
foundation for later generations despite the enormous challenges of the
era, to my father's parents and grandparents, who struggled with the
Portuguese colonial regime in what is now Mozambique, I am deeply
humbled today to appear before the United States Senate as an
ambassadorial nominee. My parents themselves provided clear guidance
and instilled bedrock values that I have aspired to emulate, from
discipline, integrity, treating people with kindness and respect.
Public service has always been a hallmark in my family, from my
mother's national level leadership in the social services arena, to her
father's service in a World War 2 refinery and her mother's service as
a school principal. If confirmed by this body, I pledge I will do my
utmost to live up to these values and models in leading this important
diplomatic mission.
My career includes challenging tours in China, Latin America, and
leadership roles in Guinea, Sudan and Washington, all of which have
reinforced my core belief that there is no higher calling than to serve
my fellow Americans and mentor the next generation of foreign policy
practitioners.
Mr. Chair, the United States seeks a trusted partner in Ethiopia--a
country significant not only for its strategic location and growing
population, but for its economic potential as well as its prominent
role in the history and the global community.
The last two years have tested our bilateral relationship. The
conflict that began in late 2020 wrought horrific violations and abuses
upon the citizens of Ethiopia. In response, as required by U.S. law,
the United States placed restrictions on our foreign assistance and
suspended Ethiopia's trade benefits from the Africa Growth and
Opportunity Act. But our diplomatic engagement never faltered, and to
the credit of the Ethiopian federal government and Tigrayan regional
authorities, they left the door open to our efforts to seek a peace
agreement in concert with our partners--notably the African Union,
Kenya, and South Africa.
The November 2022 cessation of hostilities agreement silenced the
guns, and I am deeply proud of the role the State Department played in
facilitating that outcome. We continue to focus on supporting the
implementation of the agreement--be it through human rights monitors,
humanitarian assistance, or transitional justice. But more must be done
to ensure peace in Ethiopia is durable. I believe we must be ready to
support Ethiopia in all ways that further our own policy objectives.
Chief among these objectives is security and stability in the Horn
of Africa. Historically, Ethiopia has been an exporter of stability,
for example by being one of the largest global contributors to UN
peacekeeping operations. But instability within Ethiopia, notably in
Oromia, threatens to destabilize the region; we welcome the recent
announcement of government talks with the OLA and we stand ready to
facilitate these discussions if asked. Ethnic tensions persist and
youth unemployment is high--now exacerbated by the need to demobilize
thousands of soldiers following the cessation of hostilities in the
north. Investment in the country's democratic and economic reforms will
address the root causes of conflict, including economic and social
fragility.
At the same time, we need to ensure there is accountability for the
atrocities committed during the conflict. That's key to ensuring true
reconciliation and durable peace. To that end, we should support
Ethiopia's nascent transitional justice efforts. Transitional justice
is a key part of any country's path from war to peace, and Ethiopia
will be in urgent need of international support and technical expertise
as it seeks to heal, pursuing the key transitional justice elements of
truth-telling, accountability, reparations, and guarantees of non-
recurrence. We should support these efforts not just out of a
commitment to peace and human rights, but also because a durable peace
in Ethiopia will promote security throughout the Horn of Africa, making
Americans at home and abroad safer.
Finally, we should be clear-eyed about our primary mission in any
overseas embassy--to protect and serve U.S. citizens. In that context,
I echo the thanks extended to the Government of Ethiopia for enabling
the evacuations out of Sudan. I am proud to make it my mission to
ensure U.S. citizens in Ethiopia can expect the high level of attention
and service that they deserve.
STATEMENT OF BRYAN DAVID HUNT, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MIN-
ISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SIERRA LEONE
Mr. Hunt. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young, and Members
of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to appear
before you as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Sierra Leone.
I would like to thank the President and Secretary Blinken
for the trust they have placed in me with this nomination. If
confirmed, I will work closely with this committee to advance
our nation's partnership with Sierra Leone.
For more than two decades it has been my honor to serve as
a member of the United States Foreign Service, oftentimes in
dangerous and austere locations. I could not have done so
without the love and support of my family and friends, many of
whom are here today.
If confirmed, I look forward with their help to once again
strive to advance U.S. interests in Africa, a region of the
world on which I have focused much of my career and one which I
believe has the potential in the coming decade to play an even
greater role on the world stage provided the democratic
aspirations of its young and vibrant population are met.
The Republic of Sierra Leone has demonstrated that
democratic progress is possible. Since the end of the country's
devastating decade-long civil war in 2002 and with sustained
support from international friends, including the United
States, the people of Sierra Leone have rebuilt, maintained
peace, and most importantly, hewed to a democratic path through
four rounds of national elections that were broadly judged to
be free and fair.
Next month Sierra Leoneans will once again head to the
polls and much more important than the political outcome will
be the manner and environment in which this latest electoral
contest is conducted.
A free and fair election that is competitive, inclusive,
and held peacefully is essential both for the prosperous future
that the people of Sierra Leone desire and for an expanded
U.S.-Sierra Leonean partnership.
If confirmed I will ensure that support for democracy and
good governance remains at the forefront of the embassy's work
with the goal of helping Sierra Leoneans institutionalize their
democracy and ensure it delivers.
Despite progress, Sierra Leone ranks 181st out of 189
countries on the U.N.'s Human Development Index. The 2014 to
2016 Ebola epidemic and the COVID-19 pandemic have stressed a
health system already struggling with high rates of maternal
mortality, child malnutrition, neglected tropical diseases, and
malaria.
Sierra Leone made effective use of U.S. health security
investments to fully vaccinate 70 percent of its eligible
target population against COVID-19.
Its government should, however, continue to allocate
resources to the health sector not only to protect its own
citizens but also to sustainably safeguard the region and the
broader international community from future disease outbreaks.
If confirmed, I will work with Sierra Leonean leaders to
ensure that public health remains a top national priority and
that U.S. funding is used effectively to complement Sierra
Leone's own efforts.
Sierra Leone has made progress in establishing a market-
based economy and has taken steps to protect workers' rights.
U.S. investment in and trade with Sierra Leone has the
potential to advance prosperity both for Americans and Sierra
Leoneans.
If confirmed I will work closely with the U.S. business
community to advocate for reforms that enhance Sierra Leone's
ability to attract high-quality foreign investment, including
through regional market integration, while simultaneously using
trade development tools to help ensure U.S. businesses remain
competitive in the Sierra Leonean marketplace.
I hold paramount the safety and security of the hundreds of
U.S. citizens resident in Sierra Leone and the entire U.S.
Embassy team, including U.S. citizen employees, their families,
and our Sierra Leonean colleagues. If confirmed, I would do
everything within my power to ensure their security and
wellbeing.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I
am committed to working with you all to advance American
interests overseas. Thank you for the opportunity to appear
before you and I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hunt follows:]
Prepared Statement of Bryan David Hunt
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young, and members of the Committee,
thank you for this opportunity to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Sierra Leone. I would like to thank the President and Secretary Blinken
for the trust they have placed in me. If confirmed, I will work closely
with you to advance our nation's partnership with Sierra Leone.
For more than two decades, it has been my honor to serve as a
member of the U.S. Foreign Service--oftentimes in dangerous and austere
locations. I could not have done so without the love and support of my
family and friends, many of whom are here today. If confirmed, I look
forward, with their help, to once again strive to advance U.S.
interests in Africa--a region of the world on which I have focused much
of my career and one which I believe has the potential in the coming
decade to play an even greater role on the world stage--provided the
democratic aspirations of its young and vibrant population are met.
The Republic of Sierra Leone has demonstrated that democratic
progress is possible. Since the end of the country's devastating decade
long civil war in 2002 and with sustained support from international
friends, including the United States, the people of Sierra Leone have
rebuilt, maintained peace, and most importantly hewed to a democratic
path through four rounds of national elections that were broadly judged
to be free and fair. Next month, Sierra Leoneans will once again head
to the polls and much more important than the political outcome will be
the manner and environment in which this latest electoral contest is
conducted. A free and fair election that is competitive, inclusive, and
held peacefully is essential both for the prosperous future that the
people of Sierra Leone desire and for an expanded U.S.-Sierra Leonean
partnership. If confirmed, I will ensure that support for democracy and
good governance remains at the forefront of the embassy's work with the
goal of helping Sierra Leoneans institutionalize their democracy and
ensure it delivers.
Despite progress, Sierra Leone ranks 181st out of 189 countries on
the U.N.'s Human Development Index. The 2014-2016 Ebola epidemic and
the COVID-19 pandemic have stressed a health system already struggling
with high rates of maternal mortality, child malnutrition, neglected
tropical diseases, and malaria. Sierra Leone made effective use of U.S.
health security investments to fully vaccinate 70 percent of its
eligible target population against COVID-19. Its government should,
however, continue to allocate resources to the health sector not only
to protect its own citizens but also to sustainably safeguard the
region and the broader international community from future disease
outbreaks. If confirmed, I will work with Sierra Leonean leaders to
ensure that public health remains a top national priority and that U.S.
funding is used effectively to complement Sierra Leone's own efforts.
Sierra Leone has made progress in establishing a market-based
economy and has taken steps to protect workers' rights. U.S. investment
in and trade with Sierra Leone has the potential to advance prosperity
both for Americans and Sierra Leoneans. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the U.S. business community to advocate for reforms that
enhance Sierra Leone's ability to attract high-quality foreign
investment, including through regional market integration, while
simultaneously using trade development tools to help ensure U.S.
businesses remain competitive in the Sierra Leonean marketplace.
I hold paramount the safety and security of the hundreds of U.S.
citizens resident in Sierra Leone, and the entire U.S. Embassy team,
including U.S. citizen employees, their families, and our Sierra
Leonean colleagues. If confirmed, I would do everything within my power
to ensure their security and well-being.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the Committee, I am
committed to working with you all to advance American interests
overseas. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you. I welcome
your questions.
STATEMENT OF WILLIAM W. POPP, OF MISSOURI, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MIN-
ISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA
Mr. Popp. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you as the
President's nominee to serve as the next United States
Ambassador to the Republic of Uganda.
I would like to begin by thanking my family, particularly
my wife of 24 years, Milena, and my daughter, Alicia Pilar. I
am grateful to them for joining me in the privilege, joys, and
sacrifices of serving our nation overseas.
As a career member of the Foreign Service for more than 23
years I have been honored to represent the United States in
seven overseas assignments across Africa and the Western
Hemisphere, including as our current U.S. Ambassador to
Guatemala as well as serving in Washington.
In each of these duties I have advanced U.S. interests,
promoted our democratic values, and worked with host nations to
achieve shared goals. If confirmed, I believe this experience
will be valuable in leading our mission, advancing bilateral
goals with Uganda, and furthering our regional objectives.
Our relationship with Uganda has advanced important U.S.
interests over the years, including working together through
PEPFAR and other U.S. health programs to save millions of lives
from HIV/AIDS, Ebola, and other health threats.
We have likewise strengthened regional security and
counterterrorism including in Somalia. Uganda, with U.S.
assistance, currently provides protection to more than 1.5
million refugees and asylum seekers who have been forced to
flee their home countries in east and central Africa.
We have also faced challenges, including human rights
violations and limited democratic space. These challenges
impact not only Uganda but also the United States' interests in
a freer, more prosperous, and secure region.
If confirmed, I will work steadfastly to advance U.S.
interests and values and to pursue security, prosperity, good
governance, and democracy with Ugandans.
First, we must protect our citizens' security. This
includes cooperating to fight transnational criminal
organizations, countering violent extremism, and strengthening
border security. It also includes effectively preventing,
detecting, and responding to health threats, addressing food
insecurity, and supporting climate resilience.
Second, we must broaden prosperity for both countries
through sustainable economic growth, mutually beneficial trade,
and formal job creation. With one of the youngest populations
in the world generating opportunities for Ugandan youth and
women is particularly vital.
U.S. assistance is an important part of the solution but so
is working with the public and private sectors to create an
enabling environment for businesses to thrive and support
entrepreneurship.
If confirmed, I will seek to create more opportunities that
generate jobs, support U.S. businesses, and assist
entrepreneurs.
Third, rule of law, transparency, good governance and
respect for human and labor rights for all are essential for
Ugandans to achieve the full potential of their democracy. U.S.
engagement can help build the capacity of public institutions
to deliver services to the Ugandan people. In working with
civil society, the private sector, youth leaders and
innovators, we can foster prosperity, opportunity, and
integrity.
A more just and equitable Uganda will spur investment,
stability, and development for all Ugandans. We also will
continue to support the equal protection and nondiscrimination
of members of all minority groups.
In addition to pursuing these objectives, if confirmed, I
will make protecting the thousands of U.S. citizens living and
traveling in Uganda my highest priority.
I will also lead the more than 600 U.S. and Ugandan
professionals in the U.S. mission to advance our bilateral and
regional agenda by creating a safe, equitable, and respectful
workplace and I will vigilantly safeguard resources and
maximize the effectiveness across U.S. agencies to build a
brighter future with Uganda.
I also commit to working closely with you and the other
members of the Senate, members of the House of Representatives,
and your staffs. Thank you for the honor to appear before you
today. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Popp follows:]
Prepared Statement of William W. Popp
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, Members of the Committee, it is
an honor to appear before you as the President's nominee to serve as
the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Uganda.
I would like to begin by thanking my family, particularly my wife
of 24 years, Milena, and my daughter Alicia Pilar. I am grateful to
them for joining me in the privilege, joys, and sacrifices of serving
our nation overseas.
As a career member of the Foreign Service for more than 23 years, I
have been honored to represent the United States in seven overseas
assignments across Africa and the Western Hemisphere, including as the
current U.S. Ambassador to Guatemala, as well as in Washington. In each
duty, I have advanced U.S. interests, promoted our democratic values,
and worked with host nations to achieve shared goals. If confirmed, I
believe this experience will be valuable in leading our Mission,
advancing bilateral goals with Uganda, and furthering our regional
objectives.
Our relationship with Uganda has advanced important U.S. interests
over the years, including working together through PEPFAR and other
U.S. health programs to save millions of lives from HIV/AIDS, Ebola,
and other health threats. We have likewise strengthened regional
security and countered terrorism, including in Somalia. Uganda, with
U.S. assistance, currently provides protection to more than 1.5 million
refugees and asylum-seekers who have been forced to flee their home
countries in East and Central Africa.
We have also faced challenges, including human rights violations
and limited democratic space. These challenges impact not only Uganda
but also the United States' interest in a freer, more prosperous, and
secure region.
If confirmed, I will work steadfastly to advance U.S. interests and
values and to pursue security, prosperity, good governance, and
democracy with Ugandans.
First, we must protect our citizens' security. This includes
cooperating to fight transnational criminal organizations, countering
violent extremism, and strengthening border security. It also includes
effectively preventing, detecting, and responding to health threats,
addressing food insecurity, and supporting climate resilience.
Second, we must broaden prosperity for both countries through
sustainable economic growth, mutually beneficial trade, and formal job
creation. With one of the youngest populations in the world, generating
opportunities for Ugandan youth and women is particularly vital. U.S.
assistance is an important part of the solution, but so is working with
the public and private sectors to create an enabling environment for
businesses to thrive and support entrepreneurship. If confirmed, I will
seek to create more opportunities that generate jobs, support U.S.
businesses, and assist entrepreneurs.
Third, rule of law, transparency, good governance, and respect for
human and labor rights for all, are essential for Ugandans to achieve
the full potential of democracy. U.S. engagement can help build the
capacity of public institutions to deliver services to the Ugandan
people. Working with civil society, the private sector, youth leaders
and innovators, we can foster prosperity, opportunity, and integrity. A
more just and equitable Uganda will spur investment, stability, and
development for all Ugandans. We must also continue to support the
equal protection and non-discrimination of members of all minority
groups.
In addition to pursuing these objectives, if confirmed, I will make
protecting the thousands of U.S. citizens living and traveling in
Uganda my highest priority. I will also lead the more than 600 U.S. and
Ugandan professionals in the U.S. mission to advance our bilateral and
regional agenda by creating a safe, equitable, and respectful
workplace. And I will vigilantly safeguard resources and maximize
effectiveness across U.S. agencies to build a brighter future with
Uganda. I also commit to working closely with you and the other members
of the Senate, members of the House of Representatives, and your
staffs.
Thank you for the honor to appear before you today. I look forward
to your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you all very much for your testimony.
We will start a round of five-minute questions. I will start
with you, Ambassador Johnson.
I enjoyed our conversation together. I wanted to give you
just an opportunity to expand upon your comments regarding the
status of the Lebanese Armed Forces.
Every time I go I am more and more impressed at the
capability of the Armed Forces and their willingness, often at
great risk to themselves, to put themselves in between the
factions inside that country that often are very close to
coming to significant long-term conflict.
They have stood up for protesters, protected the right of
people to provide their views, and they also were really one of
the few things that stands in between Hezbollah having even
more control of the insecurity environment than they do today.
Maybe I am making the case for you. But tell me if you
agree with my assessment of the Lebanese Armed Forces and the
reasons why we have had good bipartisan support for continued
funding to keep them operational.
Ms. Johnson. Thank you very much, Senator, and I greatly
appreciate your deep interest in Lebanon and support for the
Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces, as well as
the bipartisan support of Congress for that purpose.
I share your view. We have spent a lot of funding on
security assistance for the Armed Forces, developing them into
a professional and capable force capable of meeting any threat
in Lebanon.
Specifically, we bolstered the capabilities to defend
Lebanon's territorial integrity, to mitigate instability, to
combat terrorism, to dismantle drug trafficking and smuggling
networks, to preserve--maintain law and order.
They have carried out these missions very well, as you have
noted. They are a quite trusted partner for the United States
with actually an absolutely exemplary end use monitoring record
in terms of the way they keep track of the assistance that we
provided to them.
I am very proud to continue partnering with them, and one
of the most important things in supporting the Lebanese Armed
Forces, in particular, is that it really undermines Hezbollah's
narrative, their false claim that their weapons are necessary
to defend Lebanon.
As we continue to see the Lebanese Armed Forces deploy
effectively to meet, really, any threat it debunks that claim
and lays it bare.
So, if confirmed, I would continue to advocate for very
strong, robust security assistance to Lebanese Armed Forces and
Internal Security Forces. They are doing a great job of
bolstering stability and security in this part of the world at
a very difficult time for Lebanon.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Popp, the attacks on homosexuals and LGBTQ
individuals in Uganda are, frankly, extraordinary. The
parliament passed legislation in March that goes further than
making same-sex relations punishable by life in prison, which
is an effect of the 2014 law.
It now creates a new offense of aggravated homosexuality
that is punishable by death and by making the promotion of
homosexuality punishable by up to 20 years in prison. It would
criminalize failing to report knowledge of individuals engaged
in homosexual conduct.
I guess I am interested that you did not mention this in
your prepared testimony and I am worried that this sort of
avoidance in your testimony of this extraordinary piece of
legislation that is sitting in front of the president's desk
for signature as we speak is a signal of an intent to
deprioritize this issue because it might upset the Ugandan
government.
Can you clarify your opening remarks and can you tell us
what the U.S. response will be if the president signs this law?
Mr. Popp. Yes, Senator. Thank you for the question. And by
no means my not mentioning it in the testimony am I
deprioritizing it.
I would say that I share your concern. It is a very
troubling piece of legislation. It is not yet signed, as you
noted, but it is something that is very threatening not only to
members of the LGBTQI community in Uganda but, frankly, to all
Ugandans.
The implications and potential impact of this legislation
if signed and enacted could have major negative repercussions
for all Ugandans that are interested and need access to medical
care, health care, particularly individuals who may be HIV or
AIDS positive but also the impact that it could have, frankly,
on Uganda's international reputation, its ability to attract
investment, tourism, and, frankly, the opportunity to advance
as a democratic society that includes all Ugandans.
So when I mentioned in my testimony, obviously, that we
must continue to support all Ugandans and prevent
discrimination that is, certainly, included in the element of
LGBTQI and the anti-homosexual act.
Senator Murphy. I appreciate that. I do not think it is
enough to raise the general concern about fair treatment of
individuals regardless of sexual orientation, race, ethnicity
inside Uganda.
I think you have got pay special attention to this just
abnormally vitriolic and dangerous attack on LGBTQ individuals
and I appreciate your clarifying statement.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Mr. Massinga, the Ethiopian economy has
shown significant growth and potential but it has also faced
certain structural challenges and socio economic disparities.
How would you support Ethiopia in advancing sustainable
economic development, attracting investments, and fostering job
creation and how can these efforts be used to leverage
accountability measures for the role of members of the
government in Tigray conflict?
Mr. Massinga. Senator Young, thank you for the question.
If confirmed, helping Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people and
economy get back on track, back on the track that we saw prior
to the most recent conflict, would be uppermost in our--amongst
our objectives.
The government prior to the conflict had engaged in a
thorough set of reforms designed to enable the country to
continue moving ahead forcefully on the economic side in
telecommunications, banking, logistics, et cetera.
That was derailed by--to a great extent by the current
conflict and in the current context the macro economy is
struggling with the immense costs imposed by the conflict.
We look forward to working with the government, the people,
the business community, to reinvigorate those reforms and those
processes, and as the American ambassador I would be honored,
if confirmed, to ensure that our model--our growth model, the
Western growth model, the American growth model--would be one
that the people of Ethiopia would recognize would be useful, if
not essential, for growth forward.
It is no secret that there are others around the world,
other major economic economies, that are interested in
Ethiopia, that are interested in investing in Ethiopia. Our
growth model is the strongest one for long-term growth and I
will be steadfast, if confirmed, in ensuring that the people of
Ethiopia recognize that.
Senator Young. Thank you. And among the countries that is
no doubt interested in supplanting the United States,
certainly, competing against the influence of the United States
in Ethiopia is China. In fact, Ethiopia is a central hub for
China's Belt and Road Initiative to the tune of some $4
billion.
What potential risks and challenges do you perceive in
Ethiopia's increasing economic reliance on China and how would
you work to mitigate any negative consequences for Ethiopia's
long-term development and sovereignty?
Mr. Massinga. Senator, thank you for that follow-on
question.
Again, China is deeply invested in Ethiopia and is looking
to continue that investment. As we have seen in many countries
around the world, that investment is not cost free nor is that
model the most appropriate model for long-term growth.
And, Senator, if confirmed, I look forward to working with
the Ethiopian business community and government to ensure that
they understand the costs associated with that.
Senator Young. Are there--are there government agencies--
U.S. government agencies, regional partners, international
organizations that you would regard as best placed to help
address and, perhaps, counterbalance some of the malign
influence of China and other adversaries in the country of
Ethiopia?
Mr. Massinga. Of course. Within the United States
government--Department of Commerce, USTR, other specialized
agencies and telecommunications--certainly would be part of all
that and, of course, the international community would also be
essential to help demonstrate to the Ethiopian people and the
government that that model really is the best way to go
forward.
Senator Young. Of course, some of those agencies hopefully
have a presence in the embassy, right, which is a good thing.
Ambassador Johnson, China has been expanding its Belt and
Road Initiative, of course, globally, as we just mentioned in
Ethiopia. But Lebanon signed on to that initiative in 2017.
Are there any ongoing or proposed BRI projects that you are
aware of in Lebanon that you believe could have negative long-
term implications for the United States, our partners, or our
interests?
Ms. Johnson. Yes, Senator. Thank you very much for the
question.
Yes, Lebanon did sign on to the Belt and Road Initiative.
However, my understanding is that there are no significant
Chinese investments in Lebanon. We continually reiterate with
our partners' concerns risks of deeper engagement with China,
of problematic nontransparent financial and infrastructure
investments.
That was very much a focus for me in my previous role as
ambassador to Namibia and I can assure you it would be priority
for me if confirmed as ambassador to Lebanon.
Senator Young [presiding]. Thank you so much.
Senator Kaine? Yes, sir.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Young, and
congratulations to all of you nominees. It is a really well-
qualified panel.
Ambassador Johnson, I want to drill down on the aspect of
your testimony where you talked about the severity of the
economic--really economic, political challenges facing Lebanon
right now.
Sometimes in this committee and on the Hill there is a
debate about, okay, how does it affect us--how does it affect
the world, the internal challenges in Lebanon.
Should Lebanon continue on the path that it is on, a
downward spiral characterized by a challenged economy, a lot of
refugees, the inability to organize the government--should it
continue on that path, what are the consequences for the region
that the United States needs to be very worried about?
Ms. Johnson. Yes, Senator, it is a very important question.
Thank you. Thank you for that.
The reason Lebanon remains a real priority for the United
States is it is just at the intersection of U.S. national
security interests in the Middle East. I mean, you have got
Israel on the southern border, which has to defend itself from
Hezbollah.
You have got Syria and instability and war the brutal
dictator Assad has fomented. You have got Iran supporting
through its proxy Hezbollah destabilizing activity in both
Lebanon and the region. We cannot ignore any of this.
And then there is, of course, the historic ties we have
with the Lebanese people. Lebanese are--form a really important
part of our diaspora here in the United States and the rich
cultural fabric that they contribute to.
So, I do not think we can allow Lebanon to reach the worst-
case scenario, which is why we are doing a number of things. I
mean, I mentioned several in my opening statement--the
humanitarian assistance for the most vulnerable and supporting
the Lebanese Forces to provide stability while we push
Lebanon's leaders to do the necessary things, the hard things
they will need to do.
I mean, first, elect a president. They have got to form a
government. That government has got to be capable of bringing
in the different parties that are necessary to take the really
hard decisions, to do the reforms they need to get done for
that IMF package. It is the only way out.
Senator Kaine. The presence of Hezbollah poses a huge risk
to Israel but there are at least some potential positives that
the Lebanese government in the past has explored together with
Israel, whether they might do energy projects in tandem in the
Mediterranean.
So there is not only a need to protect against the
influence of Hezbollah but there is the opportunity for some
cooperation should the situation in Lebanon stabilize.
I want to associate myself with the comments you made
earlier about the Lebanese Armed Forces, having visited
Lebanon, spent time with them, spent time with the U.S. troops
that are there training them.
They are not perfect. Nobody is perfect. But in terms of a
stabilizing force in a nation that desperately needs one you do
not really have many better options if there are any better
options than the Lebanese Armed Forces. I agree with you on
that.
Ambassador Popp, it is good to see you again. My colleagues
and I really enjoyed being with you in Guatemala in the summer
of 2021 and I will ask--I will just make one point about Uganda
but then I am going to ask you some Guatemala questions since I
have you.
I just want to associate myself with what Senator Murphy
said about the need to be really active in trying to provide
safe haven for LGBTQ Ugandans. We cannot dictate the internal
politics of a country. That is not what diplomacy is about.
But as I have traveled around the world as a member of this
committee often I have heard from LGBTQ activists in countries
that were it not for the United States, were it not for the
embassy, were it not for a consulate being a place of safe
haven where they could come and dialogue about their hopes and
aspirations and what they hope to contribute to their own
countries, if it were not for the U.S. there would not be a
safe space for them.
And so while we might not be able to have a huge impact on
domestic politics in Uganda, the role of the ambassador is
really important in creating a place where people can be
treated with equality, the North Star virtue of this country.
So I would just encourage you in that way.
When we talk about immigration issues at the border we
often talk about the U.S.-Mexico border. But there are two
other really important borders in terms of immigration flows to
the United States in the Americas.
One is the border between Colombia and Panama, and the
other is the border between Guatemala and Mexico. From your
experience as the ambassador in Guatemala. how cooperative has
Guatemala been in trying to help us deal with immigration
issues in the south to north flow at their border with Mexico?
Mr. Popp. Thank you, Senator, for the questions.
First, I just want to make sure I am very clear. I fully
agree with your point on the U.S. embassy and the U.S.
Ambassador's role in supporting all communities including the
LGBTQI community, and if confirmed as ambassador to Uganda I
would be Chief of Mission that would be engaged with that
community and continuing to have an active regular dialogue
with them as I have done so in Guatemala.
In regards to your question about the border of Guatemala
and their border security measures, they have been partners
effectively not only with their border with Mexico, which is,
as you note, a very important transit point for migrants headed
north to our Southwest border, as well as their border with
Honduras.
They have been effective on different occasions of stopping
mass movements of individuals including caravans but also in
working with us and U.S. law enforcement in particular to
counter the alien smugglers and the human traffickers and the
individuals who have been--are criminally taking advantage of
migrants and, unfortunately, putting people in positions of
great risk and danger.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. I am going to need to--I am a
minute over so I want to cede time to my colleagues. But I
appreciate that answer. Thank you.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Senator Ricketts?
Senator Ricketts. Thank you very much.
I would like to start by echoing what Chairman Murphy and
Ranking Member Young said to say thank you for your service to
our country and the sacrifices that you and your families make
to be able to serve our great nation. It is appreciated and you
all should be congratulated on being nominated for these posts.
Ambassador Johnson, I am going to start with you as this is
the 70th anniversary of Israel, one of our closest friends in
the world and, certainly, in the region, and Israel since its
inception has endured attacks from state actors and nonstate
actors, most recently Hamas.
We talked about Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic jihad, the--
Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, just to name a few,
and I had the opportunity to see this personally when I was in
Israel earlier this year.
You can see how small a country is when you fly in a
helicopter you can see the ocean on one side and the Syrian
border on the other side, and we were at the Lebanese border
where Hezbollah had been digging tunnels through solid
limestone for 10 years to be able to get inside Israel and
attack them and that--and then, of course, during the Passover
in early April Israel endured the largest rocket attack coming
from Lebanon since the Lebanese war in 2006 and, obviously,
this is all being encouraged by--it is even being done by Hamas
or Islamic jihad and certainly encouraged by the IRGC.
So what can we do to prevent southern Lebanon from becoming
a staging area for these types of rocket attacks on Israel?
Ms. Johnson. Thank you, Senator, for your question.
I share your deep concern with the attacks that have been
emanating on Israel both from Lebanon and more recently from
Gaza.
The United States' commitment to Israel's security is
absolutely ironclad and Israel will continue to exercise its
inherent right to self-defense. But we have to do more. The
Lebanese have to do more.
Hezbollah--there are a number of ways that we have been
targeting Hezbollah, since 2005 over 200 sanctions on
individuals and entities going after their finances, and that
is important in terms of their ability to access weapons.
I understand that they are--that Hezbollah is under
financial stress--economic stress--due to some of these
sanctions. We have been able to enlist some of our partners in
the Gulf--Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar--to join us in these
sanctions.
Just last week the FBI seized 13 internet domains of
Hezbollah, which is another way to try to cut off their
support. We do continue very much to support UNIFIL's mission
in southern Lebanon.
UNIFIL has played an effective role in monitoring the
cessation of hostilities since the 2006 war between Israel and
Lebanon and also plays a stabilizing role along--on the Blue
Line with their reporting activities and especially the ability
of the peacekeepers to get in there and defuse tense
situations.
Now, I am not going to say that they have been able to
fully implement their mandate. They have not. They have been
prevented from accessing key areas of concerns like the tunnels
that you mentioned.
If confirmed, I would call on the Lebanese authorities to
uphold their responsibility to allow UNIFIL to operate in all
the areas necessary to fulfill their mandate and we also need
to continue to work with Lebanese Armed Forces to do more joint
patrols and have a stronger presence in southern Lebanon. I do
think those things will help.
Senator Ricketts. Absolutely. I mean, again, 10 years to
dig the tunnels through solid limestone was a very loud, noisy
process, and as we observed from the Israeli side of the border
Hamas is still there. I mean, they are still there watching us.
And, obviously, Lebanon has got--75 percent of its
population is in poverty. They have not had a president in six
months or whatever it is. Very complicated. The economy is in
meltdown.
My understanding is the Iran foreign minister was there
recently to talk--really, start trying to get their candidate,
Suleiman Franjieh, to be the new president.
What would that mean if Suleiman Franjieh was actually the
new president of Lebanon? How would that impact our relations
with Lebanon and relations with how Lebanon was going to
interact with Israel?
Ms. Johnson. Senator, thank you for the question. I share
your concern about Iran's malign influence in Lebanon,
including through Hezbollah.
What we have been continuing to advocate is that the
Lebanese parliament is going to have to choose the next
president. It is not for the international community to decide.
But we have really expressed the qualities that we believe
are important--someone that is free from corruption, someone
that can unite the country, that puts the interests of the
people first, that can build a coalition to implement the
reforms.
Some candidates will not meet that--will not meet that bar.
We have been very clear with all across Lebanese political
spectrum that that is what needs to happen. We have been
delivering a united message with our partners, with France,
with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar. We share the same goal and it is
the one that I have stated.
Senator Ricketts. All right. So real briefly because I have
already run out of time, too, what is your analysis of the
political stalemate? Where does it go?
Ms. Johnson. I am an optimist, Senator.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Johnson. Everything I read leads me to believe they are
getting closer. They are getting closer. I just--they need to
assume the urgency that the situation demands. This is--it is
really time for the Lebanese leaders and political leadership
to step up.
Electing the president is just the first step. It gets us
to some of those next stages where we need to form a government
that is capable of providing services to the people, that can
operate transparently, that puts corruption in the rearview
mirror.
The reforms are not going to be easy; I won't lie. But they
really have to do it to secure that World Bank loan and get
some necessary liquidity into the economy. So electing the
president is the first step but it is a path and they are going
to need our support.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you, Ambassador.
Senator Murphy [presiding]. We do not generally make
pessimists ambassadors but we do not--we definitely do not send
pessimists to Lebanon.
[Laughter.]
Senator Murphy. Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. I am deferring to Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Booker,
and thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations to all of you on
your nominations and thank you for your service as part of the
Foreign Service.
And let me start with you, Ambassador Johnson, and on
Lebanon, right, you have to be an optimist and I think you were
there 20 years ago.
Senator Murphy and I were there in 2021 on a trip, and as I
look at the situation today not that much has changed since our
trip in 2021 and maybe it has not changed that much in 20
years. But let me--let me look to the future a little bit.
When Senator Murphy and I were last there it was just as
they were coming out of the last political crisis and forming a
new government for a little while. Now they are back in a
political crisis.
But Salameh--as you know, Mr. Salameh, I think, has been
the head of the central bank for a very long time. He has been
indicted in many European countries, I believe. I also
understand that his tenure will come to an end on June 30th.
Is that correct? And what would his departure mean for the
opportunity to try to deal with some of the reform and
corruption issues?
Ms. Johnson. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
Yes, his term is coming to an end. I think it is in July,
but I would stand to be corrected. I believe it is also up to
the president of Lebanon to appoint the next central bank
governor. So, all the more reason that we need to have the
Lebanese parliament get a president in place.
But we are very much looking forward to working with
whoever the Lebanese decide who the next central bank governor
will be. That person will be critical in undertaking the
reforms necessary to get to that IMF package. Probably chief
among them is the restructuring of the banking sector.
Senator Van Hollen. Got it.
On the electricity situation--I apologize if you already
covered this territory before I arrived--but that, of course,
has been a chronic problem, these--the limits on electricity
each day in Lebanon.
Our current ambassador, Ambassador Shea, came up with an
innovative idea some time ago to help Egypt produce some
electricity that would be transported through Jordan, Syria,
and on to Lebanon.
There were a number of issues that, obviously, had to be
resolved to make sure it was compliant with the Caesar Act. But
my question now is I understand that the main hang up now is
the fact that Lebanon has not conformed to the World Bank
proposals. Am I--is that correct?
Ms. Johnson. Largely correct, Senator. Where we are at--I
mean, two hours of electricity a day you cannot run a business
on that much less an economy or a country. So, it has been very
important to the U.S. government to push for long-term
sustainable energy solutions for Lebanon.
Chief among those has been discussion of a natural gas deal
from Egypt and an electricity deal with Jordan that would be
financed by the World Bank. So, where Lebanon is at right now,
as you noted, is there are a number of kind of reforms that
need to be done of the sector to get them to that World Bank
loan and they are close.
I would actually like to commend some of the progress they
have made. One is they raised electricity tariffs for the first
time in over 30 years. That is an important part of the cost
recovery plan requirement.
They have also advertised in The Economist magazine for a
regulating--regulator authority. So, they have taken a number
of the steps that would be necessary for that World Bank loan
and they are getting close. But they need to complete those
reforms so the World Bank can vote on that loan.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I thank you. I appreciate that, and
everything we can do, of course, to push them in the right
direction would be helpful to the people of Lebanon.
I should say while we are on Lebanon I do believe we have
two treasurers there, both in the American University of Beirut
and the Lebanon University. I just met with the precedent of
the latter and they are sort of islands of hope in the middle
of a pretty desperate situation.
Very quickly, if I could turn to you, Mr. Massinga, and it
is good to see you in person having talked to you, I think, via
Zoom and, obviously, a very delicate situation in Ethiopia.
A number of the surrounding countries, the African Union,
and the United States have worked hard to get the very fragile
peace agreement.
What is your current assessment of that situation and, if
confirmed, one of your really most important jobs will be to
try to make sure we nurture that agreement and make sure that
it is sustainable, going forward.
So, what do you see as the biggest challenge at this time?
Mr. Massinga. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
To be succinct, I think the biggest challenge, going
forward, is the economic situation. We have seen tremendous
progress in cementing the cessation of hostilities and some
progress in establishing a reconciliation effort as well as
transitional justice.
If confirmed it would be among my highest objectives to
continue nurturing those two processes to move forward. But at
the same time we have to be clear eyed and recognize that the
people of Ethiopia are facing a very difficult economic
situation which has been worsened enormously by the drought
that is impacting the entirety of the Horn and, of course, the
conflict itself.
But make no mistake, moving ahead in continuing to cement
the peace, which has been hard won through efforts by the
international community, the regional community, and the United
States would be top on my list.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I look forward to supporting
all your nominations. Congratulations.
Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. Mr. Massinga, you and I have a commonality
besides being bald Black men. We both have deep roots in
Louisiana and there is no reason for me saying that besides the
fact that I want to recognize.
I really want to go to another place, interestingly enough,
I found out I have roots to from having my DNA tested, which is
Sierra Leone.
There was this interesting 2020 study that showed that
views of China are going down significantly in their political
economic partnership while views of the United States are
actually going up, and I am wondering is there something we can
learn there as we have a bit of a rivalry on the African
continent for influence in the continent as a whole. What can
we learn from Sierra Leone in that sense?
Mr. Massinga. Well, I would say a couple of things,
Senator.
First and foremost, China has not helped itself. It has
done immense damage to its reputation in Sierra Leone through
its own actions. Its continued engagement in illegal,
unreported, and unregulated fishing off the Sierra Leonean
coast, its continued illegal logging in Sierra Leone's forests,
its continued pursuit of mineral agreements that violate both
international best practice and Sierra Leone's own
environmental and labor standards have, frankly, left a bad
taste in a lot of Sierra Leoneans' mouths towards what China
brings to the table.
But I think complementary to that what my colleagues at the
embassy have done is really to carry forward America's story
and to try to offer real alternatives to what the People's
Republic of China is putting on the table, I think, to the work
that the Development Finance Corporation has done there and
looking at projects that they can support American investment
in.
I think of the work of the Millennium Challenge Corporation
has done, very importantly, in trying to deliver first the
initial threshold projects and now, hopefully, a full compact
for the people of Sierra Leone, which will be transformational
in terms of its infrastructure.
So, I think it is a combination of the people of Sierra
Leone learning the realities of dealing with the People's
Republic of China but also our own ability to offer
alternatives for the country's development.
Senator Booker. I appreciate that and, if confirmed, how do
you think we can further double down on those development of
economic interests between Sierra Leone
--setting a standard, in a sense?
Mr. Massinga. Yeah. If confirmed, Senator, one of my top
priorities will be to work with the American business community
to try to make sure that they are actively engaged in helping
Sierra Leone shape its future.
I believe there are immense opportunities for investment
across the board in Sierra Leone and, certainly, with the
investments that we have made through the Development Finance
Corporation and the Millennium Challenge Corporation there are
going to be opportunities for U.S. business that, frankly, can
benefit not just Sierra Leone but also benefit us back home in
the United States.
So, if confirmed, I would work very closely with those
private sector elements--private sector elements of the U.S.
that is present in Sierra Leone and also try to bring to the
table an even more active Development Finance Corporation, an
even more active MCC, an even more active trade development
authority to make sure that we are actively offering those
alternatives to what China is trying to still sell to the
Sierra Leonean government.
Senator Booker. I am really grateful.
Ms. Escrogima, how are you?
I feel like you have been left out as well in this
conversation and I am not sure if you were happy about that or
were you------
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. I am one of the Senate founding members of
the Abraham Accords Caucus here and I am very concerned about--
very hopeful about the possibility of normalizing relations
going on in Oman.
And so I am wondering how does Oman view, in your opinion,
the potential benefits of building relations with Israel,
potential risks, and what kind of role can you play?
Ms. Escrogima. Thank you, Senator.
As someone who has lived and worked in the region for the
better part of 20 years let me say I think the Abraham Accords
is one of the most positive developments we have seen in a
generation and, if confirmed, I would, certainly, work to make
the case to our Omani partners to consider normalization with
Israel and participation in regional fora like the Negev Forum.
Oman is no stranger to this type of diplomacy, hosting
since 1996 the longest lasting regional mechanism that has
included Israel, the Regional Desalination Center.
Oman has hosted three visits from Israeli prime ministers,
most recently in 2018, and, of course, in February Oman agreed
to Israeli over flight, which has opened up new trade routes
from Israel to Asia.
So, if confirmed, I would look forward to hitting the
ground and working with my team to see how we can make the case
with our Omani partners for pursuing normalization.
Senator Booker. Well, I look forward to trying to help from
the Senate side and, perhaps, work with you to continue to
expand that.
Mr. Popp, a lot has been discussed already. Uganda is
frustrating to me because there are just a lot of human rights
issues that are really pressing.
The State Department's latest human rights report
documented serious restrictions of political rights and civil
society--unlawful killings, forced disappearances, and even
torture by state agencies, parts of Ugandans'--Uganda's
government.
Add to that Senator Murphy already pointedly expressed
concerns about a stunning--a law that is going to undermine our
efforts and the successes we have through PEPFAR in the region.
They have an important role for this--our bilateral
relationship is really important when it comes to United States
interests, its regional interests in that area promoting
democracy, human rights, but also just general security issues
and it is just a very difficult balance.
Could you maybe address the concerns I have for a
government that started out so hopeful years ago and now seems
to be slipping towards a behavior that is demonstrably violent,
unjust, and undemocratic?
Mr. Popp. Thank you, Senator.
Yes, you sum it up very clearly and accurately. I think the
concern is that Uganda is headed in a direction that is not
good for Ugandans in all of these areas, and as friends of
Uganda and the region and of the people of Uganda we should be
clear about where those challenges are, be clear eyed in how we
assess ways to work forward with civil society, with other
stakeholders in the country.
Obviously, issues of torture, violence, those types of
abuses have to be rejected completely and clearly in our
diplomacy, in our conversations and discussions with the host
government, and also find ways to support increases in
democratic space instead of restrictions.
That is everything from building space for NGOs and for
organizations that are advocating for all the communities that
are facing challenges.
It includes making sure that we are talking with all
stakeholders in the country, including the political
opposition, so that we are hearing very clearly about ways to
find solutions, going forward, to change, hopefully, in a
constructive way the trajectory that Uganda is on.
At the same time, as you note, there is a number of areas
where Uganda has previously been an important partner on
security and regional stability and, of course, we want to try
to continue to find ways to work in those areas because it is
an area that faces a lot of challenges, as we have seen even
recently.
Senator Booker. And with the chair's indulgence a comment--
a quick question and then a final comment. The quick question,
yes or no, do you plan on meeting with LGBTQ leaders in Uganda,
civil society groups that are advocating for the protection and
the safety and security of the LGBTQ community there?
Mr. Popp. Yes, absolutely.
Senator Booker. Thank you.
And then the comment is just to the five of you. These are
committee hearings we have often when it comes to confirming
ambassadors. I just want to say thank you. My intention is to
support each of you on the floor. It is a tremendous sacrifice
and many of you have had a career doing this remarkable work.
When I travel around from Lebanon to the subcontinent of
Africa I am just in awe of the commitment not just of our
ambassadors there but also their staffs as well and the
families of folks.
So to the families behind everyone, thank you, and to the
five extraordinary servants of this country I just give you my
gratitude.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Booker.
The ranking member and I are going to hold you here for a
short second round of questions and I will turn it over to
Senator Young.
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
Ms. Escrogima, Oman is essential in efforts to
constructively engage with Iran while also providing a check on
its malign influences in the region. I am thinking here about
Iranian harassment of commercial shipping vessels but there
are, of course, other areas in which Oman has been and can be
helpful, moving forward.
How will you work with the Omani government and private
sector to encourage stronger compliance within Oman with U.S.
sanctions on Iran?
Ms. Escrogima. Thank you for the question, Senator.
As you noted, our security relationship with Oman is
strong. It dates back four decades and includes military
access, joint exercises.
We have stepped up maritime interdictions in the Gulf that
has denied the flow of lethal aid to the Houthis and,
certainly, this is an ongoing conversation and, if confirmed, I
would look forward to arriving and checking with my team and
seeing what more we can do and you have my pledge that I will
ensure that Oman is compliant with all relevant sanctions.
Senator Young. It is a good idea consulting with your team.
I do it a lot. So I understand and I will look forward to
following that important work.
I would like to get your views on Oman's efforts to promote
regional peace in--regional peace and the Abraham Accords. It
is clear that Oman favors engagement over confrontation even
with countries whose interests do not completely align.
I was encouraged to learn of Oman permitting over flights
of Israeli carriers earlier this year and in your testimony
you're referred to the Mideast Desalinization Research Center.
However, Oman has yet to pursue normalization with Israel.
In your view, what are the primary reasons for Sultan Haitham's
hesitation in having Oman join the Abraham Accords and, if
confirmed, how would you advocate for Oman to finally take this
step?
Ms. Escrogima. Thank you for raising this, Senator.
It is true Oman's commitment to mediation and de-escalation
in the region makes it a vital partner in many of our efforts
to engage in diplomacy to depressurize and deescalate tensions
in the region, and the Omanis have told us that they would like
to see more progress on the Israeli-Palestinian track of peace
negotiations before looking at pursuing normalization with
Israel and we, of course, keep our Omani partners briefed up on
our efforts in that regard.
And at the same time I think it is important to continue
making the case for the regional integration and economic
benefits of pursuing normalization with Israel as we begin to
see the impact of the Abraham Accords in the Negev Forum and
the benefits that are accruing to states who are participating.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Ambassador Johnson, you may recall that last year Senator
Van Hollen and I urged Secretary Blinken and the administration
to engage with Lebanon to ensure fairness and transparency in
its parliamentary election.
Lebanon, nonetheless, appears no closer to having a
complete government due to its inability to elect a president
and it is a very thorny issue. But, if confirmed, what U.S. and
multilateral policies would you support to help build consensus
and finally break this political impasse?
Ms. Johnson. Well, Senator, yes, I very much share your
concern about the stalled presidential election. As I have
mentioned, Lebanon needs to elect a president so they can move
forward on the reforms toward the IMF package.
So, we have to leverage--if confirmed, I would leverage all
diplomatic tools to continue to push all sectors within
Lebanon, all political leaders, to step up and do what they
need to do for the Lebanese people and for parliament to elect
a president, and the way we are going about this Ambassador
Shea discusses all the time with all the leaders on the ground.
Our assistant secretary for Near Eastern affairs, Barbara
Leaf, was just in Beirut in March. We have been meeting with
our international partners. You mentioned the multilateral
effort, and we thank very much the efforts of France, Saudi
Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, who partnered with us in the meeting in
Paris in February to deliver a united message to the Lebanese
political leadership.
So, if confirmed, I would continue to use those tools
pressing across all spectrums of Lebanese society but also
ensuring we deliver that unified message with our international
partners.
Senator Young. Thank you for your response. I have one more
line of questioning for you and it pertains to Hezbollah. If
confirmed, would you meet with leaders of Hezbollah?
Ms. Johnson. No, Senator, I would not. They--Hezbollah is a
U.S.-designated terrorist organization.
Senator Young. Will you work with ministries run by
Hezbollah or its allies?
Ms. Johnson. Senator, I think we have been very careful. I
would like to point to we have sanctioned members of parliament
and allies in parliament for their ties to Hezbollah.
I think we are raising the costs for anyone of doing
business with Hezbollah or seeking closer ties and I think it
has sent a strong warning to others. It, certainly, complicates
our diplomacy if key ministries are held by ministers who are
aligned to Hezbollah.
Senator Young. How should the U.S. deal with Lebanese
parties or politicians that align themselves with Hezbollah?
Ms. Johnson. Senator, we do have tools that we can leverage
to deal with that, and I would be committed to using those
tools when there is evidence that the interagency and the
United States could pursue.
Senator Young. Can you elaborate on the tools?
Ms. Johnson. As I mentioned earlier, our sanctions tools
have been very, very effective in going after them and we've
designated over 200 individuals and entities.
Some of these are on the financial side. Some of these are
facilitators. Some of these are weapons smugglers. Some of
these are drug traffickers.
So there have been many ways we have been able to get at
the things that enable Hezbollah to continue its illicit and
terrorist activities.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Mr. Hunt, I will sort of end my questions with you, sir.
The mining sector is a crucial part of Sierra Leone's economy.
But local Sierra Leoneans do not seem to be reaping the
benefits of many of the large-scale projects.
China has sponsored gold mining operations and those have
had a particularly brutal impact on Sierra Leone's land, their
water. How would you promote responsible and sustainable mining
practices that benefit both Sierra Leone and international
investors?
Mr. Hunt. Senator, it is--there is no question that the PRC
has blatantly ignored Sierra Leone's own environmental and
labor standards while it has carried out its mining projects in
Sierra Leone.
The Sierra Leonean people, from what we can tell based upon
polling that your colleague referenced, have very clearly
taken--are very clearly of the opinion that the PRC is not a
trusted partner in this sector.
So, from my perspective, if confirmed, what I would attempt
to do is to try to help identify trusted partners, primarily
from the United States or other Western allies, who are
prepared to follow the various international regimes that are
in place to ensure best practices in the mining sector.
Senator Young. And who would you work with as you look to
identify trusted private sector partners?
Yes, sir?
Mr. Hunt. Certainly. Ideally, I would hope to work with the
U.S. Foreign Commercial Service, first and foremost, to see if
we have private sector American businesses that can provide the
technology and the investment that Sierra Leone needs.
In the absence of that I would turn to our closest friends
and allies--the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia--who have
well established--well established mining sectors in their
economy.
Senator Young. Sierra Leone has made efforts to attract
foreign investment, improve its business environment. What
measures would you support to encourage U.S. companies to
invest in Sierra Leone beyond what you have indicated you would
do as it pertains to trusted mining partners and how would you
address any concerns related to bureaucracy, corruption, or
legal protections for investors?
Mr. Hunt. Certainly, Senator.
I think it is a very important question. When I think about
how best to attract investment to Sierra Leone, if confirmed,
first and foremost, I would look to the Sierra Leone diaspora
in the United States.
There are many of our own citizens who have deep ties to
the country, deep interest in its future, and have expressed an
interest already in coming and investing there.
Secondly, I would want to talk to those who are looking to
invest as well as those who already have businesses in Sierra
Leone to understand the obstacles that they are facing in
engaging in trade and investment in the Sierra Leonean economy.
In the past in various posts where I have served in
leadership roles I have been an active advocate for the
reduction of bureaucracy, the reduction of obstacles, the
implementation of international best practices, and if
confirmed I would hope to do that as ambassador to Sierra Leone
in close concert with the rest of our country team and the
various agencies that have been set up in the U.S. government
to support U.S. businesses working overseas.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir. Thank you all.
Mr. Chairman?
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Young.
I am just--this panel reminds me of how well served we are
at the State Department. We are all asking you questions as if
you were already at posts, as if you are intimately familiar
with these countries, and you are answering the questions as if
you are already there, which just tells us how well suited you
are for these roles, how well trained you are, how lucky we are
to have you.
Just I have two final wrap-up questions. In the vein of
maybe asking an unfair question to a nominee who is not on the
ground yet I wanted to ask you, Mr. Massinga, about how the
U.S. has viewed Abiy.
I mean, this is remarkable. We go from Nobel Prize to civil
war within 12 to 18 months. We are celebrating him as a
statesman who is willing to set aside grievance to make peace
with his neighbors, and some critics of our policy will say
that we kind of misread the core political dynamics in the
country and that our support for Abiy ended up underwriting his
confrontational approach with his rivals, including the TPLF.
And so I just wonder what you think--in hindsight, was our
assessment of Abiy off? Did we make a mistake to make this bet?
Did we end up providing him with cover to allow him to engage
in the kind of tactics that have gotten us to this sort of
moment of crisis?
Mr. Massinga. Senator Murphy, in response to that question
let me start with where we are now and then maybe loop back
towards the historical part you are talking about.
The U.S. understands and regards all actors, all leaders in
Ethiopia, through a clear-eyed lens. Ethiopia did not arrive at
the position where it is now and the horrendous conflict that
we have seen in recent years accidentally.
There were many factors that led and contributed to this
conflict and the conflict was pitiless, and the leaders that
were associated with that conflict we all understand and see
them clearly and see all the dynamics very clearly for what
they are.
Having said that, they are the leaders of the country and
so we will work with them intensively to rebuild the country.
We are seeing enormous energy and optimism amongst many of the
former combatants to stitch that country together and, Senator,
I look forward to working with them and all of you in that
endeavor, if confirmed.
Going back to your somewhat difficult question, probably
there was some level of excessive optimism. However, our
engagement with Ethiopia over many years has been deep and
intense due to the size of our diaspora--a very important
diaspora in our country--and the love that many Americans have
for Ethiopia, the size of their country, and the importance of
that country in Africa and the region.
Going forward, again, I, as ambassador, if confirmed, will
look forward to working with all of you and all stakeholders to
recognize through a clear-eyed, again, manner the stakes
involved and to help that country move forward.
Senator Murphy. Optimists sometimes have a hard time
learning lessons because we believe that if there are obstacles
in the past they do not need to be obstacles in the future.
We can just do a better and more innovative and more
thorough job of surmounting them the next time we need them.
The U.S. is particularly bad at learning lessons, in part
because we do not believe that there is any barrier that we
cannot surmount.
And so I just ask that question to make sure that as we try
to push forward with our friends and our partners in Ethiopia
that we are also looking backwards as well.
Final question, Ambassador. I want to talk to you just a
bit more about Lebanon. I just want to talk to you a little bit
about what you know regarding Hezbollah's propaganda and
information ability.
It was pretty stunning to me when I was there with Senator
Van Hollen. As was mentioned, we put on the table this very
innovative program to try to get gas delivered to Lebanon from
Egypt and this was an initiative that the United States was
leading on.
And, yet, it was a liability for us when we were there
because Hezbollah had let people know that in fact it was the
United States that was stopping this initiative, that the
Caesar sanctions were the only thing standing in the way of
Egyptian gas getting to Lebanon and that was the narrative that
was the dominant narrative, not that the United States is
trying to find innovative creative means to get gas to Lebanon
but that the United States is standing in the way of gas
getting to Lebanon.
It just feels to me that we are completely outgunned and
outmanned when it comes to Hezbollah's effort to spin a
narrative compared to our embassy and our State Department's
ability to tell the real story of what is going on.
I am not necessarily looking for a full diagnosis of what
is wrong with U.S. information operations but this is a
capability that Hezbollah has that is serious and has to be
confronted, correct?
Ms. Johnson. Absolutely, Senator. I agree with you. The
disinformation is dangerous and seeks to undermine our
objectives and the good work we are doing together with our
Lebanese partners.
It is just--it shows, I mean, two things. The most
important is the need for very active proactive public
diplomacy on the part of the U.S. government. If confirmed I
would very much look forward to a very active forward-leaning
public diplomacy program in Lebanon.
One thing Lebanon does have is a very vibrant press corps.
So, I think there are many opportunities to get our story out.
At the same time we have to counter the disinformation that is
out there.
Not the only way to do it but I was--I was heartened by the
creative seizure by the FBI of the 13 internet domains last
week and I would look forward to using all the tools at our
disposal to counter Hezbollah disinformation, if confirmed. It
is a very important point.
Senator Murphy. Great. Well said.
Thank you all for your testimony. We really do appreciate
you sticking with us and answering all these tough questions.
We are going to allow members to submit questions for the
record until the close of business tomorrow.
And with thanks to the committee, to our nominees, and to
the staff, this hearing is now adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:29 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ana A. Escrogima by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Oman operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. As President Biden has said, the promotion of universal
values, including human rights, is one of five pillars of our Middle
East strategy, as laid out in the National Security Strategy. Human
trafficking is a top priority. If confirmed, I will engage with the
Omanis at the highest levels, including the Human Rights Commission,
the Ministries of Labor and Foreign Affairs, the judiciary, law
enforcement and others working on this topic, to increase their efforts
to investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers for forced labor
crimes, specifically of migrant workers and domestic servants.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation as accurately as possible?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom Report, Oman was noted for having a lack of governmental and
societal respect. What is your assessment of this particular issue and
if confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Oman is an important partner to the United States; but I
understand that limitations on civil society, freedom of expression,
and freedom of association exist. If confirmed, I will work with Omani
Government officials to reinforce U.S. support for freedom of religion
and belief, including non-belief, and the needs of faith communities as
well as agnostics and atheists. If confirmed, I will meet regularly all
religious communities in Oman to discuss their needs and ability to
practice their faith, in collaboration with our Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom .
Question. In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom Report, Oman was noted for having a lack of governmental and
societal respect. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging
with civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to engage with
Omanis and international civil society and, when appropriate, to
elevate their concerns to the appropriate Omani officials. I also
commit to engaging with the Government of Oman to honor and uphold
fundamental freedoms.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Oman was noted for having a lack of governmental and
societal respect. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to
help Oman increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. The Administration has been clear that human rights,
including freedom of religion, are central to our foreign policy and
that these concerns will continue to be raised with partners as well as
adversaries. Oman has historically had a high degree of religious
tolerance. Oman's Basic Law protects the right of individuals to
practice other religions; however, recent blasphemy prosecutions were
concerning. If confirmed, I will also meet regularly with leaders and
representative of all religious communities in Oman to discuss their
needs and ability to practice their faith.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Oman
was noted as having several significant human rights abuses, including
arbitrary detention and arrest, restrictions on freedom of expression,
and more. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil society
organizations to improve the human rights situation on the ground?
Answer. The Administration has made clear that human rights are a
key pillar of our foreign policy. I understand that Embassy Muscat and
our leadership here engage regularly on human rights concerns.
Department leadership just raised human rights with a delegation of
senior Omani officials earlier this month. If confirmed, I will press
the government of Oman to uphold and protect human rights, including
loosening restrictions on fundamental freedoms and elevating TIP
concerns. I also will engage with civil society and elevate their
concerns, as appropriate, with relevant Omani officials.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ana A. Escrogima by Senator Marco Rubio
U.S.-Oman Relationship
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all
of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Oman ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the Middle East.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Oman and countering efforts by our strategic and
regional competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration
has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical
challenge facing the United States, and that the United States is
committed to working to strengthen our partners in the region. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and interagency
colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to expand its
influence in Oman and the region.
Question. The State Department describes the U.S.-Oman relationship
as a longstanding one based upon economic, defense, and trade
partnerships. Oman was the first Persian Gulf state to sign a long-
standing strategic partnership in the 1980s and has received over $853
million in aid since 1946. In addition to the aid, Oman permits the
U.S. military to use its facilities and Oman has had over 70 Foreign
Military Sales cases valued at over $2.7 billion. The U.S. and Oman
additionally enjoy a Free Trade Agreement that was ratified in 2006,
with the U.S. being Oman's largest trading partners. What is your
assessment of the current state of U.S.-Omani relations?
Answer. Oman is a strategic partner in a critically important
region, located at a key naval chokepoint through which 30 percent of
the world's maritime oil shipments pass. Our longstanding partnership
with Oman helps to advance a wide range of shared goals, including
regional stability and security, counterterrorism, and economic
diversification. The 2023 U.S.-Oman Strategic Dialogue deepened our
cooperation in trade, investment, clean energy, education, and people-
to-people ties.
Question. How is U.S. security enhanced by taxpayer investment in
Oman?
Answer. Oman promotes stability and peace in the Middle East. The
United States and Oman work closely to promote freedom of navigation in
the key naval chokepoint of the Strait of Hormuz to counter piracy and
to combat weapons and narcotics trafficking. Oman permits the U.S.
military to use its facilities. Oman has also been a valuable
diplomatic partner, facilitating important regional mediation efforts
that advance our goal to end the war in Yemen, secure the release of
wrongfully detained American citizens, and deescalate other regional
conflicts and tensions.
Arms Transfers to Oman
Question. In your view, what would happen if the U.S. did not
provide a high level of foreign military sales to Oman?
Answer. Oman's purchase of U.S. military equipment reinforces our
strategic and security cooperation; strengthens interoperability with
U.S. forces; and contributes to the U.S. economy. Its decision to use
its own funds to purchase U.S. equipment is a testament to the
technical quality of our defense articles, as well as the strength of
the bilateral relationship. Enhancing Oman's security promotes
stability and prosperity in the region.
Question. If confirmed, which aid programs will you focus on to
promote continued and improved economic growth with U.S. business
partners in Oman?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on improving the climate for
U.S. businesses in Oman, promoting economic bilateral ties, and
advocating for U.S. companies. Tools like the Commercial Law and
Development Program and the U.S. Advocacy Center at the Department of
Commerce create a level playing field for U.S. companies and encourage
inclusive economic growth. Our Free Trade Agreement with Oman is a
tremendous resource to promote mutually beneficial trade and economic
growth. EXIM's February 2023 MOU with Oman will also help catalyze U.S.
exports and Oman's economic diversification and growth in strategic
sectors.
China
Question. Oman and China have been cultivating ties regarding oil
trade. Oman exports 85 percent of its oil to China and the CCP has lent
more than $3.6 billion in financing for an industrial park in the port
of Duqm. Additionally, China is the 5th largest foreign investor in
Oman, with one Chinese company taking a 49 percent stake in one of
Oman's electricity transmission companies. What is your
characterization of the existing relationship between Oman and China?
Answer. Oman rightfully considers the United States its strategic
partner. The PRC enjoys no such special relationship in Oman. PRC
investment in Duqm largely did not materialize, giving the Omani
government a clear understanding of the risks of problematic PRC
investment.
Sultan Haitham is actively diversifying Oman's economy away
from hydrocarbons, shifting away from the PRC and other oil net
importers. Many tools, including the Free Trade Agreement and
EXIM financing, ensure the United States benefits from Oman's
economic transformation.
Question. Are you concerned with their existing relationship?
Please explain.
Answer. I am confident in the enduring strength of the U.S.-Oman
partnership, which Oman prioritizes. The PRC is the only competitor
with both the intent to reshape the international order and,
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
power to do it. If confirmed, I will remain vigilant to promote trusted
vendors and encourage Oman to be cautious of investments and projects
that could infringe on its sovereignty--while ensuring that the United
States remains present as a trusted strategic partner.
Question. Late last year, Arab leaders met CCP General Secretary Xi
Jinping in Riyadh. It was then determined that China would hold a
summit for Gulf Cooperation Council member states, including Oman, and
Iran in 2023. This is in addition to the agreement that Beijing
brokered between Riyadh and Tehran which was announced in April. What
do you believe accounts for this recent win by China to supplant U.S.
leadership in the Middle East?
Answer. The United States has a long and constructive track record
promoting de-escalation and a reduction in Middle East regional
tensions, and we welcome efforts that advance this goal. We will
encourage our partners to press the PRC to hold Iran accountable for
its commitments. Our engagement with the GCC remains regular and robust
and, if confirmed, I will continue our engagement with GCC partners to
increase cooperation on regional security and press for an end to
destabilizing Iranian behavior.
Question. How would you, as Ambassador, seek to restore the United
States' role as the region's main power broker?
Answer. Our commitment to the region is unshakeable. The United
States will proactively deter threats, defend our people and interests,
and support the defense of our partners in the region. In recent days,
our military increased its defensive posture in the Gulf to respond to
Iranian attacks. The United States is uniquely positioned to serve as a
strategic and security partner to the countries of the region, while
also working to resolve conflicts such as the war in Yemen and to
pursue new possibilities for regional integration and de-escalation.
Israel/Abraham Accords
Question. Oman has opened their airspace to Israeli commercial
flights to Asia. This is a significant step towards normalization of
relations between the two countries. If confirmed, how will you
approach the Omani's regarding their possible adoption and entry into
the Abraham Accords?
Answer. I strongly support the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I
will highlight the economic and diplomatic benefits of increased
regional integration. Oman was the first Gulf state to host an Israeli
prime minister. It subsequently hosted two more, including PM Netanyahu
in 2018. Since 1997, Oman has hosted the Middle East Desalination
Research Center (MEDRC), which brings together scientists from Israel
and Arab states to water cooperation in the region. If confirmed, I
will make it a priority to find opportunities to advance relations
between Oman and Israel.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Johnson by Senator James E. Risch
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Lebanon was ranked as Tier 2 but has significant work to do to
better meet the minimum standards to combat trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Lebanon operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with the Government of Lebanon
to press for progress on the 2022 TIP Report recommendations, as well
as the 2023 TIP Report recommendations, once released; those step
include establishing and implementing victim identification procedures,
ensuring trafficking victims are not inappropriately penalized for
crimes committed as a direct result of being trafficked, and enacting
labor reforms to prevent exploitation of migrant workers, including
workers under the visa sponsorship system and artiste visa program.
I will also work with U.S. Government stakeholders, including the
Department of State's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in
Persons (J/TIP), to encourage programming on these issues. For example,
J/TIP is currently funding a project with the International
Organization on Migration (IOM) to strengthen protection assistance for
victims of trafficking, prevent trafficking by building resilience of
those at risk through awareness and empowerment initiatives, and
strengthen the evidence base on trafficking to support reform advocacy
efforts.
Question. If confirmed, how can you encourage the Lebanese
caretaker government to better incorporate government procedures to
identify victims of trafficking?
Answer. If confirmed, I will, in coordination with J/TIP and other
stakeholders, engage with the government to finalize and implement
standardized victim identification procedures. I will work to ensure
these procedures are incorporated into frontline responders' daily
work, including law enforcement and immigration officials. In addition,
I will work with J/TIP to ensure stakeholders receive capacity-building
training to better identify trafficking victims, including through the
ongoing J/TIP-IOM project.
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report Lebanon was noted as lack for religious freedom,
but noted significant efforts by the U.S. Embassy to encourage
interfaith dialogue.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Religious freedom is a central American value and
supporting international religious freedom is a key tenet of the
Administration's foreign policy. I share your concerns about certain
limitations on religious freedom, and freedom of conscience, in
Lebanon. Civil marriage does not exist in Lebanon because many
Christian and Muslim leaders continue to fear that permitting civil
marriage would threaten their ability to administer their own religious
affairs. Couples who want a non-religious ceremony typically travel to
countries where civil marriages are allowed, such as Cyprus. If
confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador At Large for International
Religious Freedom and our partners in Lebanon's vibrant civil society
to promote and protect religious freedom in Lebanon.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to engaging civil society
organizations both in the United States and in Lebanon to promote
religious freedom and the welfare of religious minority groups for the
benefit of all Lebanese.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Lebanon increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Administration's existing
efforts to promote interfaith dialogue and urge the country's religious
leaders to take steps to counter violent extremism related to religious
belief, including by continuing to engage Lebanese government officials
on the need to encourage tolerance, dialogue, and mutual respect among
religious groups, meeting with the leaders of all recognized sects on a
regular basis to encourage interfaith dialogue, and exploring options
to promote religious freedom through our existing bilateral assistance
programs. I will also use outreach activities to the public, especially
the younger generations, to foster a greater sense of the value of
tolerance among faiths and interfaith dialogue.
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Lebanon
was noted for having a litany of significant human rights
abuses, including serious restrictions on freedom of assembly,
press, expression, and more.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. I share your concerns about the range of reported
significant human rights issues detailed in the 2022 Human Rights
Report, including serious restrictions on freedom of expression,
refoulement of Syrian refugees, widespread and endemic corruption, and
violence against members of the LGBTQI+ community in Lebanon. If
confirmed, my embassy team and I will work with the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, as well as directly with civil
society organizations and human rights defenders in Lebanon to promote
respect for human rights and help ensure that Lebanon stands as a
vibrant and multicultural beacon for the rest of the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Johnson by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all
of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will work to advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against the PRC's efforts to expand its
problematic influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic
engagements, public diplomacy programming, and commercial advocacy to
bolster the strong pillars of U.S.-Lebanese ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the Middle East.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Lebanon and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to
expand its influence in Lebanon and the region.
Question. Iranian backed Hezbollah, which the State Department has
designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), operates freely
in Lebanon as a militia force, a political party, and provides social
services. Iran uses Hezbollah in Lebanon as a proxy force to threaten
Israel's existence. What is your assessment of the current state of
U.S.-Lebanon relations?
Answer. The Administration remains clear-eyed about the threat
Hezbollah poses to Lebanon's sovereignty and stability, as well as to
the United States, Israel, and the region. Iran's malign influence in
Lebanon, exercised through its proxy, Hezbollah, harms the Lebanese
people, who also continue to grapple with one of the world's worst
economic crises. To combat Iran and Hezbollah's destabilizing
influence, the United States continues to support the Lebanese people
and legitimate Lebanese security forces, and is pressing the political
class to elect a president, form an empowered government, and implement
critical reforms needed to secure an International Monetary Fund
program.
If confirmed, I will continue to use all available tools--including
diplomatic engagement and sanctions recommendations--to push back
against Hezbollah and Iran's influence and bolster Lebanon's
sovereignty, security, and stability.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Government of
Lebanon, which has members of an FTO actively participating in the
Government?
Answer. I share your concerns about Hezbollah's participation in
Lebanon's current caretaker government, which includes two cabinet
ministers appointed by Hezbollah. The Administration does not engage
with Hezbollah-appointed ministers; nor will I, if confirmed. We also
do not provide assistance that has a high risk of benefitting
ministries headed by Hezbollah-appointed ministers. If confirmed, I
commit to continuing to ensure rigorous safeguards remain in place to
mitigate the risk that any designated terrorist group benefit from U.S.
Government activities in Lebanon.
Question. How will you incentivize a government infiltrated by
Hezbollah to support U.S. goals in the region regarding security?
Answer. I understand that despite the presence of two Hezbollah
ministers in the current Lebanese caretaker government, the Department
does not assess that the Government is controlled by Hezbollah. If
confirmed, I will use all available tools--including recommendations to
the Department for imposition of sanctions alongside diplomatic
engagement--to erode Hezbollah's influence and counter its
destabilizing activities. I also look forward to continuing robust U.S.
assistance to Lebanon's legitimate security forces, which helps build
their capabilities and professionalism, as well as counter Hezbollah's
false narrative that it needs weapons to protect Lebanon.
Question. Since 2018, the U.S. has provided more than $1 billion
dollars for development, humanitarian, and security assistance to
Lebanon, making the U.S. the largest donor. USAID provides significant
aid and according to USAID's Scaling Up Renewable Energy (SURE)
website, the program aims to meet international climate commitments,
strengthen energy security via private investment and procurement of
clean electricity. However, many of the clean energy aid programs, such
as solar-powered aid projects and wind turbines projects, source these
products or components that are made in China, which is often linked to
slave labor. Besides USAID subsidizing China's industry by using solar
panels and wind turbines parts for aid projects, the production of
these items in China is anything but ``clean'' and simply provides the
veneer that these USAID projects somehow reduce CO2
emission. Further, there is ample concern that components used in these
projects are likely connected to forced labor in China. How will you
ensure that USAID solar panels, wind turbines, or other ``clean''
energy products/components are not made in China by slave labor for use
in Lebanon?
Answer. I understand that USAID/Lebanon has implemented safeguards
to ensure that its partners are in compliance with U.S. laws and
regulations regarding the prohibited use of forced labor, particularly
in light of PRC human rights abuses in Xinjiang, China. USAID
implementing partners are required to conduct due diligence of any
proposed vendors of solar panels. The implementing partner also
validates upon equipment delivery through an inspection report that
equipment is not from any entities excluded from receiving federal
assistance. As an extra safeguard, USAID requires implementing partners
to notify their respective Contracting Officer's Representative (COR)
prior to solar panel purchases to ensure adequate checks have been
made. CORs are also required to conduct site visits to check that the
equipment installed matches the list of approved equipment, including
verifying the equipment matches the approved manufacturer.
If confirmed, I will work with my USAID colleagues to maintain
strict adherence to these safeguards.
Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure implementing or third-
party partners for these ``clean'' energy aid projects by USAID in
Lebanon are required to source from non-China suppliers?
Answer. USAID requires implementing partners to include standard
language in their subcontracts with local companies that prohibit the
subcontractors from purchasing materials from prohibited PRC suppliers
(following the H.R. 6256 the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act). If
confirmed, I will work with my USAID colleagues to maintain strict
adherence to this requirement.
Question. Are you aware that a current USAID project in Lebanon
uses Chinese sourced solar-panels?
Answer. I understand that USAID's solar interventions are being
implemented through mechanisms that allow the purchase of goods and
services from the United States, Lebanon as the recipient country, and
developing countries other than advanced developing countries. However,
the allowable origin of goods is broad as long as it does not include
any countries that are prohibited due to Office of Foreign Assets
Control sanctions or country-specific legislation. China is not a
prohibited source country, though certain manufacturers (as listed in
Section 889 of the John S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act
and H.R. 6256 Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act) are prohibited.
If confirmed, I will work with my USAID colleagues to ensure U.S.-
funded programs support U.S. and Lebanese businesses to the maximum
extent possible.
Question. If confirmed, will future ``clean'' energy aid products,
funded by USAID in Lebanon, contain Chinese produced solar panels or
wind turbines?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my USAID colleagues to
maintain strict adherence to all applicable restrictions related to
purchasing goods and services from prohibited PRC suppliers. I
understand that USAID's implementing partners must conduct due
diligence to ensure compliance with all award terms and federal
regulations, including provisions prohibiting implementing partners
from using forced labor. USAID takes specific measures to encourage
implementing partners engaged in projects related to solar energy to
exercise thorough due diligence and engage appropriate legal advice,
due to persistent concerns with the prevalent use of forced labor in
solar panel supply chains. In addition, USAID requires implementing
partners to prohibit subcontractors from purchasing materials from
prohibited PRC suppliers.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Johnson by Senator Ted Cruz
America's strategy in Lebanon has for decades been aimed at
bolstering state institutions against Hezbollah, including
prominently the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the Internal
Security Forces (ISF). Despite these efforts, Hezbollah
continues to exert significant influence over Lebanese state
institutions, which in turn are unwilling or unable to take
action against the Iran-backed terror group. Additionally, in
summer 2017 Hezbollah launched an offensive in the Arsal
Mountains alongside a campaign by the LAF, US-supplied weapons
were used by the LAF in that operation, and Lebanese media
outlets reported that the LAF was providing de facto fire cover
for Hezbollah operations. These challenges--the fragility of
state institutions, the influence of Iran-backed terrorist
groups, the inefficiency of American security assistance,
etc.--have persisted over several years when you have been a
high-ranking official at the Bureau of International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), which administers many of
these policies.
More recently, the State Department has begun to provide
livelihood support to LAF and ISF members, i.e. salaries for
Lebanese troops and police officers. INL specifically oversees
the livelihood support for the ISF. If confirmed, you would
have significant responsibilities overseeing livelihood support
to both the LAF and ISF. Hezbollah exercises significant
control over sectors of the Lebanese economy, and operates
businesses--supermarkets, gas stations, wholesale operations,
and so on--which they use to finance terrorism against the
United States and our allies, including Israel. It is not clear
what if any steps the State Dept. has taken to ensure the
salaries being provided to LAF and ISF members are not spent in
those sectors or businesses, i.e. providing material support
for terrorism.
Alongside these policies, the Biden administration has also
sought to implement a proposal in which gas from Egypt would be
delivered to Lebanon through a route that includes Syria, in
what experts have described as a straightforward violation of
American sanctions, including the Caesar Act.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah during your
tenure at INL? A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. All U.S. Government assistance to Lebanon is ultimately
aimed at fostering a stable, sovereign Lebanese state free of
Hezbollah's malign influence. U.S. security assistance is aimed at
increasing the professional capacity of both the Lebanese Armed Forces
(LAF) and the Internal Security Forces (ISF) as strong state
institutions, which remains the best way to erode Hezbollah's
influence. The LAF and ISF have proven themselves capable of applying
our assistance to face a broad range of evolving threats, including
counterterrorism operations against ISIS and Al-Qaeda affiliates, and
operations against captagon traffickers and arms smuggling networks on
the Syrian border, some of whom are alleged to be affiliated with
Hezbollah.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah military
activities other than through disarming them during your tenure at INL,
e.g. through roadblocks? A rough estimate or a range will be
sufficient.
Answer. All U.S. Government assistance to Lebanon is ultimately
aimed at fostering a stable, sovereign Lebanese state free of
Hezbollah's malign influence. U.S. security assistance strengthens the
professional capacity of the Lebanese security services, enabling them
to defend Lebanon from terrorist organizations and other militant
groups, thereby undercutting Hezbollah's claim that the Lebanese need
Hezbollah and its weapons to protect Lebanon from external threats.
U.S. security assistance includes training and equipment that has also
improved the frequency and sophistication of Lebanese anti-crime
operations, including against captagon traffickers and smuggling
networks on the Syrian border, which works against Hezbollah's
interests.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control over the Beirut--
Rafic Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the
airport.
Answer. I share your concerns about Hezbollah's influence at
Beirut-Rafic Hariri International Airport; moreover, I understand that
widespread corruption in Lebanon also undermines the integrity and
effectiveness of counterterrorism efforts at the airport. The
Department of State would welcome the opportunity to offer a closed
briefing on our assessment of the degree to which Hezbollah continues
to influence or exert control at the Beirut-Rafic Hariri International
Airport. The Administration continues to engage senior Lebanese
officials on the need to strengthen counterterrorism measures at the
airport and other ports of entry and has seen a commitment on behalf of
the Government of Lebanon to interdict high-risk individuals and cargo.
U.S. foreign assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the
Internal Security Forces (ISF) enables them to maintain a robust
security presence in the airport, including with elements that
regularly benefit from U.S. training.
Question. In your assessment, does Hezbollah use the Beirut-Rafic
Hariri International Airport for illicit activities related to the
trafficking of narcotics internationally?
Answer. I assess that captagon, cocaine, and other narcotics
trafficking, including but not limited to Beirut-Rafic Hariri
International Airport, directly benefits malign actors including
Hezbollah-affiliated groups and individuals. I share your concerns
about use of the Beirut-Rafic Hariri International Airport to traffic
illicit drugs, and I was heartened to see reports that Lebanese
authorities have stepped up enforcement efforts, including, for
example, through a reported seizure of more than half a million
captagon pills at the airport in May 2022. Ending the scourge of drug
trafficking the world over--including the captagon trade in the Middle
East--is an Administration priority. If confirmed, I will bring to bear
my INL experience to bolster the capacity of the Government of Lebanon
to counter the rising drug trade in the region.
Question. In your assessment, does the Beirut--Rafic Hariri
International Airport maintain effective antiterrorism efforts?
Answer. We assess that Lebanese security services, working with the
U.S. Government and international partners, are working to improve
counterterrorism controls at Beirut-Rafic Hariri International Airport,
but that widespread corruption in Lebanon continues to undermine the
integrity and effectiveness of counterterrorism efforts at the airport.
The Department of State would be pleased to offer a closed briefing on
antiterrorism efforts at Beirut-Rafic Hariri International Airport.
U.S. foreign assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal
Security Forces enables them to maintain a robust security presence in
the airport, including elements which regularly benefit from U.S.
training. That said, further improvement is required. As such, the
Department and the Embassy continue to engage senior Lebanese officials
on the need to further strengthen counterterrorism measures at the
airport and other ports of entry.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control over the Port of
Beirut or facilities located within the port?
Answer. I share your concerns about Hezbollah's influence at the
Port of Beirut; moreover, widespread corruption in Lebanon also
undermines the integrity and effectiveness of counterterrorism efforts
of partners like the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), which maintains
perimeter security at the port and plays an important role in deterring
terrorist activity in and around the facility. The Department of State
would welcome the opportunity to offer a briefing on our assessment of
the degree to which Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control
at the Port of Beirut.
Question. In your assessment, does Hezbollah use the Port of Beirut
for illicit activities related to the trafficking of narcotics
internationally?
Answer. I am concerned by reports that Hezbollah continues to exert
influence over ports of entry, which both supports the terrorist
group's illicit activities, including related to narcotics trafficking,
and deprives the Lebanese people and government of much needed customs
revenue. The best way to address malign influence at ports of entry is
through strengthening the legitimate security agencies present at those
same locations, a strategy we have already employed through, for
example, providing training and equipment for the LAF and ISF.
Question. In your assessment, does the Port of Beirut maintains
effective antiterrorism measures?
Answer. We assess that Lebanon has taken steps to better secure the
Port of Beirut, including improving counterterrorism measures, but that
widespread corruption in Lebanon continues to undermine the integrity
and effectiveness of counterterrorism efforts at the Port of Beirut.
The Department of State would be pleased to offer a closed briefing on
antiterrorism efforts at the port of Beirut. The Lebanese Navy, with
assistance from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and international
partners, is in the first phase of completely rebuilding the Beirut
Naval Base at the port, which will increase surveillance and
interdiction capabilities in the port area. The Lebanese Armed Forces
benefits from coordinated U.S. training and support, including
maintaining perimeter security at the port, which plays an important
role in deterring terrorist activity in and around the port. That said,
further improvement is required, including further strengthening
counterterrorism controls. Moreover, the Port of Beirut still has not
recovered full operability following the August 2020 explosion. Some
security infrastructure at the container terminal remains dysfunctional
and diminished port capacity persists. As such, the Department and the
Embassy continue to engage senior Lebanese officials on the need to
ensure security measures, including counterterrorism measures at the
port, are in line with international best practices.
Question. Did you clear policies providing livelihood support for
ISF members? If not, do you support providing livelihood support for
ISF members?
Answer. Since serving as INL Deputy Assistant Secretary (DAS) from
October 2021, Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary (A/PDAS)
since October 2022, and PDAS since February 2023, I have not cleared on
any policies or programs related to Lebanon. When the program concept
was approved in December 2021, I was serving as the INL DAS responsible
for Europe and Asia, and therefore my duties did not include clearing
policies related to INL's efforts in the Middle East. I do, however,
support this program, as I understand that the Internal Security Forces
(ISF) (as well as the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)) plays a key role in
bolstering the Lebanese state to avoid outright collapse, which could
precipitate the return of sectarian militias, prompt civil war,
strengthen Hezbollah, and threaten Israel's security.
Question. Do you support providing livelihood support to LAF
members?
Answer. Yes. I understand that this temporary and extraordinary
program was approved to offset the unprecedented financial and other
strains on the LAF due to Lebanon's ongoing economic crisis. The LAF is
a key state institution holding the country together in this time of
crisis. Buttressing the LAF figures as part of a larger Administration
effort to bolster the Lebanese state and avoid outright collapse, which
could precipitate the return of sectarian militias, prompt civil war,
strengthen Hezbollah, and threaten Israel's security. The LAF is one of
the only remaining state institutions with cross-confessional support
capable of guaranteeing the country's stability. The LAF has taken on
new challenges, especially in maintaining domestic social order even as
the collapse of Lebanon's currency has hollowed out personnel salaries.
This temporary program supplements our larger efforts to press
Lebanon's political leadership to move on critical reforms and
government formation.
Question. What steps has the State Department taken to ensure that
livelihood support provided to LAF and ISF members are not spent in
businesses owned by Hezbollah or individuals linked to Hezbollah?
Answer. I understand that the Department of State has put in place
robust and thorough risk mitigation measures to minimize the risk that
U.S. assistance might benefit terrorist entities, including Hezbollah.
These measures include counterterrorism namecheck vetting, financial
oversight, in-person monitoring, and extensive reporting requirements.
While I was not involved in the program's development when serving in
INL, I understand that the program is utilizing a third-party monitor,
which will conduct visits to LAF and ISF units throughout the country
to document how livelihood recipients are spending their funds. This
third-party monitoring is in addition to U.S. Government monitoring and
extensive reporting from the implementing partner. If confirmed, I will
do everything in my power to ensure that not a single dollar of U.S.
assistance benefits Hezbollah.
Question. Please describe what you understand to be the statutory
basis for providing livelihood support for LAF members.
Answer. The LAF livelihood support program was funded from
Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funds, which I understand are available
for peacekeeping operations and other programs carried out in
furtherance of the national security interests of the United States
consistent with the authority in the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
Question. Please describe what you understand to be the statutory
basis for providing livelihood support for ISF members.
Answer. The Internal Security Forces (ISF) livelihood support
program was funded from the International Narcotics Control and Law
Enforcement (INCLE) account, which I understand is appropriated to
carry out foreign assistance programming for counternarcotics and other
anti-crime purposes consistent with the authority in the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961.
Question. Please describe what you understand to be any precedents
for providing livelihood support for LAF members.
Answer. The United States has provided livelihood support to
foreign security partners in extraordinary circumstances, as has been
the case in Somalia using Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funds. The
Department works closely with all relevant interagency stakeholders to
ensure such programs include robust risk mitigation protocols and clear
exit plans.
Question. Please describe what you understand to be any precedents
for providing livelihood support for ISF members.
Answer. International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE)
funds have been used to provide limited stipends for targeted, vetted
groups. The Department works closely with all relevant stakeholders to
ensure such programs include robust risk mitigation protocols and clear
exit plans.
Question. In January and March 2022, the ISF announced that it had
dismantled 17 different Israeli espionage networks that were operating
against Hezbollah. Do you believe that these actions enhanced American
national security?
Answer. No. The Department of State does not assess that any
reported effort by the Internal Security Forces (ISF) to dismantle such
networks is in the U.S. national security interest. This is why the
Department continues to urge the ISF to focus on its core mission--
bolstering stability and meeting the internal security needs of the
Lebanese people. Our support to the ISF continues to build the
institution's professionalism and capacity to counter internal threats
that have the potential to destabilize the country and the region.
Question. In April and May 2023, the LAF and ISF participated in
the deportation of Syrian refugees back into territory controlled by
the Assad regime. Do you believe that these actions enhance American
national security?
Answer. No. I share your concerns about the Lebanese Armed Forces'
(LAF) involvement in recent deportations of Syrians residing in Lebanon
back to regime-controlled territory without ensuring access to all
applicable legal protections. According to the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), among those deported were
individuals registered with or known to UNHCR. However, the LAF has
denied deporting anyone with UNHCR documentation, and the LAF has since
confirmed it has ceased any involvement in deportations. Further, I
understand that according to the information available at this time,
including from the U.N. and Lebanese Government and security services,
the Internal Security Forces (ISF) may have been involved in the
arrests of some Syrians but did not play a role in these recent
deportations. If confirmed, I will continue to reiterate that all
persons in Lebanon, including refugees, should be treated in accordance
with international human rights law, that anyone detained should be
afforded all applicable legal protections, and that the principle of
non-refoulement should be respected.
Question. Do you support the Biden administration's proposal to
bring gas to Lebanon via routes in Syria? If so, is it your assessment
that the proposal would violate American sanctions against the Syrian
regime, including the Caesar Act? If you do not believe the proposal
violates sanctions, please explain why not.
Answer. Yes, I do support this proposal to help address Lebanon's
acute energy crisis, which is having a devastating impact on critical
life-saving infrastructure such as hospitals and the water supply.
However, I understand that no final determination has been made about
the U.S. sanctions implications of that proposal. The Administration
received provisional contracts for both the electricity and gas deals
last year. The final financing terms and contracts are still being
discussed by the parties and the World Bank. The Departments of
Treasury and State still need to review details of the final financing
terms and contracts to assess any relevant sanctions concerns. Only at
that time will we have the information needed to make any final
determinations. The Administration looks forward to continuing to
consult with Congress on this important issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ervin Jose Massinga by Senator Robert Menendez
In recent hearings on Sudan, the Sahel, and Russia I have
expressed concern that the State Department's Africa Bureau
appears to be allergic to sanctioning African government
officials. On May 23, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced a visa
restriction policy under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the
Immigration and Nationality Act on the issuance of visas for
any current or former Ethiopian or Eritrean Government
officials, or others responsible for, or complicit in,
undermining resolution of the crisis in northern Ethiopia.
Question. Has the State Department designated anyone using this
authority?
Answer. The Department of State has taken steps to impose
restrictions on multiple individuals under the 3C visa restriction
policy for current or former Ethiopian or Eritrean Government
officials, members of the security forces, or other individuals as
announced by the Secretary of State on May 23, 2021. This includes
those who have engaged in wrongful violence, or other abuses, against
people in northern Ethiopia, as well as those who have hindered access
of humanitarian access to those in the region.
Question. Do you believe imposition of sanctions can be a useful
policy tool?
Answer. Yes, foreign policy-related sanctions can be effective in
helping to counter and deter threats to national security posed by
particular activities of individuals, private enterprises and/or
countries. The Department seeks to maximize their economic impact on
targets and to minimize the damage to U.S. economic interests. Beyond
the imposition of sanctions, the THREAT of sanctions is also a useful
tool to use in complex negotiations. We also work to remove economic
sanctions when appropriate to reward and incentivize improved behavior
or demonstrate U.S. support for foreign government actions.
Question. Can the threat of sanctions be effective if sanctions are
never actually imposed?
Answer. Yes, the announcement of a visa restriction or sanction
regime as a first step, before any designations, has in some instances
been helpful in deterring behavior contrary to U.S. foreign policy
goals.
For example, since the outbreak of armed conflict in northern
Ethiopia in November 2020, the United States has engaged in intense
diplomacy and pressed the Government of Ethiopia and the Tigray
People's Liberation Front (TPLF) to cease hostilities without
preconditions, ensure access to lifesaving humanitarian assistance, and
end human rights abuses and violations. These efforts, implicitly back
by the threat of possible sanctions in the event of continued fighting,
helped incentivize the Government of Ethiopia and the TPLF signing a
cessation of hostilities agreement on November 2, 2022. All options
including sanctions remained on the table during this period, as they
still do.
There are many such examples. Sometimes, the use of SOME sanctions
against SOME actors serves as a warning to others that additional
action by the United States may be forthcoming should our policy goals
not be met.
On November 1, 2021, the Department of State amended the
International Traffic in Arms Regulations to add and update the
entry for Ethiopia to deny licenses and other approvals for
exports of defense articles and defense services to certain
end-users.
Question. Has the Administration revised the amendment since it
took effect?
Answer. No, the Department of State has not made further revisions
to the entry for Ethiopia, since amending the International Traffic in
Arms Regulations (ITAR) on November 1, 2021. The 2021 amendment
codified that it is the policy of the United States to deny licenses
and other approvals for exports of defense articles and defense
services to certain end-users in Ethiopia.
Question. If confirmed, what criteria will you recommend the
Administration use to determine whether the U.S. should once again
allow licenses and other approval for export of defense articles for
Ethiopia?
Answer. The Department of State updated ITAR Sec. 126.1 on November
1, 2021, consistent with the Secretary of State's May 21, 2021
announcement of human rights related restrictions with respect to
Ethiopia and Eritrea. Since the signing of the cessation of hostilities
agreement on November 2, 2022, the human rights situation in northern
Ethiopia has improved dramatically and parties have acknowledged the
need for transitional justice. That said, I would recommend that any
proposal for exporting defense articles to Ethiopia continue to be
subject to a rigorous review process, including as necessary Leahy
vetting, to ensure that those articles would be used as intended by
cleared personnel to advance U.S. policy interests.
Question. In your view, should assistance to Ethiopia from the
International Financial Institutions including the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund be resumed? What safeguards, if any, should
be put in place to assure that projects are carried out?
Answer. The State Department acts consistently with the IFI Act
provision to not channel assistance to the government of any country
which engages in a pattern of gross violations of internationally
recognized human rights (GVHR)--unless such assistance is directed
specifically to programs which serve the basic human needs of the
citizens of such country. Since the November 2, 2022 cessation of
hostilities agreement, there has been a marked improvement in the human
rights situation in northern Ethiopia. As the human rights situation
evolves in Ethiopia, the Secretary will continue to review the
applicability of relevant restrictions.
Audits and other engagements of programs and operations across
agencies can help ensure that foreign assistance programs are conducted
effectively and efficiently, in accordance with statutory standards and
authorities.
President Biden terminated Ethiopia from the African Growth
and Opportunity Act (AGOA) effective January 1, 2022. Ethiopia
did not meet the criteria due to gross violations of
internationally recognized human rights being perpetrated by
the Government of Ethiopia and other parties to the conflict in
northern Ethiopia.
Question. Do you believe the Government of Ethiopia meets the
criteria set in law?
Answer. The annual AGOA review process, in which State and the
interagency review each country's eligibility, has just begun. AGOA
eligibility determinations are made in September by the interagency
Trade Policy Staff Committee. Although there has been significant
progress towards meeting specific benchmarks related to the conflict in
northern Ethiopia, Ethiopia must also satisfy the statutory
requirements. Because the review has only just started, we are unable
to pre-determine the State Department's position on Ethiopia's AGOA
eligibility.
Question. What specific actions must the Government of Ethiopia
take to meet the criteria?
Answer. AGOA criteria in U.S. law stipulates that, among other
criteria, a country must not engage in gross violations of
internationally recognized human rights. Offensive military operations
in northern Ethiopia have ceased following the signing of the cessation
of hostilities agreement on November 2, 2022. Ethiopia has clear
benchmarks for a pathway toward reinstatement, and the United States
will continue to work with the Government of Ethiopia to achieve that
objective. Ethiopia's progress toward meeting its benchmarks and
statutory requirements will be assessed by the interagency Trade Policy
Staff Committee in September.
Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to ensure that
individuals implicated in the diversion of U.S. donated food aid to
Ethiopia are held accountable?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development's Office of
the Inspector General is investigating the diversion of food aid in
Ethiopia, and we are engaging with partners (including WFP) at both the
headquarters and field levels to ensure appropriate risk mitigation
systems to strengthen program monitoring and oversight are in place. If
confirmed, I would work closely with USAID's Bureau of Humanitarian
Assistance to ensure that USAID-supported food assistance resumes only
when strong oversight measures are in place and we are confident that
assistance will reach the intended vulnerable populations based on the
humanitarian principles of humanity, independence, impartiality, and
neutrality.
The war in northern Ethiopia was characterized by egregious
abuses by all parties to the conflict. On March 20, Secretary
Blinken announced the determination that members of the
Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), EDF, TPLF forces, and
Amhara forces committed war crimes during the conflict in
northern Ethiopia, and that members of the ENDF, the EDF, and
Amhara forces also committed crimes against humanity, including
murder, rape and other forms of sexual violence, and
persecution.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to support
accountability for these crimes?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to support ongoing
transitional justice and accountability efforts in Ethiopia, which are
key to securing a sustainable peace. Meaningful accountability can only
take place through active participation by all parts of Ethiopian
society in a credible transitional justice process, consultations for
which are currently underway in Ethiopia. If confirmed, I will seek to
strengthen the efforts of NGOs, civil society, and the international
community to support fact-finding, documentation, and justice. We will
also use the tools at our disposal to encourage accountability.
Question. Do you believe the Ethiopian judicial system can credibly
prosecute perpetrators?
Answer. The Ethiopian judicial system will need the technical and
political support of international partners. On the technical side,
there are ongoing efforts to build capacity through small grants and
trainings. On the political side, the international community must
continue to push the Government toward sincere and robust justice and
accountability in order to break the cycle of violence in Ethiopia. If
confirmed, I would press the Government to approach the need for
justice after the recent conflict seriously, honestly and
transparently, and use the tools at our disposal to advance that goal.
Question. Does the State Department have a position on whether
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed bears any level of responsibility for the
crimes committed in Ethiopia by Eritreans forces?
Answer. One of the goals of a robust transitional justice process
would be to identify responsible parties and bring them to justice.
This is why it is essential that we support nascent transitional
justice efforts both technically and politically, as well as
international fact-finding and documentation.
Related to the specific question concerning PM Abiy, this is a
decision of the Ethiopian people to make through their judicial
institutions.
In December of 2021, the United Nations Human Rights Council
established the International Commission of Human Rights
Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE). ICHREE's mandate includes
investigating allegations of violations and abuses of
international human rights law international humanitarian law
and international refugee law in Ethiopia committed since 3
November 2020 by parties to the conflict. Its mandate ends in
September of this year.
Question. I understand ICHREE's mandate will not be renewed.
Considering the scale of the abuses in northern Ethiopia, why won't the
mandate be renewed?
Answer. ICHREE, of which the mandate began in 2021, will provide a
comprehensive report in September 2023. The European Union proposed
creation of ICHREE and the United States Government supported the
mandate. More recently, the European Union has made it clear it is not
planning to seek renewal of its current mandate, which expires in
September. It is our unambiguous understanding that there is very
little international support, particularly among African states, for
extending the mandate.
The U.S. Government will continue to support independent human
rights organizations, including the United Nations, to paint a complete
picture of the abuses that took place during the conflict.
Question. Did the State Department agree to allow ICHREE's mandate
to expire in exchange for the Ethiopian Government dropping its efforts
to disband ICHREE's mandate early?
Answer. As stated above, the European Union is not planning to
pursue ICHREE's renewal. This decision takes into account the continued
adherence to the cessation of hostilities agreement and the dramatic
reduction in reports of human rights violations and abuses in northern
Ethiopia. Our long-term goal is to support domestic capacity for human
rights accountability and transitional justice, and ICHREE's
comprehensive report in September 2023 will be a valuable contribution
to this goal.
Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure the Ethiopian people,
the Human Rights Council and U.N. headquarters receive regular, public
reporting from an independent, credible entity about abuses and
violations that occurred in the course of the conflict?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support independent and credible human
rights organizations working in Ethiopia to document and investigate
human rights violations and abuses. I will also coordinate with
likeminded nations to ensure the international community speaks with
one voice on the importance of credible and transparent reckoning with
violations committed by all sides of the conflict. We believe credible
efforts are being made on this front, but more must be done to ensure
they have the technical and political backing they need to succeed.
Question. I understand the ICHREE investigators do not have
unfettered access to Ethiopia. What will you do if confirmed to ensure
they have full access to carry forward with their work until the end of
its mandate?
Answer. ICHREE negotiates access issues directly with the
Government of Ethiopia. We have pressed the Government of Ethiopia to
support the ICHREE mission and allow the team access and have
repeatedly noted that the cycle of violence in Ethiopia cannot be
broken without meaningful steps towards accountability and justice. The
U.S. Government will continue to support independent human rights
organizations, including the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights, to document and investigate human rights abuses that took
place during the conflict. Our assessment of the situation on the
ground will always be a composite of information we receive from many
institutions and voices.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I am proud of many actions undertaken to promote human
rights, but sometimes the most important impact is that on just one
family. While in China, I, along with colleagues, helped a Uigher
family escape the PRC and come to the United States for resettlement.
Beyond that, in Guinea as DCM, I worked intensively with the Ambassador
to demand credible elections on the National and subnational level, and
personally worked with the electoral commission to ensure its work was
honest. Again, in Guinea, I worked with USAID to ensure funding of a
parallel vote tabulation system that proved effective in demonstrating
to the public the elections reflected the will of the people.
In Sudan while in CDA status, I publicly demanded that the
Government respect the rights of Christian worshippers who were being
bullied by a powerful official over a land dispute--the Government
convoked me to complain, but quietly backed down on the matter. More
recently, during the Kenyan elections of 2022, as Acting Assistant
Secretary I worked closely with Ambassador Whitman, State/DRL, and much
of the policy making interagency to steer a course that was seen as
balanced and effective in promoting our values while bolstering the
stability of a key partner.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Ethiopia? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. There are many challenges to democratic development in
Ethiopia, which stalled during the conflict in northern Ethiopia and
remains threatened by violence in Oromia and Amhara regions. The
absence of transitional justice throughout Ethiopia's history has
entrenched impunity and degraded rule of law and public trust in the
justice system. Further, as the most recent Human Rights Report
highlighted, Ethiopia ranks poorly in press freedom, with journalists
being arrested or intimidated. Civil society organizations that don't
agree with the Government are also under threat. This has an overall
chilling effect on freedom of speech. If confirmed, I will champion
international support for Ethiopia's institutions that underpin
participatory and accountable governance, rule of law, authentic
political competition, civil society, human rights, and press freedom.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Ethiopia? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. The U.S. Government directly supports several democracy
programs in Ethiopia in the form of small grants from USAID, State/DRL,
and USIP. However, the current assistance pause prevents some
programming that could advance key U.S. objectives in the country. More
broadly, our policy towards Ethiopia is designed to be a combination of
incentives (potential future reinstatement of AGOA and international
funding support) and disincentives (Executive Order 14046 sanctions) to
encourage the Government of Ethiopia to build on the progress in
national dialogue and transitional justice it has made since November
2022.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. With the resources at our disposal, we will focus on
developing robust institutions, strengthening democratic systems, and
supporting civil society organizations. It is my belief that long-term
peace in Ethiopia depends not just on a willingness by leaders to lay
down arms, but on developing a capacity to deal with future problems
(and take account of those in the past) at a local level. We will
therefore prioritize issues like transitional justice, press freedom,
human rights, conflict prevention and mitigation, civic engagement, and
accountability as we work with non-governmental actors to build
capacity.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Ethiopia? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I plan to meet regularly with civil
society and NGOs. I will continue to use the policy and legal tools at
our disposal to empower these organizations and encourage a greater
role for NGOs and civil society in Ethiopia.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will meet with democratically-oriented
political opposition figures and parties. One of our primary goals in
Ethiopia is to promote democracy, an inclusive political system, and
good governance, and I will continue our policy of meeting with both
government and opposition leaders. Certainly women, minorities, and
youth within democratically-oriented opposition groups will be key
interlocutors with me and the Embassy staff if confirmed.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Ethiopia on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Ethiopia?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will meet and engage with members of
the press, including local and independent press. The lack of press
freedom was noted in the most recent Human Rights Report, and promoting
press freedom is a key goal for this administration.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, I plan to build upon the collaboration I currently
have with the State Department's Global Engagement Center and related
USG institutions and will, if confirmed and through leading the whole
country team, actively engage with civil society and government
counterparts on countering disinformation and propaganda. This is not
only a priority for the United States, itis a priority for the
Government of Ethiopia. If confirmed, I will look for ways to work with
external actors, the Global Engagement Center, and the GOE to counter
disinformation and propaganda disseminated in Ethiopia.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
Ethiopia on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, my team and I will actively engage with
Ethiopia on the right to unionize and organize. Our Embassy colleagues
currently liaise regularly with labor groups, including the
Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, and I would intend for our
engagement on labor issues to remain robust.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Ethiopia, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes, I will commit to use my position as ambassador to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Ethiopia, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Ethiopia?
Answer. As noted in State's most recent Human Rights Report,
consensual same-sex sexual conduct is illegal in Ethiopia and
punishable by three to fifteen years' imprisonment. While we are not
aware of any recent prosecutions or incarcerations under this law,
reports of violence against LGBTQI+ people occur, and discrimination
against the LGBTQI+ community is permitted in Ethiopia. If confirmed, I
will use my position to defend the human rights and dignity of all
people in Ethiopia, no matter their sexual orientation or gender
identity.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Ethiopia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure first and foremost that all
employees within my purview receive the respect and dignity they
deserve. I will protect staff from discrimination and create a safe
working environment. Outside the Embassy, I will support civil society
leaders and NGOs working to defend the rights of all people in
Ethiopia, regardless of their sexual orientation, and lend my political
and diplomatic support to their message as they carry out their
important work.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Ethiopia?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of
Legislative Affairs to offer briefings for Members of Congress and
their staffs when I am back in Washington for visits or consultations.
The Ethiopia team has actively and frequently engaged with the Hill;
from my current role as PDAS in the Africa Bureau, I have noted and
appreciated the mutual understanding this has fostered.
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, I will lead the American
and Ethiopian professionals in Mission Ethiopia to advance our national
security agenda in a safe, inclusive, and respectful workplace. I will
communicate my commitment to a workplace in which diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility are core tenants of our mission culture. I
will also make clear that discrimination, harassment, and bullying are
unacceptable and take swift action to address any such issues that may
arise. I will demonstrate my commitment to equal employment opportunity
(EEO) principals and the work of Mission EEO counselors and locally
engaged staff advisors.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Ethiopia?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, I will demonstrate
through actions and words that diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility (DEIA) is a priority, and reinforce with my staff it
should also be a priority for them. I will also make clear my strong
opposition to harassment, discrimination, and bullying and ensure a
prevention plan is in place. I will hold supervisors accountable and
expect them to hold their team members accountable for acts of
harassment, discrimination, or bullying. I will ensure mission
personnel have access to all the resources they need to combat racism,
discrimination, and inequality. If confirmed, I will meet regularly
with post's DEIA council at Mission Ethiopia, participate in community
activities to increase dialogue and inclusion, and promote a positive
work environment among the Embassy team.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging more equitably in our
operations and programs and will lead Mission Ethiopia to build
relationships with all communities in Ethiopian society through active
outreach. I will carefully monitor, evaluate, and coordinate the design
and implementation of programming and assistance and extend their reach
as far as possible. I will ensure that our representational events and
public diplomacy programs include marginalized and underrepresented
groups and that our human resources team uses diverse panels in hiring
processes to ensure applicants are not being disadvantaged. I will work
with our locally employed staff to expand our outreach efforts and
leverage the various languages spoken within our mission to assist our
U.S. officers in making connections beyond the capital.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ervin Jose Massinga by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your understanding of the division of labor
between yourself as U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, if confirmed, and
Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Hammer?
Answer. SEHOA plays an instrumental role in supporting the
department's diplomatic goals in the region. My understanding is that
if confirmed, I would lead the bilateral relationship within Ethiopia
while SEHOA would focus on complementary efforts, such as ensuring
implementation of the cessation of hostilities agreement, coordinating
with regional actors, and participating in engagements outside of
Ethiopia. I have worked with Ambassador Hammer effectively during his
tenure as SEHOA, and fully anticipate that collaborative, productive
working relationship will continue if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit as U.S. Ambassador to
placing a strong emphasis on thoughtful and balanced public diplomacy,
including on social media, traditional press, and Embassy-produced
content?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will emphasize public diplomacy,
including on social media, traditional press, and Embassy-produced
content. Given recent ethnic tensions, Ethiopia is particularly
susceptible to propaganda and hate speech. Countering false narratives
and promoting and highlighting U.S. values-oriented policy messages
will be a key pillar of my strategy.
On March 20, 2023, Secretary Blinken made an atrocities
determination for Ethiopia, finding that actors committed war
crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing
throughout the conflict in northern Ethiopia. I publicly called
for accountability for atrocities committed in Ethiopia in
April 2021, May 2021, June 2021, August 2021, September 2021,
November 2021, December 2021, March 2022, June 2022, July 2022,
August 2022, and November 2022, and introduced S.Res.97 (117th
Congress) and was the lead-cosponsor on S.3199 (117th Congress)
with Senator Menendez to call for and require accountability
measures. Additionally, Senate Foreign Relations Committee and
House Foreign Affairs Committee staff repeatedly raised the
question of an atrocities determination for the conflict in
Northern Ethiopia in regular calls with the State Department
for over two years.
Question. Given your role as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary
of State for African Affairs as deliberations about the atrocities
determination were ongoing, what is your perspective on why the
Department made the atrocities determination for the conflict in
northern Ethiopia in March 2023 after two years of conflict and an
agreement on the cessation of hostilities, and not used as an
accountability tool when the atrocities were occurring?
Answer. We focused the core of our diplomatic efforts on bringing
the parties together and facilitating a cessation of hostilities, given
that most gross violations of human rights were occurring in the
context of the fighting. While our assessment was that an atrocity
determination during that sensitive period of diplomacy would not have
contributed to ending the conflict or the human rights abuses, the
parties to the conflict were aware that a determination was
forthcoming, and that the United States had other tools at its disposal
(such as sanctions authorities) to press for an end to the fighting and
to promote negotiation. It is our view that the existence of sanctions
authorities (as well as their use during various points during the
conflict) as well as the knowledge an atrocities determination would
eventually come contributed to the eventual decision of the parties to
seek a negotiated solution.
After achievement of the cessation of hostilities agreement, the
Secretary decided, based on a careful review of the law and facts, that
an atrocity determination was necessary to document the serious human
rights abuses during war and to highlight the need for justice and
accountability. Justice and accountability will be of vital importance
if peace is to hold in Ethiopia, and we are supporting (both
financially and diplomatically) ongoing efforts to those ends.
Question. The State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report on
Ethiopia notes the September 2022 finding by the International
Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) that the
Ethiopian federal government and allied regional state governments
implemented a ``wide range of measures designed to systematically
deprive the population of Tigray of material and services indispensable
for its survival,'' and ICHREE assessed that the federal government had
committed the war crime of using ``starvation as a method of warfare.''
The State Department's statement on its atrocities determination does
not mention this--does the State Department concur with ICHREE's
finding that the federal government systematically deprived Tigray's
population of food and other indispensable materials?
Answer. The determination was not intended to be an exhaustive
accounting of all acts that constituted atrocities over the course of
the conflict.
Given that there have been allegations of many different specific
war crimes in this armed conflict, we decided to address the category
of war crimes collectively and not attempt to make public
determinations as to each specific war crime. Our focus was on the
final determination, which was that all parties to the conflict
committed war crimes.
Question. How will the atrocities determination impact your
approach to engaging with the Government of Ethiopia, the Tigray
People's Liberation Front, and the Ethiopian people in your role as
U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, if confirmed?
Answer. The determination does not speak to individual criminal
responsibility, which will need to be determined through credible
justice processes. The atrocities determination acknowledged the
severity of crimes committed by all sides of the conflict, and we will
continue to recognize these abuses and push for credible justice. This
requires working with all sides to ensure that the transitional justice
process continues to move forward, and continuing to emphasize that
there must be accountability for those responsible for human rights
violations and abuses, including those in positions of command.
Question. In your view, what implications does the atrocities
determination have for the U.S./Ethiopia relationship?
Answer. The atrocities determination is a public declaration based
on careful review of the law and the facts. The Ethiopian Government
does not agree with the atrocity determination, which it has made clear
in public statements. However, the determination underscores the extent
of human rights abuses committed during the conflict and helps focus
our policy on key priorities to ensure accountability and a durable
peace, such as transitional justice, democracy, and human rights. It
establishes new areas for bilateral cooperation.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to submitting any new
information that may contribute to updating the Department's atrocities
determination?
Answer. The Secretary's atrocities determination was not meant to
be an exhaustive list of crimes. If confirmed, I would continue the
Embassy's ongoing efforts to gather information on atrocities and human
rights violations, which will inform our general bilateral relationship
and policy. We also continue to support comprehensive transitional
justice, which must include truth telling and criminal accountability;
credible transitional justice processes will also shed light on the
abuses committed during the conflict. Whether or not a new or updated
atrocity determination is appropriate will depend on the circumstances
on the ground and the information that emerges.
On April 6, 2023, USAID notified my staff of the discovery of
widespread diversion of U.S.-branded food aid in Tigray.
Administrator Power announced the suspension of food aid to
Tigray on May 4. Last week, USAID notified my staff of the
discovery of widespread diversion of food aid--in the same
manner as discovered in Tigray--in Gambella. USAID suspects
that diversion occurred in other regions of Ethiopia, where a
large segment of the population suffers from acute food
insecurity. USAID, the World Food Programme (WFP), and other
food aid implementers are conducting investigations across
Ethiopia.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, if confirmed, how will
you engage with the Government of Ethiopia on the issue of the
diversion of U.S.-sponsored food aid?
Answer. I have zero tolerance for any fraud, waste, or abuse of
U.S. taxpayer-funded resources. I expect the ongoing USAID Office of
the Inspector General investigation into food diversion in Ethiopia to
lead to concrete recommendations for improving oversight over U.S.-
funded assistance. In advance of these OIG determinations though, I
will, if confirmed, insist on sustained access to ensure robust
monitoring and oversight while also pressing for major reform of the
existing food assistance system to ensure greater accountability among
implementing partners and authorities at the federal, regional, and
local levels. I will also press Ethiopian authorities at all levels to
hold accountable those found to be responsible for the diversion of
U.S. assistance away from its intended beneficiaries. The Government of
Ethiopia has formed a committee to coordinate with regional authorities
on food diversion investigations.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, if confirmed, will you
commit to laying out specific actions the Ethiopian Government needs to
measure their demonstrated cooperation on an investigation into the
diverted food aid?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my USAID colleagues on
identifying and communicating to the Government of Ethiopia the
specific steps the Government must take to demonstrate their
cooperation on the investigation into food diversion.
Question. If investigations find that there was collusion to divert
U.S. food aid by Ethiopian officials at the national level, how should
this impact the U.S./Ethiopia relationship?
Answer. I will press the Ethiopian leadership to hold everyone
found to be responsible for the diversion of U.S. assistance to
account--including Ethiopian Government authorities at all levels.
We cannot assess the potential impact on the U.S./Ethiopia
relationship until the investigation is complete.
Question. What accountability tools should the U.S. pursue against
those responsible for the widespread diversion of U.S. food aid to
Ethiopia?
Answer. Ethiopian authorities are responsible for any criminal
prosecution of those found to have been involved in the diversion of
U.S. assistance away from its intended beneficiaries. If confirmed, I
would insist that the Government and all implementing partners
institute the appropriate oversight measures within their respective
organizations.
Question. As Chief of Mission in Ethiopia, if confirmed, how will
you work with the USAID Mission Director and other USAID colleagues to
ensure that USAID is doing all it can to monitor the distribution of
U.S. food aid to Ethiopia and to ensure against widespread diversion?
Answer. As previously stated, I have zero tolerance for any fraud,
waste, or abuse of U.S. taxpayer-funded resources. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the USAID team in Addis Ababa to ensure the full
implementation of all recommendations put forward by USAID's Office of
the Inspector General following its investigation into food diversion
in Ethiopia.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, if confirmed, how will
you work with WFP colleagues to ensure that U.S.-sponsored food aid
reaches its intended beneficiaries?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with WFP and USAID to
ensure American generosity is not misused. Our implementing partners
must share the burden of accountability as we assist beneficiaries
across Ethiopia. As WFP's largest donor in Ethiopia and globally, the
United States should insist on WFP's full compliance with any
recommendations put forward by USAID's Office of the Inspector General
following its investigation into food diversion.
Question. Significant lobbying has been conducted in Washington to
restore Ethiopia's eligibility under the African Growth and Opportunity
Act (AGOA). Should Ethiopia be eligible for trade preferences under the
African Growth and Opportunity Act for 2024?
Answer. In November 2021, the United States Trade Representative
(USTR) articulated specific human rights-related benchmarks to the
Government of Ethiopia as a pathway toward reinstatement of AGOA
eligibility. Although there has been significant progress towards
meeting specific benchmarks related to the conflict in the north,
Ethiopia must also satisfy the statutory requirements. The annual AGOA
review process, in which State and the interagency review each
country's eligibility, has just begun and so we are unable to pre-
determine the State Department's position on Ethiopia's AGOA
eligibility for 2024.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, how will you engage with
Ethiopian stakeholders on the AGOA issue if confirmed?
Answer. Ethiopia's ineligibility for AGOA privileges was triggered
by the gross violations of internationally recognized human rights
perpetrated by its government. If confirmed, I will work with
international and domestic human rights monitors and organizations to
press the Ethiopian Government to refrain from engaging in gross
violations of human rights, and to encourage its active cooperation
with relevant actors to investigate and hold to account perpetrators of
such abuses.
Question. Given the State Department's determination that ethnic
cleansing, among other crimes, has occurred in western Tigray, how is
the Department determining whether Ethiopia has made progress in
meeting the AGOA requirements in that area, given the continued lack of
access by human rights monitors? Does the State Department consider
Ethiopia's lack of cooperation with the ICHREE to constitute a lack of
cooperation in international efforts to eliminate human rights
violations (an AGOA eligibility requirement)?
Answer. To be eligible for AGOA benefits a country must ``not
engage in gross violations of internationally recognized human rights
(GVHRs).'' At this time, we have heard from credible human rights
organizations with an on-the-ground presence in the north that they
have not received new reports of ongoing GVHR by the Government of
Ethiopia, including in western Tigray. We are also not aware of the
Ethiopian Government preventing international human rights monitors
from accessing western Tigray; rather, we understand current lack of
travel to the region is based on security concerns. Our Embassy has
pressed the Government to grant travel access to western Tigray, and to
date has been largely unsuccessful.
On March 8, 2023, Secretary Blinken and First Lady Jill Biden
honored Meaza Mohammed at the 2023 International Women of
Courage Awards at the White House. Ms. Mohammed has a long
history of supporting anti-Semitic and pro-genocide Ethiopian
activists, including Tadio Tantu. In particular, after she
attended the White House ceremony, Mohammed tweeted a picture
with Secretary Blinken and First Lady Biden. The accompanying
text advocated for the release of Tantu. Ms. Mohammed's support
for Tantu is concerning because he has advocated for treating
Tigrayans as the Germans treated the Jews. A 2004 article
entitled Get Lost Judae has a particularly disturbing excerpt:
``This is an achievement of the German's struggle. The bees
are stirred. The tigers are on the move. The bee knows what to
do when its hive is messed with. The German lion is angered. It
is on fire. It has no patience to tolerate the Jewish anymore.
What about us, Ethiopians? How long are we to tolerate the
Judaes? When will we stop petitioning to serve as underlings of
our Judae rulers? How long will we be ruled by the enemy of the
country and the people? How long will we buy goods from their
businesses? How long shall Ethiopia continue pouring honey and
milk for our ruler and their people? Why is our slavery
limitless? Why don't we understand that we are waiting our
death, though already as good as dead? Get closer and listen to
them. You will listen our rulers' peoples discussing which
model of heavy-truck to buy, while you and your friends talk
about a warning letter from the servants of our rulers for
failing to pay utility fee on time''
Question. Due to this alarming association with Tantu and the
promotion of his racist cause, do you feel that the White House should
revoke Ms. Mohammed's award?
Answer. Ms. Meaza is a journalist who has been outspoken in her
advocacy for the women who have been victims of sexually-based violence
in the northern conflict--whether from Amhara, Tigray, or Afar. She is
also active in her advocacy for the release of individuals, especially
journalists, who have been imprisoned by the Government of Ethiopia.
Ms. Meaza's post celebrating the award read: ``On
#InternationalWomensDay we must all come together to be a voice for the
voiceless. That is why I continue to call for justice for young women
(students) kidnapped from Dembi Dolo University and to
#FreeTadiosTantu, the elderly journalist.'' I am not familiar with the
quotation attributed to Mr. Tantu, an outspoken columnist who has been
arrested and imprisoned multiple times over the twenty years since the
cited article was published.
Question. What role did the Bureau of African Affairs play in
identifying Ms. Mohammed as a potential International Women of Courage
awardee?
Answer. Ms. Meaza was nominated for consideration for this award by
the Embassy in Addis Ababa, for her courage in continuing to report on
and advocate for the victims of sexually-based violence in the northern
conflict--whether from Amhara, Tigray, or Afar--despite multiple
arrests and detentions in retaliation for her reporting.
Question. What vetting took place before awarding Ms. Mohammed with
the International Women of Courage award? What was the Bureau of
African Affairs' role?
Answer. Nominations for the International Women of Courage Award
are submitted by embassies and consulates overseas, in response to an
annual call for nominations by the Office of Global Women's Issues. In
addition to interviewing the potential nominees, posts conduct research
on their prospective nominees' associations and affiliations, current
and past social media postings, public speaking engagements, and other
publications, as well as media by or about the nominee. Ms. Meaza is an
activist whose personal views do not reflect the policies of the USG.
If confirmed, I will ensure a continued rigorous vetting process for
nominees of all USG-funded programs.
Question. In light of the recent determination that atrocities, war
crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing occurred in
Ethiopia, do you condemn the narrative that Ms. Mohammed supported
toward Tigrayans?
Answer. Ms. Meaza's nomination was in recognition of her advocacy
for media freedom. I am not familiar with the quotation attributed to
Mr. Tantu. Any rhetoric that encourages hate and division is
deplorable, and I condemn it in the strongest terms.
Your testimony stated, ``I believe we must be ready to
support Ethiopia in all ways that further our own policy
objectives.''
Question. Beyond offering to facilitate talks between the
Government of Ethiopia and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), what
specific support do you envision?
Answer. Thus far the United States has not been involved in the
ongoing talks between the Ethiopian Government and the Oromo Liberation
Army (OLA). We have made clear to the Government as well as Oromo
interlocutors with access to the OLA that we stand ready to support as
long as U.S. involvement is agreeable to both sides. While it is too
early to tell what support might be requested with regard to Oromia, in
the case of the cessation of hostilities agreement between the
Government and the TPLF, we provided transportation to the negotiations
for the latter as well as technical advice on running productive
negotiations. We could also consider supporting confidence-building
measures to reduce mistrust between the parties, in coordination with
international partners, to facilitate the negotiation, implementation
and sustainability of any agreement reached in the talks.
Question. How should the U.S. support Ethiopia to ``address the
root causes of conflict, including economic and social fragility?''
Please be specific.
Answer. Beyond historical grievances, we know that much of
Ethiopia's recent instability has been exacerbated by youth
unemployment, a lack of economic growth, entrenched impunity, and
elite-level competition for political power and resources. Ethiopia's
ethno-federalist structure may also contribute to ethnic tensions. The
Ethiopian Government is endeavoring to address these challenges through
its nascent transitional justice and accountability process, National
Dialogue Commission, and economic reforms. The United States will
support Ethiopia in making these initiatives credible, genuine,
inclusive, and able to address the country's current instability and
fragility.
I agree with your testimony that ``we need to ensure there is
accountability for the atrocities committed during the conflict
[in northern Ethiopia]. That's key to ensuring true
reconciliation and durable peace.'' President Biden issued an
executive order ``imposing sanctions on certain persons with
respect to the humanitarian and human rights crisis in
Ethiopia'' on September 17, 2021; however to date, only
Eritrean individuals and entities have been designated.
Question. What role did you play as Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs in deciding not to impose
sanctions on any Ethiopian individuals or entities for atrocities
committed during the war in northern Ethiopia?
Answer. Since the outbreak of conflict in northern Ethiopia in
November 2020, the United States has engaged in intense diplomacy and
pressed the Government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People's Liberation
Front (TPLF) to cease hostilities without preconditions, ensure access
to lifesaving humanitarian assistance, and end human rights abuses and
violations. These efforts, implicitly backed by the threat of sanctions
in the event of continued fighting, helped incentivize the Government
of Ethiopia and the TPLF signing a cessation of hostilities agreement
on November 2, 2022. The Administration's decision to impose sanctions
on individuals and entities is weighed alongside other policy tools to
help us meet U.S. objectives--in this case, to end the conflict.
As the African Affairs PDAS, I was integrally involved in the
policy-making discussions and processes in this decision, as I am in
nearly all key policy matters.
Question. Under President Biden's executive order, do you feel that
``ensuring accountability for the atrocities committed during the
conflict'' includes designating Ethiopian individuals and entities for
sanctions? If not, why not.
Answer. If an Ethiopian individual or entity has been identified as
committing an atrocity, supported with evidence defined under strict
legal requirements and statutory information, and sanctioning furthers
our prioritized foreign policy goals, then I support sanctioning. If
confirmed, I will continue to do so within the interagency process.
Question. What other accountability measures should the United
States employ?
Answer. In addition to the possibility of sanctioning individuals
and entities for atrocities, we have suspended most bilateral foreign
assistance as well as support for international financial institutions'
programs that go beyond addressing basic human needs. We have also
suspended Ethiopia's eligibility for the African Growth and Opportunity
Act. Moreover, we are supporting the transitional justice and
accountability process, which should be the centerpieces of truth,
reconciliation and transparency that the victims of the atrocities
committed during the conflict deserve. We will consider additional
measures if appropriate.
During your confirmation hearing, you responded to a question
from Sen. Young that ``you would be steadfast in ensuring that
the people of Ethiopia understand'' that the American growth
model is the strongest for long-term growth.
Question. How will you carry this out in practice if confirmed?
Answer. Ethiopians and the Ethiopian Government already understand
that the American free-market growth model is the strongest one for
long-term development and prosperity. Once assistance restrictions are
lifted when warranted under law and consistent with our policy and
values, the United States should re-engage Ethiopia in the broad range
of economic growth programs offered by U.S. Government agencies and
international organizations, including USAID, USTDA, USTR, the World
Bank, International Monetary Fund, Power Africa, DFC, MCC, etc. The
United States should also be ready to provide technical assistance to
the Government of Ethiopia as it redoubles efforts to implement its
free-market economic reform plan. When appropriate, I plan to serve as
a strong champion of U.S. and likeminded countries' corporate
investment and engagement with Ethiopia.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, will you communicate
publicly about the costs associated with Chinese predatory lending,
Belt and Road Initiative, and other malign projects and investments?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be forthright in my public statements
and diplomatic engagement about the differences between Chinese
bilateral lending and multilateral or private lending, as well as the
associated consequences for Ethiopia. Whenever possible, I will present
alternatives with likeminded partners, multilateral organizations, and
the private sector as a counter Chinese bilateral lending, projects,
and investments.
In response to Senator Murphy, who discussed the
``remarkable'' shift with Prime Minister Abiy from ``Nobel
Prize to civil war within 12-18 months'' and how critics would
say that the U.S. ``misread the core political dynamics in the
country and that our support for Abiy ended up underwriting his
confrontational approach with his rivals, including the TPLF,''
you said, ``probably there was some level of excessive
optimism.''
Question. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, if
confirmed, approach all actors in Ethiopia, including Prime Minister
Abiy, ``for what they are?''
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to engage key actors in
Ethiopia but remain clear-eyed about our expectations and U.S. policy
goals. Diplomacy has a key role to play in creating and sustaining a
bilateral relationship that both supports the people of Ethiopia and
helps us achieve our policy goals. The leadership of Ethiopia, at the
federal and regional level, are the primary actors responsible for
ending the savage conflict of recent years and establishing a durable
governance foundation upon which the country can move forward on a
solid, sustainable basis. In that context, we must focus on what is
possible and attainable while holding to our core values.
Question. What other situations have the Bureau of African Affairs
approached with ``excessive optimism?''
Answer. While it would be imprudent to directly compare Ethiopia to
other countries in the region, it is the case that diplomacy exists in
a space of incomplete and sometimes inaccurate information. We do our
best to make informed decisions, but none of our policies is perfect or
beyond fault. The most important thing, for me, is that we continue to
try to make the best, most informed decisions based on our core values
and policy goals, engage in course correction when needed, and ensure
our policymaking processes fully incorporate diverse voices, opinions
and approaches.
Sudan
While those directing Sudan policy within the Administration
were preparing for an imminent declaration of a civilian
government, they seem to have missed obvious signs of the
impending collapse of the negotiation process and ensuing civil
war that forced American diplomats to dodge roving gun battles
and airstrikes.
Question. How did the State Department fail to respond to the
apparent signs of an impending crisis in Sudan? Why was the Biden
Administration caught flat-footed in its crisis response, which
needlessly endangered U.S. Embassy personnel and did not sufficiently
forewarn American citizens?
Answer. We share the Sudanese people's deep disappointment in the
conflict started by Sudan's military leaders. Our engagement since the
October 2021 military takeover focused on restoring the promise of the
revolution and fostering the resumption of the civilian-led transition.
We supported Sudanese-led efforts and process. In supporting a
Sudanese-led process, our approach emphasized the need for the military
to finally move from political control to an appropriate role--
protecting the people of Sudan and the country's borders--under
civilian-led rule. Neither the Department nor our diplomats were blind
to the risks. We understood the pathway to restoring a civilian-led
government was always going to be difficult, as was establishing a
unified military.
The U.S. Department of State and our embassies and consulates
abroad have no higher priority than the safety and security of U.S.
citizens abroad. Our Travel Advisory for Sudan has been Level 4: Do not
Travel since August 2021. Once the crisis began, Secretary Blinken's
around-the-clock diplomatic efforts enabled the security conditions to
allow the United States and our allies and partners to undertake
departure operations by air, land, and sea.
Question. What, if anything, did the State Department do to address
concerns reportedly raised by international non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) with the Embassy and USAID in the aftermath of the
2021 coup (and previously) that the international community would not
be able or willing to support the evacuation or extraction of
international staff of NGOs?
Answer. We remained in close communication with our NGO partners
throughout our work to support Sudanese-led efforts to transfer power
to a civilian government; that regularly communication included
discussions related to security. After April 15 once fighting between
the SAF and RSF broke out. In a multinational effort, the USG, in
concert with allies and partners, supported the departure from Sudan of
more than 2000 private U.S citizens, lawful permanent residents,
locally employed staff, their immediate family members, NGO staff, and
nationals from allied and partner countries.
Question. What direct role did you have, if any, in the evacuation
planning and staffing decisions of the Embassy in the weeks leading up
to the evacuation?
Answer. Assistant Secretary Phee and I remained in close
communication with Ambassador Godfrey in the weeks leading up to the
crisis that started on April 15. I was in official training from April
17 for three weeks.
Question. What problems did Embassy Khartoum encountered in trying
to implement its evacuation plan, and what lessons were learned?
Answer. Regardless as to how much time is spent developing an
evacuation plan, no amount of planning can foresee every possibility.
As the Department does for every evacuation, Embassy Khartoum will
document lessons learned in order to improve future evacuation efforts.
Learning from what happened with the Khartoum evacuation, AF is already
asking posts to maintain communication groups through popular mobile
chat applications to facilitate alternate means of quick communication
with locally employed staff.
Question. Did Embassy Khartoum have contingency plans in place in
case post could not execute the emergency evacuation plan? Were these
contingency plans implemented? Why or why not?
Answer. Embassy Khartoum maintained an Emergency Action Plan that
included multiple evacuation plans for getting staff out and plans for
if staff were cut off from the Embassy. These plans were implemented
and helped successfully consolidate staff to the Alternate Command
Center, before moving all American staff and their family members to
the Embassy prior to evacuation.
Question. With evidence of a deteriorating security situation in
Sudan, did the Department consider moving to authorized or ordered
departure before fighting broke out? Please describe the Department's
deliberations on this matter, including your input.
Answer. No, the post Emergency Action Committee did not consider
moving to authorized or ordered departure prior to the initial request
due to the presence of armed fighters in the streets of Khartoum. As
soon as it was safe to move staff and families, the Embassy suspended
operations and evacuated all staff members and families.
As stated earlier, I was in official training from April 17 for
three weeks.
Question. Do all posts in sub-Saharan Africa maintain emergency
evacuation plans? If so, what direct role have you played, if any, in
their development?
Answer. Each diplomatic post around the world maintains an
emergency action plan, which includes an evacuation plan. These plans
are largely developed by posts overseas, as on-the-ground experts. The
plans must be reviewed and revalidated annually. As the Principal
Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs, I do not
have a direct role in their development.
Question. How often are emergency evacuation plans updated for
posts in sub-Saharan Africa?
Answer. Emergency Action Plans, which include sections on
evacuation planning, are reviewed and revalidated annually.
Question. Doe emergency evacuation plans for posts in Sub-Saharan
Africa include contingencies in case the primary plan is not
executable?
Answer. Yes, Embassies in Sub-Saharan Africa all have Emergency
Action Plans, that include sections on evacuation planning. These plans
include contingency plans if primary routes are unavailable.
Question. In your role as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
the Africa Bureau, did you ever raise concerns within the Department
regarding contingency planning for any evacuation plans at an Embassy
in Africa? If so, where and when?
Answer. The Department periodically reviews the viability of
maintaining diplomatic missions at our higher risk posts abroad. As the
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Africa Bureau, I present
to Department leadership the political justifications and risks
associated with maintaining our diplomatic presence at many of our
posts in Africa, to include our posts in Nigeria (April 2023), Somalia,
Sudan and South Sudan (February 2023), Mali and Burkina Faso (October
2022), and Ethiopia (June 2022). These reviews consider contingency
plans and risks prior to needing to evacuate.
Question. How will you draw upon the lessons of the crisis in
Sudan to adapt to your role as Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in
Addis Ababa, a post with a high risk for conflict but with
significantly more personnel, if confirmed?
Answer. More posts evacuate or draw down in AF than all the other
geographic regions combined. I plan to incorporate lessons learned from
these evacuations into Embassy Addis Ababa's crisis planning. This
includes, inter alia, developing an approachable leadership structure
to ensure I remain informed of fluid situational developments and that
the Embassy has mechanisms in place to communicate with staff at all
times.
The size of Embassy Addis Ababa requires focused attention in the
context of emergency planning, a lesson learned from the 2021 period of
Ordered Departure.
Question. What is the current posture of the Department in Sudan?
Answer. The Department temporarily suspended operations at U.S.
Embassy Khartoum and evacuated all official Americans from Sudan.
Question. Under what conditions would the Department decide to
move Embassy personnel back to Khartoum?
Answer. As conditions in Sudan improve, Embassy Sudan's Emergency
Action Committee will meet to discuss changes to the security
environment. The committee will then make a recommendation to the
Ambassador, who may then request the Department reopen the Embassy. Any
decision to restart operations will be based on verified changes to the
security environment in Sudan.
Question. What is the timeline for returning to Embassy Khartoum
once the Department decides to do so?
Answer. Prior to temporarily suspending operations, the Embassy
disabled and destroyed sensitive computer networks and communications
equipment and sealed the building. Before returning to full operations,
the Bureau of Diplomatic Security, in conjunction with the Bureau of
Information Resource Management and the Bureau of Overseas Buildings
Operations would need to determine the timeline for resuming operations
based on any damages sustained to the physical plant, security systems,
and in controlled access areas and availability of locally employed
staff to assist.
Question. Did Embassy personnel have to abandon their personal
belongings to be evacuated? If yes, is the Department compensating them
for their losses?
Answer. Yes. Given the short timeline to departure and the non-
permissive environment at the time of evacuation, unfortunately
personnel had to abandon personal belongings. Employees will be able to
file claims through private insurance, once it is officially determined
that there has been a loss. Claims denied by private insurance may then
be resubmitted to the Department for adjudication of a loss claim.
Question. Has there been any damage to Embassy Khartoum or
personnel housing, including the Chief of Mission residence?
Answer. The Embassy compound and some personnel housing units have
sustained damage.
Question. Is it the Department's policy to allow Mission Chiefs to
take annual leave regardless of conditions in the host country? If not,
under what conditions would a Chief of Mission have annual leave denied
or canceled if previously approved?
Answer. Like all employees, Chiefs of Mission are entitled to
annual leave, which is vital to an employee's wellbeing and resiliency.
An Assistant Secretary, as the supervisor for a Chief of Mission, may
cancel previously approved annual leave or deny annual leave at his/her
discretion.
Question. As Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Africa
Bureau, what role did you play in deciding to not recall Ambassador
Godfrey from his leave back to Khartoum earlier?
Answer. Ambassador Godfrey was given permission to be away from
post before the fighting escalated. He unilaterally returned to post
earlier than originally planned. I was not involved in this decision.
The two warring generals, Burhan and Hemetti, have direct
links to the genocide in Darfur, oversaw the death of many
Sudanese civilians and the abuse of countless more during their
reign, and continue to steal Sudan's resources. They also
removed a sitting civilian-led transitional government in
October 2021. The United States has not held these generals
accountable but instead fed their lust for legitimacy by
repeatedly making them central to the Administration's policy
for a ``democratic transition'' in Sudan. As a result, the U.S.
has less leverage today in Sudan since the removal of Omar al-
Bashir in 2019. It seems to me we helped elevate these two
monsters.
Question. Do you assess the United States should have taken action
against the warring generals, Burhan and Hemetti, their vast financial
interests, and/or their foreign backers to contain and weaken their
stranglehold on the Sudanese people earlier?
Answer. We put pressure on the military government and led, with
our partners, international efforts to support a Sudanese-led process
to form a civilian-led government. This pressure included a sanctions
designation on the Central Reserve Police, the suspension of all
assistance to the Government, including from the $700 million
appropriated by Congress in FY 2021, and coordinating multilateral
action to pause HIPC Debt Relief and any support from international
financial institutions.
On May 4, President Biden issued an executive order (EO)
imposing sanctions on certain persons destabilizing Sudan and
undermining the goal of a democratic transition. However, as we
have seen in Ethiopia, the Administration has not designated
any individuals or entities for sanctions since the
announcement of the EO.
Question. What is the Department of State's perspective on
designating Sudanese individuals and entities under the executive order
issued by President Biden on May 4 related to Sudan?
Answer. The Executive Order underscores our policy aims to end the
conflict, support Sudan's transition to democracy, and to promote
accountability for those who undermine it or commit serious human
rights abuses. As the Secretary said on May 22, if the ceasefire is
violated, we will know, and we will hold violators accountable through
our sanctions and other tools at our disposal. We continue to
intensively monitor and evaluate ceasefire conditions up to the time of
submission of these questions for the record.
Question. In your role as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
the Africa Bureau, did you advocate against sanctioning Generals Burhan
or Hemetti at any time during your tenure? If so when?
Answer. Between October 25, 2021, and April 15, 2023, I and other
State Department officials frequently reassessed our approach to Sudan,
explored alternatives, and prepared for contingencies including the use
of sanctions. Throughout this period, the Bureau has explored the use
of other pressures, including the suspension of direct assistance and
preventing HIPC Debt Relief or support from international financial
institutions, and use of sanctions and visa restrictions on those
responsible for human rights abuses.
As PDAS, I coordinate and orchestrate policy review processes. It
is not appropriate to characterize one official's position, including
my own, in the policy development process.
Question. What accountability measures do you think the United
States should use in the case of Sudan?
Answer. We have consistently supported the Sudanese people's
demands for freedom, peace and, critically, justice. We will continue
to support Sudanese-led efforts to advance justice and accountability,
including ongoing efforts, such as documentation of human rights abuses
and violations, to lay the groundwork for justice accountability in the
future.
On May 11, 2023, the parties to the conflict--the SAF and
RSF--signed the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the
Civilians of Sudan with the facilitation of Saudi Arabia and
the United States. While the Jeddah Declaration does secure
commitments from the parties to protect civilians and the
movement of humanitarian aid, it only achieved a commitment
``to prioritizing discussions to achieve a short-term
ceasefire,'' and to ``scheduling subsequent expanded
discussions to achieve a permanent cessation of hostilities.''
Question. What, if any, practical impact has the outcome from the
Jeddah talks had on the situation on the ground in Sudan?
Answer. Given the brutality of the conflict, our immediate focus
has been on stopping the fighting to relieve the suffering of the
Sudanese people. The Jeddah talks have focused on a short-term
ceasefire to facilitate humanitarian assistance and restoration of
essential services. This is in line with the step-by-step approach
agreed by the parties. The Sudanese people have not given up hope and
neither should we.
Question. Instead of subsiding, fighting in Khartoum and West
Darfur has intensified since the Jeddah talks. Reports of rape by RSF
combatants have increased significantly, and reports from humanitarian
organizations suggest that SAF-affiliated authorities have increased
bureaucratic impediments to aid operations. How have humanitarian and
human rights pledges agreed to at the Jeddah talks impacted the
bureaucratic barriers to aid operations and cases of sexual violence
since given that they both seemingly have worsened?
Answer. We have received deeply disturbing reports about an
increasing number of attacks, gender-based violence, including sexual
violence, and looting against Sudanese civilians and foreign civilians,
to include humanitarian workers, and humanitarian facilities and
assets. As Ambassador Godfrey tweeted on May 16, we are deeply alarmed
by reports of sexual violence at the hands of armed actors across
Sudan. All parties to the conflict must fulfill their obligations under
international humanitarian law and undertake efforts to prevent such
violence, enable medical care and other services for survivors, and to
seek accountability for perpetrators.
We continue to monitor these reports and commend local and
international organizations who are providing services to survivors and
taking steps to help break the cycle of impunity. We continue to
document these abuses and violations. It's imperative for perpetrators
to be held accountable.
Question. To what extent are U.S. diplomats in Jeddah focused on
seeking a ceasefire versus pressing the parties to allow unhindered
humanitarian access while negotiations continue?
Answer. They are deeply focused on humanitarian access, both in
terms of pressing for removal of obstacles and achieving a ceasefire to
facilitate humanitarian assistance and restoration of essential
services. The parties agreed to a seven-day, short-term ceasefire
starting May 22 to facilitate the delivery and distribution of
humanitarian assistance, restore essential services, and withdraw
forces from hospitals and essential public facilities. The parties also
agreed to facilitate the safe passage of humanitarian actors and
commodities, allowing goods to flow unhindered from ports of entry to
populations in need.
Question. How is Ambassador Godfrey coordinating his outreach to
Sudanese civilians with other regional and international actors
undertaking similar efforts, including UNITAMS, the African Union, and
East African governments?
Answer. Ambassador Godfrey and other senior officials are
frequently engaging Sudanese civilian leaders, Resistance Committees,
and civil society to work toward the shared goal of establishing
civilian democratic governance in Sudan as soon as possible, and to
harmonize civilian and international assistance efforts. We are
coordinating this outreach with the African Union, IGAD, East African
governments, and UNITAMS and other partners.
In the Foreign Policy article ``How the U.S. Fumbled Sudan's
Hopes for Democracy,'' a spokesperson for the State Department
stated ``U.S. engagement after the October 2021 military
takeover was centered on supporting Sudanese civilian actors in
a Sudanese-led process to re-establish a civilian-led
transitional government.''
Question. Do you agree with that characterization of the U.S.
policy after the October 2021 coup?
Answer. I would agree that U.S. engagement after the October 2021
military takeover was centered on supporting Sudanese civilian actors
in a Sudanese-led process to re-establish a civilian-led transitional
government in line with the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese
people.
The same Foreign Policy article references an early 2022
``memo [that] was written and circulated within the State
Department's Bureau of African Affairs warning of the risks of
current U.S. policy on Sudan and listing potential scenarios
that could emerge from the rivalry between Burhan and Hemetti,
including those tensions erupting into a full-scale conflict
[the memo] was meant to go to U.S. Secretary of State Antony
Blinken's desk, but the draft was heavily edited, watered down,
and never passed out of the bureau.''
Question. Are you aware of the existence of this memo? If yes, did
you ever see it? Did you contribute to the memo?
Answer. In the normal course of the work in this are there have
routinely been products prepared by staff working on Sudan that
discussed a variety of risks, including that of conflict between the
Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces and how best to
mitigate against those risks. Since 2021, senior State officials have
been well aware of ongoing tensions between SAF and RSF leadership, and
have engaged in frequent diplomacy, often working closely with
civilians, to defuse tensions between the SAF and RSF, including in the
days before April 15, 2023. As an institutional matter, as PDAS I would
have reviewed products that included those circulated to the A/S and to
the 7th floor.
Question. Were you part of conversations where the memo was
discussed internally? If yes, what decisions were made as to how to
handle it?
Answer. There have been a number of memos and internal
deliberations on this subject. We carefully considered policy proposals
and different opinions on our policy on Sudan and did not dismiss
dissenting views. AF's recommendations on this subject over this period
were used to structure frequent, intensive diplomacy over many months
designed to defuse and end tensions between the SAF and RSF.
Question. Did you edit or change the contents of the memo? If so,
what were your changes?
Answer. As PDAS I focused on ensuring that all memos had concise
and cogent analysis and clear policy recommendations, including on
memos related to supporting a democratic transition in Sudan.
I do not feel it is appropriate to characterize one official's
position, including my own, in the policy development process.
South Africa
Question. Last week, a delegation of senior South African officials
travelled to the United States to meet with State Department officials,
ostensibly about the U.S.-South Africa relationship. On May 11, U.S.
Ambassador to South Africa Brigety, in a press conference in
Johannesburg, ``bet [his] life'' on the claim that South African
weapons and ammunition were loaded onto Russian vessel the ``Lady R''
from December 6-8, 2022. South Africa's foreign ministry has denied the
claim. Then, on May 12, Amb. Brigety apologized for his remarks to
Foreign Minister Pandor after being summoned to a meeting with her.
Secretary Blinken did the same in a call with Minister Pandor. Was
Ambassador Brigety authorized to accuse the South African Government of
supplying arms to Russia publicly? If no, why not?
Answer. Ambassador Brigety was authorized to speak with local South
African press about the visit in early May of a delegation of South
African officials to Washington, D.C. Those meetings in early May
included discussion of the Lady R and South Africa's assurance that an
investigation was underway, as President Ramaphosa subsequently
confirmed in a statement. As Ambassador Brigety subsequently clarified,
as did the State Department spokesperson, we intend to keep
conversations with the South Africans regarding our serious concerns in
diplomatic channels moving forward.
Question. Did the Department raise the issue of potential transfer
of arms to the Russian Government or Russia-affiliated entities or on a
Russian-sanctioned vessel with the South African Government? If so,
when, and were you personally involved or present for any of those
conversations?
Answer. Since the docking of the Lady R in a South African naval
port in early December 2022, U.S. officials--including Secretary
Blinken, APNSA Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Phee, and others--have
raised the matter on multiple occasions with South African
counterparts. I was not personally present at those conversations.
Question. Do you agree with the State Department's decision to not
publicly pushback against the South African Government and ANC party
members when they personally attacked and portray Ambassador Brigety
negatively and make anti-American statements?
Answer. In my capacity as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, and
in Acting Assistant Secretary status of the time the interview with
Ambassador Brigety was made public, I was integrally part of
discussions about how to manage our diplomatic relations with South
Africa before and after Ambassador Brigety's interview. Our goal was to
ensure that South African officials understood the depth of our concern
about the Lady R and our desire to continue conversations about it in
diplomatic channels without letting those conversations disrupt work on
common priorities. I stand by our decision to keep those priorities in
balance.
Question. How do you think the apologies and walking back of the
accusations will impact the U.S. relationship with South Africa?
Answer. I believe our relationship with South Africa is both
complex and resilient. We will continue to have frank and sometimes
difficult conversations with South African officials when we disagree--
as is the case when South Africa takes actions that appear to
contradict its stated position of ``non-alignment''--but we will at the
same time pursue a robust and affirmative agenda on long-standing
priorities like health and trade.
Question. What signals do you think the apologies and walking back
of the accusations send to other governments who are considering acting
against the national security interests of the United States?
Answer. I do not think there is any government in the world that
does not understand how seriously the United States takes our national
security interests and the interests of our allies and partners, nor do
I think any country doubts our resolve and our willingness to take
action. South Africa is undertaking an investigation of the Lady R
matter, and our bilateral relationship continues to address a wide
range of complex matters. We are moving past this.
Question. Did Secretary Blinken raise with Foreign Minister Pandor
the photos and other accounting of her meeting with Ambassador Brigety
released publicly that were seemingly intended to portray him as being
scolded and spoken down to by the South African Government?
Answer. Secretary Blinken spoke with Minister Pandor immediately
after her meeting with Ambassador Brigety, and therefore the photos and
descriptions in question were not yet public when they spoke.
Question. How is the State Department engaged with the United
States Trade Representative on South Africa's eligibility under the
African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)?
Answer. The State Department and USTR are in regular contact
regarding AGOA matters. AGOA eligibility is determined by the Trade
Policy Staff Committee, which consists of multiple agencies across the
U.S. Government.
Question. If there is evidence that elements within South Africa's
Government or ruling ANC party took part in facilitating a reported
arms transfer to the Russian Government or Russia-affiliated entities
or on a Russian-sanctioned vessel, do you think the Administration
should use its existing authorities to hold those individuals and
entities accountable?
Answer. We do not publicly preview sanctions decisions. The Biden-
Harris Administration has shown that it does not hesitate to use
existing authorities as appropriate to curtail Putin's ability to fund
and supply his war machine. As you know, I have been deeply involved in
policymaking efforts to attack and degrade Russian PMC's Wagner's
African reach and fundraising capabilities--I am a serious, committed
officer on the Russia security portfolio.
The Department of State is, as always, open to classified
discussions with you and your colleagues to discuss in further detail.
Question. As of May 17, 2023, which senior members of Africa Bureau
leadership had direct conversations with Ambassador Brigety about the
South Africa press conference and reaction?
Answer. I and other Africa Bureau leadership speak regularly with
Ambassador Brigety, as we do with all our Chiefs of Mission in the
field, on a range of topics. I spoke with Ambassador Brigety
immediately following the press conference. Deputy Assistant Secretary
Robert Scott spoke to him on multiple issues pertaining to the
bilateral relationship, both before the Ambassador's comments in
question and the week subsequent to them (Scott was on official travel
the week of the actual press conference).
Elections
Elections are expected to be called for late July in
Zimbabwe. In addition to the persistent restrictions on
political and civic space in Zimbabwe and the regular use of
the institutions and resources of the state to the benefit of
the ruling ZANU-PF party, the pre-election period in Zimbabwe
has been marred by: the jailing (without bail) and convictions
of opposition leaders and critical voices on politically-
motivated charges; the threat of draconian legislation
regulating NGOs; and significant flaws in the voter
registration process.
Question. What is your view on the prospects for democratic
elections in Zimbabwe later this year?
Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe has tilted the playing field in
the ruling ZANU-PF's favor using intimidation, coercion, patronage,
lawfare tactics, and at times, violence. Absent significant change in
the immediate term, it is difficult to see how this can lead to free
and fair elections in 2023.
Question. How have you prepared your colleagues at Embassy Harare
for the inevitable increased strain on the bilateral relationship and
pressure placed on the staff in country from a deteriorating political
environment in Zimbabwe leading up to the 2023 polls?
Answer. In my capacity as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
African Affairs, I directed the Bureau of African Affairs to connect
with Washington-based counterparts in the Department of State and USAID
to identify support mechanisms for Embassy Harare's election
preparations. The AF Bureau has worked closely with Embassy Harare to
develop and deliver messages to the Government of Zimbabwe on our
expectations regarding this year's elections. Further, the Embassy team
conducted scenario planning and crisis management exercises to prepare
for a range of election-related outcomes.
Question. At what point do the pre-election conditions make it
impossible for Zimbabwe to hold legitimate democratic elections?
Answer. The United States will use all tools at its disposal to
determine whether the 2023 harmonized elections in Zimbabwe are free
and fair. I remain concerned about the worrying trends in the lead-up
to the elections, including the Government of Zimbabwe's use of
intimidation, coercion, patronage, lawfare tactics, and at times,
violence.
Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) are
expected for December of this year. In addition to the
logistical challenges posed by holding nation-wide elections in
DRC, the ongoing State of Siege and conflict in Eastern Congo,
exacerbated by the presence of Rwanda-backed M23 rebels and the
delays in conducting a legitimate voter registration exercise
(among other issues) make it near certain that elections will
be delayed and/or impossible to hold across the country.
Question. What lessons have you learned from the State Department's
handling of the 2019 electoral process in DRC, including the
controversial ``victory'' of President Tshisekedi?
Answer. Successful elections in 2023 should be free and fair, with
inclusive, transparent and impartial electoral processes, and held in
accordance with constitutional deadlines. President Tshisekedi has
firmly expressed his commitment to free and fair elections, held on
time, but we must remain engaged at the highest levels throughout the
elections planning process to ensure the DRC Government takes the
necessary legal, financial, and technical actions to ensure a better
election in 2023.
Question. Have you been satisfied with the Presidency of Felix
Tshisekedi, whom the State Department was quick to support as the
``winner'' of the 2019 elections despite serious questions about the
legitimacy of the outcome?
Answer. Since he assumed power in 2019, President Tshisekedi and
his administration have shown a commitment to working closely with the
United States on areas of bilateral interest, including peace in
eastern DRC, preservation of the environment, public health, and
strategic minerals. Our bilateral relationship has also allowed us to
engage critically with the DRC Government on areas of concern, such as
combatting trafficking-in-persons, anti-corruption efforts, and
professionalization of the Congolese security sector.
No leader is perfect, and the Democratic Republic of Congo remains
a country suffering weak institutions. The United States continues to
work with the Government and President Tshisekedi on these and other
matters of concern to us and the people of that country and region.
Question. How is the State Department engaging with Congolese
officials, including President Tshisekedi, on the challenges to the
current electoral process?
Answer. The Department continues to call on the DRC Government to
ensure that political and civic space remains open in the lead up to
the elections so that the Congolese people can express their views
peacefully. The United States is the largest donor of funding for
activities in support of free and fair 2023 elections, providing $24.75
million that: strengthens transparency of electoral processes and
electoral administration, improves civic education, and empowers
communities to participate in elections.
Question. What accountability measures are being discussed for
spoilers to elections in DRC?
Answer. The U.S. Government is willing to consider the full range
of diplomatic and legal tools, including sanctions, in order to promote
accountability and help ensure the DRC can hold free and fair elections
in accordance with constitutional deadlines.
Nigeria
Question. I have been engaged in discussions with the Department
over security assistance to Nigeria, considering both the acute
security challenges Nigeria faces and the concerning human rights
record of the Nigerian military. In your opinion, how should the
Department balance these considerations as it engages with the Nigerian
Government on security assistance and in combatting the insurgent
threat posed by Boko Haram and other groups in the North East, and
other security challenges across Nigeria?
Answer. The Department shares your commitment in ensuring that our
security cooperation takes human rights concerns into account and is
consistent with our objective of strengthening respect for human rights
in Nigeria. Our security cooperation seeks to strengthen the capacity
of Nigeria's Armed Forces to more effectively address security threats,
protect civilians, and institutionalize respect for human rights and
the laws of armed conflict. Pursuant to the Leahy laws, the Department
does not provide security assistance to any security force unit if
there is credible information that the unit has committed a gross
violation of human rights. We will continue to vet all Nigerian
security force units nominated for assistance. Human rights
considerations play a critical role in the evaluation of any arms
sales.
A focus on human rights and civilian protection is fundamental to,
and built into, every major U.S. security cooperation engagement with
Nigeria. The Department is committed to ensuring that this remains the
case as we prepare to work with a new Nigerian Administration.
Nigeria held national-level elections on February 25, 2023
and state-level elections on March 11 [sic], 2023. On March 1,
the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced
Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress won the
presidential election with 36.61 percent of the vote. That same
day (March 1), State Department spokesman Ned Price stated from
the podium that the ``United States congratulates the people of
Nigeria, President-elect Tinubu, and all political leaders on
the results of the February 25th presidential election. This
competitive election represents a new period for Nigerian
politics and democracy.'' The February 25 elections were marred
by technical challenges and low voter turnout, and reports of
vote buying, voter intimidation, attacks on polling stations,
and accusations of fraud. Presidential candidates Peter Obi and
Atiku Abubakar challenged the results in Nigerian courts. The
Nigerian Court of Appeal began proceedings on the election
challenges on May 8. The inauguration of President-elect Tinubu
is scheduled for May 29, 2023.
Question. What is your assessment of Nigeria's 2023 electoral
process?
Answer. Domestic and international observers noted significant
logistical and technical shortcomings on February 25 for the national
elections, as well as concerns about incidents of violence and
intimidation, especially surrounding the March 18 state-level
elections. For many Nigerians, the electoral process did not meet their
expectations. The United States echoed many of these concerns in its
public statements following the elections.
Despite these shortcomings, many neutral observers believed the
official outcome reflected the will of those who voted. A
comprehensive, USAID-supported Parallel Vote Tabulation process of the
February 25 presidential race, run by a highly respected implementing
partner that has carried out such tabulations in multiple previous
Nigerian presidential elections, produced data that was consistent with
the official results in 35 out of 37 states; the discrepancies in the
two other states were not close to changing the overall outcome.
Nigeria's February and March 2023 elections were also highly
competitive. In the presidential election, each of the top three
candidates was the leading vote-getter in twelve states, a remarkable
first in Nigeria's modern political era, reflecting the diversity of
views that characterized the campaign and the wishes of voters. In more
than half of Nigeria's states--twenty-- the winning presidential
candidate represented a different party than that of the incumbent
governor. Many of Nigeria's state-level elections were also highly
competitive, with the control of six governorships changing party
hands. Although voter turnout proved to be disappointingly low,
engagement by civil society and the media before, during, and following
the elections was robust and energized, and advanced the cause of
informed, issue-based politics.
In response to incidents of violence and voter intimidation during
the election cycle, the U.S. Government-imposed visa restrictions on
specific individuals for undermining the democratic process.
Question. Do you think it was premature for the State Department to
congratulate president-elect Bola Tinubu and the Nigerian people on the
conduct and outcome of the February 25 election on March 1?
Answer. I understand your concerns, and we carefully considered
what would be an appropriate response. We believed it was important
immediately after the election to recognize the determination and
commitment to democracy of the Nigerian people, especially amidst the
challenges that they confronted during the voting process.
In addition to our understanding through the Parallel Vote
Tabulation that the announced results accurately reflected the national
vote, the State Department offered congratulations to President-elect
Tinubu based on the official declaration of the outcome by the sole
body empowered by the Nigerian constitution to do so--the Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC). Presidential candidates Peter Obi
and Atiku Abubakar were fully within their rights to file legal
challenges using the well-established mechanisms for doing so; indeed,
legal challenges have been filed by losing candidates in almost every
presidential election since democracy returned to Nigeria in 1999. The
Court of Appeals' Electoral Tribunal is currently holding hearings
regarding these challenges, and per the Nigerian constitution has 180
days to issue a ruling; if an appeal of that ruling is filed by the
losing party, the Supreme Court will have 60 days to make a final,
binding ruling. The legal process will thus extend well past the May 29
inauguration date, as it has in previous presidential election cycles.
Given these factors, the Department made the decision to recognize
the announced victory of Mr. Tinubu.
However, the State Department's March 1 statement did not diminish
U.S concerns about the technical shortcomings of an electoral process
that clearly failed to meet Nigerians' expectations. That same
statement also called on Nigeria's Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) to address such issues ahead of Nigeria's then-
upcoming state-level elections.
In December 2022, Reuters published a deeply troubling
investigative piece on forced abortions and child killings by
Nigeria's military. On April 19, 2023, Reuters published a
follow up piece ``More women describe enduring forced abortions
in Nigerian Army programme.''
Question. What is your assessment of the Nigerian National Human
Rights Commission's investigation into these allegations?
Answer. Nigeria's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is
conducting a serious and thorough investigation into the deeply
troubling allegations reported by Reuters. On February 7, the NHRC
inaugurated the Special Independent Investigative Panel on Human Rights
Violations in Counter-Insurgency Operations in North-East Nigeria.
Since opening its investigation, the Panel--which is headed by Abdu
Aboki, a well-respected former Supreme Court justice, along with six
legal, medical, and civil society experts, plus a military liaison--has
made multiple visits to Nigeria's North East and interviewed dozens of
witnesses, including health care workers, NGO workers, military
personnel, and government and U.N. officials. The NHRC recently told
our Embassy staff that it was planning additional trips to Borno State
in order to reach more rural areas as they seek to the fullest possible
picture of what may have transpired. The NHRC has reported that the
military is cooperating with the investigation and is offering the NHRC
full access to military personnel and installations.
We continue to monitor the work of the NHRC investigative panel,
which is expected to last several more months, and press Nigeria's
Government to ensure accountability for wrongdoing based on its
findings and recommendations. I do not wish to pre-judge the results of
any investigation currently underway.
Question. What is your assessment of how the U.S. Embassy in Abuja
responded to the Reuters report?
Answer. I was satisfied with the work our Embassy in responding
immediately to these reports, which involved immediate outreach to
dozens of contacts across the full spectrum of our relationship, in
order to gather initial perspectives. The Department was shocked and
remains deeply concerned by the allegations in Reuters' reports. After
the reports were published, U.S. officials in Abuja and Washington
pressed the Nigerian Government to conduct a thorough and transparent
independent investigation and ensure accountability for any wrongdoing.
From this, we have seen results--on February 7, Nigeria's National
Human Rights Commission (NHRC) inaugurated its investigative panel with
a mandate to investigate Reuters' allegations, and determine
culpability, compel appropriate damages or compensation, and recommend
appropriate legal action by civil or military justice systems if
warranted. Senior Nigerian officials--including President Buhari and
Chief of Defense Staff Irabor (in a change from his initial comments)--
pledged to support the investigation and assured that the Government
would help facilitate its work. Everything we have seen since suggests
that has been the case, and we recently learned that President Buhari
has agreed to provide supplemental funding to the NHRC to support the
Special Panel.
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Ethiopia was listed as Tier 2 Watch List for the second year in
a row for its lack of sustained efforts to meet the minimum
standards to combat trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Ethiopia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. The most recent TIP report outlined several steps Ethiopia
could take to improve its anti-TIP efforts, including expanding
training to regional officials outside of Addis, screening for
trafficking indicators among vulnerable populations, developing a
national action plan, and collaborating with international NGOs to
increase the Government's capacity to combat trafficking. My
understanding is the Ethiopia in making good progress in implementing
these recommendations and, if confirmed, I will support these efforts
within legal and policy guidelines.
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report Ethiopia had significant religious freedom
issues in country.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Many of the religious tensions in Ethiopia are rooted in
political and ethnic conflicts. Therefore, the key to ending religious
persecution in Ethiopia is achieving lasting political peace. If
confirmed, I will work to facilitate peace in Ethiopia and make the
free expression of religion one of my core priorities.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with civil society
on the importance of religious freedom. This is something the Embassy
team does already, and I look forward to continuing the great work it
does in this area.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Ethiopia increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. The most important step that can be taken to help Ethiopia
increase its societal and governmental respect for religious freedom is
the achievement of a durable peace in the country. Religious conflicts
in Ethiopia are often rooted in political and ethnic conflicts. If
confirmed, I would stress with all interlocutors that the United States
considers the respect for religious freedom a fundamental human rights
issue--and one with far-reaching effects on the overall health of the
bilateral relationship.
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report there were
a litany of significant human rights abuses attributed to the
Government in Ethiopia.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Civil society organizations have a vital role to play in
ensuring the respect for human rights in Ethiopia. If confirmed, I
would continue ongoing efforts to support--both financially and
diplomatically--human rights-based organizations working in the
country. Outside perspective and technical knowledge will be a key
component in ensuring a durable and lasting peace in Ethiopia.
State Management and Oversight
Please answer the following questions based on your
experience as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs from 2021-present.
Question. What is the process within the Bureau of African Affairs
for decision making, particularly related to difficult or controversial
issues?
Answer. Prior to deciding on a difficult or controversial issue, I
endeavor to ensure that the Bureau gathers all available facts and
surfaces perspectives from as many viewpoints as possible, including
dissenting views relative to existing policy. I invite stakeholders in
to discuss viewpoints and rigorously test hypotheses and policy
concepts before the Bureau makes a final decision.
No process is perfect--we will never have all the facts, and
ensuring all viewpoints are heard and engaged is our aspiration, but
not possible to achieve without fault. What is important in my
estimation of leadership is the ability of an institution to be able to
make course corrections with new information, new insights and when we
see current approaches falling short.
Question. What role do you play, as a member of Bureau leadership,
in decision making processes?
Answer. I am the decision maker when the Assistant Secretary is out
of the office or unavailable. When the Assistant Secretary is in the
office, I coordinate the policy review processes of the Bureau, provide
my own recommendation if appropriate, and ensure that she has the
information and strongest analysis we can muster to make a well-
informed decision. I try to maintain a constant policymaking assessment
apparatus, to ensure the decisions made remain fit for purpose and
consistent with evolving circumstances.
Question. Is there space for communicating dissent within the
Bureau for African Affairs?
Answer. I aspire to achieve an unequivocal ``yes'' to the question,
and constantly strive to live up to that aspiration.
Valuing opinions, trust, and fostering a harassment-free workplace
are all key to ensuring dissenting views are expressed and heard. In
the Bureau of African Affairs, we actively promote sharing of various
opinions and do not tolerate employee harassment. Employees may express
dissent through the formal Department-wide dissent process, but are
also welcome to use less formal mechanisms, such as offering multiple
perspectives in decision memos or through face-to-face interactions.
The Assistant Secretary and I purposely solicit wide ranging views
on difficult topic to test current policy thinking and inform new or
review policy processes. Our aim cannot be to incorporate every view
into every policy, but to ensure we understand the range of options,
tools, tradeoffs, and cost/benefit assessments.
Question. How do you manage dissent within the Bureau of African
Affairs?
Answer. As stated above, by valuing opinions, trust, and fostering
a harassment-free workplace are all key to encouraging and managing
dissent. In the Bureau of African Affairs, we actively promote sharing
of various opinions and do not tolerate employee harassment. When
personnel communicate policy disagreement, I will organize appropriate
discussions with key stakeholders to test the proposition.
Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over the
last several years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Addis Ababa?
Answer. The aftermath of a three-month ordered departure from
November 2021 to February 2022, combined with continuing in-country
travel restrictions related to the conflict in northern Ethiopia, have
impacted morale at Embassy Addis Ababa. It is now more challenging to
recruit diplomatic staff and many of our positions remain vacant
without qualified bidders. Our Locally Employed Staff are still
impacted by conflict-related issues that continue to arise. The Mission
strives to support all employees through these challenges while meeting
Mission objectives.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Addis
Ababa?
Answer. If confirmed, I will demonstrate my commitment to respect
for all, customer service, professional development, safety and
security, and quality of life issues. I will ensure the mission has
access to resources to support a positive, respectful, and inclusive
workplace. I will hold supervisors accountable and expect them to hold
their teams accountable for conduct and performance. Incidents will be
addressed immediately.
I will recognize and reward high performers and promote work-life
balance and safe social activities to build community resilience.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Addis Ababa?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, I will lead the American
and Ethiopian professionals in Mission Ethiopia to advance our national
security agenda in a safe, inclusive, and respectful workplace. I will
continue to ensure our Embassy in Ethiopia is working together as a
team, including through an active diversity council, Federal Women's
Program, and professional development program that promote respect for
each other and a shared commitment to advancing U.S. national interest
through diplomacy, public outreach, and programs.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Addis
Ababa?
Answer. If confirmed, I will demonstrate my commitment to respect
for all, customer service, professional development, safety and
security, and quality of life issues. I will ensure the mission has
access to resources to support a positive, respectful, and inclusive
workplace. I will hold supervisors accountable and expect them to hold
their teams accountable for conduct and performance. Incidents will be
addressed immediately.
I will recognize and reward high performers and promote work-life
balance and safe social activities to build community resilience.
Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would ideally compare myself to a musical conductor or
band leader--setting the tone, pace and overall direction, but inviting
creativity, individual and group excellence to shine, and innovation. I
would also describe my management style as respectful, collaborative,
dedicated, and committed to integrity.
Ultimately, I strive to serve the mission team and community. I
lead with a consistent goal for excellence in our internal management
and operational platforms in the mission, high customer service, and
high morale in the community as essential ingredients to achieving
success in our external diplomatic, public outreach, and programmatic
goals. I also firmly believe in the principle that the ``buck stops
with me.'' Meaning, I try to take full responsibility for actions taken
by those who I supervise and institutions I direct.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. As I mentioned in my statement before the committee on May
16, my parents provided clear guidance and instilled bedrock values
that I aspire to emulate, including discipline, integrity, and treating
people with kindness and respect. It is never acceptable or
constructive to berate subordinates or other individuals, either in
public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a previous two-time deputy Chief of Mission and a
current Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, I have over a decade of
experience serving successfully in a deputy role or supervising. I
believe that the deputy and Chief of Mission must communicate well with
one another and with the mission team, have a shared commitment to
integrity, and both be focused on serving the community and their
mission team. I believe in working as a partner with my deputy,
complementing and reinforcing each other wherever possible. I know my
deputy will be called upon to have important conversations with me from
time to time to express a viewpoint that is not appropriate for a wider
audience within the Mission, even with the senior personnel.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I believe in developing the skills of my deputy Chief of
Mission to be ready to lead at any moment. This means including the
deputy Chief of Mission in operations and external engagements, while
also identifying specific leadership responsibilities. If confirmed, I
would delegate to my deputy responsibilities such the leading
professional staff development programs, chairing key coordination
working groups, and supervising emergency and crisis response
exercises. I would support and reinforce those duties wherever helpful.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports
(EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though
often lacking
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is essential to provide all employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance, as well as
reward employees who successfully fulfill their roles. Throughout my
Foreign Service career have actively provided such feedback and
recognition, including for Locally Employed Staff, and by implementing
additional recognition mechanisms such as Local Staff Member of the
Month and Local Staff Member of the Year awards in my last two
postings.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to all employees to improve performance
and reward high achievers, as I have done throughout my Foreign Service
career.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and local citizens.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. In my experience U.S. diplomats generally strive to get
outside our Embassy walls to advance mission goals. I believe that with
clear and coordinated planning, consistent security and emergency
accountability training, and prioritization on public outreach, it is
possible, and essential, for U.S. diplomats to get outside of embassies
and the capital cities of their host countries as much as possible. If
confirmed, I would lead Mission Addis Ababa to actively and safely
engaging in robust public outreach and travel outside of the Embassy
and Addis Ababa.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Embassy's
Regional Security Office and Public Affairs Office to ensure that all
U.S. diplomats and local staff have the necessary training,
communications platforms for emergency accountability tools to safely
travel and access local populations. I would also work with the Public
Affairs Office to ensure that all staff have training in public
messaging to engage Ethiopians in all parts of the country. Finally, I
would work with the Management team and Washington to budget sufficient
travel resources to support appropriate outreach to advance our U.S.
national interests in Ethiopia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ervin Jose Massinga by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against the People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S.-Ethiopia ties. As an officer with substantial
experience working in China and interfacing directly with PRC
officials, I understand the stakes, the PRC's tools and approaches, and
its weaknesses.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will energetically advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior
by the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Ethiopia and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address the PRC's efforts to
expand its influence in Ethiopia and the region.
Question. Despite the March 2022 African Union-brokered truce
between the Ethiopian Government and Tigray forces in the north, ethnic
tensions remain. All sides engaged in the conflict, including
neighboring Eritrean forces who invaded and occupied the north of the
country, are accused of forced recruitment, committing crimes against
humanity, and carrying out war crimes. Some estimates state that more
than 500,000 have died during the war from killings, starvation, and
lack of health care. What is your assessment of the current state of
U.S.-Ethiopian relations?
Answer. A stable, prosperous, and democratic Ethiopia is in the
U.S. national interest. Two years of conflict strained the bilateral
relationship but also weakened Ethiopia economically and exacerbated
interethnic tensions within its borders. The United States seeks to
restore this relationship and help Ethiopia rebuild, but our ability to
provide financial assistance will be limited until we assess there is
no longer a pattern of gross violations of human rights committed by
the Government of Ethiopia. We are pleased to observe significant
progress in this area. To ensure durable peace, we are urging Ethiopia
to address recent atrocities through an independent, inclusive, and
comprehensive transitional justice process. If confirmed, I will
encourage further progress in this regard.
Question. Who or what is the greatest threat to the peace process
currently in place?
Answer. We are confident the signatories to the cessation of
hostilities agreement--the Government of Ethiopia and the Tigray
People's Liberation Front--are committed to its successful
implementation and note significant progress. Remaining challenges
include the continued presence of Eritrean Defense Forces in border
areas as well as Amhara irregular forces in contested parts of Tigray
regional state. There is also a need for Ethiopia to source financial
support for its nationwide disarmament, demobilization, and
reintegration (DDR) initiative. If confirmed, I will help mobilize
international partners to share the financial responsibility for DDR in
Ethiopia.
Question. Civil conflict in Tigray is not the only internal
conflict. How would you describe the violence in other parts of the
country and ethnic groups?
Answer. Poverty, unemployment, ethnic tensions, and a lack of trust
in regional and federal authorities continue to be drivers of violence,
well after silencing the guns in Tigray. This is especially the case in
Amhara and Oromia regions. Developing dispute resolution mechanisms at
the community level and among civil society groups are a core focus of
U.S. development funding in Ethiopia. If confirmed, I will encourage
Ethiopia's national dialogue process to address long-standing
grievances that have been historical drivers of conflict.
Question. The U.S. is Ethiopia's largest donor, providing
approximately $2.5 billion in aid over the past two years. USAID
recently suspended aid to the northern region of Ethiopia due to theft
and diversion of humanitarian supplies. If confirmed, how will you
ensure U.S. taxpayer assistance is used for what it is intended?
Answer. I have zero tolerance for any fraud, waste, or abuse of
U.S. taxpayer-funded resources. I expect the ongoing USAID Office of
the Inspector General investigation into food diversion in Ethiopia to
lead to concrete recommendations for improving oversight over U.S.
assistance. These will likely include additional use of third-party
monitoring as well as greater accountability among implementing
partners and authorities at the federal, regional, and local levels. If
confirmed, I will press Ethiopian authorities at all levels to hold
accountable those found to be responsible for the diversion of U.S.
assistance away from its intended beneficiaries.
Question. Will you commit to this Committee and American citizens
that USAID employees under your authority will provide appropriate
oversight and not solely utilize implementing partners to verify aid is
not stolen or diverted?
Answer. Yes, I commit to this.
Question. In your opinion, what assurances must be in place before
assistance is resumed for these challenging areas?
Answer. Assurances for better oversight and accountability with
regard to aid diversion must come from Ethiopian authorities at the
federal, regional, and local levels. I also believe our implementing
partners responsible for the actual distribution of assistance--be they
U.N. organizations or non-governmental organizations--should provide
assurances that they have increased their capacity to oversee
operations across the entire country. If confirmed, I would hold all
parties involved to the highest standards.
Question. Ethiopia maintains strong ties with China, as their
largest trading partner and foreign investor. It is estimated that
Ethiopia has more than $13 billion in loans for significant
infrastructure projects. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between Ethiopia and China?
Answer. The PRC is Ethiopia's largest bilateral lender and
investor. The Government of Ethiopia views the PRC as an important
partner that has helped the country accomplish key infrastructure
development objectives, but the relationship is transactional, and the
PRC's non-concessional approach to lending, in addition to often poor
quality of infrastructure built and weak skills transfer mechanisms,
increasingly shows itself as a poor model for development. There are
not deep person-to-person or cultural ties like those that exist
between the United States and Ethiopia. If confirmed, I will engage
Ethiopia on its own terms, continue to deepen our person-to-person
diplomacy, and advance our affirmative agenda.
Question. The Development Finance Corporation (DFC) was considering
a multi-billion-dollar investment in Ethiopia, to include multinational
bids for a telecom license in Ethiopia, however these plans were frozen
in 2021. If confirmed, will you press DFC to resume looking for
investment projects in Ethiopia?
Answer. Despite current economic headwinds, Ethiopia has promising,
long-term growth prospects and represents a potentially attractive
market for U.S. business. Prior to the northern conflict, its economy
was among the fastest growing in the world. If confirmed, I will press
the DFC to resume looking for investment opportunities in Ethiopia that
meet the organization's legally mandated due diligence criteria.
Question. Which other programs will you support which will deepen
U.S. investment in and with Ethiopia to counter Chinese initiatives?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on ensuring a level playing
field for American businesses and calling out coercive and questionable
business practices by unscrupulous actors like the PRC when necessary.
Ethiopians and the Ethiopian Government already understand that the
American free-market growth model is the strongest one for long-term
development and prosperity. Once assistance restrictions are lifted
when warranted under law and consistent with our policy and values, the
United States should re-engage Ethiopia in the broad range of economic
growth programs offered by U.S. Government agencies and international
organizations, including USAID, USTDA, USTR, the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund, Power Africa, DFC, MCC, etc. The United
States should also be ready to provide technical assistance to the
Government of Ethiopia as it redoubles efforts to implement its free-
market economic reform plan. When appropriate, I plan to serve as a
strong champion of U.S. and likeminded countries' corporate investment
and engagement with Ethiopia.
I will also draw attention to the Partnership for Global
Infrastructure Investment (PGII) as a viable alternative to PRC
infrastructure investment. PGII was launched at the November 2022 G20
meeting and will introduce collaboration mechanisms among G7 countries
and across all U.S. Government agencies to direct investment to
projects in developing countries focused on climate and energy
security, digital connectivity and health and health security--
including related transportation infrastructure like ports, railroads,
and other connective infrastructure.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bryan David Hunt by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have focused much of my State Department career on the
promotion of democracy and respect for human rights. As Charge in
Georgetown, Guyana, I led our team in collaborative efforts with like-
minded international partners to advance free and fair local and
national elections. Our combined efforts resulted in the first peaceful
transition of power in the country in more than two decades following
national elections that were judged by international and domestic
observers to be free and fair and to reflect the will of the people and
the organization of long-delayed local government elections judged to
be free and fair and reflect the will of the people. During my time as
Principal Officer in Lahore, Pakistan, I helped lead U.S. Mission
efforts to push-back against efforts by the then-military regime to
declare martial law, jail politicians and civil society activists, and
permanently disrupt the planned transition back to civilian rule. U.S.
Mission efforts pressured the military to abandon its attempt and
ensured a transition back to civilian rule, including national
elections that were judged to be broadly free and fair.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Sierra Leone? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. The lack of independence of key election-related
institutions, insufficient judicial independence, insufficient
legislative oversight, and endemic corruption stand out as some of the
most significant challenges to democracy and democratic development in
Sierra Leone. I understand that as the country moves toward elections
in June 2023, our Embassy has already raised concerns about the need to
ensure a level playing field for all political parties, the importance
of sustained media freedom, and the imperative of ensuring freedoms of
association and peaceful assembly.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Sierra Leone? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I would hope to use Sierra Leone's 2023
national elections as a catalyst to encourage the government, political
opposition, civil society, and other stakeholders to embark on a
national reflection on the state of Sierra Leone's democratic
institutions. I would work closely with like-minded partners to ensure
that recommendations from the 2023 international and domestic election
observation reports--particularly those related to the politicization
of key electoral institutions--formed a key part of that reflection and
resulting reforms. I would seek to use available U.S. democracy and
governance funding to support the long-term strengthening of
institutions identified for genuine reform and to support an
independent judiciary, democratic political parties, and effective and
independent civil society and media institutions. My hope would be to
advance more independent, non-partisan institutions able to ensure the
long-term viability of Sierra Leone's democracy and deliver for all
Sierra Leonean people. Potential impediments include the highly
partisan nature of Sierra Leone's politics, the intersection of
partisan politics and ethnic identity, ingrained corruption, and the
lack of human capacity. It is my hope that addressing these challenges
will help Sierra Leone build on the gains it has made since the end of
its civil war in 2002.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Government assistance resources
for promotion of democracy and governance in Sierra Leone are limited.
If confirmed, I would, therefore, seek to focus those limited resources
on capacity-building programming that is central to reforming and
strengthening Sierra Leone's democratic institutions and holding those
institutions, including political parties, accountable to the country's
citizens, particularly those historically underrepresented in national
politics. I would also support efforts to strengthen accountable
governance both at the national and local council level and will
promote initiatives that prevent violence and foster peace and national
cohesion. This would include continuing our work to strengthen civil
society, build independent media, and advance the independence of key
electoral and judicial institutions. In the processes used to
administer such assistance, I would prioritize capacity building of
Sierra Leonean institutions, ensuring funding awards are made in a
transparent fashion, and overseeing our implementing partners to
facilitate delivery of results.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Sierra Leone? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes. Human rights, civil society, and other non-
governmental organizations all play an essential role in advancing
democratic governance, respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, and assisting Sierra Leone to develop into a more stable,
secure, and prosperous partner for the United States. If confirmed, I
commit to meet with civil society members, human rights and other non-
governmental organizations in the United State, local human rights non-
governmental organizations, and other members of civil society in
Sierra Leone. It is essential that non-governmental organizations and
civil society are afforded freedom to express their opinions and
conduct their activities. If confirmed, I would advocate this position
to government, non-governmental, and civil society leaders. I would
continue and expand upon the Embassy's efforts to facilitate
connections between government and civil society organizations to build
trust and mitigate unhelpful restrictions on civil society or non-
governmental organizations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would engage with representatives from
across the democratically oriented political spectrum, including the
ruling party and opposition parties, and would ensure that Embassy
colleagues did the same. I would also advocate for political parties to
adopt credible, internal democratic mechanisms. I understand that the
Embassy has joined international partners in calling for an increased
commitment to issues-based politics and dialogue and cooperation among
political parties on issues of national interest. If confirmed, I would
continue this practice, as well as the Embassy's advocacy for access
and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within political
parties.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Sierra Leone on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Sierra Leone?
Answer. Yes. I am committed to supporting media freedom and
strengthening journalistic professionalism and to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Sierra Leone. If confirmed, I would
continue the Embassy's practice of engaging with the media, like-minded
partners, civil society, and non-governmental organizations to
underscore the importance of an independent, professional, and open
media to a free and democratic society. I would work to address any
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
through legal, regulatory, or other measures. If confirmed, I would
also support expanded educational and exchange opportunities for local
media to help strengthen journalistic professionalism and build
capacity. I understand that in the past, the Embassy has hosted these
exchanges to raise awareness on issues such as public health, mis/
disinformation, democracy, and elections. If confirmed, I would seek to
continue those efforts.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would engage with like-minded
international partners, civil society, the media, and government
counterparts to counter disinformation and propaganda disseminated by
foreign state and non-state actors in Sierra Leone and would ensure
that the Embassy team did likewise.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
Sierra Leone on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our Embassy's efforts to
promote internationally recognized labor rights, including for
independent trade unions. I understand that the government of Sierra
Leone generally protects the right to bargain collectively. If
confirmed, I would advocate for continued improvements in this area as
well as fair and consistent enforcement of labor laws.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Sierra Leone, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Embassy in Sierra Leone is
already working to defend the human rights and the dignity of all
people in Sierra Leone, no matter their sexual orientation or gender
identity. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing and building upon
this work.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Sierra Leone?
Answer. According to the 2022 Human Rights Report, ``LGBTQI+
advocates reported the community faced challenges ranging from stigma
and discrimination to denial of public services such as health care and
justice.'' Human rights defenders in Sierra Leone report that societal
prejudice against LGBTQI+ persons is strong and dissuades many LGBTQI+
persons from publicly identifying as such. This prejudice has
significant impacts on the ability of LGBTQI+ persons to access
employment, health care, and housing. Sierra Leone maintains a
colonial-era law that criminalizes same-sex activity among men, but not
among women.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Sierra Leone?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support LGBTQI+ persons in Sierra
Leone through outreach and inclusion in mission activities, and by
speaking out on the importance of protecting the human rights of
members of the LGBTQI+ community. I would meet periodically, and ensure
that staff met regularly, with members of the LGBTQI+ community, to
ensure the Mission's work continues to ``do no harm'' and was always
cognizant of the priorities of LGBTQI+ persons in Sierra Leone. I would
facilitate linkages between LGBTQI+ groups and other human rights-
oriented civil society groups to ensure that the human rights of
LGBTQI+ individuals are included as part of broader human rights
advocacy efforts with the Sierra Leonean government. I would seek to
advocate with the Sierra Leonean government for the protection of human
rights of all in Sierra Leone, including members of the LGBTQI+
community, and would prioritize advocacy for the issues of greatest
importance to the LGBTQI+ community. I would also seek opportunities,
where appropriate, to demonstrate U.S. support for the protection of
the human rights of LGBTQI+ individuals publicly.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Sierra Leone?
Answer. I have great respect for and place high value on the
importance of the relationship between the executive and legislative
branches of government. If confirmed, I commit to, working through the
Department, to make myself available to fully brief Members of Congress
and/or their staff each time I am in Washington for visits and
consultations during my tenure as Ambassador to Sierra Leone.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy in Sierra Leone?
Answer. If confirmed as chief of mission, I will lead the American
and Sierra Leonean professionals in Mission Sierra Leone to advance our
national security agenda in a safe, inclusive, and respectful
workplace. I will communicate my commitment to a workplace in which
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility are core tenets of our
mission culture. I will also make clear that discrimination,
harassment, and bullying are absolutely not acceptable and take swift
action to address any such issues that may arise. I will demonstrate my
commitment to equal employment opportunity (EEO) principals and the
work of Mission EEO counselors and locally engaged staff advisors. I
will support and participate in programs that promote respect and
diversity.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Sierra Leone?
Answer. If confirmed as chief of mission, first, I will demonstrate
that diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) is a
priority, through actions and words, and reinforce with my staff it
should also be a priority for them. I will also make clear my strong
opposition to harassment, discrimination, and bullying and ensure a
prevention plan is in place. I will hold supervisors accountable and
expect them to hold their team members accountable for acts of
harassment, discrimination, or bullying. I will ensure mission
personnel have access to all the resources they need to combat racism,
discrimination, and inequality. If confirmed, I will meet regularly
with post's DEIA council at Mission Sierra Leone, participate in
community activities to increase dialogue and inclusion, and promote a
positive work environment among the Embassy team.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, l commit to engaging more equitably in our
operations and programs and will lead Mission Sierra Leone to build
relationships with all communities in Sierra Leonean society through
active outreach. I will carefully monitor, evaluate, and coordinate the
design and implementation of programming and assistance and extend
their reach as far as possible. I will ensure that our representational
events and public diplomacy programs include marginalized and
underrepresented groups and that our human resources team uses diverse
panels in hiring processes to ensure applicants are not being
disadvantaged. I will work with our locally employed staff to expand
our outreach efforts and leverage the various languages spoken within
our mission to assist our U.S. officers in making connections beyond
the capital.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bryan David Hunt by Senator James E. Risch
Democracy and Elections
Sierra Leone will hold elections on June 24. While elections
will likely occur before you arrive at post, if confirmed, you
will serve as U.S. Ambassador to Sierra Leone in the post-
election period and in the initial months of the term of the
president, parliament and local authorities.
Question. What is you view of the role of a U.S. Ambassador in
supporting democratic institutions and democratic governance?
Answer. I view the role of a U.S. Ambassador in supporting
democratic institutions and democratic governance as four-fold. First,
the U.S. Ambassador should work in tandem with like-minded partners to
advocate with political actors--both inside and outside of government--
to strengthen democratic institutions and democratic governance
practices in line with international best practices. In doing so, the
U.S. Ambassador should advocate for transparency and accountability in
government decision making and space in which political parties, civil
society, and independent media can operate freely. Second, the U.S.
Ambassador should work closely with independent, host country pro-
democracy voices to help amplify their calls for review/reform of
democratic institutions and democratic governance practices and to
press for debate, consideration, and, as appropriate, enactment of
reforms. Third, the U.S. Ambassador in a post-electoral environment
should be pressing government institutions, opposition parties, and
civil society to review and act upon the recommended reforms contained
in national and international observation reports on the electoral
contest to ensure that future contests are conducted in-line with
international best practices. Finally, the U.S. Ambassador should be
working with the Country Team and Washington to assess the democracy
and governance programs in which the U.S. Government is involved and to
ensure that such programs are adequately working to provide technical
support for strengthening of key democratic institutions--both
governmental and non-governmental.
Question. Do you commit to using your platform as U.S. Ambassador
to Sierra Leone, if confirmed, to publicly amplify and support the
democratic aspirations of the people of Sierra Leone?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to using my platform as U.S.
Ambassador to Sierra Leone to publicly amplify and support the
democratic aspirations of the people of Sierra Leone.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the people of Sierra Leone?
Answer. The lack of independence of key election-related
institutions, insufficient judicial independence, insufficient
legislative oversight, and endemic corruption stand out as some of the
most significant challenges to the democratic aspirations of the people
of Sierra Leone. To better support these aspirations, if confirmed, I
would work with Sierra Leonean pro-democracy stakeholders and like-
minded international partners to use Sierra Leone's 2023 national
elections as a catalyst to encourage the Government, political
opposition, civil society, and other stakeholders to embark on a
national reflection on the state of Sierra Leone's democratic
institutions. The United States should advocate that the
recommendations from the 2023 international and domestic election
observation reports--particularly those related to the politicization
of key electoral institutions--form a key part of that reflection and
resulting reforms. Available U.S. democracy and governance funding
should be used to support the long-term strengthening of institutions
identified for genuine reform and to further develop an independent
judiciary, democratic political parties, and effective and independent
civil society and media institutions.
Relationship with USAID
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Sierra Leone, you will be Chief of
Mission in a country with significant development challenges. While the
U.S. has a significant foreign assistance portfolio in Sierra Leone,
the USAID/Guinea Mission covers Sierra Leone from Conakry. How will you
approach partnership with the USAID Mission Director and other USAID
colleagues covering Sierra Leone remotely?
Answer. I recognize that, if confirmed, I would be leading a U.S.
Government team comprised of personnel from multiple agencies, some
based outside of Freetown. If confirmed, I would work closely with my
USAID colleagues covering Sierra Leone remotely by holding regular
coordination meetings involving USAID senior staff in Freetown, the
USAID Mission Director in Conakry, and, as needed, key USAID personnel
in Washington. Open and robust communication between the USAID Mission
in Conakry and the Embassy in Sierra Leone is a must whether it is
about planning for USAID activities in Sierra Leone, including the
development of strategic priorities; implementation and evaluation of
USAID programming in Sierra Leone; or international donor coordination.
I would seek to ensure that a common approach that meets the needs of
all stakeholders is adopted on key issues and already have assurances
from USAID that they welcome increased collaboration. If confirmed, I
would plan to make regularly scheduled visits to the USAID Mission in
Conakry and, again, have received assurances from USAID that they will
also schedule routine visits, including the USAID Mission Director, to
Freetown.
Trade and Investment
Marampa Mines is the largest U.S. investment in Sierra Leone.
Owned by the Gerald Group, in partnership with the Government
of Sierra Leone, this major investment to increase iron ore
production has led to the direct employment of some two
thousand Sierra Leoneans, with a positive ripple effect in the
local economy. In our competition with China, we should be
supporting U.S. mining operations throughout Africa. Over the
last several years, the U.S. Embassy in Freetown has been
supportive of this project, advocating on its behalf with the
Government and publicly visiting its site on at least two
occasions.
Question. Are you aware of Marampa Mines?
Answer. Yes. I am aware of Marampa Mines and if confirmed, would
seek to engage regularly with its leadership, and to provide Embassy
support and advocacy where appropriate.
In your testimony, you stated that a priority of yours will
be to ``work closely with the U.S. business community to
advocate for reforms that enhance Sierra Leone's ability to
attract high-quality foreign investment, including through
regional market integration, while simultaneously using trade
development tools to help ensure U.S. businesses remain
competitive in the Sierra Leonean marketplace.''
Question. How would you practice commercial diplomacy on behalf of
U.S. investments in Sierra Leone?
Answer. I understand that Sierra Leone's economy has significant
potential for private sector investment, with abundant mineral
resources, large areas of fertile land, well-stocked fisheries, and
tourist development potential. If confirmed, I would work with Embassy
Freetown's Deal Team to enhance our efforts to link U.S. firms with
opportunities in Sierra Leone, whether through the International Trade
Administration's (ITA) Express Leads system, reverse trade missions, or
other commercial diplomacy tools at our disposal. I would ensure that
our economic officers leverage our substantial economic toolkit, which
includes Prosper Africa, Power Africa, USTDA, the Export Import Bank,
and the DFC to help support U.S. businesses seeking to invest in or
trade with Sierra Leone. If confirmed, I would utilize DFC and other
trade development tools such as the Trade Development Agency and the
Export-Import Bank to offer viable alternatives to PRC-proposed debt-
financed infrastructure projects. If confirmed, I would meet regularly
with U.S. companies doing business in Sierra Leone and those interested
in expanding their presence in Africa to understand investment and
trade impediments in Sierra Leone and would advocate for their removal,
using USAID trade and investment policy development tools as
appropriate to support the Government of Sierra Leone in such reform
efforts. Given the comparatively small size of the Sierra Leonean
market, I would advocate for Sierra Leone's further economic
integration into the wider West African marketplace and for continued
reduction in tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade with its
neighbors.
Question. What is your assessment of Sierra Leone's greatest
barriers to increased two-way trade and investment with the United
States?
Answer. Although the Government of Sierra Leone has a generally
favorable attitude toward two-way trade and investment with the United
States, and generally treats U.S. companies in a non-discriminatory
fashion, U.S. businesses face obstacles, including corruption, low
human capital development, poor infrastructure, and intermittent rule
of law concerns. In addition, the small size of the Sierra Leonean
domestic economy deters some U.S. businesses from the cost of entry
into this new market. If confirmed, I would continue to urge the
Government of Sierra Leone to improve on these investment and trade
climate issues to strengthen their economy and make it a more
attractive location for American businesses including through continued
pursuit of full economic integration with other West African states.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools at your
disposal--including through Prosper Africa--as U.S. Ambassador to
Sierra Leone, if confirmed, to support addressing barriers to trade and
investment in the enabling environment, including the need for economic
and political reforms?
Answer. If confirmed, I understand that I would be able to access
expertise within the State Department, USAID, and the Department of
Commerce, including through Prosper Africa, to support addressing
barriers to trade and investment in the enabling environment, including
the need for economic and political reforms. Each of these agencies
have programs that could potentially be utilized to assist the
Government of Sierra Leone in analyzing barriers to trade and
investment and in developing reform strategies to address such
barriers. In addition, it is my understanding that, if confirmed, I
would be able to use the full-range of U.S. Government trade and
investment development agencies--including USTDA, the Export Import
Bank, and DFC--to provide direct USG assistance to U.S. companies
looking to expand trade and investment in Sierra Leone. Such assistance
could help overcome barriers to trade and investment such as project
financing and political risk. My understanding is that Prosper Africa
serves as a one-stop shop through which U.S. and African companies can
access USG assistance for expanded two-way trade and investment.
Question. How will you work with Prosper Africa leadership to
ensure that Sierra Leone can benefit from Prosper Africa resources,
tools and expertise?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to identify through consultation
with the U.S. business community active in Sierra Leone those areas in
which USG expertise could be most beneficial to removing barriers to
trade and investment in Sierra Leone. I would work with Prosper Africa
leadership and the Sierra Leonean Government to identify ways in which
Prosper Africa could engage on such issues and provide technical
assistance to advance necessary reforms. I would also anticipate a
regular dialogue with Prosper Africa leadership, both in Washington
D.C. and on the continent, to identify resources, tools and expertise
that are best fitted to Sierra Leone.
Moreover, I would look to expand contact between the Embassy Deal
Team and Prosper Africa to ensure that Prosper Africa was fully aware
of emerging opportunities in the Sierra Leonean marketplace with an eye
to bringing its tools, resources, and expertise to bear in identifying
and assisting U.S. companies to take advantage of such opportunities--
particularly in cases where an alternative to PRC investment is
required.
Sudan
From 2019-2022, you worked in the Office of South Sudan and
Sudan within the Bureau of African Affairs, including as the
office director. You also served as the Acting Deputy Assistant
Secretary for East Africa and the Sudans within the Bureau of
African Affairs in 2021. Understanding that you have not been
involved with Sudan policy since 2022, the following questions
are about your work on Sudan from the ouster of President Omar
al-Bashir in 2019.
Question. In your experience, what is the process within the Bureau
of African Affairs for decision making, particularly related to
difficult or controversial issues? Was bureau leadership welcoming of
opinions and/or dissent? How was dissent, in your experience, handled?
Answer. During my time as Office Director for South Sudan and
Sudan, I worked for three different Africa Bureau Front Offices. While
each had its own processes for decision making, in general terms, I
found that each consulted closely with the Sudan Office, Embassy
Khartoum, the Sudan Special Envoy (when filled), and other State
Department and interagency stakeholders to assess all of the courses of
action available to us--consistent with State Department senior
leadership guidance--in order to advance the democratic transition in
Sudan and to understand fully the risks and benefits of each potential
course of action prior to making final decisions. In my experience,
discussion on policy options was robust, and the Africa Bureau Front
Offices welcomed feedback on whether or not courses of action being
pursued were achieving desired results. In my experience, the Africa
Bureau Front Offices were willing to adjust policy approaches based on
feedback and the evolution of events on-the-ground. I also found them
open to innovative thinking on alternative courses of action.
In the Foreign Policy article ``How the U.S. Fumbled Sudan's
Hopes for Democracy,'' a spokesperson for the State Department
stated ``U.S. engagement after the October 2021 military
takeover was centered on supporting Sudanese civilian actors in
a Sudanese-led process to re-establish a civilian-led
transitional government.''
Question. Do you agree with that characterization of the U.S.
policy after the October 2021 coup?
Answer. I would agree that U.S. engagement after the October 2021
military takeover was centered on supporting Sudanese civilian actors
in a Sudanese-led process to re-establish a civilian-led transitional
government in line with the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese
people.
The same Foreign Policy article references an early 2022
``memo [that] was written and circulated within the State
Department's Bureau of African Affairs warning of the risks of
current U.S. policy on Sudan and listing potential scenarios
that could emerge from the rivalry between Burhan and Hemeti,
including those tensions erupting into a full-scale conflict
[the memo] was meant to go to U.S. Secretary of State Antony
Blinken's desk, but the draft was heavily edited, watered down,
and never passed out of the bureau.''
Question. Are you aware of the existence of this memo? If yes, did
you ever see it? Did you contribute to the memo?
Answer. I am not in a position to comment upon the accuracy or
characterizations of media reports not based upon official Department
communications. There were, of course, a large number of memos and
policy papers that were drafted during my time in the Office of South
Sudan and Sudan, including papers that discussed generally the risks of
conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support
Forces, and, of course, included discussions of how to avoid and
mitigate against those risks. Given my institutional position in the
office, I would likely have reviewed and contributed to all such
papers.
Question. Were you part of conversations where the memo was
discussed internally? If yes, what decisions were made as to how to
handle it?
Answer. Again, I am not in a position to comment upon press
reporting that is not based upon official Department communications. In
my institutional position, I would receive feedback from the Africa
Bureau Front Office on various and numerous internal written products.
Aside from the timeframe when I served as Acting DAS, I was not
generally involved in discussions related to when, whether, or in what
final form to move written products forward to senior State Department
principals.
Question. Did you edit or change the contents of the memo? If so,
what were your changes?
Answer. Again, I am not in a position to comment on any matters in
press reporting where such reporting is not based upon official
Department communications. Consistent with my institutional role as an
Office Director, I provided input to numerous products designed to
ensure that the challenges and recommended courses of action to senior
policymakers were clearly articulated and that they reflected Africa
Bureau Front Office policy guidance. My edits on products related, in
general terms, to the prospect for conflict between the Sudanese Armed
Forces and the Rapid Support Forces would have focused on ensuring that
the risk of conflict was clearly articulated and that policy
recommendations reflected effective approaches to diminish further the
political and economic influence of military actors.
On May 4, 2023, President Biden issued an executive order on
imposing sanctions on certain persons destabilizing Sudan and
undermining the goal of a democratic transition. To date, no
individuals or entities have been designated for sanctions
under the executive order. We understand that there were robust
debates within the State Department as to whether or not to
pursue sanctions for certain individuals and entities, dating
back to at least the October 2021 coup.
Question. During your time in the Bureau for African Affairs
covering Sudan after the October 2021 coup, what was your stance on
whether or not to pursue sanctions against the leadership of Sudan's
military junta?
Answer. Between October 25, 2021, and July 2022, I and other State
Department officials frequently reassessed our approach to Sudan,
explored alternatives, and prepared for contingencies including the use
of sanctions. I, and others, have preferred the use of other pressures
that were more likely to have a meaningful impact on military regime
leaders' finances, given the lack of their financial assets subject to
U.S. jurisdiction. These included the suspension of direct assistance
and preventing HIPC Debt Relief or support from international financial
institutions, advising international businesses against investing in
Sudanese military/government-controlled companies, restricting USG and
international contracting with Sudanese military-owned security and
logistics companies, establishing international mechanisms to restrict
the export of Sudanese gold by military and military-linked companies,
and use of sanctions and visa restrictions on those responsible for
human rights abuses. I also favored working with Congress to craft
legislation that would have allowed for sanctions against third country
entities handling financial assets belonging to leaders of the military
regime, their family members, and businesses.
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report
Sierra Leone remained on Tier 2 for its efforts to meet the
minimum standards to combat trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Sierra Leone operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained
in the TIP report?
Answer. I understand that the State Department's Office to Combat
Trafficking-in-Persons has provided a grant to the University of
Georgia to work with the Government of Sierra Leone and non-
governmental organizations to strengthen efforts to prevent
trafficking-in-persons, specifically the sex and labor trafficking of
children. This program would carry out similar, integrated work in
other regional countries and would, if successfully implemented, help
address many of the recommendations contained in the Sierra Leone
Trafficking in Persons report. If confirmed, I would press the
Government of Sierra Leone to take full advantage of this assistance,
to adopt the legal and procedural reforms recommended as part of it,
and to cooperate fully with regional partners in combating trafficking.
I would also meet regularly with implementors of this grant on-the-
ground to ensure effective implementation.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Sierra Leone was noted as generally having
governmental and societal respect for religious freedom.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Sierra Leonean constitution provides for the protection
of fundamental human rights and freedoms of the individual, including
freedom of thought and of religion. The law prohibits religious
discrimination and allows all persons to observe their own religious
practices and to change religions without interference from the
Government or members of other religious groups. If confirmed, I would
continue the Embassy's long-standing advocacy for religious tolerance
and freedom, and engagement with members of all faiths in Sierra Leone.
I would work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom and Office for International Religious Freedom, so
our approach in Sierra Leone to promoting religious freedom is informed
by the most recent guidance and best practices.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to personally engage with civil
society on promoting religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Sierra Leone increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position to host religious
leaders for roundtable discussions, and I would meet with religious
leaders during in-country trips to emphasize the important role they
can play to prevent and mitigate conflict. I would leverage our Public
Diplomacy programming and exchanges to find opportunities to expose
young leaders to religious freedom issues. I would also seek
opportunities for U.S.-based experts on religious freedom to visit
Sierra Leone and interact with various audiences in and out of the
capital.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Sierra
Leone was noted for having significant human rights abuses
which included corruption, a lack of freedom of expression and
assembly, and more.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Working with civil society organizations is critical to our
understanding of the human rights situation in Sierra Leone as they are
on the frontline of addressing challenges facing their communities. If
confirmed, I would encourage my team to continue to work closely with
civil society so that the United States has an accurate picture of
human rights concerns so that we can address them with the Government
and design programming to improve the human rights situation in Sierra
Leone. I understand the Embassy discusses human rights issues with the
Government at the highest level and I would continue to do this, if
confirmed. In such interactions, I would seek to be forthright with the
Government about our concerns and would press for transparent,
independent legal processes through which accountability could be
addressed.
State Management and Oversight
Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over the
last several years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Freetown?
Answer. My understanding is that morale is good at Mission Freetown
despite the challenging environment and the lingering impact of stress
from COVID-19. Personnel in Freetown have a strong sense of purpose and
mission. They see the results of their work and see the rewards,
including through promotions.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Freetown?
Answer. My tours overseas have taught me the importance of being
attentive to each employee's professional development and ensuring that
they know how their work fits into the Embassy's mission and
achievement of Department goals. It also is important to take care of
the needs of eligible family members through employment, quality
education, and activities that bring the community together. Creating
and maintaining an environment free of harassment and bullying is a
hallmark of my leadership style and essential for employees to
flourish. If confirmed, I would model the importance of work-life
balance and ensure our managers know how to set priorities and
negotiate deadlines to avoid employee burn out and promote resilience.
I would advocate with Washington to ensure that assigned workload and
deadlines are appropriate for a post of Sierra Leone's limited size and
would seek to ensure that assigned workload dovetails with our agreed-
upon policy objectives in Sierra Leone.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Freetown?
Answer. If confirmed, I would be leading a U.S. Government team
comprised of personnel from multiple agencies. This means ensuring all
agencies understand the mission and activities of others and discussing
the tradeoffs that often need to be made on foreign policy goals or
Embassy operations together. I have found that a structured approach
should include weekly Country Team meetings, weekly meetings with
agency leaders that include the DCM to discuss programs and events, and
mission-wide participation in the Integrated Country Strategy and
Mission Resource Request planning cycles. Mission-wide off-sites and
professional development days would be used to review our progress and
develop our workforce skillsets and build a sense of community and
mission. Finally, if confirmed, under my leadership, Mission Freetown
would review our goals and achievements as we update our Integrated
Country Strategy. This is an effective tool to keep all agency activity
in-line with our mission goals.
Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I strive to maintain a workplace atmosphere where mistakes
are turned into learning opportunities. I would coach our employees
through decision-making processes to develop their leadership skills
and provide regular mentoring and support. I am decisive, but inclusive
of a wide range of views and will communicate the ``why'' of a decision
to make sure those who were involved and those not involved understand
what the Executive Office will be doing and the rationale for it. If
confirmed, the Deputy Chief of Mission and I would be attentive to
workplace issues and create an environment free from bullying,
harassment, and discrimination.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates. Performance and conduct management needs to be a regular
and ongoing process. Mistakes are learning opportunities and correcting
them should be an inclusive, constructive process that is done in
private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a former DCM and long-term Charge d'Affaires myself, I
understand what it takes to establish and nurture a strong,
collaborative relationship between the Ambassador and DCM. If
confirmed, I would listen and learn from the experience of the current
DCM and respect the relationships she has established with Sierra
Leonean officials and within the mission. I view the DCM role as a
force multiplier and as someone who must be ready to step in during my
absence, so she will be involved in key internal and external meetings.
I would expect her to deliver her honest, frank opinion so that
together we can make the best decisions possible. I would create an
environment in which she can feel free to disagree with me when we
consider options or suggest course corrections but would ensure that we
present a united front to the mission once a decision is made.
Leadership at the top must be proactive, consistent, and fair. If
confirmed, I am confident the DCM and I would be able to create a
positive work experience for our team in Freetown.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) is arguably the most
difficult position at post. If confirmed, I would leverage my
experience as a DCM to establish a strong and symbiotic relationship to
oversee mission operations and conduct our foreign policy. If
confirmed, as I lead the mission, I would need to be able to work
through the DCM to ensure that we are protecting U.S. Government
resources across agencies, running an efficient Interagency Cooperative
Services platform, and supporting our personnel needs. The DCM would
play the role of chief operating officer of the mission but also be
involved in our foreign policy agenda. I would include her in meetings
with government officials and in communications with Washington. She
would ensure that performance management, budget oversight, and human
resources platforms are performing effectively, and our operations
soundly steward U.S. Government resources. I would expect her to
develop her managerial skills across all aspects of mission life and
would coach her as needed. I also would ensure that the DCM and our
other employees share in our representational activities to expand our
outreach activities. I would expect the DCM to oversee our leadership,
mentoring, Family Advocacy, and Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and
Accessibility programs.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports
(EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though
often lacking.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide effective feedback and write employees'
performance reviews and counseling documents. If confirmed, I would
continue to pay close attention to developing the performance
management skills of our supervisors and the employee's understanding
of how the system benefits their professional development. I would seek
to ensure that top performers are rewarded and that those with
performance challenges receive the appropriate, constructive feedback
and support required to address them.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback and
write employees' performance reviews and counseling documents that
include such feedback. If confirmed, I would continue to pay close
attention to developing the performance management skills of our
supervisors and the employee's understanding of how the system benefits
their professional development. I would seek to ensure that top
performers are rewarded and that those with performance challenges
receive the clear, accurate, and direct feedback and professional
development support required to address them.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and local citizens.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. I believe that Mission leadership largely sets the tone and
the expectations that determine whether U.S. diplomats sufficiently get
outside of our Embassy walls. Throughout my career, I have consistently
modeled going outside of the mission walls to meet and cultivate a wide
range of contacts in and outside the capital and major cities. I do not
believe that it is possible to be effective as a diplomat without such
significant outreach. If confirmed, I would continue to reach beyond
the Embassy walls and to encourage all Embassy staff to do likewise. To
enable these efforts, I would work closely with my DCM and the Regional
Security Office to ensure that we are managing any associated risks
smartly and proactively and that we identify and receive the resources
necessary to support robust Mission in-country travel.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage and support in-country
travel with adequate security resources and mentor employees on
thinking-outside-the-box on how to reach local populations. On a
regular basis, I would ensure that our employees are maintaining
contacts with regional leaders at all levels and meeting with them in
their areas and when they come to the capital. This also means ensuring
that employees are using representational events and funds to cultivate
contacts and promote mission goals. I would support cross-cultural
learning from our locally employed staff and U.S. employees as well as
learning of local languages.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bryan David Hunt by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I would advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S.- Sierra Leone ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
would work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Sierra Leone and countering efforts by our
strategic and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I would work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address the PRC's efforts to
expand its influence in Sierra Leone and the region.
Question. U.S. and Sierra Leone relations have been described as
warm and cordial, and in early 2021, the Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC) concluded a four-year, $44.4 million project to
deliver water and electrical services in and around Freetown. What are
the outcomes of the MCC program?
Answer. MCC and the Government of Sierra Leone completed the $44
million threshold program in March 2021. The program supported reforms
and improved governance in the water and electricity sectors. By
supporting independent regulation, strengthening public utilities, and
increasing transparency and accountability, the program helped to
deliver water and electricity services more effectively to the people
of Sierra Leone. The tariff reforms adopted by the national electricity
utility as part of the threshold program increased revenues by $1
million USD per month. The threshold program improved clean water
access through the construction of 10 new water kiosks operating under
a public, private partnership model. The newly constructed water kiosks
are providing safe, accessible, and sustainable water to 15,000
residents, while also significantly reducing the time spent by
community members on water collection. A new digital map of Freetown's
water distribution system allows the Guma Valley Water Company to
better assess the water system's performance and more efficiently
address service delivery problems. The threshold program also ``set the
stage'' for expanding critical access to electricity for Sierra
Leoneans and supported the U.S. Government's Power Africa initiative.
Question. What are the other major opportunities of the U.S.-Sierra
Leone partnership?
Answer. U.S. partnership with Sierra Leone has the ability to
solidify Sierra Leone's rejection of the PRC's authoritarian, state-
centric model of development. Through continuing to offer viable
private sector infrastructure development alternatives and investing in
democratic institutions that deliver effective services to the Sierra
Leonean people, the United States can advance the democratic, free-
market development model desired by most Sierra Leoneans, undercut PRC
inroads in West Africa, advance global health security, and advance
prosperity for both Americans and Sierra Leoneans. If confirmed, I
would focus on the strengthening of democratic institutions,
development of Sierra Leone's public health sector, and advancing U.S.
investment in and trade with Sierra Leone in order to further the U.S.-
Sierra Leone partnership.
Question. If confirmed, how would you further utilize U.S.
Development Finance Corporation projects, like the one regarding debt
finance for a new power plan in Freetown?
Answer. I understand the Embassy has robust engagement with Sierra
Leone on project identification and financing and that DFC
representatives visit Sierra Leone often to determine how to support
possible U.S. investment in local projects. For example, DFC CEO Scott
Nathan visited in July 2022. If confirmed, I would direct our Deal Team
to enhance our efforts to link U.S. firms with opportunities in Sierra
Leone appropriate for DFC financing, whether through the International
Trade Administration's (ITA) Express Leads system, reverse trade
missions, or other commercial diplomacy tools at our disposal. I would
pay particular attention to utilizing DFC to offer viable alternatives
to PRC-proposed debt-financed infrastructure projects. If confirmed, I
would meet regularly with U.S. companies interested in expanding their
presence in Africa to discuss opportunities in Sierra Leone and to
underscore DFC as a potential tool to support their businesses.
Question. China is Sierra Leone's top trade partner in the mining
industry and the CCP has financed a number of the country's
infrastructure projects, including port, rail, and ore mining projects.
While President Bio canceled some CCP projects upon assuming office,
Bio has since continued to express support and signed new contracts
with CCP firms and projects. Do Sierra Leonean ties to China threaten
U.S. interests?
Answer. I understand that Beijing's engagements in Africa are
expanding, including in Sierra Leone. I also understand that the PRC
continues to exploit--both legally and illegally--Sierra Leonean
resources, particularly in the fisheries, forestry, and minerals
sectors. I am gravely concerned that such PRC activities and its
proposed infrastructure investments in Sierra Leone are not being
carried out in line with internationally accepted standards, such as
those spelled out in the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business
and Human Rights, the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative,
and the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights. If
confirmed, I would seek to identify and promote socially responsible
foreign investment alternatives to those being pushed by the PRC--
particularly U.S. investment--that promote sustainable development and
respect for human rights of all individuals.
Question. According to reports, positive perceptions of China in
Sierra Leone dropped between 2015 and 2020. What do you believe
accounts for this drop?
Answer. Despite billions in PRC investment and over 50 years of
relations with Sierra Leone, the United States remains the partner of
choice for most Sierra Leoneans. A recent Afrobarometer survey found
that Sierra Leoneans view the economic and political influence of the
United States on their country more favorably than that of the PRC. The
U.S. Embassy promotes sustainable development and respect for human
rights of all individuals. U.S. Embassy engagement on important issues
such as public health, democracy and governance, and trafficking in
persons are often featured on the front page of newspapers, discussed
on the radio and television, and posted on social media. I believe that
U.S. Embassy engagement on these topics throughout the country has
provided an opportunity for Sierra Leoneans to see and hear from the
United States to better understand our core values and partnership with
Sierra Leone. If confirmed, I will continue these engagements and meet
with Sierra Leoneans all over the country to demonstrate U.S.
commitment to deepening our partnership.
There is also a substantial Sierra Leonean diaspora population
residing in the United States with close connections to the country. If
confirmed, I will engage with the Sierra Leone diaspora in the United
States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to William W. Popp by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The Department of State's 2022 Country Reports on Human
Rights Practices for Uganda documents arbitrary killings, forced
disappearance, restriction to freedom of expression, and torture by
government agencies. On March 28, 2022, I asked the Administration to
provide (1) ``a list of detention facilities known to be used by
Ugandan security forces for illegal detention and torture, as well as
the units that operate these facilities and the senior officers
responsible for their operation;'' and (2) ``a list of units and
security force members in Uganda barred from receiving training and
assistance under the Leahy Laws.'' With regard to Ugandan units and
security force members barred under Leahy, the Africa Bureau stated
that ``we have not worked with the Special Forces Command since early
2016; we also do not work with elements of the Chieftaincy of Military
Intelligence, which have been credibly implicated in gross violations
of human rights.''
Please clarify the following: Have the Chieftancy of Military
Intelligence (CMI) and the Special Forces Command been denied training
under the Leahy Laws?
Answer. Following interagency reviews of the human rights practices
of the Special Forces Command (SFC) and elements within the Chieftaincy
of Military Intelligence (CMI), these groups were determined to be
ineligible for U.S. training and assistance. All support to the SFC
ceased in 2016. The SFC and CMI have not been proposed for further
training or assistance since that time, so application of the Leahy law
has not arisen.
Question. The U.S. imposed visa restrictions on the former head of
CMI under a previous administration. Has the U.S. also imposed visa
restrictions on the current or former leadership of the Ugandan Special
Forces Command? If not, why not?
Answer. Designations under some legal authorities may or must be
privately held. On April 16, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced visa
restrictions under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act, but under U.S. law, individual visa records are
confidential. We cannot provide details about who is affected, but
Secretary Blinken did announce that they would be applied against
Ugandan security forces who were ``responsible for the deaths and
injuries of dozens of innocent bystanders and opposition supporters, as
well as violence against journalists that occurred before, during, and
after the elections.'' I understand additional visa restrictions will
be considered as new evidence and information become available.
Question. Are there other ``elements'' of CMI that continue to
receive U.S. assistance? If yes, please specify what ``elements'' of
CMI continue to receive U.S. assistance, what type assistance they
receive, and why these ``elements'' of CMI have not also been banned
under Leahy for human rights abuses.
Answer. Some units and individuals of CMI that are not accused of
human rights abuses remain eligible for technical assistance. These
units and individuals primarily have investigatory responsibilities
under policing functions and have received limited U.S. technical
assistance to counter illicit trade in goods. As the Ugandan military
has expanded its role into a variety of non-military functions,
including law enforcement, U.S. Government agencies believe that
continuing to retain very limited and focused contact with law
enforcement investigatory offices that fall under the CMI umbrella, but
which have no human rights concerns, furthers U.S. security and law
enforcement interests. For example, recently, the U.S. Government
provided assistance to a unit of CMI that is active in combatting
illegal trafficking of conflict minerals to help reduce the trafficking
of illegally obtained minerals from eastern DRC through Uganda.
Question. Please provide, as requested more than a year ago, a full
list of the names of Ugandan security force members and units denied
training under Leahy.
Answer. As the nominee to serve as Ambassador to Uganda, I have not
been involved any decisions or vetting of Ugandan security force
members or units. However, I understand that no list of names or units
denied training exists because so few have been candidates for training
in recent years and of the few individuals trained, all have passed
Leahy vetting. In that time, U.S. Government agencies have only
provided very limited technical assistance to a small component of CMI,
where there was no evidence that any training recipient has engaged in
human rights violations or abuses. The training assistance was non-
military in nature and all of the participants nominated to participate
in this training passed Leahy vetting. Additionally, for the very
limited assistance available to Ugandan military forces primarily for
peacekeeping operations, I understand that the U.S. Embassy in Kampala
has fully Leahy vetted all participants and restricted the training to
that which incorporates human rights components.
In recent hearings on the Sudan, the Sahel, and Russia I have
expressed concern that the State Department's Africa Bureau
appears to be allergic to sanctioning African Government
officials. In Uganda, where the Government relies on torture,
forced disappearances, and extra judicial killings to silence
critics, sanctions could be an important tool for pressuring
Ugandan officials to respect rule of law and basic democratic
and human rights norms. But sanctions cannot work if we do not
use them. Under Section 7031(c) visa restrictions are mandatory
if the Secretary of State has ``credible information''
implicating--either directly or indirectly--a current or former
government official in corruption or human rights abuses.
During your tenure as Ambassador to Guatemala, the United
States sanctioned dozens of individuals in Guatemala. In
Uganda, on the other hand, this Administration has announced
only one sanction under 7031(c) for human rights abuses and
that designation--while revealed publicly in December 2021--was
actually made several years before. This Administration has not
imposed any new 7031(c) restrictions on any Ugandan officials
for human rights abuses or corruption, despite widespread human
rights violations and corruption within the Museveni regime.
Question. How many individuals were subjected to sanctions in
Guatemala during your tenure as Ambassador? How many of these
individuals were Guatemalan Government officials?
Answer. Since 2020, 65 individuals have been designated in
Guatemala under either Global Magnitsky, Section 7031(c), or the
Section 353 Corrupt and Undemocratic Actors Report. Of that total, 38
have been government officials (including the judiciary, legislative,
and executive branches) or former government officials designated for
their activities during their public tenure. The other designees have
been from the private sector or members of family of primary designees.
Additional individuals have been privately designated under Section
212(a)(3)(c) authorities.
Question. Based on your experience, are sanctions effective? Please
provide some examples of how sanctions had an impact during your tenure
as U.S. Ambassador to Guatemala.
Answer. I believe we should use the tools Congress has given the
Executive Branch to fight corruption and prevent human rights
violations and abuses. The use of sanctions and visa restrictions can
be effective when based on clear facts and applied as part of an
overall strategy to support respect for human rights, counter
corruption, and encourage democratic governance.
While I served as U.S. Ambassador in Guatemala, the United States
designated more than 60 individuals and their family members in
accordance with authorities provided by the U.S. Congress. We have used
all available tools, including Global Magnitsky for the first time and,
where possible, have done coordinated joint designations with
likeminded international partner governments. Many of the designations
have received prominent public attention, helping dissuade corrupt
officials, impeded malign actors, increased transparency in economic
sectors threatened by corruption, and increased accountability for
violators of human rights.
If confirmed, I will work diligently with willing Ugandan
authorities, national and international non-government organizations,
and U.S. Government agencies to support the rule of law. Such efforts,
combined with targeted use of sanctions and visa restrictions in
accordance with U.S. law, can help demonstrate that the United States
is a tireless and sure partner on human rights issues in keeping with
our nation's values.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to considering using
sanctions as a tool to increase pressure on governments and individual
government officials to respect basic democratic and human rights
norms?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to doing so in accordance with
the statutory requirements of the sanctions, designations, and visa
revocations authorities provided by the U.S. Congress to the U.S.
Executive Branch.
Question. Does the Department currently have a sanctions strategy
for Uganda? If not, will you commit to drafting one if confirmed?
Answer. The Department of State remains committed to continually
evaluating the potential for new sanctions and visa restrictions
targets for Uganda, particularly in acute cases such as recent
legislation which would violate the human rights of the LGBTQI+
community. In general, the Department continually gathers evidence of
allegations of human rights abuses and violations and corruption for
consideration of new sanctions proposals. If confirmed, I commit to
developing a working group within the Embassy comprised of all
stakeholder offices and agencies at post to ensure coordination in the
gathering of evidence, sharing information on alleged perpetrators of
human rights abuses and violations and corruption, and development of
nominations for designations review in Washington. I initiated this
approach at U.S. Embassy Guatemala, which was productive in enhancing
coordination and use of the tools that the Congress has given the
Executive Branch to fight corruption and prevent human rights abuses.
Earlier this year, the Ugandan parliament passed ``anti-
homosexuality'' legislation that will violate the human rights
of all Ugandans, increase violence toward LGBTQI+ individuals,
and greatly undermine efforts to combat the spread of HIV/AIDS.
When Uganda adopted similar legislation in December 2013, the
United State redirected funding away from the Ugandan
Government, cut some security assistance, and imposed travel
bans on senior Ugandan officials implicated in human rights
abuses or corruption.
Question. How do you intend to engage with the Ugandan Government
on this issue? Please outline specific strategies that you plan to use
to advocate for the protection of the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals in
Uganda.
Answer. If confirmed, and after consultation with the local LGBTQI+
community to ensure our actions ``do no harm,'' I would engage the
Ugandan Government and Ugandan stakeholders directly about how the
anti-homosexuality bill has increased the threat of violence against
the LGBTQI+ community and undermined respect for human rights. If
President Museveni signs the bill into law and it is implemented, the
law could impact U.S. foreign assistance and deter trade, investment,
and tourism to Uganda. It could also have serious consequences for the
viability of the U.S. PEPFAR program, the fight against HIV/AIDS, and
the health of all Ugandans.
I would engage the Ugandan Government on the importance of
protecting the fundamental human rights and safety of LGBTQI+ people as
well as upholding Uganda's international legal commitments to protect
and defend the human rights of all people. I would point out that
individuals responsible for violence or human rights abuses against
LGTBTQI+ persons could be subject to sanctions, public designations,
and/or visa restrictions under U.S. law. I would work with the Embassy
team to publicly and privately engage civil society organizations,
including those that represent the LGBTQI+ community or are working in
public health areas including HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment. I
would coordinate with international and local implementing partners to
publicly underscore how the fear and discrimination stoked by the AHA
is deterring people from receiving health treatment, thereby risking
the lives of Ugandans from all backgrounds. I would also consult with
civil society on their priorities to protect LGBTQI+ persons from
violence and work to identify areas in which U.S. assistance programs
could be directed or increased to help prevent violence and
discrimination. Finally, I would ensure that our programming and
resources for advancing human rights and governance goals for all
Ugandans, regardless of their identity or background, are implemented
efficiently and effectively.
Question. What steps will the Department take now to ensure that
our response to the new iteration of Uganda's ``anti-homosexuality''
bill includes and expands upon the actions the U.S. took nearly ten
years ago in 2014?
Answer. The Ugandan president has not yet signed and implemented
the Anti-Homosexuality Bill of 2023. The U.S. Government interagency is
reviewing all appropriate measures should the president choose to sign
the bill into law and implement it, including expanding on USG
responses from 2014. While no final decision has yet been made, U.S.
Government agencies are examining using existing authorities to impose
visa restrictions and sanctions on those who may violate the human
rights of Ugandans, including LGBTQI+ individuals, undermine democracy
or engage in corruption under the law. They are also investigating the
possibility of new visa restrictions, continued eligibility for trade
preferences like AGOA, the impact the AHA may have on our assistance
programs, updating our travel warning to Uganda, and additional
measures.
Question. Will you commit to regularly meet, in person and on a
bilateral basis, with Ugandan LGBTQI+ activists and organizations?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to regularly meet with Ugandan
LGBTQI+ persons and organizations, as well as other human rights
defenders and organizations.
Question. Will you commit to regularly meet with and brief U.S.-
based human rights groups on actions the U.S. Embassy in Kampala is
taking to defend the rights of LGBTQI+ individuals in Uganda?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to regularly meet and brief
U.S.-based human rights groups on the actions the U.S. Embassy in
Kampala and U.S. Government are taking to defend the rights of LGBTQI+
persons in Uganda.
Question. My understanding is that the Center for Disease Control
continues to provide significant direct support to the Ugandan Ministry
of Health to include business class travel for the Ugandan Health
Minister--who was filmed praying for the passage of the ``anti-
homosexuality'' law in the office of the Ugandan Speaker of Parliament
the day the bill was adopted. Do you think it is appropriate, in light
of Uganda's passage of new ``anti-homosexuality'' legislation, for the
United States to continue to provide funding directly to Ministry of
Health and fund the Health Minister's business class travel? Will this
support for the Ugandan Health Ministry and Health Minister continue on
your watch as U.S. Ambassador to Uganda if confirmed?
Answer. The Ministry of Health (MOH) is the official Ugandan public
institution responsible for ensuring health service delivery for
Ugandans and has been a longstanding institutional partner in efforts
to control HIV, tuberculosis (TB), malaria and to promote global health
security in Uganda and globally for over two decades. The MOH has
stated its support to non-discriminatory health services in the past.
If confirmed, I would continue to actively engage the MOH to not
discriminate against any person. I would also clearly convey the
potential impacts, including potential funding cuts, that the AHA could
make necessary if the legislation is enacted. At the same time, I would
lead U.S. health agencies at post to thoroughly review and explore all
feasible options for increasing work with any non-governmental
organizations or alternative institutions that could provide access to
health care services to LGBTQI+ community members in the event of
decreased cooperation with the MOH, understanding that NGOs could face
significant limitations to providing equivalent capabilities as the
MOH.
Question. In light of Uganda's passage of ``anti-homosexuality''
legislation, how will you work to ensure that all U.S. agencies and
implementing partners, as well as International Financial Institutions
to include the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, are
complying with nondiscrimination agreements and in full compliance with
nondiscrimination policies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Embassy and U.S. agencies in
Washington to require inclusive programming and closely monitor partner
compliance with their agreements. Further, I would continue efforts
that I understand are underway to engage the World Bank, the IMF and
other like-minded development partner groups, to which the United
States is a significant donor, to enforce existing contractual
agreements and to identify additional measures that could be considered
and included in new financing with the Government of Uganda. I will
likewise advocate that the U.S. Government engage its full set of
diplomatic, economic and contractual rights and responsibilities to
further U.S. foreign policy objectives.
The Ugandan military has been engaged in Somalia for nearly
two decades and received significant U.S. support. Inside
Uganda, however, the same military is responsible for
widespread gross violations of human rights going back decades.
Question. What is the total value of U.S. security assistance and
security cooperation for the Ugandan military?
Answer. In Fiscal Year (FY) 2023, State Department-funded security
assistance for Uganda's military is approximately $18 million, with
$760,000 in bilateral funds (International Military Education and
Training, IMET), about $8 million in peacekeeping operations (PKO)
funding to support Uganda's participation in the African Union
Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) and $9 million from Global Peace
Operations Initiative (GPOI) for continued programming to build
Uganda's peacekeeping capacity. The Department of Defense-implemented
PEPFAR programming is worth about $16 million, but it is not considered
security assistance or security cooperation. About $12 million is
channeled through the public health sector aiding civilians through
HIV/AIDS programming, infectious diseases surveillance, and medical
research and an additional $4 million supports HIV/AIDS programs which
primarily benefit Uganda People's Defense Forces soldiers but aids the
overall goal of ending HIV/AIDS as a public health threat by 2030.
Question. Please list the full range of U.S. sponsored engagements,
trainings, or other planned support for the Uganda military in 2023.
Answer. I understand that engagement with the Ugandan military can
shift depending on funding and scheduling. Nevertheless, it is always
consistent with U.S. policy regarding Leahy vetting and human rights
concerns. Engagement currently focuses on support for Uganda's
peacekeeping operations in other countries, as well as
professionalization training which includes human rights elements and
enables the United States to offset engagement by strategic
competitors. For 2023, U.S. engagement includes: advisors for Uganda's
Peace Support Operations Training Center which supports pre-deployment
training for ATMIS in Somalia; health assistance to provide HIV/AIDS
support which furthers our goal of ending the epidemic as a public
health threat by 2030; Defense Institute of International Legal Studies
programs on human rights training; an ATMIS Lessons Learned Workshop;
an ATMIS Legal Advisors Roundtable; International Military Education
Training (IMET) exchanges; pilot training for personnel operating ATMIS
aircraft in Somalia; and training on anti-wildlife trafficking
practices.
Question. What specific steps has the United States taken to hold
individual senior Ugandan military officials responsible for gross
violations of human rights perpetrated against Ugandan citizens in
Uganda?
Answer. Two military officials, Gen. Kale Kayihura (2019) and Maj.
Gen. Abel Kandiho (2021), were designated for financial sanctions by
the U.S. Department of the Treasury under Global Magnitsky for serious
human rights abuse. Designations under other legal authorities may or
must be privately held. On April 16, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced
visa restrictions under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act, but names of individuals were not publicly announced,
as visa confidentiality laws prohibit public disclosure of any
individual visa restrictions under Section 212(a)(3)(C). Secretary
Blinken stated ``Ugandan security forces were responsible for the
deaths and injuries of dozens of innocent bystanders and opposition
supporters, as well as violence against journalists that occurred
before, during, and after the elections.'' I understand that
consideration of additional visa restrictions against officials in the
security services continues as information and evidence comes to light.
If confirmed, I would support the use of Global Magnitsky sanctions and
public visa restrictions, in accordance with the evidentiary
requirements under U.S. law, against any individuals in the Ugandan
military and security services responsible for gross violations of
human rights or serious human rights abuses.
President Museveni has been in power since January 1986. He
has twice changed the Ugandan constitution to extend his time
in office by lifting first term limits, then age limits. He has
consistently used Ugandan Government security forces to
intimidate, threaten, and hobble his political opponents while
turning a blind eye to the corruption and abuses perpetuated by
his own military and police force, members of the first family,
and senior members of the National Resistance Movement (NRM)
party. Uganda's last elections were marred by violence,
corruption, and human rights abuses. Scores of pro-democracy
protesters were killed. President Museveni's main political
opponent was severely beaten.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take between now and
Uganda's next presidential election in 2026 to level the political
playing field and increase the likelihood of credible and peaceful
elections?
Answer. If confirmed I would lead the U.S. Embassy in Kampala to
support the Ugandan people's right to choose leaders in free and fair
elections that are credible and peaceful. I would start by regularly
messaging publicly and privately in support of democratic processes,
norms, and institutions. I would support dialogue between Ugandan
stakeholders, integrate U.S. assistance to build capacity of electoral
institutions, civil society organizations, and electoral observation
organizations. I would also support voter education and conflict
mitigation mechanisms through our assistance and public diplomacy
platforms.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have supported human rights and democracy across my
nearly 24-year diplomatic career, helping to facilitate free and fair
elections, increase space for civil society, establish police oversight
mechanisms, and protect labor activists and independent media. In
Kenya, I worked closely with U.S. Government agencies, international
partners, civil society, and Kenya's electoral commission to prepare
for and conduct free, fair, credible, and peaceful elections in 2017.
In Guatemala, as Ambassador, I worked to support protection for
multiple justice and human rights defenders from persecution as well as
supported the continued operation of the United Nations Office of the
High Commissioner for Human Rights office. I likewise worked to ensure
robust local civil society and international observation of the 2023
elections. I also engaged authorities to provide transparency around
the NGO registration law and fair treatment for all civil society
organizations.
If confirmed, I would implement similar successful whole-of-mission
strategies with host government, civil society and international
partners in support of democracy and human rights.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Uganda? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Uganda faces several pressing human rights challenges,
including the need to protect human rights activists, gender-based
violence, abuses by security forces, threats to freedom of expression,
and violence or threats of violence targeting LGBTQI+ persons with the
criminalization of consensual same-sex sexual conduct. Human rights
concerns have become an increasing focus of our bilateral relationship
over the last decade. Political tensions have increased, election
violence has persisted, and democratic space, especially for civil
society, is shrinking. Ugandan security forces continue to harass and
intimidate members of the opposition, including through forced
disappearances, kidnappings, and torture. The NGO Bureau has made it
difficult to near impossible for NGOs to register and operate in the
country.
If confirmed, I will work diligently with the Government, national
and international non-government organizations, and the many U.S.
Government agencies that work to address these concerns. I would, among
other actions, engage with and message continuously to the Ugandan
Government on the importance of promoting and protecting the human
rights of all people; help and consult with civil society organizations
on their priorities so that they can safely operate; ensure that our
programming and resources are efficient and effective; and work to
address the consequences of the dangerous anti-homosexuality bill,
which has exacerbated homophobia, undermined respect for human rights,
would put American citizens in Uganda at risk, and could also have
serious consequences for the fight against HIV/AIDS and the health of
all Ugandans. I believe through such efforts, we can demonstrate to the
Ugandan Government and its people that the United States is a tireless
and sure partner on human rights issues in keeping with our nation's
values.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Uganda? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to eliminate corrupt influences
in Uganda through our diplomatic engagements, public messaging, and
U.S. assistance programs supporting anticorruption efforts and the rule
of law. I will also actively engage human rights defenders, civil
society organizations, and those experiencing human rights violations
and abuses to address and improve respect for human rights. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. assistance aligns with our
important policy goals of supporting democracy and good governance. I
will also closely examine our existing support to key NGOs operating in
this sector, advocate for new resources if needed, and promote
transparency during my engagements with government officials.
Through such efforts I would hope to advance our longstanding
values of freedom, democracy, individual liberty, and human dignity.
Increasing adherence to rule of law, reducing corruption, and ending
impunity would increase security, stability, and prosperity, not only
in Uganda, but throughout the region and the world.
Entrenched corruption, abuses of human rights, and limited
democratic space are key impediments to advancing democratic
development, but if confirmed, I will also be prepared to use the tools
Congress has made available including the Global Magnitsky Act and
Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and
Related Programs Act, to hold corrupt actors and human rights violators
accountable and prevent them from utilizing resources in the United
States.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with all U.S. assistance
agencies and programs to ensure the maximum integration and
coordination possible, including in support of democracy and
governance. I would prioritize civil society capacity building,
including helping local organizations become administratively capable,
including necessary financial oversight, of receiving direct assistance
from USAID, Department of State, the Small Grants program, or other
sources. I would also prioritize civic and voter education activities,
including for youth, women, and minority communities, to prepare for
the 2026 elections. I would also prioritize activities to support
independent media, counter disinformation, and protect press freedom.
Finally, I would seek out opportunities to assist in political party
capacity building in order to support full and transparent
participation in the 2026 elections.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Uganda? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will absolutely be committed to
meeting and engaging with those organizations. They have their ear to
the ground and a deep understanding of the issues. I will listen to
their concerns and recommendations, but also leverage their expertise
and resources to further democratic governance. If confirmed, one of my
top priorities will be to ensure NGOs can operate safely in Uganda. I
would work to communicate to the Ugandan Government the benefits NGOs
have for millions of Ugandans. If confirmed, I will continue
demonstrating to the Ugandan Government and key stakeholders that NGOs
are not a threat and are of critical importance. From Uganda's Ebola
response, to improving food security, to protecting vulnerable
communities, Uganda needs these NGOs. These NGOs make Uganda healthier
and safer, which leads to economic growth and stability.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will meet with people from across the
democratically oriented political spectrum, and from all walks of
Ugandan life. As Ambassador, I would interact with as diverse a range
of Ugandan citizens as possible, across political, economic,
geographic, social, and ethnic groups. If confirmed, I would engage not
only with government and opposition figures and political parties, but
also with civil society, independent media, community, labor and human
rights organizations and activists, including from the LGBTQI+
community. I would also reach out to youth, minority, and women's
groups on areas of entrepreneurship, rights promotion, education, and
other key issues.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Uganda on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Uganda?
Answer. Yes. Supporting an active and free press is a fundamental
part of U.S. Government diplomacy and programming overseas. If
confirmed, I would work diligently with the Embassy team to promote the
importance of a free press with Ugandan officials, while using
programming such as our International Visitor Leadership Program to
support efforts to share with local journalists best practices in
investigative journalism. I commit, if confirmed, to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Uganda. I fully believe that a free
and fair press is critical to a healthy democracy and will continue to
support efforts to promote press freedom in Uganda.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with our team at the U.S.
Embassy in Uganda to engage with civil society and government
counterparts on countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated
by foreign state or non-state actors in Uganda. There is increased
interest in the region by the People's Republic of China (PRC) and
Russia and the entities they control. If confirmed, I will work
diligently to deter and counter malign influence by foreign state and
non-state actors in country, and help Ugandan understand how to protect
themselves from disinformation.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
Uganda on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will lead my Embassy team to actively
engage with Ugandan labor organizations, including independent trade
unions, to support rights under Ugandan law and Uganda's international
commitments to organize and to protect fair treatment.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Uganda, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support the efforts of the United
States Government to defend the human rights and dignity of all people,
no matter their sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, or
sex characteristics.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Uganda?
Answer. Uganda's LGBTQI+ community has been consistently
marginalized, discriminated against, and targeted by the Ugandan
Government, homophobic organizations, and vigilantes. Parliament's
recent passage of the repressive Anti-Homosexuality Act further
undermines respect for human rights. If the legislation is enacted, it
could have serious and negative consequences for LGBTQI+ persons in
Uganda as well as the viability of the U.S. PEPFAR program, the fight
against HIV/AIDS, and the health of all Ugandans.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Uganda?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support U.S. assistance programs that
seek to protect the human rights of, and respect for all Ugandans,
including LGBTQI+ people. I would also maintain consistent dialogue
with LGBTQI+ activists and NGOs, ensuring our actions ``do no harm,''
as well as support accurate and timely reporting on abuses against the
LGBTQI+ community. Where U.S. sanctions law and authorities are
applicable against perpetrators of gross violations of human rights, I
would support the lawful application of such authorities.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Uganda?
Answer. Yes, organized through the Department of State's Bureau of
Legislative Affairs and conducted in accordance with long-standing
Department and Executive Branch practice.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy in Uganda?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, I will lead the American
and Ugandan professionals in Mission Uganda to advance our national
security agenda in a safe, inclusive, and respectful workplace. I will
communicate my commitment to a workplace in which diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility are core tenants of our mission culture. I
will also make clear that discrimination, harassment, and bullying are
unacceptable and take swift action to address any such issues that may
arise. I will demonstrate my commitment to equal employment opportunity
(EEO) principals and the work of Mission EEO counselors and locally
engaged staff advisors. I will support and participate in programs that
promote respect and diversity.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Uganda?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, I will first demonstrate
that diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) is a
priority, through actions and words, and reinforce with my staff it
should also be a priority for them. I will also make clear my strong
opposition to harassment, discrimination, and bullying and ensure a
prevention plan is in place. I will hold supervisors accountable and
expect them to hold their team members accountable for acts of
harassment, discrimination, or bullying. I will ensure mission
personnel have access to all the resources they need to combat racism,
discrimination, and inequality. If confirmed, I will meet regularly
with post's DEIA council at Mission Uganda, participate in community
activities to increase dialogue and inclusion, and promote a positive
work environment among the Embassy team.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, l commit to engaging more equitably in our
operations and programs and will lead Mission Uganda to build
relationships with all communities in Ugandan society through active
outreach. I will carefully monitor, evaluate, and coordinate the design
and implementation of programming and assistance and extend their reach
as far as possible. I will ensure that our representational events and
public diplomacy programs include marginalized and underrepresented
groups and that our human resources team uses diverse panels in hiring
processes to ensure applicants are not being disadvantaged. I will work
with our locally employed staff to expand our outreach efforts and
leverage the various languages spoken within our mission to assist our
U.S. officers in making connections beyond the capital.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to William W. Popp by Senator James E. Risch
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, if confirmed, do you commit
to speaking publicly about the current state of Uganda's political and
electoral system, and to amplify and support the democratic aspirations
of the Ugandan people?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would speak publicly and clearly about
the current state of Uganda's political and electoral system in support
of democracy in Uganda.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the Ugandan people?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with all U.S. Government
agencies at post and in Washington to support increased investment in
civil society capacity building, protection of independent media and
human rights defenders, and countering corruption. I would work to
maximize integration of our democracy and governance assistance with
our diplomatic engagement for a freer, more transparent, and democratic
Uganda. I would also support the early design and implementation of
assistance in support of free and fair elections that are credible and
peaceful in 2026.
Question. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, engage
Ugandan officials on issues related to democracy and elections?
Answer. If confirmed, I would engage directly and clearly with
Ugandan officials to convey U.S. commitment to supporting good
governance, strengthening democratic institutions, and free and fair
elections in 2026 that are credible and peaceful. I would speak through
media and public outreach about U.S. interests and values in support of
democracy and seek to publicly engage with Ugandan civil society and
citizens dedicated to fostering democratic governance in Uganda. I
would support bolstering our democracy, human rights, and governance
assistance to support civil society, freedom of expression, voter and
civic education, and electoral institution and political party capacity
building wherever possible. I would speak publicly to the right of all
Ugandans to choose the leaders who will lead the country to a more
prosperous and democratic future. I would also support use of tools
such as sanctions, designations, and visa restrictions, in accordance
with the evidentiary requirements under U.S. law, against individuals
responsible for human rights violations and abuses, electoral violence,
or corruption. In all these efforts, I would effectively coordinate our
engagement across agencies at post.
Question. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, engage
Ugandan political parties on issues related to democracy and elections?
Answer. If confirmed, I would actively engage with Ugandan
political parties in support of democracy and free and fair elections
that are credible and peaceful. I would meet with all political parties
committed to democratic and peaceful principles. I would also use
public messaging to underscore that suppression of and violence against
opposition political parties is unacceptable. Wherever appropriate, I
would seek to connect political parties committed to democratic
governance to U.S. programs to strengthen their institutional
capability.
Question. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, engage with
Ugandan civil society on issues related to democracy and elections?
Answer. If confirmed, I would actively engage with Ugandan civil
society in support of democracy and free and fair elections that are
credible and peaceful. I would seek to meet with a broad of range of
voices committed to free and fair elections and democratic governance,
including through travel outside of Kampala to all regions of the
country. I would seek to connect civil society organizations to U.S.
assistance programs where practical and work to partner with like-
minded international donors to build networks in support of democratic
governance. I would also aim, wherever possible, to build capacity of
local civil society organizations to receive direct assistance and
strengthen their institutional capability.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the Ugandan people?
Answer. We should continue to meet with leaders of all political
groups, in addition to civil society, youth, and women leaders, in
support of strengthening democratic norms. We should arrange for more
senior opposition leaders to meet with U.S. Government officials in the
United States, and connect visiting U.S. officials with local civil
society, community organizations and political parties in Uganda. In
addition, we should seek to design and implement additional democracy
and governance programs that promote a level playing field for the 2026
elections, including robust electoral observation, voter education,
citizen participation, and counter-disinformation activities.
Question. Do you commit to working with the USAID Uganda Mission
Director to support a robust portfolio of democracy and governance
programs for Uganda ahead of the 2026 elections?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would work closely with the USAID
Uganda Mission Director and the entire USAID team, as well as other
elements of the Embassy, to support a robust portfolio of democracy and
governance programs in Uganda ahead of the 2026 elections. If
confirmed, I would treat this as an immediate priority in order to
prepare for the elections in less than three years.
Question. What is your view of the conditions for legitimate
democratic elections in Uganda in 2026?
Answer. Conditions are challenging for legitimate democratic
elections in Uganda in 2026. Since the flawed 2021 elections,
democratic space has continued to shrink. Corruption is persistent and
independent media are under pressure. Human rights abuses are pervasive
and marginalized populations, such as the LGBTQI+ community, are at an
increased risk of violence and persecution. Political opposition
parties and independent NGOs are threatened. At the same time, Ugandan
youth continue to aspire to a freer, more transparent, and peaceful
Uganda. Engaging Ugandans, particularly youth and women, in civic
participation and voter education activities to maximize democratic
inclusion and election participation could help increase the chances of
legitimate democratic elections. Likewise, beginning as soon as
possible, support for transparent electoral administration and
observation in 2026 will be vital. Finally, holding accountable corrupt
and undemocratic actors, as well as violators of human rights and
perpetrators of political violence wherever possible is important to
uphold justice and protect remaining democratic space.
Question. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, engage with
Ugandan officials at the highest levels on abuses of internationally-
recognized human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I would convey to them clearly that abuses of
internationally recognized human rights and violence of any kind are
unacceptable. I would emphasize that all potential recipients of any
U.S. security cooperation must be Leahy vetted and that any individuals
or units identified as responsible for human rights violations are
automatically ineligible. I would also convey that United States is
prepared to use sanctions, designations, and visa restrictions, in
accordance with evidentiary requirements under U.S. law, against
individuals responsible for human rights violations and abuses.
Question. How will you, as U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, engage with
Ugandan officials on the issue of abductions and forced disappearances?
Answer. If confirmed, I would convey to Ugandan officials clearly
that abductions and forced disappearance are unacceptable. I would
emphasize that the U.S. Government will publicly report on any
substantiated incidents through the Congressionally-mandated annual
Human Rights Report and that I and other U.S. Government officials will
publicly call for thorough investigations of all cases and justice for
all victims. I would convey that United States is prepared to use
sanctions, designations, and visa restrictions, in accordance with
evidentiary requirements under U.S. law, against individuals
responsible for abductions and forced disappearances.
Question. In your view, how should the United States pursue and
support accountability for violations of internationally-recognized
human rights in Uganda, including abductions and forced disappearances
by state security forces?
Answer. I believe the United States should support, where possible,
any Ugandan public and non-government organizations sincerely committed
to investigating, arresting, prosecuting, and convicting individuals
responsible for human rights violations, including abductions and
forced disappearances. I believe we should use our assistance programs
to build institutional capacity and train individuals to protect human
rights in compliance with Ugandan law and international commitments. I
would ensure that Leahy vetting is done to ensure any training for
security forces is only offered to individuals and units with no
involvement in violations and abuses and that all training has clear
components of respect for human rights. Finally, if evidence can be
obtained that meets U.S. legal requirements, we should utilize the
public sanctions, designations, and visa restrictions authorities such
as Global Magnitsky and 7031I against perpetrators of human rights
violations and abuses.
Question. On May 2, Uganda's parliament passed an updated version
of draconian anti-LGBT legislation, to include the death penalty. While
President Museveni has not yet signed the legislation into law, the
effects of the legislation's passage in parliament is already being
felt in Uganda and the broader region.
You did not directly mention the anti-LGBT legislation in your
testimony. Were you advised by leadership of the Bureau of African
Affairs or other State Department leadership to do this? If yes, was
the guidance given so as to avoid confronting and displeasing the
Government of Uganda?
Answer. As cited in my written statement submitted to the
Committee, I strongly believe that the United States must support equal
protection and non-discrimination for all persons. As emphasized in my
responses in the confirmation hearing discussion, this absolutely
includes the LGBTQI+ community and underscoring the risks, including of
imprisonment and capital punishment, posed by the deeply troubling and
dangerous Anti-Homosexuality Bill. If confirmed, I would speak clearly
to the Government of Uganda about the United States Government's deep
concern about the legislation's threat to lives, about Ugandan
officials' hateful rhetoric, and the very negative impact that the
legislation has for respect of human rights, the potential to undermine
progress on preventing and treating HIV/AIDS, and in deterring trade,
investment, and tourism that would only deepen poverty for all
Ugandans. My views on these issues, which are fully consistent with the
policy views of the Administration and the Department, are my strongly
held personal views as well.
Question. The passage of the repressive anti-LGBT legislation has
implications for U.S. foreign assistance to Uganda, including in the
global health and democracy and human rights space. As U.S. Ambassador
to Uganda, if confirmed, how will you work with your USAID and State
Department colleagues to adjust the US assistance portfolio as
appropriate?
Answer. If confirmed, I would lead USAID and State Department
colleagues at post to carefully identify and propose adjustments
necessary to the U.S. assistance portfolio if the repressive Anti-
Homosexuality Act (AHA) is signed and enacted into law. In the interest
of our priority to ``do no harm,'' I would also consult with local
civil society, including the LGBTQI+ community, and health care
implementing partners and experts to identify areas for adjustment. I
would also have health and assistance experts examine the continued
viability of partnerships with the Ministry of Health. As the dangerous
AHA is representative of a larger trend in the closing of democratic
space and reduction in respect for human rights of all Ugandans, I
believe it would be necessary to carefully consider the need to
increase democracy and governance programing, as well as partnerships
with international and local civil society organizations. I would also
look closely for opportunities to increase coordination with other
international donors to leverage joint diplomatic and assistance
efforts. Finally, I would use public outreach to underscore the value
of U.S. assistance and the jeopardy in which the dangerous AHA and
other steps against human rights and democratic governance are putting
all Ugandans. I would of course consult with the Bureau of African
Affairs, USAID and other relevant agencies, as well as Congress, prior
to moving forward with any adjustments.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, if confirmed, how will you
engage with the Government of Uganda on impacts of the anti-LGBT
legislation, including any restrictions or reductions on U.S. global
health programming to combat HIV/AIDS?
Answer. If confirmed, and after consulting the local LGBTQI+
community to ensure our actions would ``do no harm,'' I would engage
the Ugandan Government directly about the consequences of the anti-
homosexuality bill that has increased homophobia, the risk of violence
against the LGBTQI+ community, and undermined respect for human rights
generally. If President Museveni signs the bill into law and it is
implemented, the law could impact U.S. programming as well as deter
trade, investment, and tourism to Uganda and thereby increase poverty.
It could also have serious consequences for the viability of ongoing
PEPFAR programming, the fight against HIV/AIDS, and the health of all
Ugandans. I would communicate the potential for negative impacts on
U.S. assistance, particularly on health and HIV/AIDS programs, and the
potential to severely restrict our ability to help protect lives in
Uganda and enable Ugandans from all backgrounds to access quality
health care. I would also engage the Ugandan Government on the
importance of protecting fundamental human rights and safety as well as
upholding Uganda's international commitments to protect and defend the
human rights of all people, including LGBTQI+ persons.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, if confirmed, how will you
lead Mission Uganda to plan for and respond to attacks on U.S.
implementing partners, Ugandan health facilities, Ugandan health
workers, and/or Ugandan organizations receiving U.S. assistance who
provide services to marginalized communities?
Answer. If confirmed, and after consulting the local LGBTQI+
community to ensure actions ``do no harm,'' I would work with the
Embassy team to publicly and privately support civil society
organizations, including those that represent the LGBTQI+ community and
those working in public health areas including HIV/AIDS prevention and
treatment. I would communicate to the Ugandan Government the benefits
that such NGOs provide millions of Ugandans. If confirmed, I would work
to convince the Ugandan Government that implementing partners are of
critical importance for the health care system and the health for all
Ugandans. I would emphasize attacks on partners, as well as Ugandan
health facilities and workers or organizations receiving U.S.
assistance, would be completely unacceptable. I would remind the
Ugandan security and justice authorities of their responsibilities to
prevent any such attacks and the potential impacts of impunity for
perpetrators and I would convey that the United States will use
Congressionally provided tools and other existing authorities to
sanction, designate, and restrict visas to individuals perpetrating
human rights violations and abuses. Finally, I would ensure our
programs, planning, and messaging are coordinated as much as possible
with like-minded international partners to maximize prevention of any
attacks and support accountability in the event of any incidents.
Question. Do you view the roles and responsibilities of the U.S.
Ambassador to Uganda to include supporting U.S. companies currently
investing and interested in investing in Uganda?
Answer. If confirmed I would work to support U.S. companies
invested in or interested in investing in Uganda, in accordance with
United States national interests. I would ensure that the companies had
a full picture of the challenges and opportunities for doing business
in Uganda. I would also ensure that U.S. companies understand threats
posed by corruption and closing civic space in Uganda. I would work
with the Embassy team and the Prosper Africa Executive Secretariat to
help U.S. companies present in Uganda and potential U.S. investors
access the full slate of commercial and investment tools available
through the Development Finance Corporation (DFC), the U.S. Trade and
Development Agency (USTDA), and the Export-Import Bank, among other
U.S. Government agencies.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Uganda, if confirmed, how will you
approach supporting U.S. companies currently investing and interested
in investing in Uganda?
Answer. If confirmed I would work to support U.S. companies
invested in or interested in investing in Uganda, in accordance with
United States national interests. I would ensure that the companies had
a full picture of the challenges and opportunities for doing business
in Uganda. I would also ensure that U.S. companies understood threats
posed by corruption and closing civic space in Uganda. Finally, I would
work with the Embassy team and the Prosper Africa Executive Secretariat
to help U.S. companies present in Uganda and potential U.S. investors
access to the full slate of commercial and investment tools available
through the Development Finance Corporation (DFC), the U.S. Trade and
Development Agency (USTDA), and the Export-Import Bank, among other
U.S. Government agencies.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools Prosper Africa
provides to U.S. Missions in Africa to support two-way trade and
investment?
Answer. I understand that the Prosper Africa initiative through the
17 participating agencies provides a number of tools to advance two-way
trade and investment. This includes helping companies access U.S.
Government services, as well as for embassies that need to refer
potential deals to the relevant agency for further examination and
potential support. For example, USTDA can provide feasibility studies
and reverse trade missions to facilitate project preparedness to
increase potential exports; the Department of Commerce can provide
advocacy and facilitate market entry; the DFC can provide debt, equity
and political risk insurance; and U.S. African Development Foundation
provides grant capital capacity building assistance to grow African
enterprises. USAID can also direct its programs to provide U.S.
companies and investors with market information; facilitate buyer-
supplier linkages; advise companies on accessing finance; and build the
capacity of local businesses, among other things. Prosper Africa
assists U.S. missions to advance trade and investment by tapping into
all of these resources. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Embassy
team in Uganda and Prosper Africa participating agencies in Washington
to support mutually beneficial and job-creating bilateral trade and
investment wherever possible.
Question. In your view, does Uganda meet the statutory requirements
for eligibility for preferential trade benefits under the African
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)?
Answer. Given the deep concern about the Anti-Homosexuality Act
(AHA) legislation along with the broader erosion of respect for human
rights and democratic space for all Ugandan citizens, I understand that
U.S. Government agencies are continuing to evaluate Uganda's
eligibility for African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) preferential
trade benefits. The AGOA legislation requires the Administration to
review annually whether beneficiary countries such as Uganda are
meeting the statute's eligibility criteria, including with respect to
gross violations of internationally recognized human rights by the
Government. During the AGOA eligibility review process conducted for
calendar year 2023, I understand that the U.S. Government warned the
Government of Uganda that continuing human rights violations or abuses,
including those targeting LGBTQI+ persons, could jeopardize its AGOA
eligibility. If confirmed, I would support a careful review of Uganda's
continued eligibility for AGOA for 2024.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last several years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Kampala?
Answer. Many posts around the world have suffered through heavy
workloads, limited staffing, barriers to health care access, and many
other challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic. Mission Kampala has had
to face many of those challenges as well as a recent outbreak in late
2022 and early 2023 of Ebola. As a high hardship differential post and
with persistent staffing gaps that affect most of the U.S. embassies in
Africa, the Embassy community works under challenging circumstances.
Nevertheless, I understand the Embassy has remained resilient, is
emerging from the COVID-19 and Ebola health restrictions and has
attained very important achievements under difficult circumstances.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kampala?
Answer. If confirmed, I will demonstrate through actions and words
my commitment to respect for all, customer service, professional
development, safety and security, and quality of life issues. I will
ensure the mission has access to all the resources available to support
a positive, respectful, and inclusive workplace. I will hold
supervisors accountable and expect them to hold their team members
accountable for conduct and performance. Any incidents that arise will
be addressed immediately. I will participate fully in community
activities and encourage participation from all parts of the Embassy
community. I will actively support performance and service recognition,
through awards and other forms of recognition. Finally, I will support
work-life balance, community wellbeing, and promoting a positive work
environment among the Embassy team.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Kampala?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, I will lead the American
and Ugandan professionals in Mission Uganda to advance our national
security agenda in a safe, inclusive, and respectful workplace. I will
continue to pursue the active approach that I did as Ambassador at the
U.S. mission to Guatemala and as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S.
mission to Brazil by ensuring our Embassy in Uganda is working together
as a team, including through an active diversity council, Federal
Women's Program, and professional development program that promote
respect for each other and a shared commitment to advancing U.S.
national interest through our Embassy's diplomacy, public outreach, and
programs. I will also ensure that our Integrated Country Strategy
objectives and goals are clearly communicated and understood by all
mission personnel to forge a shared vision. Finally, I will work with
the Management team and all other service providers to achieve the
highest level of efficiency and customer service for mission operations
to Embassy personnel.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kampala?
Answer. If confirmed, I will demonstrate through actions and words
my commitment to respect for all, customer service, professional
development, safety and security, and quality of life issues. I will
ensure the mission has access to all the resources available to support
a positive, respectful, and inclusive workplace. I will hold
supervisors accountable and expect them to hold their team members
accountable for conduct and performance. Any incidents that arise will
be addressed immediately. I will participate fully in community
activities and encourage participation from all parts of the Embassy
community. I will actively support performance and service recognition,
through awards and other forms of recognition. Finally, I will support
work-life balance, community wellbeing, and promoting a positive work
environment among the Embassy team.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as respectful,
collaborative, dedicated, and committed to integrity. Ultimately, I
strive to serve the mission team and community. I lead with a
consistent goal for excellence in our internal management and
operational platforms in the mission, high customer service, and high
morale in the community as essential ingredients to achieving success
in our external diplomatic, public outreach, and programmatic goals.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates or other individuals, either in public or in private. Such
behavior has never been a part of my leadership or management style in
my nearly 24 years of Foreign Service experience supervising local or
U.S. direct hire personnel.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a previous Deputy Chief of Mission and deputy principal
officer as well as a long-term Charge d'Affaires and a current Chief of
Mission, I have over a decade of experience serving successfully in a
deputy role or supervising a deputy. I believe that the deputy and
Chief of Mission must communicate well between each and with the
mission team, have a shared commitment to integrity, and both be
focused on serving the community and mission team they lead. I believe
in working as a partner with my deputy, complementing and reinforcing
each other wherever possible.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I believe in helping develop the overall skills of my
Deputy Chief of Mission to be able to successfully lead the mission in
any moment. This means including the Deputy Chief of Mission in all
aspects of mission operations and engagement. At the same time,
identifying specific leadership responsibilities for the deputy is
vital to the Deputy Chief of Mission's professional development as well
as the efficient and effective workload management for the Embassy
front office. If confirmed, responsibilities such the leading
professional development programs for U.S. direct hire and locally
employed personnel, chairing key coordination mechanisms such as the
law enforcement working group, and supervising emergency and crisis
response trainings and preparations are examples of some of the key
areas I would entrust my deputy to lead while I would support and
reinforce those duties wherever helpful.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports
(EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though
often lacking.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is essential to provide all employees
with accurate and constructive feedback on their performance, as well
as reward employees who successfully perform their duties. Throughout
my Foreign Service career I have actively provided such feedback and
recognition, including for Locally Employed Staff and by implementing
additional recognition mechanisms such as Local Staff Member of the
Month and Local Staff Member of the Year awards in my last two
postings.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to all employees to improve performance
and reward high achievers, as I have done throughout my Foreign Service
career.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to fully
accomplish their missions?
Answer. While a challenge in some high-threat security environments
and over the last three years due to the COVID-19 pandemic, in my
experience generally U.S. diplomats strive to get outside our Embassy
walls to advance their mission goals. I believe that with clear and
coordinated planning, consistent security and emergency accountability
training and procedures, and prioritization on public outreach, it is
possible and essential for U.S. diplomats to get outside of their
Embassy and the capital of their host country as much as possible. If
confirmed, I would lead the Embassy in Uganda actively and safely
engaging in robust public outreach and travel outside of the Embassy
and Kampala.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Embassy's
Regional Security Office and Public Affairs Office to ensure that all
U.S. diplomats and local staff have the necessary training,
communications platforms for emergency accountability tools to safely
travel and access local populations. I would also work with the Public
Affairs Office to ensure that all staff have training in public
messaging to engage with Ugandans in all parts of the country. Finally,
I would work with the Management team and Washington to budget
sufficient travel resources to support appropriate outreach to advance
our U.S. national interests in Uganda.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to William W. Popp by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against the People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S.-Uganda ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses that the CCP has become more
repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. According to the Office
of the Director of National Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat
Assessment, the CCP is seeking to ``undercut U.S. influence, drive
wedges between Washington and its partners, and foster some norms that
favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize advancing U.S. national
security interests in Uganda and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The PRC is the
most consequential geopolitical challenge facing the United States and
the United States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in
the region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State
and interagency colleagues and Congress to address PRC's efforts to
expand its influence in Uganda and the region and disinclined to
undertake joint activities.
Question. Uganda receives almost $1 billion annually in aid from
the U.S., with Uganda making overtures to China and Russia on increased
relations. The Ugandan parliament passed a highly restrictive bill on
LGBTQ rights in March 2023, which received critiques from U.S. and
European officials. Uganda in turn accused Western countries of trying
to ``impose'' homosexuality on Uganda. How does lecturing the Ugandan
Government on a divisive social issue help us counter CCP and Russia
influence in Uganda?
Answer. We engage the Ugandan Government on actions, policies, and
decisions that could threaten the human rights of Ugandan citizens,
negatively impact the delivery of our health and humanitarian
assistance, impact foreign investment, and deter tourism. The Anti-
Homosexuality Bill, if signed into law, may jeopardize aspects of
American public health assistance that are required to end HIV/AIDS as
a public health threat by 2030 in Uganda. Imposing the death penalty
for persons exercising their basic human rights is counter to American
values. We also engage the Government of Uganda regularly to counter
PRC and Russian influence and false narratives and to encourage support
for U.S. foreign policy goals.
Question. What is the U.S. doing to counter Russian activities and
propaganda in Uganda?
Answer. The USG works to counter Russian disinformation primarily
by disseminating clear, timely, and fact-based information on U.S.
foreign policy decisions and actions in local print, social, and
broadcast media. We also directly respond to disinformation when deemed
necessary. We amplify credible non-USG voices by providing platforms
for diverse perspectives. The Dignity Dialogues program, for example,
identified Ugandan experts to discuss food and energy insecurity due to
Russia's war against Ukraine, thereby countering Russian narratives
that demonized the United States support for Ukraine.
Question. China has reportedly provided more than $3.5 billon to
Uganda, prompting U.S. concerns. Huawei has provided surveillance
equipment, including facial-recognition technology, and President
Museveni has praised China's non-interference foreign policy approach,
while criticizing Western donor conditionality. How would you
characterize Uganda's relationship with China?
Answer. The PRC has an extensive commercial relationship with
Uganda and seeks to influence Uganda in other areas as well. We offer
Uganda alternatives to the PRC model and as a partner on economic
issues, we advocate for U.S. businesses who seek to do business in
Uganda. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team as well as with
all agencies and branches of the U.S. Government to emphasize to
Ugandans the advantages and opportunities of working with trustworthy
partners like the United States.
Question. What are the main barriers to U.S. direct investment in
Uganda?
Answer. While some U.S. companies are present and thriving in
Uganda with U.S. Government support, problems with corruption, the rule
of law, respect for human rights, and basic infrastructure are
impediments to deeper economic ties.
Question. Is there an expanded role for the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation in facilitating U.S. investment in
Uganda?
Answer. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation
(DFC) supports investments that address critical development challenges
throughout sub-Saharan Africa. The agency has invested more than $10
billion across sub-Saharan Africa and continues to seek opportunities
to invest in bankable projects, including in Uganda, that comply with
DFC standards.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:47 p.m., in
Room 419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Chris Van Hollen
presiding.
Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Duckworth, and
Ricketts.
OPENING STATEMENT HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. Good afternoon, everybody, and welcome.
The nomination hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
committee will come to order. I would like to first welcome all
of our nominees here. Congratulations on your nominations and
thank you for your continued commitment to serving our nation.
I would also like to thank your family members, and I want
to encourage anyone who wants to introduce any members of their
family that are here, because I know that they also have made
sacrifices on behalf of our country, often enduring long
distances from their loved ones or moving across the globe to
be with their loved ones. And I know my colleagues join me in
gratitude to all of you and your families.
I really want to thank Senator Ricketts for being the
ranking member for this committee and for being an active
member of this committee. He and I have agreed that in the
interests of hearing a little less from us and more from you,
that we are going to forgo any long formal opening statements.
I would like to extend my condolences to the families and
colleagues of the U.S. Embassy's local employees killed in
Nigeria yesterday.
As career Foreign Service officers, you know that locally
employed staff, foreign nationals are essential to the success
of our embassy and missions abroad, and we all feel this loss.
And I want to thank them and the other foreign nationals who
help support our embassy operations overseas, and I know you
join me in doing that as well.
So now I am going to introduce each of you, and after that,
we will hear from you, and then we will ask some questions.
That sound good? All right. So, Ms. Jennifer Adams is the
nominee, the President's nominee to be Ambassador to Cabo
Verde. She is a member of the Senior Foreign Service for USAID.
She joined the National War College as a USAID faculty
representative in January of 2022.
Before that, she served as USAID Mission Director to
Mozambique, and from 2014 to 2017, she served as USAID's Bureau
for Global Health Deputy Assistant Administrator and then
Acting Assistant Administrator for Global Health. Her 25 years
of service have also taken her to China, Senegal, and Brazil.
Before that, I am pleased to say she was from Baltimore and
she graduated from Johns Hopkins, a great Maryland institution.
Welcome to you, Dr. Adams. Ms. Heather Variava is the nominee
to be the Ambassador to the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
She is also a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and
currently serves as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy
in Manila.
Prior to her appointment to the Philippines, Ms. Variava
was Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge d'Affaires at the U.S.
Embassy in Jakarta, and was the U.S. Consul General in
Surabaya, Indonesia. She also served in Washington as Director
of the Office of Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Maldives, and
Bhutan in the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, in
addition to several other posts across South and Southeast
Asia, making her a true expert on our partners in the region.
Congratulations on your nomination.
Ms. Julie Turner is the nominee to be Special Envoy on
North Korean human rights issues. She is currently the Director
of the Office of East Asia and the Pacific in the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor at the Department of State.
She has also served as the Director for Southeast Asia at
the National Security Council. In addition to more than 16
years of service in the Office of East Asia and the Pacific,
she has dedicated much of her service to promoting human rights
in North Korea and her experience overseas, including a tour as
Special Assistant in the Office of the Special Envoy on Korean
human rights issues--gives her a special expertise in this
position. She also, to my friend, Senator Ricketts, also earned
a degree from the University of Maryland. Congratulations on
your nomination.
Mr. Matthew Murray is the nominee to be the United States
senior official to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, APEC,
with the rank of Ambassador. He is also a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service. He has served as United States Senior
Official for APEC since February 2022.
Mr. Murray previously led the State Department's Bureau of
Economic and Business Affairs as the Senior Bureau Official
from August 2021 to January 2022, and served as Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Trade Policy and Negotiations
from September 2020 to August 2021.
His career has taken him to Beijing, Shanghai, Dar es
Salaam, and New Delhi. And again, I know you will not forget
your Maryland roots. Someone is nominating some great
Marylanders.
[Laughter.]
Senator Ricketts. I have noticed you have not called out
anybody else's home state, town, or university.
Senator Van Hollen. I am sure you will fill in the blanks--
--
[Laughter.]
Senator Van Hollen [continuing]. Ms. Jennifer Johnson is
the nominee to be Ambassador to the Federated States of
Micronesia. She is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service and is currently serving as Chief of Staff to the
Undersecretary for Management.
Her career has taken her around the world to Cuba, Chile,
and the UAE, and Turkey. She has also held positions here at
home at the U.S. mission to the United Nations in New York, the
Office of Undersecretary for Management, the Executive
Secretariat, the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, and the
Bureau of Global Talent Management. Congratulations on your
nomination.
So, thank all of you for your service to our country. And
with that, I am going to turn it over to you, Dr. Adams, for
your testimony.
STATEMENT OF DR. JENNIFER M. ADAMS, OF VIRGINIA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF CAREER MINISTER, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF CABO VERDE
Dr. Adams. Thank you. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member
Ricketts, and distinguished members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today. I am deeply grateful to
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they
have shown in me as the President's nominee for U.S. Ambassador
to the Republic of Cabo Verde. If confirmed, I will work
closely with you and other members of Congress to advance our
nation's security and foreign policy interests.
I would like to thank my family, especially my husband, Dr.
Wayne Quillin, and my three sons, Eugene, Sam, and Kelly, for
all their support and for sharing our family life overseas. Mr.
Chairman, my interest in economic development in Africa began
with my college education, and deepened as a Marshall Scholar
in the UK, where I completed a Ph.D. in economics at Cambridge
University after fieldwork in a rural area of Zimbabwe.
I have proudly served the American people for the past 30
years as a Foreign Service Officer with the U.S. Agency for
International Development. With USAID, I successfully advanced
U.S. goals in sub-Saharan Africa, Brazil, and Asia, and managed
large, complex interagency programs such as PEPFAR, the
President's Malaria Initiative, Power Africa, Feed the Future,
anti-wildlife trafficking, and humanitarian disaster relief.
I have enjoyed mentoring and promoting employees of every
color, race, religion, gender, and sexual orientation, and I
have focused on listening to and working closely with our
locally employed staff overseas.
If confirmed, I will continue to support and enhance
diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts in our workforce and
in our programs. Cabo Verde is a longstanding partner and the
site of our first consulate in Africa over 200 years ago. Cabo
Verde is a success story in terms of economic development and
improving the lives of its people, having progressed from deep
poverty at independence from Portugal in 1975 to lower middle-
income status today.
Cabo Verde is also a thriving democracy with a multi-party
system, free and fair elections, and a vibrant civil society,
and is a strong partner on promoting respect for human rights
in the region and on the international stage.
The United States, especially the Northeast, is home to
many people of Cabo Verdean descent, and this diaspora
community is an important link between our countries. I know
from my one visit to Cabo Verde in the mid-2000s that the warm
and hospitable Cabo Verdean people admire American culture and
traditions, and welcome further partnership with the United
States.
Strengthening security cooperation is a key objective
between the United States and Cabo Verde, including maritime
security and law enforcement partnerships that protect the
country's exclusive economic zone, combat drug and other
illicit trafficking, reduce illegal, unreported, and
unregulated fishing, and oppose transnational crime, increasing
U.S. investment and bilateral trade, similarly, a key objective
that will deepen commercial ties and support Cabo Verde as its
economy recovers from the COVID pandemic.
Further engagement with Cabo Verde, a small island nation,
on climate action, will promote greater economic resilience,
socio and economic inclusion of remote and vulnerable
populations, and progress toward development goals.
Given the opportunity, I will support these key U.S. policy
objectives. If confirmed, I would seek to leverage Cabo Verde's
strong historical links and shared values with the United
States to foster a cooperative environment for increased
partnerships in security cooperation, commerce, education, and
public diplomacy.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members, for the opportunity to
address you today, and I am happy to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Adams follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jennifer Marie Adams
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished
Members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today. I am
deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have shown in me as the President's nominee for U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo Verde. If confirmed, I will work
closely with you and other Members of Congress to advance our nation's
security and foreign policy interests. I would like to thank my
family--especially my husband Dr. Wayne Quillin and my three sons,
Eugene, Sam and Kelly--for all their support and sharing our family
life overseas.
Mr. Chairman, my interest in economic development in Africa began
with my college education and deepened as a Marshall Scholar in the UK,
where I completed a Ph.D in Economics at Cambridge after fieldwork in a
rural area of Zimbabwe. I have proudly served the American people for
the past 32 years as a Foreign Service Officer with the U.S. Agency for
International Development. With USAID, I successfully advanced U.S.
goals in sub-Saharan Africa, Brazil and Asia, and managed large,
complex inter-agency programs such as PEPFAR, PMI, Power Africa, Feed
the Future, anti-wildlife trafficking and humanitarian disaster relief.
I have enjoyed mentoring and promoting employees of every color, race,
religion, gender, and sexual orientation and have focused on listening
to and working closely with our locally employed staff overseas. If
confirmed, I will continue to support and enhance diversity, equity,
and inclusion efforts in our workforce and our programs.
Cabo Verde is a long-standing partner and the site of our first
consulate in Africa over 200 years ago. Cabo Verde is a success story
in terms of economic development and improving the lives of its people,
having progressed from deep poverty at independence from Portugal in
1975 to lower middle-income status today. Cabo Verde is also a thriving
democracy with a multi-party system, free and fair elections, and a
vibrant civil society, and a strong partner on promoting respect for
human rights in the region and on the international stage. The United
States, especially the Northeast, is home to many people of Cabo
Verdean descent and this diaspora community is an important link
between our countries. I know from my one visit to Cabo Verde in the
mid-2000s that the warm and hospitable Cabo Verdean people admire
American culture and traditions and welcome further partnership with
the United States.
Strengthening security cooperation is a key objective between the
United States and Cabo Verde, including maritime security and law
enforcement partnerships that protect the country's exclusive economic
zone, combat drug and other illicit trafficking, reduce illegal,
unreported, and unregulated fishing, and oppose transnational crime.
Increasing U.S. investment and bilateral trade is similarly a key
objective that will deepen commercial ties and support Cabo Verde as
its economy recovers from the COVID pandemic. Further engagement with
Cabo Verde, a small island nation, on climate action will promote
greater economic resilience, social and economic inclusion of remote
and vulnerable populations, and progress toward development goals.
Given the opportunity, I will support these key U.S. policy
objectives. If confirmed, I would seek to leverage Cabo Verde's strong
historical links and shared values with the United States to foster a
cooperative environment for increased partnerships in security
cooperation, commerce, education, and public diplomacy.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the
committee for the opportunity to address you today. I am happy to
answer any questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Dr. Adams. Next, we will
turn to Ms. Variava.
STATEMENT OF HEATHER ROACH VARIAVA, OF IOWA, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE LAO PEOPLE'S DEMO-
CRATIC REPUBLIC
Ms. Variava. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts,
and distinguished members of the committee, thank you for
considering my nomination to be the next United States
Ambassador to the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
I am grateful for the faith that President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me to represent the United
States in Laos. I appreciate the opportunity to answer your
questions and hear firsthand your thoughts about our
relationship with Laos.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee
and other members of Congress to advance the interests of the
United States, protect the safety of our citizens, and
strengthen the bilateral relationship for the benefit of both
our countries.
I would like to take a moment to thank some of my family
whose support and guidance have shaped my life in important
ways. First, my mother, Catherine, and my late father, Martin,
a U.S. Navy veteran, who fostered my lifelong love of learning
and who have supported me every step of the way, even when it
took me far from home.
I would like to thank my husband, Billy, whose unwavering
support and patience has been a strong foundation for our
family, including our sons Nick and Nate. They have embraced
life in the U.S. Foreign Service with fortitude and good humor.
And as a proud mom, I have to note that my older son just
graduated from Creighton University in Omaha. I just came back
from Nebraska----
Senator Ricketts. Thank you.[Laughter.]
Ms. Variava [continuing]. In addition to my family, I also
want to thank the many U.S. Embassy and Consulate teams with
whom I have had the honor to serve, especially the dedicated
local staff who are the backbone of our overseas operations.
During nearly 27 years in the Foreign Service, I have
served in South and Southeast Asia, and advocating for U.S.
interests, building strategic partnerships, and engaging a
diverse range of stakeholders to promote democratic values and
private sector led economic growth. My experience in the
Philippines, Indonesia, and Vietnam, among others, has
underscored for me the importance of American leadership to
ensure a free, open, and resilient Indo-Pacific region.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Ricketts, as part of our Indo-
Pacific strategy, the United States welcomes a strong and
unified association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, that
leads in the Southeast Asia and beyond. We support ASEAN in its
efforts to deliver sustainable solutions to the region's most
pressing challenges.
As part of our work in ASEAN, I believe close cooperation
with Laos is essential for a stronger, safer, more prosperous
region, and for U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific. Laos is
playing an increasingly important role in the region and will
be in the driver's seat next year as ASEAN chair.
The United States, of course, has a complicated history
with Laos. During our involvement in the war in Indo-China in
the 1960s and 70s, more than 2 million tons of bombs were
dropped over Laos. The relationship between the United States
and Laos remains influenced by this war legacy.
Thanks to Congress's continued support, the United States
has partnered with Laos to address unexploded ordnance, even as
the Laos government has actively supported the fullest possible
accounting for U.S. personnel still missing in Laos from the
war years. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
Congress on our efforts to remove unexploded ordnance from
Laos. I will ensure we continue to address this history, while
also working to expand and further normalize our relationship.
Our programs in health, nutrition, agriculture, education,
English language training, law enforcement cooperation, and
more show our commitment to the U.S., Laos relationship. We
will also continue to work with Laos as the country implements
a strategy to diversify its economy, and where appropriate,
educate U.S. firms about the benefits of doing business in
Laos.
As our relationship with Laos has grown, so has our
outreach to the people of Laos. There is no better example of a
U.S. commitment to Laos than our American center in the capital
of Vientiane, which, with the support of Congress, is scheduled
for a significant expansion.
A larger American center will help us respond to the young
people of Laos who have a huge interest in the United States
and in English language training. Our experienced U.S. Embassy
team in Vientiane is dedicated to defending U.S. national
interests and strengthening the U.S., Lao relationship. If
confirmed, I will be honored to lead them.
I will make their safety and well-being my top priority and
will join their efforts to support the Laos people and help
Laos develop into a truly independent, successful country that
is a valuable partner in pursuing our joint goals of regional
peace and prosperity.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Ricketts, and members of the
committee, thank you for your consideration of my nomination,
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Variava follows:]
Prepared Statement of Heather Variava
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished
Members of the committee, thank you for considering my nomination to be
the next United States Ambassador to the Lao People's Democratic
Republic. I am grateful for the faith that President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me to represent the United States in
Laos. I appreciate the opportunity to answer your questions and hear
firsthand your thoughts about our relationship with Laos. If confirmed,
I look forward to working with the committee and other Members of
Congress to advance the interests of the United States, protect the
safety of our citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship for
the benefit of both of our countries.
I would like to take a moment to thank some of my family, whose
support and guidance have shaped my life in important ways: First, my
mother, Catherine, and my late father, Martin, a U.S. Navy veteran, who
fostered my life-long love of learning and who have supported me every
step of the way, even when it took me far from home. I would like to
thank my husband Billy, whose unwavering support and patience have been
a strong foundation for our family, including for our sons, Nick and
Nate. They have embraced life in the U.S. Foreign Service with
fortitude and good humor. In addition to my family, I also want to
thank the many U.S. Embassy and Consulate teams with whom I have had
the honor to serve--especially the dedicated local staff who are the
backbone of our overseas operations.
During nearly 27 years in the Foreign Service, I have served in
South and Southeast Asia, advocating for U.S. interests, building
strategic partnerships, and engaging a diverse range of stakeholders to
promote democratic values and private sector-led economic growth. My
experience in the Philippines, Indonesia, and Vietnam, among others,
has underscored for me the importance of American leadership to ensure
a free, open, and resilient Indo-Pacific region.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Ricketts, as part of our Indo-Pacific
Strategy, the United States welcomes a strong and unified Association
of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, that leads in Southeast Asia and
beyond. We support ASEAN in its efforts to deliver sustainable
solutions to the region's most pressing challenges, and we are
committed to deepening our long-standing cooperation on health, the
environment, energy, transportation, human rights, and other issues.
As part of our work in ASEAN, I believe close cooperation with Laos
is essential for a stronger, safer, more prosperous region, and for
U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific. Laos is playing an increasingly
important role in the region and will be in the driver's seat next year
as ASEAN Chair.
The United States, of course, has a complicated history with Laos.
During our involvement in the war in Indochina in the 1960s and 1970s,
more than two million tons of bombs were dropped over Laos. The
relationship between the United States and Laos remains influenced by
this war legacy. Thanks to Congress's continued support, the United
States has partnered with Laos to address unexploded ordnance, even as
the Lao Government has actively supported the fullest possible
accounting for U.S. personnel still missing in Laos from the war years.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress on
our efforts to remove unexploded ordnance from Laos. I will ensure we
continue to address this history, while also working to expand and
further normalize our relationship. Our programs in health, nutrition,
agriculture, education, English language training, law enforcement
cooperation, and more show our commitment to the U.S.-Laos relationship
and demonstrate the United States' dependability as a partner. We will
also continue to work with Laos as the country implements a strategy to
diversify its economy, and where appropriate, educate U.S. firms about
the benefits of doing business in Laos.
As our relationship with Laos has grown, so has our outreach to the
people of Laos. There is no better example of U.S. commitment to Laos
than our American Center in Vientiane, which, with the support of
Congress, is scheduled for a significant expansion. A larger American
Center will help us respond to the huge interest from the young people
of Laos in the United States and in English language training.
Our experienced U.S. Embassy team in Vientiane is dedicated to
defending U.S. national interests and strengthening the U.S.-Lao
relationship. If confirmed, I will be honored to lead them. I will make
their safety my top priority and will join their efforts to support the
Lao people and help Laos develop into a truly independent, successful
country that is a valuable partner in pursuing our joint goals of
regional peace and prosperity.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Ricketts, Members of the committee,
thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ms. Variava. And now we will
turn to Ms. Turner.
STATEMENT OF JULIE TURNER, OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED
TO BE SPECIAL ENVOY ON NORTH KOREAN HUMAN RIGHTS
ISSUES, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Ms. Turner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Van Hollen,
Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the Special Envoy on North Korean
human rights issues, with the rank of Ambassador.
I am grateful for the confidence shown by the President and
Secretary Blinken in nominating me. As a Korean American
adoptee, it was my childhood dream to serve the country that
welcomed me, and I have been privileged to do so as a career
civil service employee for 20 years.
I entered the State Department in 2003 as an eager
Presidential management fellow, finding a home in the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, and having an opportunity to
work at the National Security Council as well.
I spent the last two decades promoting human rights, not
just as U.S. values, but as critical interests directly tied to
our National Security. One of my first assignments in DRL was
to staff the first Special Envoy on North Korean human rights
during President George W. Bush's administration.
With great humility and appreciation, I sit here today
seeking your support for that same position. If confirmed, I
will work closely with you and all members to advance our
nation's interests through the promotion of human rights in
North Korea.
The human rights situation in the DPRK is one of the most
protracted human rights crises in the world, and the COVID-19
pandemic has allowed Kim Jong Un to tighten his control over
all aspects of life in the isolated country.
As the DPRK's human rights record has deteriorated, the
connection between its widespread violations and abuses, and
the threat it poses to international security are clear. The
regime's human rights abuses are inextricably linked to its
weapons program, which are funded through the exploitation and
abuse of the North Korean people.
Thousands of North Koreans are exported abroad and
subjected to conditions that amount to forced labor.
Schoolchildren are subject to mass mobilizations, and food
distribution policies favor the military, leaving millions of
North Koreans food insecure. The people of North Korea have
suffered far too long under these abusive policies. If
confirmed, I will focus on five key areas.
First, I will work with partners and allies, including ROK,
to re-energize international efforts to promote human rights
and increase access to uncensored information in the DPRK. I
will also empower and elevate the efforts of North Korean
escapees, whose firsthand experiences, networks, and analysis
are invaluable. Second, I will seek to reinvigorate
accountability efforts at the UN.
I will prioritize efforts to resume the open briefing at
the U.N. Security Council on the human rights situation in the
DPRK, and coordinate with like-minded governments in advance--
to advance accountability for those responsible for human
rights violations in the DPRK. Third, I will undertake efforts
to urge the DPRK to respect human rights and fundamental
freedoms, and to provide for the needs of the people.
I will call for the repeal of repressive laws and for
assurances that international aid organizations will have
access to provide assistance in an independent and principled
manner, including to the most vulnerable populations.
Fourth, I will focus on protection of North Korean
refugees, including by pressing governments to uphold their
respective non-refoulement obligations, working with
governments to facilitate UNHCR access to North Korean asylum
seekers and working to ensure North Koreans continue to have
access to U.S. resettlement programs. I have had the honor of
welcoming many North Korean escapees to the United States over
the years, and I am proud to call many of them my friends.
These individuals overcame unimaginable odds in search of
freedom and are now business owners, soldiers, civil service
employees, and great Americans. Fifth, I will engage with the
Korean-American community to identify divided families in the
United States who have family members in the DPRK and to
advocate for the urgent reunification of these families.
To that end, I will partner closely with the Republic of
Korea to advance family reunions, including for Korean
abductees and their loved ones, and I will also work with Japan
and other partners to press for the immediate resolution of the
Japanese abductees issue.
In closing, I want to thank my parents, Fred and Joan, and
my siblings, Brad and Lindsey, for teaching me to have faith,
to work hard, and to serve others. I also want to thank my
talented and compassionate children, Olivia, Eli, Elise, and
Emma, who drive me to be a better human, along with my best
friend and partner, George. I love you all.
Thank you for your unwavering support and gracious
understanding when humanitarian crises have kept me at work
late. Lastly, thank you to my colleagues at DRL and the State
Department who have mentored, encouraged, and inspired. Mr.
Chairman, ranking member, members of the committee, thank you
for your consideration of my nomination, and I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Turner follows:]
Prepared Statement of Julie Turner
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, and distinguished
Members of the Committee, I am honored to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to serve as the Special Envoy on North Korean
Human Rights Issues, with the rank of Ambassador. I am grateful for the
confidence shown by the President and Secretary Blinken in nominating
me.
As a Korean American adoptee, it was my childhood dream to serve
the country that welcomed me, and I have been privileged to do so as a
career civil service employee for 20 years. I entered the State
Department in 2003 as an eager Presidential Management Fellow, finding
a home in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL), and
having the opportunity to work at the National Security Council as
well. I have spent the last two decades promoting human rights, not
just as U.S. values, but as critical interests directly tied to our
national security.
One of my first assignments in DRL was to staff the first Special
Envoy on North Korean Human Rights during President George W. Bush's
administration. With great humility and appreciation, I sit here today
seeking your support for that same position. If confirmed, I will work
closely with you and all Members to advance our nation's interests
through the promotion of human rights for North Koreans.
The human rights situation in the DPRK is one of the most
protracted human rights crises in the world, and the COVID-19 pandemic
has allowed Kim Jong Un to tighten his control over all aspects of life
in the isolated country even more.
As the DPRK's human rights record has deteriorated, the connection
between its widespread violations and abuses and the threat it poses to
international security are clear. The regime's human rights violations
and abuses are inextricably linked to its weapons programs, which are
funded through the exploitation and abuse of the North Korean people.
Thousands of North Koreans are exported abroad and subjected to
conditions that amount to forced labor. School children are subject to
mass mobilizations, and food distribution policies favor the military,
leaving millions of North Koreans food insecure. The people of North
Korea have suffered far too long under these abusive policies.
If confirmed, I will focus on five key areas:
First, I will work with partners and allies, including the ROK, to
reenergize international efforts to promote human rights and
increase access to uncensored information in the DPRK. I will
also empower and elevate the efforts of North Korean escapees,
whose firsthand experiences, networks, and analysis are
invaluable.
Second, I will seek to reinvigorate accountability efforts at the
U.N. I will prioritize efforts to resume the open briefing at
the U.N. Security Council on the human rights situation in the
DPRK and coordinate with likeminded governments to advance
accountability for those responsible for human rights
violations and abuses in the DPRK.
Third, I will undertake efforts to urge the DPRK to respect human
rights and fundamental freedoms and provide for the needs of
its people. I will call for the repeal of repressive laws, such
as the Reactionary Thought and Culture Denunciation Law, and
for assurances that international aid organizations will have
access to provide assistance in an independent and
nondiscriminatory manner, including to the most vulnerable
populations.
Fourth, I will focus on the protection of North Korean refugees,
including by pressing governments to uphold their respective
non-refoulement obligations, to allow UNHCR access, and to
ensure access to U.S. resettlement programs. I have had the
honor of welcoming many North Korean escapees to the United
States over the years and am proud to call many of them
friends. These individuals overcame unimaginable odds in search
of freedom and are now business owners, soldiers, civil service
employees, and great Americans.
Fifth, I will engage with the Korean American community to identify
divided families in the United States who have family members
in the DPRK and advocate for the urgent reunification of these
families with their immediate relatives. To that end, I will
partner closely with the Republic of Korea to advance family
reunions, including for Korean abductees and their loved ones.
I will also work with Japan and other partners to press for the
immediate resolution of the Japanese abductees issue.
In closing, I want to thank my parents, Fred and Joan, and my
siblings, Brad and Lindsey, for teaching me to have faith, to work
hard, and to serve others. I also want to thank my talented and
compassionate children--Olivia, Eli, Alise, and Emma--who drive me to
be a better human, along with my best friend and partner, George. I
love you all. Thank you for your unwavering support and gracious
understanding when humanitarian crises have kept me at work late.
Lastly, thank you to my colleagues in DRL and the State Department, who
have mentored, encouraged, and inspired me.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of the committee, thank you
for considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Ms. Turner. Now
we are going to turn to Mr. Murray.
STATEMENT OF MATTHEW D. MURRAY, OF MARYLAND, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE THE UNITED STATES
SENIOR OFFICIAL FOR ASIA-PACIFIC ECONOMIC COOPERA-
TION (APEC) WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS
TENURE OF SERVICE
Mr. Murray. Chair Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, it
is an honor to appear before the committee today as the nominee
for the rank of Ambassador during the tenure of my service as a
U.S. Senior Official for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation.
I would like to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for the trust they have placed in me, as well as for the signal
this nomination sends to the Asia-Pacific region of the United
States' commitment to APEC. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with the Senate to advance our goals in this
important multilateral organization.
I am proud to have served the United States as a State
Department Foreign Service Officer for the past 25 years, and I
am blessed to have made this journey together with my wife,
Sharla, who is here with me today, and our three sons, Joshua,
a middle school teacher in York, Pennsylvania, Noah, a cadet at
the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, and Daniel, an
aspiring computer scientist and engineer who will begin his
university studies at Virginia Tech this fall.
Together, our family has experienced 6 foreign postings and
11 international moves, with all of the highs and lows such a
life entails. Like all Foreign Service families, our family
endured many challenges in service to our country, and I will
always be grateful to Sharla, Joshua, Noah, and Daniel for
their selfless service.
Sharla and I both learned a commitment to service from
fathers who grew up poor but worked incredibly hard to provide
for their families and contribute to their communities. And for
mothers who espouse the virtues of education, my own mother,
Susan, was an elementary school teacher for more than three
decades.
Sharla and I both attended Anne Arundel County Public
Schools in Maryland, and both attended college and graduate
school with the aid of scholarships. So, today's hearing,
therefore, is further evidence to our family that the American
Dream is still achievable for hardworking families across our
great country.
I first traveled to the Asia Pacific region as a student
intern with USAID in Jakarta, Indonesia, in 1995. That summer
was life changing for me as I was inspired by the region's
economic dynamism and opportunity.
Since joining the State Department in 1998, I have
dedicated most of my career across five Presidential
Administrations to enhancing U.S. economic engagement with and
upholding international rules and principles in the Asia
Pacific region, including through APEC.
APEC's 21 member economies account for nearly half of
global trade, including 7 of the United States top 10 trading
partners, and companies from APEC economies have invested more
than $1.7 trillion in the United States.
Our economic prosperity, therefore, relies on continued
U.S. leadership in this pivotal region. APEC includes partners
on both sides of the Pacific with a wide range of economic
conditions, and it provides a platform to engage 21 economies,
including importantly, Taiwan, which is a full member of APEC.
APEC historically has been an incubator for innovative
solutions to economic challenges, and the United States hosted
the first ever APEC leaders meeting in Seattle in 1993. Thirty
years later, we are hosting APEC again this year, building on
the impactful U.S. host year in 2011, when we advanced
significant policy initiatives on women's economic empowerment,
green growth, and regulatory reform.
Of course, APEC today faces daunting challenges, including
global economic headwinds and the need for our region's
economies to recover fully from the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia's
war against Ukraine, the PRC's efforts to undermine the rules
based international order, environmental challenges that need
to be addressed, especially the climate crisis, and the
imperative to develop digital rules for the 21st century.
And we need to ensure economic growth is inclusive and
strengthens communities across our region, including in our own
country. Ultimately, our work in APEC must prioritize helping
communities at home. Our whole of Government interagency effort
in APEC is a diplomatic effort, but it will mean nothing if we
are not lifting up communities across the United States.
Our focus in APEC should be on creating American jobs,
supporting businesses large and small, attracting foreign
investment, advancing the industries of the 21st century by
promoting better rules and norms, setting a path to
sustainability, and ensuring workers in underrepresented groups
are full participants in the economy of the future.
Given these ambitious goals against the backdrop of the
significant geopolitical and economic challenges the Asia-
Pacific region faces, I would argue that U.S. engagement in
APEC is more important than ever before.
If confirmed, I would pledge to be an Ambassador for all
Americans in this effort, consistent with the U.S., APEC host
year theme of creating a resilient and sustainable future for
all. Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Murray follows:]
Prepared Statement of Matthew D. Murray
Chair Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, it's an honor to appear
before the committee today as the nominee for the Rank of Ambassador
during the tenure of my service as U.S. Senior Official for Asia-
Pacific Economic Cooperation.
I'd like to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
trust they have placed in me, as well as for the signal this nomination
sends to the Asia-Pacific region of the United States' commitment to
APEC.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the Senate to
advance our goals in this important multilateral organization.
I am proud to have served the United States as a State Department
Foreign Service Officer for the past 25 years. And I am blessed to have
made this journey together with my wife, Sharla, and our three sons--
Joshua, a middle school English teacher in York, Pennsylvania; Noah, a
Cadet at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point; and Daniel, an
aspiring computer scientist and engineer, who will begin his university
studies at Virginia Tech this fall.
Together, our family has experienced 6 foreign postings and 11
international moves with all of the highs and lows such a life entails.
Like all Foreign Service families, our family endured many challenges
in service to our country, and I always will be grateful to Sharla,
Joshua, Noah, and Daniel for their selfless service.
Sharla and I both learned a commitment to service from fathers who
grew up poor but worked incredibly hard to provide for their families
and contribute to their communities, and from mothers who espoused the
virtues of education--my own mother, Susan, was an elementary school
teacher for more than three decades.
Today's hearing therefore is further evidence to our family that
the American Dream is still achievable for hard-working families across
our great country.
I first traveled to the Asia-Pacific region as a student intern
with USAID in Jakarta, Indonesia, in 1995. That summer was life-
changing for me, as I was inspired by the region's economic dynamism
and opportunity.
Since joining the State Department in 1998, I have dedicated most
of my career across five Presidential administrations to enhancing U.S.
economic engagement with, and upholding international rules and
principles in, the Asia-Pacific region, including through APEC.
APEC's 21 member economies account for nearly half of global trade,
including seven of the United States' top 10 trading partners, and
companies from APEC economies have invested more than $1.7 trillion in
the United States.
Our economic prosperity therefore relies on continued U.S.
leadership in this pivotal region. APEC includes partners on both sides
of the Pacific with a wide range of economic conditions, and it
provides a platform to engage 21 economies, including importantly,
Taiwan, which is a full member of APEC.
APEC historically has been an incubator for innovative solutions to
economic challenges, and the United States hosted the first-ever APEC
Leaders' meeting in Seattle in 1993. Thirty years later, we are hosting
APEC again this year, building on the impactful U.S. host year in 2011
when we advanced significant policy initiatives on women's economic
empowerment, green growth, and regulatory reform.
Of course, APEC today faces daunting challenges, including: global
economic headwinds and the need for our region's economies to recover
fully from the COVID-19 pandemic; Russia's war against Ukraine, the
PRC's efforts to undermine the rules-based international order;
environmental challenges that need to be addressed, especially the
climate crisis; and the imperative to develop digital rules Ultimately,
our work in APEC must prioritize helping communities at home. Our
whole-of-government interagency effort in APEC is a diplomatic effort,
but it will mean nothing if we're not lifting up communities across the
United States.
Our focus in APEC should be on creating American jobs, supporting
businesses large and small, attracting foreign investment, advancing
the industries of the 21st century by promoting better rules and norms,
setting a path to sustainability, and ensuring workers and
underrepresented groups are full participants in the economy of the
future.
Given these ambitious goals against the backdrop of the significant
geopolitical and economic challenges the Asia-Pacific region faces, I
would argue that U.S. engagement in APEC is more important than ever
before.
If confirmed, I would pledge to be an Ambassador for all Americans
in this effort--consistent with the U.S. APEC host year theme of,
``Creating a Resilient and Sustainable Future for All.''
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Murray. And now we will
turn to Ms. Johnson.
STATEMENT OF JENNIFER L. JOHNSON, OF NEW YORK, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERATED STATES
OF MICRONESIA
Ms. Johnson. Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member
Ricketts, and distinguished members of the committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Federated States of
Micronesia. I am grateful for the confidence that President
Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me with this
nomination.
If confirmed, I look forward to closely working with
Congress to advance U.S. National Security interests by
reinvigorating our ties with our Pacific neighbors,
particularly with our close friend and partner, the Federated
States of Micronesia. I would like to thank my family, my
husband, Pat, who is here today, my daughters, Maryn and Nola,
for their support and willingness to join me around the world.
I would also like to thank my parents, siblings, and
Foreign Service colleagues and mentors. I am grateful for their
guidance, inspiration, and support. And thank you, Senator Van
Hollen, for all the work that you and Senator Sullivan do for
our Foreign Service community.
My interest in the Pacific Islands began when I was a
student in Australia, and it has only grown over the years.
Serving the American people is a tradition that runs deep in my
family. My grandfather served in World War II, one with the
Navy in the Pacific, and the other received a Purple Heart
while serving in the Army.
My parents were schoolteachers, as is my sister. My
grandmother and mother-in-law were nurses, and my father in law
is a Marine. The United States is a Pacific nation. We enjoy a
close partnership with the Federated States of Micronesia based
on deep historical, economic, and cultural ties, and our shared
democratic values.
If confirmed, I look forward to deepening the already
strong ties between our two countries by supporting their
sovereignty and security and working together to strengthen
democratic institutions. For the Federated States of
Micronesia, agreement on economic assistance related to the
compact is imminent.
If confirmed, and pending the approval of implementing
legislation, I look forward to operationalizing the new
agreements to make tangible and lasting improvements in the
lives of their citizens. During the pandemic, we saw the
strength of the partnership.
The Federated States of Micronesia was included as part of
the rollout of vaccines and the distribution of PPE from the
very start. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
Micronesia to help the country continue to recover from the
economic effects of the pandemic, strengthen the health care
system, and combat transnational threats.
The Pacific Islands are highly vulnerable to natural
disasters, whose devastating effects have imperiled the
livelihoods of many. If confirmed, I will work closely with key
stakeholders to improve disaster preparedness and strengthen
climate resilience.
The United States is responsible for the defense of the
Federated States of Micronesia, and their citizens, in turn,
serve in the U.S. Military. Their service is a sacred trust,
and if confirmed, I will work with the Department of Veterans
Affairs to improve the assistance that these veterans receive.
Over the course of my career, one thing has always been clear,
our people are our most important asset.
If confirmed, I will make the safety and security of U.S.
citizens and our embassy team my top priority. As we expand our
footprint across the Pacific, I will support our teams in these
remote locations to develop a new cadre of Pacific experts who
will be ready to lead in the decades ahead on Indo-Pacific
issues.
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, if confirmed,
I look forward to working with you and the members of this
committee to advance U.S. interests in the Federated States of
Micronesia and the broader Indo-Pacific, and to sustain and
expand the progress that we have achieved in this important
partnership. Thank you for inviting me here today and
considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Johnson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jennifer L. Johnson
Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, and
distinguished Members of the Committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee
to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Federated States of Micronesia. I am
grateful for the confidence that President Biden and Secretary Blinken
have placed in me with this nomination.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress to
advance U.S. national security interests by reinvigorating our ties
with our Pacific neighbors, particularly with our close friend and
partner, the Federated States of Micronesia.
I'd like to thank my family--my husband, Pat, and my daughters
Maryn and Nola--for their support and willingness to join me around the
world. I'd also like to thank my parents, siblings, and Foreign Service
colleagues and mentors. I am deeply grateful for their guidance,
inspiration, and support.
My interest in the Pacific Islands began when I was a student in
Australia, and it has only grown over the years. Serving the American
people is a tradition that runs deep in my family, and I feel
privileged to continue it. My grandfathers both served in World War
II--one with the U.S. Navy in the Pacific, and the other received a
Purple Heart while serving with the U.S. Army. My parents were
schoolteachers, as is my sister, my grandmother and mother-in-law were
nurses, and my father-in-law is a U.S. Marine.
The United States is a Pacific nation. The United States and the
Federated States of Micronesia enjoy a partnership based on deep
historical, economic, and cultural ties, and our shared democratic
values. If confirmed, I look forward to deepening the already strong
ties between the United States and the Federated States of Micronesia
by supporting their sovereignty and security and working together to
strengthen democratic institutions and human rights.
For the Federated States of Micronesia, agreement on economic
assistance related to the Compact is imminent. If confirmed, and
pending the approval of implementing legislation, I look forward to
operationalizing the new agreements to make tangible and lasting
improvements in the lives of the citizens of the Federated States of
Micronesia.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, we saw the strength of this
partnership. The Federated States of Micronesia was included, along
with U.S. states and territories, as part of the rollout of vaccines
and the distribution of Personal Protective Equipment from the very
start. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Micronesia to help
the country continue to recover from the economic effects of the
pandemic, strengthen the health care system against future pandemics,
and combat transnational threats.
The Pacific Islands are highly vulnerable to natural disasters,
whose devasting effects have imperiled the livelihoods of many
Micronesians. If confirmed, I will work closely with the government,
likeminded partners, and multilateral development banks to improve
disaster preparedness and strengthen climate resilience.
The Federated States of Micronesia does not have armed forces of
its own. Instead, the United States is responsible for its defense, and
their citizens, in turn, serve in the U.S. military. Their service is a
sacred trust and if confirmed, I will work with the Department of
Veterans Affairs to improve the assistance Micronesian veterans
receive.
If confirmed, I look forward to supporting our deep people-to-
people ties. Existing initiatives, such as the Young Pacific Leaders
Program, have been enriched by Micronesian participation. I will also
help Micronesia to participate in new areas, including the U.S.-Pacific
Institute for Rising Leaders.
Over the course of my career, one thing has always been clear: our
people are our most important asset. If confirmed, I will make the
safety and security of U.S. citizens and our Embassy team my top
priority. As we expand our footprint across the Pacific, I will support
our teams in these remote locations to develop a new cadre of Pacific
experts who will be ready to lead in the decades ahead on Indo-Pacific
issues.
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Ricketts, if confirmed, I look
forward to working with you and the members of this Committee to
advance U.S. interests in the Federated States of Micronesia and the
broader Indo-Pacific and to sustain and expand the progress we have
achieved in this important partnership.
Thank you for inviting me here today and considering my nomination.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ms. Johnson. Thank all of
you for your testimony. And in listening to all of you, it is
clear to me why the President nominated each of you for these
positions.
Ms. Johnson, if I could start with you, and you referenced
in your testimony the upcoming signing of the next agreement,
the Compact of Free Association. I know the President had hoped
to be in Papua New Guinea.
It is unfortunate that he has had to cancel his trip to get
back here, although I hope we will resolve the budget issues.
But could you speak a little bit to what you expect to see in
the New Compact, and what your role as Ambassador, if
confirmed, will be in terms of implementing that?
So, what is different about the Next Compact compared to
the current one, and how will you go about implementing it?
Ms. Johnson. Absolutely. Thank you for your question. So, I
actually have not seen the New Compact because Ambassador, our
Special Envoy, Ambassador Joe Yoon, is in the region right now
and they are putting the final touches on the Compact with the
Federated States of Micronesia.
Hopefully in the next few days or weeks, we will see the
actual document. I see the Ambassador's role administrating the
Compact as twofold. I see it as working closely with the
Department of Interior to ensure that U.S. tax dollars are used
responsibly in all the areas that they are being used in.
And I also see it as making sure that we can improve the
economic climate in the Federated States of Micronesia so that
it can be implemented successfully.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I had a number of
discussions over the last couple of years with some of the
people involved in the negotiations. I know one of the things
that Micronesia was interested in was a little more input and
influence over exactly how some of their funds were spent on
issues regarding local economic development, other economic
issues.
So, when we do see the final agreement, we look forward to
working with you, if confirmed on next steps. Mr. Murray, if I
could ask you about APEC, because I agree with you, it is a
very important organization. We have lots of important economic
issues at stake in the Indo-Pacific.
I returned recently from a trip to both Vietnam and
Indonesia, where there were all sorts of discussions about
greater U.S. investment. And of course, we are working to try
to get agreement on IPEF.
And there is a significant overlap, as you know, between
the countries we are seeking to have participate in IPEF and
the APEC members, although there are some members of APEC that
are clearly not part of that, including China and Russia.
Can you speak a little bit to what the role of APEC is, if
any, what role you will have in using that as a forum to
advance IPEF? And if not IPEF, you know, what other specific
initiatives do you see you being most focused on, if confirmed?
Mr. Murray. Well, thank you, Senator, for the question. You
know, the Biden administration, as you know, has been very
focused in its Indo-Pacific strategy on trying to have a very
comprehensive approach to the region, and certainly that
includes the economic prosperity pillar.
And, you know, I think it is really important as we go out
and engage, that we recognize that there are a number of
different mechanisms, different organizations that we can work
with, and different partners that we can work with to achieve
some of these goals. I think the overarching objectives are,
you know, very straightforward, as you have already heard from
partners in the region.
We need, you know, better trade investment flows, trade
facilitation. We need supply chains that work for everyone. We
need to address some of the decarbonization goals. We need to
move forward on anti-corruption and regulatory reform. And
these are some of the similar objectives that we work towards,
whether we are looking at it through IPEF or through ASEAN, or
through the quad, or through APEC.
And so, I think that there is a complementarity across all
of these different regional groupings which can, you know, work
all in the same direction. I think where APEC comes into that
is the ability, through a consensus based, non-binding way, to
try to work to resolve a lot of the behind the border
challenges and some of the issues surrounding sustainability,
the digital economy also, which is economic resiliency broadly,
and trying to be mutually supportive of what we are doing in
IPEF.
There are 12 partners in common between IPEF and APEC, and
it certainly would be our goal to work with the others in the
Administration who are working on IPEF to make sure that our--
you know, our work is all moving in the same direction. And as
you point out, importantly, to be able to support our
businesses as they go overseas, and also to attract additional
investment to the United States.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Appreciate it. Senator
Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And
again, congratulations on your nominations to everybody here on
the panel. And again, thank you for your service to our great
nation.
And also thank you to your families, because I know they
serve alongside with you, whether it is Ms. Turner's late hours
or being stationed overseas. And as a former Governor who led a
number of trade missions, I want to especially thank Foreign
Service members who do live overseas, because I know that that
can sometimes be tough duty, and I really appreciate it. I have
always found our embassies in every part of the world just
staffed by those highly qualified people, so really appreciate
what you have done for us.
Mr. Murray I like talking about APEC as well. So, Russia
has launched this illegal war against Ukraine. 8 million people
are displaced outside the country, 5 million people displaced
within the country. The Russians have targeted civilians'
apartment buildings and so forth with rocket attacks, missiles,
airstrikes. 8,500 civilians have been killed. 14,000 have been
wounded. 6,000 Ukrainian children have been kidnaped and taken
to Russia.
There are reports of, you know, 65,000 war crimes,
including rape and summary executions. And yet in your
statement in December, you said that as good stewards of APEC,
the United States, when it hosts the leaders conference this
fall in November in San Francisco, that we will invite Russia.
So, my question is, is there anything Russia can do that
would get them reconsidered as a membership? Is it appropriate
now to reconsider Russia's membership? And if--you know, if you
were confirmed, how are you thinking about Russia's
participation in APEC?
Mr. Murray. Yes, thank you for the question, Senator. We
very much share the concern that you have just outlined about
Russia's aggression towards and invasion of Ukraine.
And you know, at APEC, with Russia as a member, one of the
things the United States has done is worked very closely with
like-minded partners to make sure that in that organization we
are condemning Russia's invasion and condemning the war. And -
Senator Ricketts. So, I think they did at your last
conference. Would you do that again in San Francisco? Would you
organize that again?
Mr. Murray. So, yes. So, in the leaders meeting in November
in Bangkok, there was a--part of the leaders statement was
condemning the war in Ukraine and condemning Russia for its
actions, and also talking about the economic impacts that
Russia's invasion of Ukraine is also having on the region at
large.
And, you know, APEC is an economic organization. That is,
you know, one way in which we are pushing back is to highlight
those economic impacts. I think what we have said about our
U.S. host year, and I think the interview you are referring to
in December, is to say that we have invited so far Russia to,
you know, participate in meetings, and they have participated
in a couple of the lower level meetings that we are having,
including meetings that we are having this week in Detroit.
But we have not made any decisions yet on the leaders
participation and certainly not on Vladimir Putin's
participation. And that will be a decision that the White House
will have to make, and that will be an issue that we will
continue to want to consult very closely with the committee on
as we go forward.
Senator Ricketts. All right, great. Well, let us talk about
the People's Republic of China, because you mentioned Taiwan as
well, and this being one of the organizations that they are in,
albeit it is Chinese Taipei.
And there has been the suggestion--and of course, the
People's Republic of China has been working to isolate Taiwan.
There has been the suggestion that President Biden invite
President Tsai to come to the meeting this year.
I do not believe the President of Taiwan has ever been to
one of these meetings, correct me if I am wrong on that. If
that were to happen, would you support the President in
inviting President Tsai to come to San Francisco?
Mr. Murray. Well, as you refer to, Senator, there has been
a three decade long common practice of Taiwan choosing to send
a leaders representative to each of the APEC leaders meetings.
And that has been the case in the past. But certainly, you
know, we want to be able to support Taiwan to the fullest
extent possible.
I think if confirmed, the--having the Ambassador rank would
be very helpful as well, because I will be, you know, traveling
out, planning to travel out to Taiwan to also engage them, and
extended an invitation for a leaders representative to attend
the Leaders Week in November.
But certainly, again, we would be consulting closely with
the White House, and we want to consult closely with the
committee as we go forward on the decision on who attends from
Taiwan.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Appreciate that. If that was
possible, and because the People's Republic of China would also
presumably have folks, do you think there is an opportunity
then to maybe create some dialog between the People's Republic
and Taiwan at that meeting?
Mr. Murray. I do think one of the strengths of APEC is that
every single time there are meetings, that there is that
opportunity for discussions between China and Taiwan.
It is really unique in that way. One of the only
organizations in the world where both of them participate. And
so, to the extent that we can create opportunities like that,
that is, I think, a wonderful benefit of APEC as a platform.
And certainly, if there are those kinds of opportunities to
facilitate, we would certainly want to support that.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you, Mr. Murray.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you--thank you, Senator. Ms.
Turner, congratulations again on your nomination and your story
about how one of your first jobs at the State Department was
staffing the person who is now--who held the position you are
nominated for now is, I think, an important, informative story
about sticking to it, and we are glad to have your nomination.
You know, the last time the U.N. Commission of Inquiry on
Human Rights looked at the situation in the DPRK, they found
that the North Korean is committing horrible atrocities,
including crimes against humanity, against its own people.
Unfortunately, that situation has not changed since that
U.N. commission of inquiry was conducted. When I was in the
Republic of Korea, I think five years ago now, one of my
starkest memories is talking to escapees from North Korea. And
we, of course, have escapees in South Korea.
We have them in the United States. Could you maybe talk a
little bit about how you can use this position to tell their
stories and have the public get a better understanding of the
human rights atrocities? Because we all know about, you know,
North Korea's nuclear brinkmanship.
And there is a lot of focus on that, appropriately so. But
I think we all collectively need to do a better job of talking
about the atrocious human rights situation in North Korea. So,
you can you talk about how we can better get that story out
there?
Ms. Turner. Yes, thank you for that question, Mr. Chairman.
I, 100 percent, agree that the voices of North Korean escapees
are absolutely critical at helping to expose to the world the
types of gross human rights violations that are happening in
North Korea.
One of my top priorities will be seeking ways to help
amplify those voices in the multilateral space in particular,
and where possible, to press for and have the U.S. lead on side
events at the United Nations Human Rights Council, as well as
the U.N. General Assembly.
I think also having the North Korean human rights situation
in place back on the U.N. Security Council's agenda is another
opportunity to have those escapee voices heard on a broader
international level. I think the other area in which I would
seek to engage with the escapee community is also with regard
to the U.S. Government's access to information programs.
Our USAGM has, through Voice of America and Radio Free
Asia, for many years broadcast information into North Korea.
And I think the authentic voices of North Korean escapees are
really critical in that process, and so we are looking for ways
to incorporate them in sending messages back to North Koreans
so that they know that the U.S. and others around the world
support them, would be a very helpful tool.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And I look forward to stay
in touch on those issues. Ms. Variava, we obviously have lots
of room to grow in terms of our bilateral relationship with
Laos. As you mentioned in your testimony, they will also be
assuming the chairmanship, the head of ASEAN next year.
I was recently in Indonesia and, you know, my perception is
they are trying to make the most of their opportunity at the
head. I think the--I think President Obama was in Laos back in
2016 or 2017, in that--2016 for the ASEAN meeting.
So, as we look forward, as we look to the passing the baton
at some point from Indonesia to Laos, what can you do, if you
are confirmed as Ambassador, to make sure that the chairmanship
of ASEAN under Laos addresses our concerns and appropriately
reflects the views of all the ASEAN members?
Ms. Variava. Thank you very much, Senator. Yes. I believe
in Laos, they still talk about the visit of President Obama
back in 2016 when Laos hosted ASEAN the last time. They are
preparing, as I understand it, for their upcoming host year in
2024. And the United States and other like-minded partners are
helping Laos to prepare for that. It is a heavy lift with a lot
of meetings throughout the year.
So, we are looking forward to helping them get ready for
that chair year, and to support them and advocate with them on
the issues that are of importance to us in the ASEAN region,
and to continuing to pursue the goals that we have in ASEAN,
which is a fundamental partner in our Indo-Pacific strategy.
And I look forward, if confirmed, to supporting Laos in that
regard.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. Johnson let
us talk about Micronesia. So, we all know that the People's
Republic of China has been trying to undermine our authority in
the world. President Xi has said that he wants to be the world
dominating power, and they do not like the system that we have
set out that has kept world peace essentially since World War
II.
As part of that, a letter was leaked in March from the
outgoing President of the Federated States of Micronesia, David
Panuelo, who really showed the depths of how the CCP is
different. They have different values than we have. In his
letter, it detailed a number of extraordinary things on a
political warfare, really operating inside the gray zone of
what is legal or crossing over that line.
What they were--what he described as Chinese envelopes of
cash and trips on private planes, trying to create influence
among politicians and administrators to advance their personal
interests in lieu of the national interest? In another
instance, the Chinese ambassador kept calling to push the
Chinese COVID-19 vaccine so much, the President had to change
his cell phone number.
And when the gifts did not work, he claimed that the
Chinese ambassador had made direct personal threats--or Chinese
officials made direct personal threats against his safety. He
also recommended that Micronesia actually switch its diplomatic
recognition to Taiwan and claim to have secured a promise of
$50 million from Taiwan, plus an annual payment of $50 million
to plug in the gap there.
And I was glad to see--I am glad to hear you also talked
about the U.S., Micronesia Compact of Free Association and how
that is going. So, Mr. Johnson, were you aware of this letter
that had been leaked earlier this March? And if so, what are
your thoughts on the CCP's pressuring of the Federated States
of Micronesia?
Ms. Johnson. Thank you for the question, Senator. Yes, I am
aware of former President David Panuelo's letter from March
9th, and I share your concern. The PRC is America's most
consequential geopolitical challenge.
And as their involvement in the region has grown, we have
seen a range of increasingly problematic behavior. I think it
is really important to approach this eyes wide open, and work
with our allies and partners, and show up, listen, and help the
Federated States of Micronesia build their resilience and help
them avoid these predatory economic practices.
I think there are many ways that we can do this, and if
confirmed, I would work closely with the Federated States of
Micronesia on this. I think it is a top priority.
Senator Ricketts. Do you think the President's comments in
his letter are credible?
Ms. Johnson. Sir, I believe there is probably some
credibility to them.
Senator Ricketts. All right. Dr. Adams, island nations off
the coast of Africa are increasingly becoming part of our
strategy to be able to counter the People's Republic of China.
What is your assessment of the People's Republic of China's
involvement in Cabo Verde, and how much does a CCP influence
pose a threat to our interests there, and what can we best do
to counter that?
Dr. Adams. Thank you, Senator. Cabo Verde has indicated, I
think consistently, that their preferred partner is the United
States. There is Chinese investment. There are Chinese people.
There is a Chinese presence in Cabo Verde. I think Cabo Verde
is in a less debt distressed situation compared to other
African nations that owe quite a lot of debt to the PRC. But I
do think there is cause for concern.
I share your perception that we need to continue to
monitor. We need to continue to do our best to be a partner to
Cabo Verde and to advance our interests, both in the security
and economic realm.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman,
I shall turn it back to you since we have got Senator Duckworth
here.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Duckworth.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you to the chairman, the ranking
member. Ms. Variava, it is good to see you again. You started
to talk about ASEAN and also Laos's upcoming chairmanship year.
We have also seen in fits and starts, to be sure, regional
efforts to improve the resiliency of more vulnerable members of
the Mekong sub region against PRC dominance.
The Thailand initiated Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong
Economic Corporation Strategy, the ACMECS, which Laos currently
chairs, shows real potential in this regard. Is there more that
we can do? Is there more perhaps under the rubric of the
Mekong, U.S. partnership or the ACMECS that would strengthen
regional supports for Laos?
Ms. Variava. Thank you, Senator. It is great to see you
again. Yes, I do believe there is more that can be done in the
Mekong region. And if confirmed, I look forward to working with
Laos and other partners in this regard. One of the big areas in
which--through which the United States partners with the Mekong
region is the Mekong, U.S. partnership, which Laos co-chairs
with the United States.
We have programs through that partnership that help improve
the sustainability of projects in development, ensuring that
the benefits of the Mekong are used in a sustainable way, that
we are looking after water flows, the environment, fisheries,
and the livelihoods of the people who live along the Mekong so
that--and there are other areas, and we partner as well,
including in power.
So, there are a lot of different ways that we can work with
the Laos and the Mekong countries to improve the sustainable
use of the Mekong River.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Thank you. Mr. Murray, you
have described incorporating gender equity into economic
development as an important priority for the United States, for
APEC. Can you describe how that translates into action during
the U.S., APEC chair year?
Mr. Murray. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator, for the
question. So, we have a very strong legacy in APEC because it
was in 2011 that, during the U.S. host year, that we launched
the women's economic empowerment work that has continued for
the last 12 years.
And so, one of the things that we are--continue to try to
do right now is to build on that through not only, you know,
working at the government level, but also incorporating a broad
array of stakeholders and also public private collaboration to
really try to advance that.
And one of the real areas of focus this year is on women-
run small and medium sized enterprises, which, as you know,
across the region, is a real backbone of many of the economies
in the Asia-Pacific region, and one that needs--you know, a
backbone that needs a lot of support right now, particularly
coming out of the COVID pandemic.
So, one of the things that we are trying to do through APEC
is not just look at women's economic empowerment as one
economic forum that will host or one event, but really try to
embed gender equity across all of the various work streams that
we are advancing in APEC. So, working on it through, for
example, small and medium sized enterprise work streams.
Working on it as well through our health work streams and
looking at gender equity in that space, and really trying to,
you know, advance that priority as we go forward in the year.
And so, it is definitely a top priority for us.
I think we have a really strong legacy of that in the
United States, but also it is not just the right thing to do,
but it is the best thing for the economies of the region,
because if we are not fully engaging all members of society in
the economy, then we are leaving, you know, billions and
billions of dollars in potential productivity on the table.
Senator Duckworth. I could not agree with you more. I think
there is just so many ways that we can engage within the Indo-
Pacific. I mean, during my regular travels to the Indo-Pacific,
I have really reinforced my belief that our engagement with
regional partners cannot be built primarily solely around a
strategic competition with the PRC.
But whether it is gender equity, whether it is
environmental policy, there are many opportunities to
strengthen and deepen those relationships. I think we need to
meet our partners where they are and meet them with the
challenges that they currently face and figure out how we can
work together to meet those needs, as well as our own needs as
a nation.
And one of those needs, I think, is dealing with climate
change. And dealing climate change, and in particular sea level
rise, and potentially--this is potentially an existential
threat for many of the Pacific Island nations.
Ms. Johnson, I know we touched on this when we sat down
together earlier this year, but I want--what do you see as the
key challenges for the United States in our efforts to bring
the Pacific Island countries into closer partnership with the
United States?
And if confirmed, how would you work to address those
challenges in the Federated States of Micronesia?
Ms. Johnson. Thank you for the question, Senator. It is
great to see you again. I think the biggest challenges aside
from natural disasters and the PRC, are the location. And the
Federated States of Micronesia is geographically far from here.
And it is spread out over a million square miles, and it
has a vast space, and it is difficult to get to via flights.
Therefore, I think trying to keep the momentum going from
everything that we have seen that has been such a positive
advance over such a vast space will be challenging. However, if
confirmed, I am up for that challenge.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. I am out of time, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Duckworth. I do have
one more question for you, Dr. Adams, on Cabo Verde. And I
think it was you indicated in your testimony, Cabo Verde is one
of the strongest democracies in the region.
And I do want to point out that last year, AFRICOM and
Interpol conducted joint interdiction operations with Cabo
Verde's law enforcement authorities to stop suspected illegal
fishing and convergent crimes in the waters along the coast of
West Africa and the EEZ of Cabo Verde.
I understand this cooperation resulted in the seizure of
6.5 tons of suspected of cocaine, worth more than $350 million.
Can you talk about how you could continue to build on that form
of cooperation? And how important is that kind of cooperation
in terms of protecting the EEZ to Cabo Verde and other
countries in West Africa?
Dr. Adams. Thank you, Senator. It is an important question.
Definitely, if confirmed, I would seek to support and further
the partnerships that have begun between the United States and
Cabo Verde regarding maritime security, and also regarding
border security. As was previously mentioned, for small island
nations, it is a big challenge. It is a big ocean.
And so, I think all of us would want to continue those
partnerships, to deepen those partnerships, and to expand them,
partly because of the interest that Cabo Verde has in that
security cooperation, and also the location in West Africa and
the importance for that region as a whole.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Senator Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. Variava let
us talk about Laos and debt. We know a lot of countries have
run up debt under the People's Republic of China's Belt and
Road Initiative, and Laos, unfortunately, is one of those
countries.
I think they had a project to build a railway from
Vientiane to Yuan Province--Hunan Province of Southern China. I
think the initial cost was $6 billion and now their overall
debt--and that was part of an overall infrastructure spending
effort that has now racked up at the end of 2021, $14.5 billion
worth of debt. It could be higher now since we are much on
that--and at that time it represented 89 percent of GDP.
And of course, that was not the only project. The People's
Republic of China helped build dams on the tributaries to
Mekong, including two on the Mekong River. What--you know,
with--actually, it has been over a year now since this railway
has been opened.
Has it been able to deliver the economic results that they
were expecting from having that railway open?
Ms. Variava. Thank you, Senator. I do not believe--I do not
know yet what the economic outcomes have been from opening the
new railway line, which I think has been slow to get started,
in part because of pandemic closures of borders and so forth.
However, there is no question that China--excuse me, Laos
is heavily indebted to the PRC and that is a serious concern.
If confirmed, I would look forward to working with like-
minded nations and international finance institutions to help
give Laos the tools it needs to manage this debt, to make sure
that agreements that it enters into with other nations,
including the PRC, are done in a way that benefit Laos and do
not take advantage of Laos.
So, these are some of the things that I would do, if
confirmed, to support Laos to be an independent, strong nation,
even as it borders China.
Senator Ricketts. Do you think this project poses a
financial risk?
Ms. Variava. I think the project, as part of the overall
debt, certainly does pose financial risk, yes, sir.
Senator Ricketts. And do you think that if there needs to
be a debt restructuring, that the People's Republic of China
will be interested in helping Laos out with some sort of
restructuring, because you mentioned giving them the tools.
What do you think?
Ms. Variava. I cannot speculate about what the PRC will do.
Certainly, we will be looking to give Laos the tools it needs
to manage its debt properly. And I think that we want to give
Laos a variety of tools to manage debt, to look for other
solutions, and to pressure the PRC, if necessary, to ensure
that Laos does not fail financially.
Senator Ricketts. My understanding is the People's Republic
of China is generally not very keen on loan forgiveness. So, I
think there may be--have to be other solutions. But with that,
Mr. Chairman, I will turn back over to you. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Ricketts.
And I think Senator Ricketts is right. It is important that all
of you, if confirmed as our Ambassadors, inform the countries
that you are going to be dealing with, that there are big risks
to doing business with China, including debt traps.
At the same time, and I think both Senator Ricketts and I
would agree, we also have to step up our own game as what we
are offering in each of these countries. And all of you are
going to be part of that effort, not just with respect to our
competition with China, but just to build on strong bilateral
relations between the United States and each of the countries
you are--you would be representing--where you would be
representing the United States if confirmed.
And I do have to say that, you know, the President right
now is on his way, of course, to the G7, or he has arrived at
the G7 meeting in Hiroshima. And I know a big part of that
discussion will be how do we deal with the challenges in the
Indo-Pacific, including making sure that we work collectively
to really enforce the sanctions against Russia, but also that
we address the very real challenges posed by the PRC throughout
the region.
It is unfortunate that the President will not be able to go
to Papua New Guinea. He would be, as I understand it, the first
President of the United States to visit a Pacific Island
country, and I know he was looking forward to the quad meeting
in Australia.
So, I--that is unfortunately going to do some damage, the
fact that the President has to return back here to deal with a
very real situation regarding our budget. And I know we both
agree that we got to avoid default, but it is one of those
costs that we are seeing from the moment that we are in here.
Let me just close by thanking Senator Ricketts, thanking
all of you for your service to our country. I think, Ms.
Johnson, you said that people are our most important asset, and
I know you were referring to the people you will be working
with, but it also holds true of all of you.
Thank you for mentioning the work Senator Sullivan and I do
as co-chairs of the Foreign Service Caucus. And hearing all of
you today just reminds me of, you know, why the two of us are
so proud to co-chair of the Foreign Service Caucus.
So, thank you. Thank your families. I look forward to
supporting your nominations, and hopefully we can get you out
to these posts or your other assignments as quickly as possible
so you can do this work on behalf of our country. Thank you
very much.
Oh, let me--yes, my housekeeping. Thank you. Thank you for
reminding me. For the information of the members, the record
will be kept open until close of business tomorrow, Thursday,
May 18th. And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:52 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jennifer M. Adams by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. During a recent visit to Cabo Verde, the U.N. Secretary-
General said that Cabo Verde is ``on the frontlines of an existential
crisis''--meaning climate change. The impacts of climate change on
small island nations like Cabo Verde can be significant--reducing
coastlines, depleting fishing stocks, undermining food security, and
exposing inhabitants to more frequent, and more dangerous, weather
events. What threat does climate change pose to Cabo Verde
specifically, and what will you do, if confirmed, to support Cabo Verde
in its efforts to resist and adapt to the impacts of climate change?
Answer. I understand that climate change threatens Cabo Verde's
plans of development, dramatically impacting coastal areas (where 80
perdent of the population lives) and causing displacement. Other
negative outcomes also include constraints on tourism, loss of habitat,
biodiversity and fisheries. Droughts caused by climate change are the
most concerning as they impact the nation's food security, decrease
water availability to promote socio-economic development and add to
desertification. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the
United States to support efforts to protect marine fauna and draw
interest from U.S. energy firms to help facilitate ambitious government
plans to privatize the state-owned electric utility and transition to
50 percent renewables by 2030 and 100 percent by 2040. I will also
continue to advocate for disaster assistance when Cabo Verde suffers
from adverse weather events and food insecurity.
Question. Cabo Verde has one of Africa's strongest democracies. At
a time when many other countries in Africa are experiencing coups or
backsliding, are there opportunities to work with Cabo Verde to show
other countries the benefits of democratic governance? If confirmed,
what will you do to encourage Cabo Verde to be outspoken at African
multilateral institutions on issues related to democracy and good
governance?
Answer. Cabo Verde was an eager participant in the 2023 Summit for
Democracy, and if confirmed as Ambassador, I would encourage Cabo Verde
to participate actively in similar forums in the future. I will also
support and encourage Cabo Verde's participation at African and other
multilateral institutions to spread the message of their good example
as a vibrant democracy.
Question. Cabo Verde's strategic location has attracted significant
attention from both the United States and China. While U.S. engagement
has focused on defense and law enforcement assistance, China is
investing in Cabo Verde's logistical and digital infrastructure. To
what extent is strategic competition shaping our policies and
activities in Cabo Verde--and are we offering an innovative, attractive
alternative to China?
Answer. I understand that the current relationship between Cabo
Verde and the PRC is conspicuous in such areas as government
infrastructure and healthcare, as in many African nations. PRC entities
have a ubiquitous presence in the country's ICT sector. If confirmed, I
will continue to monitor the PRC's influence on Cabo Verde and promote
strategies that will further advance the United States-Cabo Verde
bilateral economic and security partnerships. I would look to expand
contact between the Embassy Deal Team and Prosper Africa to ensure that
Prosper Africa was fully aware of emerging opportunities in the Cabo
Verdean marketplace with an eye to bringing its tools, resources, and
expertise to bear in identifying and assisting U.S. companies to take
advantage of such opportunities--particularly in cases where an
alternative to PRC investment is required.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Supporting democracy and promoting respect for human rights
is a priority for all Foreign Service officers overseas. I have worked
hard to advance these goals in my career through aligning and assisting
local advocates and champions as well as through USAID program
mechanisms in the areas of civil society strengthening education,
training, and sustainable development. If confirmed, I would take
advantage of State and USAID programs to support Cabo Verdean
institutions such as the Commission on Human Rights, the implementors
of the Child-Friendly Justice Project and others to support the ongoing
efforts of Cabo Verdean to advance concrete actions in the democracy
and human rights agenda.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Cabo Verde? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. According to the 2022 Human Rights Report, the Republic of
Cabo Verde is a parliamentary representative democratic republic
largely modeled on the Portuguese system. The National Elections
Commission and international observers declared the 2021 nationwide
legislative and presidential elections generally free and fair. Cabo
Verde is a regional model of democracy, political stability, respect
for human rights, and good governance. If confirmed, I will also engage
with civil society and human rights organizations to understand what
they see as human rights challenges in Cabo Verde.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Cabo Verde? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Cabo Verde was an eager participant in the 2023 Summit for
Democracy and submitted a detailed action plan early in the planning
stages. Civil society should be part of monitoring and implementing
this action plan. If confirmed as ambassador, I would engage with civil
society and the Government of Cabo Verde in implementing this action
plan for democracy.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Government assistance resources
for promotion of democracy and governance in Cabo Verde are limited. If
confirmed, I would, therefore, seek to focus those limited resources on
capacity-building programming that is central to strengthening Cabo
Verde's democratic institutions and holding those institutions,
including political parties, accountable to the country's citizens,
particularly those historically underrepresented in national politics.
I would also support efforts to strengthen accountable governance both
at the national and local council level and will promote initiatives
that prevent violence and foster peace and national cohesion. This
would include continuing our work to strengthen civil society, build
independent media, and advance the independence of key electoral and
judicial institutions. In the processes used to administer such
assistance, I would prioritize capacity building of Cabo Verdean
institutions, ensuring funding awards are made in a transparent
fashion, and overseeing our implementing partners to facilitate
delivery of results.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Cabo Verde? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes. Human rights, civil society, and other non-
governmental organizations all play an essential role in advancing
democratic governance, promoting respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms, and supporting Cabo Verde as a more stable,
secure, and prosperous partner for the United States. If confirmed, I
commit to meet with civil society members, human rights and other non-
governmental organizations in the united state, local human rights non-
governmental organizations, and other members of civil society in Cabo
Verde. It is essential that members of non-governmental organizations
and civil society are afforded freedom to express their opinions and
conduct their activities. If confirmed, I would advocate this position
to government, non-governmental, and civil society leaders. I would
continue and expand upon the embassy's efforts to facilitate
connections between government and civil society organizations to build
trust and mitigate unhelpful restrictions on civil society or non-
governmental organizations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would engage with representatives from
across the democratically oriented political spectrum, including the
ruling party and opposition parties, and would ensure that Embassy
colleagues did the same. I would also advocate for political parties to
adopt resilient internal democratic mechanisms. If confirmed, I would
advocate for access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth
within political parties.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with Cabo
Verde on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Yes. I am committed to supporting media freedom and
strengthening journalistic professionalism and to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Cabo Verde. If confirmed, I would
continue the Embassy's practice of engaging with the media, like-minded
partners, civil society, and non-governmental organizations to
underscore the importance of an independent, professional, and open
media to a free and democratic society. I would work to address any
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
through legal, regulatory, or other measures. If confirmed, I would
also support expanded educational and exchange opportunities for local
media to help strengthen journalistic professionalism and build
capacity. I understand that in the past, the Embassy has hosted these
exchanges to raise awareness on issues such as public health, mis/
disinformation, democracy, and elections. If confirmed, I would seek to
continue those efforts.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would engage with like-minded
international partners, civil society, the media, and government
counterparts to counter disinformation and propaganda disseminated by
foreign state and non-state actors in Cabo Verde and would ensure that
the Embassy team did likewise.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with Cabo
Verde on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our embassy's efforts to
promote internationally recognized labor rights, including for
independent trade unions. I understand that the Government of Cabo
Verde generally protects the right to bargain collectively. If
confirmed, I would advocate for continued improvements in this area as
well as fair and consistent enforcement of labor laws.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Cabo Verde, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Embassy in Cabo Verde is already
working to defend the human rights and the dignity of all people in
Cabo Verde, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity. If
confirmed, I am committed to continuing and building upon this work.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex
(LGBTQI+) persons enjoy greater protections in Cabo Verde than in many
other African countries. According to the 2022 Human Rights Report,
there are no laws criminalizing consensual same-sex conduct between
adults, there were no reported instances of state or nonstate actor
violence targeting LGBTQI+ persons, there were no reports of
restrictions on those speaking out on LGBTQI+ issues. The Government
has anti-discrimination laws exist and generally enforces them.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Cabo Verde?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support LGBTQI+ persons in Cabo Verde
through outreach and inclusion in mission activities, and by speaking
out on the importance of continuing to promote and protect the human
rights of members of the LGBTQI+ community. I would meet periodically,
and ensure that staff met regularly, with members of the LGBTQI+
community, to ensure the Mission's work continues to ``do no harm'' and
was always cognizant of the priorities of LGBTQI+ persons in Cabo
Verde.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Cabo Verde?
Answer. I have great respect for and place high value on the
importance of the relationship between the executive and legislative
branches of government. If confirmed, I commit working through the
Department, to make myself available to fully brief Members of Congress
and/or their staff each time I am in Washington for visits and
consultations during my tenure as Ambassador to Cabo Verde.
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy in Cabo Verde?
Answer. If confirmed as chief of mission, I will lead the American
and Cabo Verdean professionals in Mission Cabo Verde to advance our
national security agenda in a safe, inclusive, and respectful
workplace. I will communicate my commitment to a workplace in which
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility are core tenets of our
mission culture. I will also make clear that discrimination,
harassment, and bullying are absolutely not acceptable and take swift
action to address any such issues that may arise. I will demonstrate my
commitment to Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) principals and the
work of Mission EEO counselors and locally engaged staff advisors. I
will support and participate in programs that promote respect and
diversity.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Cabo Verde?
Answer. If confirmed as chief of mission, first, I will demonstrate
that diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) is a
priority, through actions and words, and reinforce with my staff it
should also be a priority for them. I will also make clear my strong
opposition to harassment, discrimination, and bullying and ensure a
prevention plan is in place. I will hold supervisors accountable and
expect them to hold their team members accountable for acts of
harassment, discrimination, or bullying. I will ensure mission
personnel have access to all the resources they need to combat racism,
discrimination, and inequality. If confirmed, I will meet regularly
with post's DEIA council at Mission Cabo Verde, participate in
community activities to increase dialogue and inclusion, and promote a
positive work environment among the embassy team.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, l commit to engaging equitably in our
operations and programs and will lead Mission Cabo Verde to build
relationships with all communities in Cabo Verdean society through
active outreach. I will carefully monitor, evaluate, and coordinate the
design and implementation of programming and assistance and extend
their reach as far as possible. I will ensure that our representational
events and public diplomacy programs include marginalized and
underrepresented groups and that our human resources team uses diverse
panels in hiring processes to ensure applicants are not being
disadvantaged. I will work with our locally employed staff to expand
our outreach efforts and leverage the various languages spoken within
our mission to assist our U.S. officers in making connections beyond
the capital.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jennifer M. Adams by Senator James E. Risch
During your hearing, Senator Ricketts asked for your
assessment of how much the Communist Chinese Party (CCP)
influence poses ``a threat to our interests there and what can
we best do to counter that?'' You did not directly answer his
question except to acknowledge it as a concern and share this
perception. You also said, ``We need to continue to do our best
to be a partner to Cabo Verde and to advance our interests both
in the security realm, as well as in the economic realm.''
Question. How much of a threat does the CCP pose to U.S. interests
in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S.- Cabo Verdean ties.
Question. How should the United States improve its partnership and
strengthen relations with Cabo Verde to counter the threats the CCP
poses to our interests there?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Cabo Verde and countering efforts by our
strategic and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
United States will continue to lead with an affirmative agenda for
Africa, including in Cabo Verde, to demonstrate the benefits of our
governance and economic model. We will use diplomatic engagement,
foreign assistance, and public messaging to strengthen U.S partnerships
and increase African partner resilience.
Question. What are U.S. interests in the ``security realm'' in Cabo
Verde?
Answer. I understand that the United States is Cabo Verde's
``security partner of choice.'' U.S.-Cabo Verde security cooperation is
critical to building capacity needed to combat the drug trafficking,
organized crime, and the illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing
that occurs in the country's vast exclusive economic zone (EEZ).
Together these activities threaten the rule of law, food security, Cabo
Verde's economic interests abroad, and destabilize maritime security
across the Atlantic Basin. If confirmed, I hope to respond with support
for continued growth for our security partnership.
Question. How does the U.S. best advance our interests in the
``security realm'' in Cabo Verde?
Answer. I understand that the United States best advances our
security interests in Cabo Verde through assistance to and
collaboration with both the country's military and justice/law
enforcement sectors. Efforts supported by AFRICOM, the New Hampshire
National Guard's State Partnership Program, and other Department of
Defense elements, along with Department of State support through
International Military Education and Training (IMET) and the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, are vital to building Cabo
Verde's capacity to monitor and control its borders and vast maritime
territory and combat illicit trafficking and organized crime. If
confirmed, I would continue to deepen the security partnership to
enhance both Cabo Verdean and U.S. security.
Question. What are U.S. interests in the ``economic realm'' in Cabo
Verde?
Answer. Cabo Verde has the potential to act as a gateway to
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) economies, which
cumulatively represent a market of 300 million consumers. Furthermore,
implementation of plans to diversify the economy and open technology
and Special Economic Zone of Maritime Economy could present further
opportunities for U.S. investors.
Question. How does the U.S. best advance our interests in the
``economic realm'' in Cabo Verde?
Answer. The United States has prioritized expanding bilateral
commercial relations through Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)
trade benefits to encourage exports from diverse sectors beyond
fisheries. If confirmed, I will utilize Prosper Africa to connect U.S.
and African companies with U.S. Government tools to advance trade and
investment deals. While USAID does not have a presence in Cabo Verde, I
would utilize the West African Trade and Investment Hub and USAID's
Power Africa program to support economic growth and U.S. business
partners in Cabo Verde.
Question. What are the CCP's primary interests in Cabo Verde?
Answer. I understand that the current relationship between Cabo
Verde and the PRC is conspicuous in such areas as government
infrastructure and healthcare, as in many African nations. PRC entities
have a ubiquitous presence in the country's ICT sector. Beijing funded
a blueprint for a Special Economic Zone of Maritime Economy on the
island of Sao Vicente. Compared to other African nations, Cabo Verde
owes minimal debt to PRC. If confirmed, I will continue to monitor the
PRC's influence on Cabo Verde and promote strategies that will further
advance the United States-Cabo Verde bilateral economic and security
partnerships.
The U.S./Cabo Verde Relationship
Question. What opportunities do you see for strengthening the U.S./
Cabo Verde relationship?
Answer. Cabo Verdean officials rarely pass up an opportunity to
stress their view of the United States as Cabo Verde's ``partner of
choice.'' If confirmed as Ambassador, I hope to respond with support
for continued growth for our security partnership, supporting a
resilient democracy in Cabo Verde, and deepening trade and investment
ties.
Question. What particular insights and areas of expertise do you
envision bringing to the role of US Ambassador to Cabo Verde given your
significant experience with USAID, including having served as USAID
Mission Director twice, including in Mozambique?
Answer. USAID officers regularly engage with a wide range of
partners, and I would bring that practice to my assignment in Cabo
Verde. In Mozambique and other posts, I was fortunate to meet regularly
and engage in joint activities with a broad swath of local
representatives at all levels of society. As many of USAID's programs
target poor and marginalized populations, I have the experience of
traveling widely within my country of assignment to understand better
issues from the ground up. Among our partners are local and
international private sector actors, and USAID brings the private
sector to assist on many development issues; including them is a best
practice.
If confirmed, I will carry my expertise of aligning and assisting
local advocates and champions, civil society strengthening, education
and training and sustainable development. USAID supported programs have
helped to advance democracy and human rights in the countries where I
have worked and if confirmed, I will continue with assistance
initiatives; improving the lives of the population and continue to
develop other sectors.
Question. From your perspective, what should be the top priorities
for US policy toward Cabo Verde?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advance three U.S. policy priorities:
promote broad-based, mutually beneficial economic development, improve
Cabo Verdean security sector capabilities through expanded bilateral
cooperation and strengthen Cabo Verde's resilience to environmental
vulnerability and the impacts of climate change while promoting
inclusive development.
Question. While Cabo Verde is seen as one of the strongest
democracies in Africa, what can the U.S. do to support the further
development, strengthening and resilience of Cabo Verde's democratic
institutions?
Answer. Cabo Verde was an eager participant in the 2023 Summit for
Democracy and submitted a detailed action plan early in the planning
stages. If confirmed as Ambassador, I would support the Government of
Cabo Verde in implementing this action plan for democracy.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
European countries to build on likeminded interests Cabo Verde and
counter the malign influence of China?
Answer. State Department officials meet routinely with our European
partners, bilaterally and multilaterally, to discuss PRC-related
issues. State Department officials meet with European counterparts in
multilateral formats such as the G7 Africa Directors Meeting. We
coordinate U.S. and European messaging for African political leaders
and publics regarding the PRC's engagement in the region. The Assistant
Secretary for African Affairs regularly speaks with European
counterparts to coordinate European and U.S. cooperation and messaging
in sub-Saharan Africa, including related to the PRC and Russia. We will
continue to build on these current efforts.
Trade and Investment
Question. In your opinion, is Cabo Verde a good target for
increased U.S. investment? If yes, how will you support increased U.S.
trade and investment with Cabo Verde as Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. Opportunities are abundant in transportation, tourism,
renewable energy, and digital economy. If confirmed, I will work
closely with private sector partners and the Government of Cabo Verde
to expand opportunities for U.S. private investment.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools at your
disposal--including through Prosper Africa--as U.S. Ambassador to Cabo
Verde if confirmed, to bolster two-way trade and investment between the
U.S. and Cabo Verde?
Answer. If confirmed, I understand that I would be able to access
expertise within the State Department, USAID, and the Department of
Commerce, including through Prosper Africa, to support addressing
barriers to trade and investment in the enabling environment, including
the need for economic and political reforms. Each of these agencies
have programs that could potentially be utilized to assist the
Government of Cabo Verde in analyzing barriers to trade and investment
and in developing reform strategies to address such barriers. In
addition, it is my understanding that, if confirmed, I would be able to
use the full-range of U.S. Government trade and investment development
agencies--including USTDA, the Export Import Bank, and DFC--to provide
direct USG assistance to U.S. companies looking to expand trade and
investment in Cabo Verde. Such assistance could help overcome barriers
to trade and investment such as project financing and political risk.
My understanding is that Prosper Africa serves as a one-stop shop
through which U.S. and African companies can access USG assistance for
expanded two-way trade and investment.
Question. How will you work with Prosper Africa leadership to
ensure that Cabo Verde can benefit from Prosper Africa resources, tools
and expertise?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to identify through consultation
with the U.S. business community active in Cabo Verde those areas in
which USG expertise could be most beneficial to removing barriers to
trade and investment in Cabo Verde. I would work with Prosper Africa
leadership and the Cabo Verdean Government to identify ways in which
Prosper Africa could engage on such issues and provide technical
assistance to advance necessary reforms. I would also anticipate a
regular dialogue with Prosper Africa leadership, both in Washington,
D.C. and in the field, to identify resources, tools and expertise that
are best fitted to Cabo Verde. Moreover, I would look to expand contact
between the Embassy Deal Team and Prosper Africa to ensure that Prosper
Africa was fully aware of emerging opportunities in the Cabo Verdean
marketplace with an eye to bringing its tools, resources, and expertise
to bear in identifying and assisting U.S. companies to take advantage
of such opportunities--particularly in cases where an alternative to
PRC investment is required.
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Cabo Verde remained on Tier 2 for its continued efforts to meet
the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Cabo Verde operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will encourage the Government
to continue to strengthen anti-trafficking efforts, including by
strengthening the implementation of standard operating procedures for
victim identification and referral to services, increasing anti-
trafficking law enforcement efforts, improving data sharing and
coordination among agencies, and supporting increased resources and
training for anti-trafficking stakeholders.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Cabo Verde was noted for generally having
governmental and societal respect for religious freedom.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The 2022 International Religious Freedom report states the
Cabo Verdean constitution and other laws protect the right of
individuals to choose, practice, profess, and change their religion,
and violations of religious freedom are crimes subject to punishment. I
understand that Cabo Verde receives high marks in international
assessments of respect for human rights and, if confirmed, I look
forward to working with the Ambassador at Large and religious leaders
to stress the importance of religious tolerance and encourage
interfaith engagement to promote broad support for religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I do commit to personally engaging with civil
society on this issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Cabo Verde increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position to host religious
experts for roundtable discussions, and I would meet with religious
leaders during in-country trips to emphasize the important role they
can play to prevent and mitigate conflict. I would leverage our Public
Diplomacy programming and exchanges to find opportunities to expose
young leaders to religious freedom issues. I would also seek
opportunities for U.S.-based experts on religious freedom to visit Cabo
Verde and interact with various audiences in and out of the capital.
Human Rights
IIn the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Cabo
Verde was listed as having no significant human rights abuses,
but there is always room to better promote internationally-
recognized human rights.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Working with civil society organizations is critical to our
understanding of the human rights situation in Cabo Verde as they are
on the frontline of addressing challenges facing their communities. If
confirmed, I would encourage my team to continue to work closely with
civil society so that the United States has an accurate picture of
human rights concerns so that we can address them with the Government
and design programming to improve the human rights situation in Cabo
Verde. I would also take advantage of State and USAID programs to
support Cabo Verdean institutions such as the Commission on Human
Rights, the implementors of the Child-Friendly Justice Project and
others to support the ongoing efforts of Cabo Verdean to advance
concrete actions in the democracy and human rights agenda.
I understand the Embassy discusses human rights issues with the
Government at the highest level and I would continue to do this, if
confirmed. Supported with U.S. funding, the Cabo Verdean Human Rights
Commission issued a groundbreaking study on the social and legal
situation of members of the country's LGBTI+ community and drafted
legislation to prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation. If
confirmed, I would support further dissemination of this study and
support the legislative process as the bill proceeds through
parliament. In such interactions, I would seek to be forthright with
the Government about our concerns and would press for transparent and
independent legal processes through which accountability for
allegations of abuse could be addressed.
State Management and Oversight
Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over the
last several years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Praia?
Answer. My understanding is that morale is good at Embassy Praia
despite the challenging environment and the lingering impact of stress
from COVID-19. Personnel in Praia have a strong sense of purpose and
mission. They see the results of their work and see the rewards,
including through promotions.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Praia?
Answer. My tours overseas have taught me the importance of being
attentive to each employee's professional development and ensuring that
they know how their work fits into the embassy's mission and
achievement of Department goals. It also is important to take care of
the needs of Eligible Family Members through employment, quality
education, and activities that bring the community together. Creating
and maintaining an environment free of harassment and bullying is a
hallmark of my leadership style and essential for employees to
flourish. If confirmed, I would model the importance of work-life
balance and ensure our managers know how to set priorities and
negotiate deadlines to avoid employee burn out and promote resilience.
I would advocate with Washington to ensure that assigned workload and
deadlines are appropriate for a post of Praia's limited size and would
seek to ensure that assigned workload dovetails with our agreed-upon
policy objectives in Cabo Verde.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Praia?
Answer. If confirmed, I would be leading a U.S. Government team
comprised of personnel from multiple agencies. This means ensuring all
agencies understand the mission and activities of others and discussing
the tradeoffs that often need to be made on foreign policy goals or
embassy operations together. I have found that a structured approach
should include weekly Country Team meetings, weekly meetings with
agency leaders that include the DCM to discuss programs and events, and
mission-wide participation in the Integrated Country Strategy and
Mission Resource Request planning cycles. Mission-wide off-sites and
professional development days would be used to review our progress and
develop our workforce skillsets and build a sense of community and
mission. Finally, if confirmed, under my leadership, Embassy Praia
would review our goals and achievements as we update our Integrated
Country Strategy. This is an effective tool to keep all agency activity
in-line with our mission goals.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have worked at a wide variety of posts overseas, at
different levels throughout my career, and in each I have endeavored to
be as open and available to colleagues as possible. This requires some
flexibility and adaptation to be able to ensure that Mission staff feel
comfortable and able to participate fully and know that their input and
views are welcomed.
I strive to maintain a workplace atmosphere where mistakes are
turned into learning opportunities. I would coach our employees through
decision-making processes to develop their leadership skills and
provide regular mentoring and support. I am decisive, but inclusive of
a wide range of views and will communicate the ``why'' of a decision to
make sure those who were involved and those not involved understand
what the Executive Office will be doing and the rationale for it. If
confirmed, the Deputy Chief of Mission and I would be attentive to
workplace issues and create an environment free from bullying,
harassment, and discrimination.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates. Performance and conduct management needs to be a regular
and ongoing process. Mistakes are learning opportunities and correcting
them should be an inclusive, constructive process that is done in
private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. I understand what it takes to establish and nurture a
strong, collaborative relationship between the Ambassador and DCM. If
confirmed, I would listen and learn from the experience of the current
DCM and respect the relationships she has established with Cabo Verdean
officials and within the mission. I view the DCM role as a force
multiplier and as someone who must be ready to step in during my
absence, so she will be involved in key internal and external meetings.
I would expect her to deliver her honest, frank opinion so that
together we can make the best decisions possible. I would create an
environment in which she can feel free to disagree with me when we
consider options or suggest course corrections but would ensure that we
present a united front to the mission once a decision is made.
Leadership at the top must be proactive, consistent, and fair. If
confirmed, I am confident the DCM and I would be able to create a
positive work experience for our team in Praia.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) is arguably the most
difficult position at post. If confirmed, I would leverage my
experience as a USAID Mission Director to establish a strong and
symbiotic relationship to oversee mission operations and conduct our
foreign policy. If confirmed, as I lead the mission, I would need to be
able to work through the DCM to ensure that we are protecting U.S.
Government resources across agencies, running an efficient Interagency
Cooperative Services platform, and supporting our personnel needs. The
DCM would play the role of Chief Operating Officer of the mission but
also be involved in our foreign policy agenda. I would include her in
meetings with government officials and in communications with
Washington. She would ensure that performance management, budget
oversight, and human resources platforms are performing effectively,
and our operations soundly steward U.S. Government resources. I would
expect her to develop her managerial skills across all aspects of
mission life and would coach her as needed. I also would ensure that
the DCM and our other employees share in our representational
activities to expand our outreach activities. I would expect the DCM to
oversee our leadership, mentoring, Family Advocacy, and Diversity,
Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility programs.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide effective feedback and write employees'
performance reviews and counseling documents. If confirmed, I would
continue to pay close attention to developing the performance
management skills of our supervisors and the employee's understanding
of how the system benefits their professional development. I would seek
to ensure that top performers are rewarded and that those with
performance challenges receive the appropriate, constructive feedback
and support required to address them.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I believe that establishing open communications
between employees and their supervisors is at the core of effective
performance management. Throughout my career, I have mentored
supervisors on how to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback and
write employees' performance reviews and counseling documents that
include such feedback. If confirmed, I would continue to pay close
attention to developing the performance management skills of our
supervisors and the employee's understanding of how the system benefits
their professional development. I would seek to ensure that top
performers are rewarded and that those with performance challenges
receive the clear, accurate, and direct feedback and professional
development support required to address them.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to fully
accomplish their missions?
Answer. I believe that Mission leadership largely sets the tone and
the expectations that determine whether U.S. diplomats sufficiently get
outside of our Embassy walls. Throughout my career, I have consistently
modeled going outside of the mission walls to meet and cultivate a wide
range of contacts in and outside the capital and major cities. I do not
believe that it is possible to be effective as a diplomat without such
significant outreach. If confirmed, I would continue to reach beyond
the Embassy walls and to encourage all Embassy staff to do likewise. To
enable these efforts, I would work closely with my DCM and the Regional
Security Office to ensure that we are managing any associated risks
smartly and proactively and that we identify and receive the resources
necessary to support robust Mission in-country travel.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage and support in-country
travel with adequate security resources and mentor employees on
thinking-outside-the-box on how to reach local populations. As an
island nation with sometimes difficult inter-island travel, I will
promote different sections within the embassy helping each other's
engagement when traveling. On a regular basis, I would ensure that our
employees are maintaining contacts with regional leaders at all levels
and meeting with them in their areas and when they come to the capital.
This also means ensuring that employees are using representational
events and funds to cultivate contacts and promote mission goals. I
would support cross-cultural learning from our Locally Employed Staff
and U.S. employees as well as learning of local languages.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jennifer M. Adams by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to expand its problematic influence, through robust and
forthright diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial
advocacy to bolster U.S.- Cabo Verdean ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Cabo Verde and countering efforts by our
strategic and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address the PRC's efforts to
expand its influence in Cabo Verde and the region.
Question. The U.S. and Cabo Verde enjoy historical ties due to its
significant strategic geographic location on the west coast of Africa.
Relations have focused cooperation upon counternarcotics, military
training, Millennium Challenge Corporation projects, and Open Skies
commercial aviation agreements upon others. Cabo Verde enjoys trade
opportunities and preferences from the U.S. and European partners, with
the U.S. Trade and Development Agency aiding its air links and airport
capacity in the recent past. What is your assessment of the current
state of U.S.-Cabo Verde relations?
Answer. U.S.-Cabo Verde bilateral relations are as strong as they
have ever been, with Cabo Verde's leaders eager to partner on U.S.-led
international and regional initiatives. Cabo Verde is a strategically
located maritime security partner--the only non-NATO-aligned island
group in the mid-Atlantic--and a regional model of democracy, political
stability, respect for human rights, and good governance. Large Cabo
Verdean diaspora communities in the United States have fortified
relations for over two centuries. If confirmed. I will commit to
continue to expand bilateral trade agreements, strengthen security
cooperation, and increase engagement on climate resilience while
promoting inclusive development.
Question. How is U.S. security enhanced by taxpayer investment in
Cabo Verde?
Answer. I understand that the security cooperation between Cabo
Verde and the United States continues to be strengthened by U.S.
assistance in military opportunities for instruction through
International Military Education and Training (IMET), our long-term
relationship-building program. Recent support for Cabo Verde focuses
largely on maritime security and coordinated efforts to disseminate
border security threat information. This mutually beneficial
collaboration has allowed for the sharing of biometric, passenger,
maritime and cargo data. If confirmed, I would continue to deepen the
security partnership to enhance both Cabo Verdean and U.S. security.
Question. In your view, what would happen if the U.S. did not
provide security or counternarcotics assistance to Cabo Verde?
Answer. I understand that Cabo Verde lacks the capability to
sufficiently monitor its vast maritime domain for transnational
criminal activity, narcotrafficking, and illegal, unregulated, and
unreported fishing. Without U.S. assistance in maritime security, law
enforcement, governance and operational capacity, Cabo Verde would be
more vulnerable to economic fragility, maritime and border insecurity
and various actors who seek to take advantage of the country for
malicious gain. I believe that the Government of Cabo Verde realizes
this as well. In March, Cabo Verde hosted the first African Maritime
Leaders' Summit together with AFRICOM and U.S. Naval Forces Africa
Command, focused on maritime security and good governance.
Question. If confirmed, which aid programs will you focus on to
promote continued and improved economic growth with U.S. business
partners in Cabo Verde?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage U.S. firms to take advantage
of Cabo Verde's stable political environment, low levels of corruption,
and potential as a gateway to Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) economies, which cumulatively represent a market of 300
million consumers.
If confirmed, I will utilize Prosper Africa to connect U.S. and
African companies with U.S. Government tools to advance trade and
investment deals. While USAID does not have a presence in Cabo Verde, I
would utilize the West African Trade and Investment Hub and USAID's
Power Africa program to support economic growth and U.S. business
partners in Cabo Verde.
Question. Cabo Verde and China have been cultivating closer ties
since the 1990s, with Cabo Verde recognizing China since the 1970s.
China has significantly increased aid to the islands to assist with
grain and cereal price stability, and other infrastructure projects to
gain influence over the country. There have also been reports that
China is interested in establishing a military base in the country.
What is your characterization of the existing relationship between Cabo
Verde and China?
Answer. I understand that the current relationship between Cabo
Verde and the PRC is conspicuous in such areas as government
infrastructure and healthcare, as in many African nations. PRC entities
have a ubiquitous presence in the country's ICT sector. Beijing funded
a blueprint for a maritime special exclusive economic zone on the
island of Sao Vicente.
Question. Are you concerned with their existing relationship?
Please explain.
Answer. Cabo Verde has made it clear that the United States is its
preferred partner. Compared to other African nations, Cabo Verde owes
minimal debt to PRC. However, the relationship is a cause for concern.
If confirmed, I will continue to monitor the PRC's influence on Cabo
Verde and promote strategies that will further advance the United
States-Cabo Verde bilateral economic and security partnerships.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that the United
States remains the partner of choice in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Cabo Verde expresses a preference to work with the United
States in many areas, none more so than security cooperation. Cabo
Verdean officials rarely pass up an opportunity to stress their view of
the United States as Cabo Verde's ``security partner of choice.'' If
confirmed as Ambassador, I hope to respond with support for continued
growth for our security and economic partnership.
Question. Do you have any indication that China is planning to
establish either a formal military base or a dual-use facility in Cabo
Verde?
Answer. I have seen reports that the PRC is interested in
increasing its security partnership with Cabo Verde. If confirmed, I
will actively monitor any plans for new PRC investment in Cabo Verde
and underscore with our partners in the government the risks associated
with allowing the PRC to develop a base in Cabo Verde.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Heather Roach Variava by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Laos was ranked as Tier 2 for its ongoing efforts to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Laos operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Laos and
civil society to advance anti-trafficking efforts, including by sharing
best practices on data collection, law enforcement training, and victim
identification. There is also scope for discussions regarding forced
criminality in the growing problem of cyber scam operations.
Laos has taken some steps to combat human trafficking, including
through investigating suspected traffickers, repatriating Lao and
foreign national victims, training law enforcement, enacting anti-
trafficking laws, conducting awareness-raising activities for the
public, and implementing oversight measures within special economic
zones, where workers may be more vulnerable. My role will be to
recognize positive achievements and press for further progress.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Laos was noted as lacking respect for religious
freedom, particularly in overly cumbersome regulations for
religious groups.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Laos severely restricts freedom of expression, peaceful
assembly, association, and religion or belief. Government restrictions
on minority religious groups remain disproportionally high in certain
provinces and rural areas, and there are reports that local officials
harass non-Buddhist and non-animist religious groups through arrests,
forced renunciations, and displacement. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom, his office, and with relevant civil society organizations to
advance respect for freedom of religious and belief for all in Laos. I
will also advocate with the Government of the Lao People's Democratic
Republic on matters related to international religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I hope to forge strong personal and
institutional relationships with religious groups and civil society
organizations to advance respect for freedom of religion or belief.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Laos increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. Lao authorities restrict religious freedom through a decree
that defines the Government as the final arbiter of permissible
religious activities and imposes onerous requirements on religious
groups. If confirmed, I will encourage Lao authorities to revise the
decree to improve religious freedom, especially for members of
marginalized or unrecognized groups. I will also look to identify other
concrete steps to help increase respect for religious freedom in Laos.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Laos was
noted as having several significant human rights abuses,
including restrictions on freedom of expression, censorship,
lack of internet freedom, and more.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, promoting and protecting human rights will be
one of my top priorities. I will communicate to Lao leadership that
supporting an inclusive civil society and ensuring the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of people in Laos are key to successful bilateral
relations. I also commit to pressing the Lao Government to allow for
greater press freedom and will continue to support independent voices,
local efforts to build journalistic capacity, and combat mis- and
disinformation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Heather Roach Variava by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity; defend
international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with the Lao
People's Democratic Republic to strengthen democratic values and
reiterate the U.S. commitment to a rules-based international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving transnational challenges. Any
PRC contributions must be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are
neither springboards for narrow PRC economic interests nor platforms to
create more permissive conditions for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to potential
cooperation with Beijing when it is in our interests to do so and where
our cooperation can advance solutions to transnational challenges,
including possibly climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats,
non-proliferation, food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China, if confirmed, I
would maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative efforts that
involve PRC entities in the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and third
countries or international organizations in areas where our collective
interests align. That said, I would scrutinize and encourage third
parties to scrutinize any such arrangements to ensure they follow
international norms, feature transparency, and delineate steps to
verify regularly that all parties are working in good faith.
Question. Laos is heavily dependent upon aid and foreign investment
in its infrastructure, mainly from China and through the Belt and Road
Initiative. Along with the aid, Laos has borrowed significant amounts
to fund infrastructure investments, and its debt reached 88 percent of
GDP in 2021. In addition to influence from China, Laos is heavily
influenced by neighbor Vietnam. What is your characterization of the
existing relationship between Laos and China?
Answer. In recent years, we have observed the PRC's growing
influence in Laos. The PRC holds a significant percentage of Laos's
sizeable debt, and some Special Economic Zones run by PRC investors
have become home to illegal activity, most notably money laundering,
human trafficking, wildlife trafficking, and drug trafficking.
In contrast, the United States can be a positive and helpful
partner to Laos. Our engagement with Laos and other countries in the
region promotes an affirmative, positive vision, with the United States
as a trustworthy and dependable partner. If confirmed, I would seek to
counter PRC influence by supporting programs that bolster Lao
independence and sovereignty. Building capacity within the Lao
Government, and especially among the people of Laos, will strengthen
their ability to contribute positively in the region, in ASEAN, and
beyond.
Question. Are you concerned with the existing Laos-PRC
relationship?
Answer. We are concerned about the PRC's increasing influence in
Laos. The PRC holds a significant percentage of Laos' sizeable debt,
and PRC actors operate some Special Economic Zones, which frequently
are centers of illegal activity, most notably money laundering, human
trafficking, wildlife trafficking, and drug trafficking.
In contrast, the United States is a positive and helpful partner to
Laos. Our engagement with Laos and other countries in the region is not
about countering any one country but about advancing an affirmative,
positive vision.
In addition to countering PRC influence in Laos, we should work
with allies and partners to ensure the United States is one of Laos's
partners of choice, offering alternatives to dependence on the PRC.
U.S. programs in Laos seek to improve Lao capacity to address
challenges; giving the Lao people tools to solve problems and develop
their own abilities contributes to Lao sovereignty and independence.
If confirmed, I would work with our team to deepen our longstanding
cooperation, pursue new avenues of dialogue, and drive inclusive
prosperity in this critical region.
Question. How would you describe Laos' relation to Vietnam?
Answer. Laos and Vietnam enjoy a long-standing and close political
partnership, and both countries seek to further advance their bilateral
relationship, particularly in the areas of economic development and
investment.
Our Embassies in Vientiane and Hanoi are examining ways to develop
possible trilateral initiatives that leverage the close political
partnership between Laos and Vietnam.
Infrastructure development, cross-border electricity trade,
unexploded ordinance clearance operations, and humanitarian assistance
and disaster relief, as well as U.S.-funded or organized training for
both Laos and Vietnamese officials, are some areas of possible
trilateral coordination. If confirmed, I would ensure that any
trilateral coordination would be undertaken in areas where our
interests and policies align. I would continue to advocate bilaterally
where needed on key issues of concern to the United States.
Question. Is the debt load currently maintained by Laos
sustainable?
Answer. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank work with
low-income countries including Laos to conduct debt sustainability
analyses (DSAs); the latest publicly available DSA for Laos is dated
August 2019, when Laos was rated as being at high risk of debt
distress, with an estimated debt-to-GDP ratio of 57 percent as of 2018.
According to the World Bank's May 2023 Lao Economic Monitor, Laos's
publicly held debt is now estimated to have surpassed 110 percent of
its GDP, and the PRC is its largest creditor.
If confirmed, I will work with Laos to provide additional options,
tools, and opportunities to help Laos manage its debt. Existing U.S.
programs aim to promote trade, reduce corruption, improve regulations,
and support prudent fiscal management. My goals would be to help ensure
that Laos's economic development is sustainable and to lay the
groundwork for a long-term economic partnership between the United
States and Laos.
Question. How can the United States assist Laos in moving away from
predatory loans provided to it by China?
Answer. The United States can assist Laos by empowering the Lao
Government to become a more effective negotiator and providing it with
the tools it needs to grow its economy on its own terms. If confirmed,
I will work with Laos to facilitate opportunities for growth in trade
and investment, including through anti-corruption, regulatory, and
fiscal management tools that work for Laos's situation.
Laos has demonstrated it values sovereignty. I would work to
strengthen Laos's agency and partnership with the United States to
encourage more U.S. companies to become active in the country, thereby
lessening the need for reliance on the PRC. If confirmed, I pledge to
support Laos as it implements its economic diversification strategy
while simultaneously assisting U.S. businesses seeking to invest in
Laos. I also would work with allies and partners to provide Laos with
coordinated development assistance and to encourage investment. By
ensuring Laos has diverse options, can negotiate effectively, and
regards the United States as a dependable partner, we can help Laos
become a stronger, more prosperous, and better-governed country that is
fully integrated into and maintains an independent voice within ASEAN.
Question. Laos, perhaps out of all the countries in Southeast Asia,
is most dependent on the Mekong River for food and for power
generation. This makes it acutely dependent on moves by China, where
the Mekong River originates, to limit the flow of water to downstream
countries. The U.S.-Mekong Partnership regularly monitors the water
flowing to downstream countries and there is a relationship between
decreases in this flow at times when downstream countries, like Laos,
are considering a decision that impacts China. This ``dam diplomacy''
is part of the Communist playbook for maintaining influence over
Southeast Asia. Are you concerned with ``dam diplomacy'' by the Chinese
and its impact on Laos' food security and energy security?
Answer. We share your concern about the PRC's increasing influence
in Lao PDR, including through ``dam diplomacy.'' The Mekong River
Commission (MRC) is the sole treaty-based organization with a mandate
to support the transboundary governance of the Mekong River.
The Government of Laos relies on hydropower to supply electricity
both for domestic use and for export, which has put pressure on the
Mekong River, reducing fish populations and impacting the livelihoods
of communities living along the river and its tributaries. Dam
construction, excessive groundwater extraction, fast-moving urban and
infrastructure development, deforestation, mining, and climate change
have caused major environmental disruption and threaten the lives and
livelihoods of millions of people in the Mekong River Basin. If
confirmed, I will work to find ways to mitigate the environmental
impact of these hydropower projects.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to help Laos resist
Chinese attempts to influence Laos through ``dam diplomacy''?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to find ways to mitigate the
environmental impact of these hydropower projects. The United States is
committed to offering options for Mekong countries to help them get the
best value for their economic development and to help build
institutions, workforces, and economic independence. The Mekong River
can be an engine for economic growth that binds the entire region
together. Realizing the region's full potential, while building
resilience to environmental threats, will take transparent,
collaborative management of this shared resource. This is why the
Mekong U.S. Partnership (MUSP) continues to support the Mekong River
Commission, the only treaty-based organization in the sub-region with a
mandate to address transboundary river management.
Question. If confirmed, are there Development Finance Corporation
or other aid programs you would review to compete with Chinese aid in
Laos?
Answer. DFC provides high quality investments to support private
sector driven economic growth, and I understand the DFC is considering
several possible projects in Laos. If confirmed, I would work closely
with the DFC to identify the most effective areas for investment; I
would also engage with Lao businesses and investors to demonstrate
DFC's effectiveness and identify additional opportunities for DFC
engagement.
If confirmed, I also look forward to working closely with U.S.
Trade and Development Agency (USTDA) colleagues to support USTDA
activities, including feasibility studies on potential projects to
encourage U.S. investment in Laos.
In addition, I would seek to coordinate and amplify our development
assistance through USAID and other State programs with likeminded aid
agencies, including the Japan International Cooperation Agency and the
Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. I would also look
to expand our cooperation with U.S. non-profit organizations to
strengthen civil society, public health, and other development
programs. Finally, I would work with international financial
institutions like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank to
support projects that provide sustainable infrastructure and improve
Laos' investment environment.
Question. Which other programs will you support which will deepen
U.S. investment in and with Laos to counter Chinese initiatives?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on U.S. programming
to deepen U.S. investment in Laos and counter PRC initiatives. I see
this approach as three-fold.
First, I would work with USAID and State's Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) to increase development
assistance and programming that targets corruption and builds Lao
Government capacity to investigate and prosecute money laundering and
bribes, a key factor in the ability of the PRC to conduct its influence
operations. This programming aims to address U.S. industry concerns
regarding opaque regulatory regimes and corruption and aims to foster a
more hospitable environment for U.S. businesses in Laos.
Second, I would work with our interagency to develop economic
programming that provides fiscal technical assistance, offers
alternative sources of financing, and encourages U.S. investment. This
includes tapping into the resources of the U.S. Trade and Development
Agency and the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation,
among others.
Third, I would work with U.S. industry directly, encouraging trade
delegations from the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council and the U.S. Chamber
of Commerce. I would ensure my economic team, which includes our
Foreign Commercial Service colleagues, is ready to assist U.S.
companies seeking investment opportunities and is ready to address
potential investment roadblocks in Laos.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you leverage the U.S.-Mekong
Partnership to advance U.S. interests and business opportunities in
both Laos and regional cooperation aspects?
Answer. The Mekong-U.S. Partnership (MUSP) builds upon more than
ten years of sustained engagement in the region on economic, non-
traditional security, governance, and environmental cooperation. The
Lao People's Democratic Republic has served as the MUSP co-chair with
the United States since January 2022. In February 2023, we were pleased
to co-chair with the Lao Government our first-ever in-person MUSP
events since the start of the pandemic. The MUSP is well-positioned to
address transboundary issues affecting the people of the Mekong and to
encourage innovative thinking about and collaboration on top issues
affecting the sub-region. These include improving regional responses to
environmental emergencies as well as transnational crime, and promoting
sustainable economic development across the water food, energy, and
environmental nexus.
If confirmed, I would bolster efforts to ensure that the MUSP
maintains a whole-of-government approach, which takes into account the
views and expertise of U.S. Government partners that deliver for the
citizens of the Mekong sub-region in furtherance of regional and U.S.
interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julie Turner by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, please provide your plan to better promote
accountability for those who have committed and continue to commit
human rights abuses in North Korea.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my colleagues in the
Department of State and with our international partners to strengthen
the mandate and capacity of the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner
for Human Rights in Seoul to advance U.N. accountability efforts. I
will also seek opportunities to further promote accountability for
human rights violations and abuses committed by the DPRK Government. I
will also continue our efforts to highlight DPRK human rights issues at
the U.N. Security Council and return these issues to the UNSC's formal
agenda.
Question. How can you provide insight into the Commission of
Inquiry (COI) into human rights abuses in North Korea?
Answer. North Korean human rights issues remain as pressing now as
they were when the U.N. Commission of Inquiry (COI) began its work 10
years ago. The 2014 final report of the COI provided important
documentation on the human rights situation in North Korea, which
represents one of the most protracted human rights crises in the world.
The COI report led to important initiatives, including the
establishment of the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner Office in
Seoul, and prompting the U.N. Security Council to place the human
rights situation in the DPRK on its agenda in 2014, 2015, 2016, and
2017. If confirmed, I will work with partners and allies to
reinvigorate these efforts that carried forward the COI recommendations
and to press for further action to advance accountability for the
DPRK's egregious human rights violations.
Question. If confirmed, how will you revitalize multilateral
efforts to promote accountability for human rights abuses in North
Korea?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to
advance accountability efforts and call for action to improve the
DPRK's human rights record in the U.N. General Assembly, Human Rights
Council, and other relevant U.N. bodies. I will seek opportunities to
host side events to amplify defector and refugee voices, whose
harrowing stories reveal the violations and abuses committed inside the
closed country. I will also continue our efforts to highlight DPRK
human rights issues at the U.N. Security Council and return these
issues to the UNSC's formal agenda.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julie Turner by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. If confirmed, I
will continue our work with allies and partners to strengthen
democratic institutions, promote human rights, and protect the rules-
based international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving challenges, including
regarding the DPRK, that we and other countries face in common. Any PRC
contributions must be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are not
springboards for narrow PRC economic and security interests.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge the PRC Government to work
constructively with the United States and our allies and partners to
provide durable solutions for DPRK refugees, asylum seekers,
trafficking victims, and other seeking protection from the DPRK regime.
In addition, I will press the PRC to act in good faith to uphold its
commitments under U.N. Security Council resolutions requiring
governments to repatriate, consistent with national and international
human rights and refugee law, North Korean workers.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, I would maintain openness to U.S. involvement
in cooperative efforts that advance durable solutions for North Korean
refugees, asylum seekers, trafficking victims, and others seeking
protection from the DPRK regime. That said, I would scrutinize and
encourage third parties to scrutinize any such arrangements to ensure
they are consistent with international law, feature transparency, and
delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties are working in
good faith.
Question. Ten years have passed since the creation of the United
Nations Commission of Inquiry on human rights in North Korea, with
little improvement in the human rights situation there. With growing
Chinese influence at the U.N., it is imperative that the United States
continues to ensure the U.N. remains focused on true human rights
tragedies, like North Korea and the ongoing genocide in Xinjiang,
instead of listening to those that would prefer the U.N. look at Israel
or even the United States. What is your view on public calls made by
the North Korean Human Rights community to update and strengthen the
U.N.'s accountability work for North Korea?
Answer. I fully support efforts to elevate multilateral attention
to North Korean human rights issues, which remain as pressing now as
they were when the U.N. Commission of Inquiry began its work.
If confirmed, I will support calls for accountability and
improvements in the DPRK's human rights record in the U.N. General
Assembly, Human Rights Council, and other relevant U.N. bodies. I will
also continue our efforts to highlight DPRK human rights issues at the
U.N. Security Council and return these issues to the UNSC's formal
agenda.
Question. What is the feasibility of pushing the U.N. to establish
an accountability mechanism for North Korea to collect evidence against
and prepare criminal persecution for officials of the Kim regime,
similar to what has been created for Syria in 2016 and Burma in 2018?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my colleagues in the
Department of State and with our foreign partners to support the
mandate and capacity of the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights in Seoul to advance U.N. accountability efforts. I will
also seek opportunities to further promote accountability for human
rights violations and abuses committed by the DPRK Government.
Question. In the past 10 years, North Korea has arrested and
detained dozens of American, South Korean and Japanese citizens,
notably American student Otto Warmbier. This is a familiar pattern of
authoritarian regimes using hostages to extract concessions from the
United States. Diplomacy by the Trump Administration successfully
secured the release of the last three remaining Americans detained in
North Korea. However, at least four South Koreans--Kim Jung Wook, Kim
Kook Ki, Choi Chun kil, and Ko Hyon Choi--remain detained in North
Korea. In April, during President Yoon's visit, the United States and
South Korea pledged to ``strengthen cooperation to promote human rights
in the DPRK as well as to resolve the issues of abductions, detainees,
and unrepatriated prisoners of war.'' If confirmed, how will you
implement the human rights provisions in the Washington Declaration
agreed between South Korea and the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize efforts to urge the DPRK to
respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and provide for the needs
of its people. I will support the Republic of Korea, including its
Ambassador-at-Large on North Korean Human Rights, in advocating for the
release of these and other unjustly held detainees, whose cases the
State Department continues to highlight through the annual Human Rights
Report and other publicstatements. While the Washington Declaration
does not directly address human rights, it does reflect the U.S.-ROK
shared commitment to pursue the complete denuclearization of the Korean
Peninsula in a peaceful, diplomatic manner--a message I do and will
always strive to uphold.
Question. How do you plan to support the diplomatic efforts of our
ally, South Korea, to secure the release of its citizens detained in
North Korea before they meet the tragic fate of Otto Warmbier?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Republic of Korea,
including its Ambassador-at-Large on North Korean Human Rights, in
advocating for the immediate release of its unjustly detained citizens,
whose cases the State Department has highlighted through the annual
Human Rights Report and other public statements.
Question. The U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy highlights 'build[ing]
regional resilience to transnational threats' as one of its five
objectives while also highlighting the Chinese Communist Party's
undermining of human rights and international law. As we speak, the CCP
continues to provide a critical source of financing to the Kim regime
that enables its human rights abuses against the Korean people. The CCP
also continues to turn a blind eye to Chinese companies that
participate in North Korea's forced labor schemes and continues to
catch North Korean escapees and return them to the country. If
confirmed, how will you ensure that the issue of North Koreans in PRC
is included in this strategy and what measures can the U.S. take in
protecting the human rights and safe movement of North Korean refugees?
Answer. The U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy highlights the need to
address human rights violations and other abuses related to DPRK
citizens, which includes other countries' involvement in such
violations and abuses. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we
continue to highlight such cases with the PRC and make clear that we
expect the PRC and other countries to uphold their respective non-
refoulement obligations, including with regard to North Korean
refugees.
Question. According to the U.N. Special Rapporteur on North Korean
human rights, Elizabeth Salm"n, as many as 2,000 North Korean escapees
are currently detained in China and are at risk of being repatriated to
their country once the border reopens. Senator Kaine and I introduced a
bill this past March that would authorize sanctions on Chinese
officials responsible for refouling North Korean escapees back to the
North. If confirmed, will you push the administration to impose
sanctions on Chinese Government officials, if China carries out such a
mass deportation of North Korean refugees?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on the protection of North
Korean refugees, including by pressing the PRC and other governments to
uphold their respective nonrefoulement obligations, working with
governments to facilitate UNHCR access to North Korean asylum seekers,
and working to ensure North Koreans continue to have access to U.S.
resettlement programs. I will continue to raise individual cases with
the People's Republic of China and will consider all available tools in
the event the PRC carries out a mass deportation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Matthew D. Murray by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has become
more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will defend U.S.
national security and advance our values and prosperity. We will also
defend international law; bolster institutions that maintain peace and
security; protect the rights of individuals and sovereign nations; and
make it possible for all countries to coexist and cooperate.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving shared transnational
challenges. Any PRC contributions must be scrutinized, however, to
ensure they are neither springboards for advancing narrow PRC strategic
interests nor platforms that could help create more permissive
conditions for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to cooperation with
Beijing where our interests may overlap and where our cooperation can
advance solutions to transnational challenges, including possibly
climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats, non-proliferation,
food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China, if confirmed, I
would continue to maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative
efforts that involve PRC entities in APEC in areas where our collective
interests align. That said, I would scrutinize any such arrangements to
ensure they are clear, transparent, consistent with core U.S. values,
and structured to ensure all parties are working in good faith.
Question. Sanctioned Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee made clear
that he does not intend to enforce U.S. sanctions against foreign
actors entering Hong Kong after he allowed Russian oligarch Alexei
Mordashov to dock his yacht in Hong Kong. As such, he would require a
waiver to attend the APEC summit in San Francisco because he is in
blatant violation of U.S. sanctions. Does the U.S. plan to grant a
waiver to Chief Executive John Lee to attend the APEC Summit in San
Francisco in November?
Answer. The United States remains deeply concerned about the
deterioration of protected rights and freedoms and the grave
restrictions on Hong Kong's autonomy under the National Security Law.
As host of APEC in 2023, the United States has committed to work
towards participation of delegations from the 21 member economies in
APEC events but has made clear this participation must be in accordance
with U.S. laws and regulations, including with respect to sanctions. I
defer to the White House regarding invitations to the APEC Economic
Leaders' Week program in November.
Question. Both Taiwan and China are members of APEC, but Taiwan is
listed only as ``Chinese Taipei'' in a concession to Beijing. Unlike
other APEC members, Taiwan's head of state is not invited to APEC
Summits. This may have made sense using the logic of the post-Cold War
neoliberal consensus, but it doesn't reflect reality. Taiwan is the
United States' ninth largest trading partner, with our annual trading
reaching $90 billion in 2020. Taiwan is a critical source of advanced
semiconductors needed for everything from cars to smartphones, to
advanced manufacturing equipment. Finally, Taiwan is a model of how
democracy and smartly managed free markets can bring prosperity to the
Indo-Pacific, in contrast to the Chinese Communist Party's vision of
authoritarianism and central planning. If confirmed, will you support
inviting Taiwan's President Tsai Ing Wen to attend the APEC summit in
the United States?
Answer. Taiwan, which participates in APEC under the name ``Chinese
Taipei,'' is a full member of APEC and a strong supporter of U.S.
priorities during our ongoing APEC host year. For 30 years, the Taiwan
President has appointed a ``Leader's Representative'' to attend the
APEC Economic Leaders' Week events on his or her behalf. I defer to the
White House regarding invitations to the APEC Economic Leaders' Week
program in November.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jennifer L. Johnson by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Micronesia remained on Tier 2 for its overall increasing
efforts to meet the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Micronesia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. In the 2022 TIP Report, the Department of State recognized
steps the Government of the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) took
to combat human trafficking, including identifying more trafficking
victims, conducting trafficking awareness activities for the public,
and allocating funding for its third trafficking victim shelter.
If confirmed, I will work with the Government of the FSM to
encourage it to implement and train front-line officials on victim
identification and referral SOPs; increase its efforts to proactively
investigate traffickers, including victims' family members who
facilitate or directly benefit from trafficking; and increase resources
for protection services for trafficking victims, including increasing
services for victims identified in Chuuk, Kosrae, Yap, and outer
islands. I will also encourage the Government to administer anti-
trafficking training for its judicial officials and provide information
on safe migration and human trafficking indicators to FSM nationals
leaving to work in other countries.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reporting the reality of
the trafficking situation in Micronesia as accurately as possible?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to reporting the reality of the
trafficking situation in Micronesia as accurately as possible. I will
work closely with the State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons to report accurate information about the
trafficking situation in Micronesia in the annual Trafficking in
Persons Report.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Micronesia was noted as having no significant
issues with regards to religious freedom but there was room for
better respect for religious minorities.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. In the 2022 International Religious Freedom Report,
religious groups reported the reopening of their community centers and
the resumption of missionary activity post-COVID-19. If confirmed, I
will advocate for religious freedom and work with the Ambassador at
Large for International Religious Freedom and his office to encourage
government authorities to work closely with civil society, including
members of religious groups, to ensure respect for freedom of religion
or belief.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will forge strong personal and
institutional relationships with religious groups and civil society
organizations to further promote respect for freedom of religion or
belief.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Micronesia increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answewr. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of the
Federated States of Micronesia, civil society, and private sector
partners to support and empower human rights defenders and civil
society organizations and to promote respect for freedom of religion or
belief. I also will forge strong personal and institutional
relationships with religious institutions and civil society
organizations to assess how to advance the U.S. Government's priorities
around respect for freedom of religion or belief.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Micronesia
did not have any significant human rights abuses, but there is always
room to better promote internationally-recognized human rights.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government and
civil society to advance the human rights of marginalized communities
and reduce discrimination and violence. It's also imperative to engage
with the many active women's groups in the Federated States of
Micronesia with the goal of preventing and responding to gender-based
violence. Another priority will be to assist with building the capacity
of the government, civil society, and media to highlight and counter
corruption as we strengthen our diplomatic efforts in the Pacific.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jennifer L. Johnson by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes. Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party has
become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We will
defend U.S. national security and advance our values and prosperity;
defend international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that
maintain peace and security; protect the rights of individuals and
sovereign nations; and make it possible for all countries to coexist
and cooperate. If confirmed, I will continue our work with the
Federated States of Micronesia to strengthen democratic values and
reiterate the U.S. commitment to a rules-based international order.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions toward solving transnational challenges. Any
PRC contributions must be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are
neither springboards for narrow PRC economic interests nor platforms to
create more permissive conditions for its own authoritarian model.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States competes vigorously with the PRC
where we differ, the United States manages this competition
responsibly. This includes maintaining openness to potential
cooperation with Beijing when it is in our interests to do so and where
our cooperation can advance solutions to transnational challenges,
including possibly climate change, counter-narcotics, pandemic threats,
non-proliferation, food security, and macroeconomics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. In line with the Administration's approach on competition
and cooperation with the People's Republic of China (PRC), if
confirmed, I will maintain openness to U.S. involvement in cooperative
efforts that involve PRC entities, the Federated States of Micronesia,
and third countries or international organizations only in areas that
are clearly in our collective interests. If confirmed, I will
scrutinize and encourage third parties to scrutinize any such
arrangements to ensure they follow international norms, feature
transparency, and delineate steps to verify regularly that all parties
are working in good faith.
Question. Last spring, the Chinese Communist Party signed a
security agreement with the Solomon Islands. While the details of that
agreement remain secret, if past agreements between China and Belt and
Road Initiative Members are any indication, that agreement gives China
the right to use Solomon Islands facilities as potential military
bases. The agreement also highlighted a years, if not decades, long
neglect by the United States of islands in the Pacific, making them
ripe targets for Chinese influence. The Compacts of Free Association
(COFA), which the United States maintains with Palau, the Marshall
Islands and Micronesia, are a critical bulwark against this influence.
What can you tell me of the state of COFA renegotiation between the
United States and Micronesia?
Answer. As of May 17, 2023, negotiations of COFA-related agreements
are practically complete, and signing of the agreements is imminent.
The COFA team plans to submit a legislative package to Congress and
provide briefings in the coming weeks.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to keep China out of
Micronesia?
Answer. The United States and the Federated States of Micronesia
(FSM) have a special and longstanding partnership, and we cooperate on
a range of issues including supporting good governance, the judiciary,
and law enforcement. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to
partner with the Federated States of Micronesia and align with our
allies to expand diplomatic, development, and people-to-people ties
that will strengthen Micronesia's resilience and ability to avoid
predatory economic practices. If confirmed, I will work swiftly to
operationalize new Compact funding andsupport good governance,
transparency, and anti-corruption efforts. I will also work with
Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and sustain the
progress achieved through this partnership.
Question. In March, the outgoing President of Micronesia, David
Panuelo, sent a letter to his legislature declaring that China is
waging ``political warfare'' in the country, via bribes, harassment,
and direct threats against Micronesian officials. These are among the
most direct and serious charges to date from a foreign leader against
the CCP's overseas influence operations. What is your assessment of
President Panuelo's claims of Chinese corrosive influence in
Micronesia?
Answer. We have seen a range of the PRC's increasingly problematic
behavior in the Indo-Pacific region, including its assertion of
unlawful maritime claims and the ongoing militarization of disputed
features in the South China Sea, predatory economic activities,
illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, and investments that
undermine good governance and promote corruption. Considering these
examples of PRC actions in the region, the allegations in the letter
were not surprising.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support Micronesian
institutions against this level of Chinese influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to partner with
civil society and the Government of the Federated States of Micronesia
to build their resilience as we work together to support good
governance, transparency, and anti-corruption efforts.
As Secretary Blinken said, ``We know that corruption makes even
more difficult and exacerbates virtually every global challenge that we
have to work on--from war and conflict to figuring out how to end
pandemics to disaster response. We also know and see that in our
efforts to strengthen democracy around the world, nothing is more
corrosive, nothing does more to undermine citizens' trust in their
democracy, than corruption.''
If confirmed, I would scrutinize and encourage other parties to
scrutinize cooperative efforts and arrangements to ensure they follow
international norms, feature transparency, and delineate steps to
verify regularly that all parties are working in good faith.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, JUNE 13, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:06 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Chris Van
Hollen presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez, Kaine, Van Hollen [presiding],
Duckworth, Romney, Ricketts, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senator Mark Warner.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. ood afternoon, everybody. The
nominations hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
will come to order.
Congratulations to each of you on your nominations and for
your ongoing service to our country and commitment to our
country. I also want to thank the family members who have
joined you today and feel free to also introduce them when you
provide your testimony.
I grew up in a Foreign Service family. I am aware that this
is a family endeavor, and we are grateful to all of your loved
ones for traveling across the globe with you in many instances.
In the interest of giving all of you, our nominations, more
time to answer questions Senator Romney and I have agreed that
we are going to forego any opening statements. That said, I
think you have been told if you could keep your opening
statements to three minutes it would be much appreciated, given
the current congressional schedule.
I do want to say at the outset that I know a lot of chiefs
of mission are here in Washington right now and I have been
hearing from them about how much they value the work done by
Foreign Service nationals in our Embassy and consulates abroad
and how they could not do their good work and you could not do
your good work without their support. I raise that because
these individuals put themselves at great risk.
We had a number of members of our Foreign Service family
killed in the line of duty in Nigeria not that long ago. We
have a commitment to them that after a long--period of long and
faithful service they can emigrate to the United States with
their families.
But right now even after they serve 20 years there is a 17-
year waiting period, which is why Senator Tillis and I have
introduced bipartisan legislation called the GRATEFUL Act that
I hope will pass through this Senate as quickly as possible.
With that, let me also welcome Senator Ricketts, Senator
Hagerty, and now I am going to - unless you have any opening
remarks?
STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH
Senator Romney. No opening comments other than what you are
doing is more important than it has been in a long, long time.
When I was a young man we were competing with the Soviet
Union and the members of our various foreign delegations, our
ambassadors and so forth, were playing a very active role, a
key role, in promoting our interests, and today we are
competing with authoritarians generally and authoritarianism is
on the rise, according to a number of people who follow that,
and the work that you are doing takes on a special significance
at this time, and I appreciate your willingness to step forward
and that of your families.
And with that, Mr. Chairman, please introduce our
panelists.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you. Thank you, Senator
Romney.
And we have a number of member Senators who want to
introduce a number of you and so in the interests of their
convenience I am going to start with them unless, Senator
Hagerty, you would like me to introduce some of those others
first.
It is up to you. I know you are here to introduce one of
our nominees.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Well, Chair Van Hollen, I would very much
appreciate it if it is okay to go ahead and make an
introduction of somebody who I had the great pleasure of
working with when I served as U.S. Ambassador to Japan.
Joel Ehrendreich was my consular general to Okinawa and did
a fantastic job. He is now here before us today to be,
hopefully, our next U.S. Ambassador to Palau. So it is my great
honor to introduce him and thank you for giving me the
opportunity to do so.
Throughout Joel's impressive 20-year career he has held
significant positions in Tokyo, New Delhi, Singapore, Manila,
and Sydney, and he has been the foreign policy adviser to
someone whom we both admire greatly, General Neller, who was
commandant of the Marine Corps and I had the great pleasure to
work with in a prior life.
All of this experience, I believe, has imbued Joel with a
deep understanding of the regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific
and I feel certain that Joel is going to do a tremendous job if
he is confirmed.
As I mentioned, I had the pleasure of working with Joel
when I served as U.S. Ambassador to Japan and he served as
consular general to Okinawa. In working together Joel and I
handled a number of highly sensitive diplomatic issues related
to our military presence in Okinawa related to the strategic
positioning of Okinawa and, frankly, relative to the CCP's
pressure on Okinawa.
In each case Joel demonstrated himself, as he has
throughout his career, to be adept both at protecting and
advancing America's national security interests abroad.
In fact, Joel was the first person to suggest that my
family and I attend the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony. It
is a very important statement that we made as America and I
appreciate Joel's sensitivity to that issue and him bringing it
to my attention.
Most recently as the director of the State Department's
Office of Japanese Affairs within the Bureau of East Asia and
Pacific Affairs Joel is involved in negotiating--in
negotiations that are aimed at strengthening and modernizing
the alliance as Japan's government pursues new national
security strategies and an increased investment in defense.
During the course of his career Joel has received numerous
prestigious awards including the Rivkin Award for constructive
dissent. Joel has also demonstrated a special knack for
baseball diplomacy. I have seen this in action.
Notably, he organized the first ever Embassy Diet baseball
game, forming a team with U.S. generals in Okinawa. He
established a Little League team in India and even served as an
umpire for the Little League Asia Pacific qualifying tournament
in Manila during 2013 and 2014.
I know that Joel loves the Milwaukee Brewers and Joel was
quite pleased to inform me that the Brewers' AAA team is our
very own Nashville Sounds in Nashville, Tennessee, my home
state.
Joel's passion for baseball is also evident in his sons'
names, Cooper and Calvin, who are respectively named for
Cooperstown and Cal Ripken with each of their middle names
paying tribute to the legendary Jackie Robinson.
I hope today that the committee will come to know Joel as I
do, as someone who brings solid and relevant experience, as
someone with a track record of achieving results for our
country and as someone--someone who will lead on the field if
he is confirmed to serve as America's ambassador to Palau.
Palau's location in the Western Pacific Ocean holds
significant strategic importance given the CCP's aggressive
moves in the region. It is situated at the crossroads of major
maritime routes. Palau serves as a critical gateway between
Asia and the Americas.
I know Joel will diligently work to deepen U.S.-Palau
defense and economic cooperation under the Compact of Free
Association, especially at this critical time for U.S. national
security in the Indo-Pacific, and from my personal experience I
believe Joel will make an outstanding ambassador.
So I urge you all in joining me to support his confirmation
today. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. Welcome,
Mr. Ehrendreich.
And now I am going to introduce some of our other nominees
who are here today until our other colleagues arrive.
And, Cynthia Kierscht, congratulations on being nominated
as Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti. Ms. Kierscht is a
career member of the Senior Foreign Service. She serves as
ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, and
Ambassador Kierscht was previously deputy assistant secretary
in the State Department's Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs
and the director of the bureau's Office of Canadian Affairs.
She has served across Africa in embassies from Rabat to
Cairo and the newly established U.S. interest section in
Tripoli. Her career has also taken her to Bogota in Colombia
where she held positions--such positions as deputy management
counselor, cultural affairs officer, and coordinator for the
Summit of the Americas.
Welcome, Ambassador Kierscht, and we look forward to your
testimony once all the introductions are complete.
Next, let me introduce Mark Libby. Mark Libby has been
nominated to be our American Ambassador to Azerbaijan. He is a
career member of the Senior Foreign Service.
He serves as a State Department faculty advisor at the
National War College in Washington. Previously, he was deputy
chief of mission and charges d'affaires at the U.S. mission to
the European Union in Brussels.
He has also served as a political counselor at our
embassies in Warsaw, Nassau, Nicosia, and Baghdad. Here in
Washington he has served as a watch stander and later deputy
director for crisis management in the State Department
Operations Center. I had an opportunity to visit it briefly
just last week.
He has also served as director of the Office--the deputy
director in the Office of Central European Affairs, director of
the Office of Southern European Affairs, director of
orientation at the Foreign Service Institute, as well as
spending time on the State Department secretariat staff.
Welcome, Mr. Libby.
Now, since we do not have our other members here yet they
are going to be free to say a few words when they arrive but I
am going to go ahead and introduce the other members who are
here.
Let me begin with you, Nisha Desai Biswal, who was
nominated--has been nominated by the President to serve as
deputy CEO of the U.S. International Development Finance
Corporation.
She has over 30 years of foreign policy and international
development experience, having served in roles across the
executive branch, Congress, and the private sector.
She currently serves as the senior vice president for
international strategy and global initiatives at the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce where she oversees the U.S.-India Business
Council and U.S.-Bangladesh Business Council.
She served--previously served as assistant secretary for
South Asia and Central Asian Affairs at the State Department
from 2013 to 2017, and during her tenure as assistant secretary
she initiated the C5+1 Dialogue with Central Asia and the U.S.-
Bangladesh Partnership Dialogue. Welcome, Ms. Biswal.
Next, we have Mr. Edgard Kagan, who is nominated to serve
as our Ambassador to Malaysia. He is a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service class of minister-counselor. He
currently serves as special assistant to the President and
senior director for East Asia and Oceania at the National
Security Council.
His career has taken him to U.S. embassies in New Delhi and
Kuala Lumpur where he served as deputy chief of mission. He has
also served overseas in Australia, China, Israel, Hungary, and
Cote d'Ivoire.
Prior to his deputy chief of mission roles he served as
deputy assistant secretary for Australia, New Zealand, and the
Pacific in the State Department's Bureau of East Asian and
Pacific Affairs, and as counsel general at the U.S. Consulate
General in Mumbai, India.
He was also deputy director of the Washington office of the
U.S. mission to the United Nations and director of Korean
affairs and acting deputy assistant secretary for Japan and
Korea in the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs.
So welcome to all of you. I think I have--everyone has been
introduced now. So why do I not turn it over to all of you for
your testimony, beginning with Ambassador Kierscht?
STATEMENT OF HON. CYNTHIA KIERSCHT, OF MINNESOTA, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AM-
BASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF
DJIBOUTI
Ms. Kierscht. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney,
distinguished Members of the Committee, I am honored to appear
before you as President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti.
I am grateful to the President and the Secretary of State
for the confidence they have placed in me with this nomination.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee and with the Congress more broadly to advance
American interests in Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, I would first like to express my gratitude
for the love and support of my family, friends, and colleagues
throughout my career.
In particular, I would like to recognize my mother, Dr.
Marcia Kierscht, here with me today, who has been an excellent
role model, best friend, and who has visited me at every post,
and my late grandmother, Cynthia Selland, who was a North
Dakota public school teacher for 45 years, taught geography,
from whom I no doubt got much inspiration for this journey.
I am also grateful for the love and support of my brother,
Matthew, and his family, Brenda and Kennedy, and to the great
team at U.S. Embassy Nouakchott who are streaming this live at
the Embassy. My deepest thanks for your support.
It has been my honor and privilege for more than 32 years
of public service to represent the American people, protect
American citizens, and promote American interests overseas as a
career member of the Foreign Service.
If confirmed, I will proudly lead our interagency team in
Djibouti on behalf of the United States, leveraging my
experience in North Africa and the Sahel in Egypt, Libya,
Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and most recently as U.S. Ambassador
to Mauritania.
Djibouti holds significant strategic importance for the
United States. Its location at the mouth of the Red Sea makes
it the trade and humanitarian gateway for the Horn of Africa.
Djibouti has been a key partner in U.S. efforts to improve
security and stability in the region, including hosting Camp
Lemonnier, the U.S. military's only enduring presence on the
African continent.
Our military presence in Djibouti is particularly critical
to ensuring the safety of our missions in Africa as recently
illustrated by the successful evacuation of U.S. Embassy staff
from Sudan.
Djibouti has been a strong partner to the United States in
upholding the rules-based international order at the United
Nations and in other multilateral fora and, as host of the
Intergovernmental Authority for Development, Djibouti plays a
leading role in the region.
Djibouti is also a key location for the United States to
work with strategic partners in Africa and the Western Indian
Ocean to counter efforts by other nations, such as the People's
Republic of China, to undermine the rules-based order.
If confirmed, I will work hand in hand with the full
spectrum of the U.S. government to protect American national
security interests in Djibouti.
Over the past several years Djibouti has faced economic
headwinds from the pandemic, the disruption to global shipping,
the conflict in northern Ethiopia, and the resulting reduction
in trade through Djibouti's ports and the historic drought
affecting millions in the region.
The Djiboutian people have shown remarkable resilience in
the face of these multiple crises, and in spite of these
challenges the economy is showing potential, driven by the
Djiboutian government's strategy to diversify and engage
private sector-led growth.
If confirmed, I am committed to working with the U.S.
private sector and government colleagues to support Djibouti's
sustainable development and provide U.S. alternatives to
investment by our strategic competitors.
Mr. Chairman, protecting U.S. national security and
advancing our interests in the region requires a secure,
prosperous, and democratic Djibouti.
If confirmed, I am committed to working with the U.S.
agencies and likeminded allies to promote the ideals of good
governance, including in advance of its 2026 presidential
elections.
The United States has enjoyed a strong relationship with
the republic of Djibouti for decades and I see potential for
even stronger ties as we work together towards a more secure,
prosperous, and democratic future for all.
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to build on
their efforts to partner with the Djiboutians to advance
regional peace and security, support sustainable economic
development, strengthen democratic institutions and promote
good governance, while ensuring critical access and influence
for our broader regional security efforts.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the Committee,
thank you for considering my nomination. I welcome your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Kierscht follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Cynthia Kierscht
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney, distinguished Members
of the Committee, I am honored to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Djibouti. I am grateful to the President and the Secretary of State for
the confidence they have shown in me with this nomination. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee, and
with the Congress more broadly, to advance American interests in
Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, I would first like to express my gratitude for the
love and support of my family, friends, and colleagues throughout my
career. In particular, I would like to recognize my mother, Dr. Marcia
Kierscht, who has been an excellent role model and who has visited me
at every post, and my late grandmother, Cynthia Selland, who, as a
North Dakota public school teacher for 45 years, taught geography and
from whom, no doubt, I got much inspiration for this journey. I am also
grateful for the love and support of my brother, Matthew, and his
family.
It has been my honor and privilege for more than 32 years of public
service to represent the American people, protect American citizens,
and promote American interests overseas. If confirmed, I will proudly
lead our interagency team in Djibouti to do the same, leveraging my
experience in North Africa and the Sahel--in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia,
Algeria, Morocco and most recently as U.S. Ambassador to Mauritania.
Djibouti holds significant strategic importance for the United
States. Its location at the mouth of the Red Sea, through which 12
percent of all global trade passes, makes it the trade and humanitarian
gateway for the Horn of Africa. Djibouti has been a key partner in U.S.
efforts to improve security and stability in the region, including
hosting Camp Lemonnier, the U.S. military's only enduring presence on
the African continent. Our military presence in Djibouti is
particularly critical to ensuring the safety of our missions in Africa,
as recently illustrated by the successful evacuation of U.S. Embassy
staff from Sudan. Djibouti has been a strong partner to the United
States in upholding the rules-based international order at the United
Nations and in other multilateral fora. As host of the
Intergovernmental Authority for Development, Djibouti plays a leading
role in the region.
Djibouti is also a key location for the United States to work with
strategic partners in Africa and the western Indian Ocean to counter
efforts by some other nations, such as the People's Republic of China,
to undermine the rules-based order. If confirmed, I will work hand-in-
hand with the full spectrum of U.S. Government partners to protect
American national security interests in Djibouti.
Over the past several years, Djibouti has faced economic headwinds
from the COVID-19 pandemic, the consequent disruption to global
shipping, the conflict in northern Ethiopia and the resulting reduction
in trade through Djibouti's ports, and the historic drought affecting
millions in the region. The Djiboutian people have shown remarkable
resilience in the face of multiple crises, and despite these
challenges, the economy continues to show potential, driven by the
Djiboutian Government's strategy to diversify and engage private
sector-led growth. Djibouti is already a key international
telecommunications hub as a landing point for numerous undersea cables,
hosts the best port infrastructure in the region, and has significant
and untapped renewable energy potential. If confirmed, I am committed
to working with the U.S. private sector and government colleagues to
support Djibouti's sustainable development and provide U.S.
alternatives to investment by our strategic competitors.
Protecting U.S. national security and advancing our interests in
the region requires a secure, prosperous, and democratic Djibouti. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with the U.S. agencies and like-
minded allies to promote the ideals of good governance and political
freedom in Djibouti, including in advance of its 2026 presidential
elections. Djibouti is also a major transit point for migrants. If
confirmed, I will work with Djiboutian officials to seek ways to assist
and protect vulnerable migrants, especially to combat trafficking in
persons.
The United States has enjoyed a strong relationship with the
Republic of Djibouti for decades and I see potential for even stronger
ties, as we work together towards a more secure, prosperous, and
democratic future for all. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy
country team to build on their efforts to partner with the Djiboutians
to advance regional peace and security, support sustainable economic
development, strengthen democratic institutions, and promote good
governance, while ensuring critical access and influence for our
broader regional security efforts.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the committee, thank
you for considering my nomination. I welcome your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your statement.
Mr. Ehrendreich?
STATEMENT OF JOEL EHRENDREICH, OF NEW YORK, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF PALAU
Mr. Ehrendreich. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member
Romney, Members of the Committee, good afternoon. I am honored
to appear before you today and grateful for the confidence
shown by the President and Secretary Blinken in nominating me
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Palau.
I want to give a special thank you to Senator Hagerty,
someone who I greatly admired as ambassador and whose
mentorship I am grateful for. You honored me, Senator,
Ambassador, with that introduction.
I would also like to take a moment to thank my loved ones
who are here today, my sons Cooper and Calvin, both of whom I
am so proud of and who have brought me joy every day of their
lives, and happy birthday, Calvin; my daughter-in-law Nada, who
has been a wonderful addition to the family, and our newest
wonderful addition, our grandson, Zayn; and, of course, Rachel,
my wife of 33 years, my love, my soul mate, the person who
makes me a better person.
I also want to thank my brother, Josh, my in-laws, Jackie
and Scott Alter, my mother-in-law, Janice McClelland. I am
truly blessed to have so many wonderful people in my life.
And here I am also compelled to try to right a wrong in my
official nomination bio. It mentioned where I was born--Omaha,
Nebraska--but it left out where I grew up and the place that I
still consider home to this day, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. So a
shout out to the town I love and to all of my friends there.
And if I could add just one special request from my fellow
Whitefish Bay High School alum, Milwaukee Brewers manager Craig
Counsell, if you could sprinkle just a little extra of that
magic on the Brewers this season I would love it just one time
before I die to know what it feels like to cheer for the World
Series champion.
[Laughter.]
Senator Van Hollen. All right.
Mr. Ehrendreich. Senators, a couple weeks ago when we
concluded the 2023 Compact Review Agreement with Palau, Palau's
President Surangel Whipps said on his Facebook page, ``God
bless Palau, God bless the United States of America, God bless
us all.''
I share President Whipps' enthusiasm for our partnership
and potential for our future. I believe the United States and
Palau have a real convergence of interests at this time, and if
confirmed, I am eager to continue to advance our special
relationship.
To do so, I would first turn to our National Security
Strategy and Indo-Pacific strategy. These documents describe in
no uncertain terms that the United States faces unprecedented
challenges from the People's Republic of China.
We have seen that while the PRC's provocative actions span
the globe, they are most acute in the Indo-Pacific. The
strategies highlight the importance of enhancing our
relationships with allies and partners to include a specific
focus on deepening ties with Pacific Island countries.
Regarding the 2023 Compact Review Agreement, I urge
Congress to quickly take up the relevant implementing
legislation, appropriate funds, and allow for the entry into
force of the agreement.
If confirmed, I would work to ensure both sides live up to
the obligations made in the new agreement, which will enhance
our relationship for the next 20 years and beyond.
I would also point to our Embassy's integrated country
strategy, which cites the need to address Palau's top priority,
the existential threat from rising sea levels and increasing
natural disasters.
The people of Palau are counting on their partner, the
United States, and the international community to unite with
them in confronting this challenge.
If confirmed, I would continue to work closely with the
government of Palau and others to support disaster preparedness
and response.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, Members of the Committee,
thank you again for your consideration and the opportunity to
appear before you today. I look forward to your questions and
comments.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Ehrendreich follows:]
Prepared Statement of Joel Ehrendreich
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney, Members of the
Committee, good afternoon. I am honored to appear before you as
President Biden's nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Palau.
I want to give a special thank you to Senator Hagerty, someone whom
I greatly admired as Ambassador and whose mentorship I am grateful for.
You honor me, Senator, by providing that introduction.
I am grateful for the confidence shown by the President and
Secretary Blinken in nominating me. I have spent the bulk of my nearly
30-year career in the Indo-Pacific region, and, if confirmed, I look
forward to working with Congress to advance U.S. interests in this
region that I and so many others believe is fundamental to America's
future.
I would like to take a moment to thank my loved ones who have
contributed to me ending up here today. My sons, Cooper and Calvin,
both of whom I'm so proud of and who have brought me joy every day of
their lives. My daughter-in-law Nada, who has been a wonderful addition
to the family, and our newest wonderful addition, our grandson Zayn,
born just a few weeks ago. And of course, Rachel, my wife of 33 years,
my love, my soul mate, the person who makes me a better person. I also
want to thank my brother, Josh, in-laws Jackie and Scott Alter, and
mother-in-law Janice McClelland. I am truly blessed to have so many
marvelous people in my life.
And here I'm compelled to also try and right a wrong. My official
nomination bio mentioned where I was born, Omaha, but left out where I
grew up and the place that still feels like home to this day:
Milwaukee, Wisconsin. So a shout-out to the town I love and all my
friends there, and if I could just add one request for my fellow
Whitefish Bay High School alum, Milwaukee Brewers manager Craig
Counsell: If you could sprinkle just a little extra of your magic on
the Brewers this season, I would love it, just once before I die, to
know what it feels like to cheer for the World Series champion.
Senators, a couple weeks ago, when we concluded the 2023 Compact
Review Agreement, Palau's president, Surangel Whipps, Jr., posted on
his Facebook page ``God bless Palau! God bless the United States of
America. God bless us all!''
I share President Whipps' enthusiasm for our partnership and
potential for the future. I believe the United States and Palau have a
real convergence of interests at this time. If confirmed, I am eager to
continue to build on our special, unique relationship, and would look
forward to advancing win-win opportunities for our two countries.
To do so, I would first turn to our National Security Strategy,
Indo-Pacific Strategy, and Pacific Partnership Strategy. These
documents describe in no uncertain terms that the United States faces
unprecedented challenges from the People's Republic of China. We have
seen that while the PRC's provocative actions span the globe, they are
most acute in the Indo-Pacific. The strategies highlight the importance
of enhancing our relationships with allies and partners, to include a
specific focus on deepening ties with Pacific Island Countries.
Regarding the 2023 Compact Review Agreement, I urge Congress to
quickly take up the relevant implementing legislation, appropriate
funds, and allow for the entry into force of the agreement. If
confirmed, and once the agreement enters into force, I would work to
ensure both sides live up to the obligations made in the new agreement.
The new agreement addresses investment and economic prosperity,
oversight, and numerous other areas that will enhance our relationship
for the next twenty years and beyond.
I would also point to our Embassy's Integrated Country Strategy,
which cites the need to address Palau's top priority: the existential
threat from rising sea levels and increasing natural disasters. The
people of Palau are counting on the international community to unite
with them in confronting this challenge. If confirmed, I would continue
to work closely with the Government of Palau and other partners to
support disaster preparedness and response.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the Committee, thank
you again for your consideration and the opportunity to appear before
you today. I look forward to your comments and questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ehrendreich. And while
you have something in your prayers can you put a plug in for
the Orioles, too?
[Laughter.]
Senator Van Hollen. All right. Mr. Libby?
STATEMENT OF MARK W. LIBBY, OF MASSACHUSETTS, A CA-
REER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBAS-
SADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF AZER-
BAIJAN
Mr. Libby. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Romney, distinguished Members
of the Committee, I appreciate the confidence President Biden
and Secretary Blinken have placed in me by nominating me to be
the next U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan and it is a great
privilege to appear before you today.
If I am confirmed I pledge to work closely with this
committee and with all members of Congress to advance U.S.
interests in and with Azerbaijan.
I first would like to introduce my wife, Dinousha, who
joins me as we celebrate our 26th wedding anniversary this
summer. Polish by birth, a naturalized U.S. citizen, Dinousha
is an American by choice.
She inspires me with her patriotism through decades of
behind the scenes public service, training U.S. diplomats in
some of the world's most strategically important foreign
languages.
She is a wonderful mother to our wonderful son, Andrew, who
is also here today together with his partner, Sophie Prager.
Missing today are my father, Pete, who died 12 years ago,
my sister Diane, brother Steven and mom, Marjorie. Their love
has sustained me throughout my life.
I would also like to acknowledge the teams at Georgetown
University Hospital here in Washington and the Dana Farber
Cancer Institute in Boston. They have cured me of disease
repeatedly since I was 20 years old and I literally owe them my
life. Thanks to them I am able to be here today and I have been
able to serve my country for so many years.
All U.S. diplomats have a core duty to protect American
citizens and if I am confirmed that will be my top priority. In
my three decades of public service I have seen the persistence
of and sacrifices made by U.S. Foreign Service, civil service,
military, and other interagency partners and by our locally
engaged staff.
As you pointed out, Mr. Chairman, these dedicated
colleagues often face danger and hardship to safeguard their
fellow Americans and to pursue U.S. national interests.
If I am confirmed it will be the honor of a lifetime to
lead the team at Embassy Baku in pursuit of those same goals.
If confirmed I will also support U.S. efforts to facilitate a
just and sustainable peace agreement between Azerbaijan and
Armenia.
This tragic conflict has produced a bitter legacy of pain
and mistrust. I know many members of this committee have
concerns about Azerbaijan. I share and understand them.
Solving issues of territorial integrity, sovereignty, and
the rights and securities of everyone in the region, including
those residing in Nagorno-Karabakh, is vital to any durable and
dignified peace.
There is no military solution to this conflict and the U.S.
must continue to condemn violence or threats of violence. But
with the help of the United States and of our European partners
the parties are closer than ever to reaching an agreement and
if I am confirmed I commit to help to get them there through
active and persistent engagement in Baku.
But signing a peace deal is only the first step. If I am
confirmed I will lead Embassy Baku's interagency team to
support the implementation of an eventual settlement.
Successful implementation of a peace agreement would pave the
way for deeper ties between the U.S. and Azerbaijan that will
stabilize the region and thwart hostile competitors who seek to
expand their malign influence by capitalizing on conflict.
A peace deal would allow us to take to the next level much
of what already works well in our relationship with Azerbaijan.
Cooperation in counterterrorism, border security, energy
security, and maritime security serves the U.S. national
interest in security.
If confirmed, I will redouble our efforts in these areas. I
will seek to foster further economic development and create
more numerous and diverse opportunities for U.S. companies to
compete and generate jobs at home.
Democracy and human rights are core to U.S. foreign policy
not just because they reflect our values but because they have
proven to be the best foundation for peace and prosperity.
If confirmed, I pledge to engage in a respectful but very
frank dialogue with a wide range of Azerbaijani leaders and
citizens and to advocate persistently for those values, rights,
and freedoms in Azerbaijan and in the wider region.
If confirmed, I will work in full and open consultation
with this committee, which has shown such leadership advancing
our values and interests in this complex region.
I commit to cooperation with you to advance our goals of a
stable, democratic, peaceful, and prosperous Azerbaijan that is
a strategic partner to the United States.
Thank you for your time and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Libby follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mark W. Libby
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney, distinguished Members
of the Committee: It is a great privilege to testify as the President's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan. I appreciate the
confidence President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me with
this nomination. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this
Committee and all Members of Congress to advance U.S. interests in and
with Azerbaijan.
I first would like to introduce my wife, Danusia, who joins me as
we as celebrate our 26th wedding anniversary this summer. Polish by
birth; as a naturalized U.S. citizen, Danusia is American by choice.
She inspires me with her patriotism through decades of behind-the-
scenes public service, training U.S. diplomats in some of the world's
most strategically important foreign languages. She is a wonderful
mother to our wonderful son Andrew, who is also here today with his
partner, Sophie Prager.
Missing today are my father, Pete, who died 12 years ago, my sister
Diane, brother Stephen, and mom Marjorie. Their love has sustained me
throughout my life. I'd also like to acknowledge the teams at
Georgetown University Hospital in Washington and the Dana Farber Cancer
Institute in Boston. They have cured me of disease repeatedly since I
was 20. I literally owe them my life; thanks to them, I have been able
to serve my country for so many years and can be here today.
All U.S. diplomats have a core duty to protect American citizens--
and if I am confirmed, this will be my most important task. In my three
decades of public service, I have seen the persistence and sacrifices
made by U.S. Foreign Service, civil service, military and other
interagency partners, and by our locally engaged staff. These dedicated
colleagues often face danger and hardship to safeguard their fellow
Americans and pursue U.S. interests. If confirmed, it will be the honor
of a lifetime to lead the team at Embassy Baku in pursuit of these same
goals.
If confirmed, I will also support U.S. efforts to facilitate a just
and sustainable peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This
tragic conflict has produced a bitter legacy of pain and mistrust. I
know many Members of this Committee have concerns about Azerbaijan--and
I share them. Solving issues of territorial integrity, sovereignty, and
the rights and security of everyone in the region--including those in
Nagorno-Karabakh--is vital to any durable and dignified peace. There is
no military solution to this conflict and the U.S. condemns violence or
threats of violence. But with the help of the United States and of our
European Union partners, the parties are closer than ever to reaching
agreement. If confirmed, I commit to help them get there through active
and persistent engagement in Baku.
But signing a peace deal is only the first step. If confirmed, I
will lead Embassy Baku's interagency team to support the implementation
of an eventual settlement. Successful implementation of a peace
agreement would open new horizons for trade and investment that will
lead to greater prosperity throughout the South Caucasus and beyond. It
also would pave the way for deeper ties between the United States and
Azerbaijan that will stabilize the region and thwart hostile
competitors seeking to expand their malign influence by capitalizing on
the conflict.
A peace deal would allow us to take to the next level much of what
already works well in our relationship with Azerbaijan. Cooperation
with Azerbaijan in counterterrorism and border, energy, and maritime
security is noteworthy and serves the U.S. national interest. If
confirmed, I will redouble our efforts in these areas.
Energy is of particular importance. Cooperation with Azerbaijan has
brought more energy to market, helping our European partners diversify
sources and routes away from Russia and stabilizing global supply. If
confirmed, I will seek to foster further economic development and
create even more numerous and diverse opportunities for U.S. companies
to compete and generate jobs at home.
Democracy and human rights are core to U.S. foreign policy - not
just because they reflect our values, but because they are the best
foundation for peace and prosperity. They also are integral to
international commitments and obligations that both we and Azerbaijan
have undertaken. If confirmed, I will advocate for democracy,
responsive governance, and the rights and freedoms necessary to realize
the full potential of all of Azerbaijan's people. I pledge to engage in
respectful, but frank dialogue with a wide range of Azerbaijani leaders
and citizens to advocate for these values, rights and freedoms in
Azerbaijan and in the wider region. If confirmed, I will work in full
and open consultation with this committee, which has shown such
leadership advancing our values and interests in this complex region. I
commit to cooperation with you to advance our goal of a stable,
democratic, peaceful, and prosperous Azerbaijan that is a strategic
partner to the United States.
Thank you for considering my nomination, and I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Libby. I see we have
been joined by Senator Warner and Senator Kaine, who is a
member of the committee.
Senator Warner is here to say a few words on behalf of Ms.
Desai Biswal and, Senator, we have gone through the bios of all
of our nominees and so we understand their credentials.
But we would love to have some personal testimony as why
you think this nominee is important to the country.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARK R. WARNER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Warner. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I
apologize. Senator Kaine and I were away on another issue that
you care very dearly about as well and we were standing up for
your interests.
And I would not, though, have been if I had realized, I
have to tell you that--Senator Romney on this subcommittee was
actually ranking member--I would have never been late. That
matter would have been put aside.
So we have got a very distinguished group of nominees here.
Nisha I have known literally for years. I have known her when
she worked in the Obama administration and had the expertise to
deal with all of the issues around South Asia, her prior time
at AID and American Red Cross.
She brings a distinguished governmental career but she also
brings enormous activities. Probably where I got to know her
the most was when she went over on the business side and worked
for USIBC.
Matter of fact, Senator Cornyn and I, we were still the co-
chairs of the India Caucus, the largest single country caucus
in the Senate, 42 members, bipartisan.
Nisha did a great, great job at USIBC and so I can
recommend her without reservation and particularly because I
think the position she is nominated for as being--helping our
friend, Scott Nathan, over at DFC.
DFC, I think, is one of the real assets we have,
particularly as we compete against China on issues like Belt
and Road and others.
We cannot simply do it with military and other supports. We
have to have a strong active international finance organization
that can go toe to toe with--against Belt and Road and against
other initiatives.
We all know our country on a per capita basis does much,
much smaller than most other first world nations and Nisha will
bring that combination of both business side, AID side. She
started her career at the American Red Cross. She served in the
administration.
No one is better situated for this position. I just met
with the senior leadership of DFC last week as we look at some
of this technology competition. There are a host of deals and
areas that they are trying to pursue that Nisha would add value
day one.
So I hope--not only do I recommend her but I hope the
committee will act with great speed in moving her through and I
know she will have--I have talked to a number of folks who have
dealt with her as well in the past--broad bipartisan support.
With that I will defer to my colleague, Senator Kaine, who
is here for somebody else but he was going to put a--you are
going to put a good word in for Nisha as well, are you not,
Tim?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Warner.
Senator Kaine.
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Well, I guess I better put in a good word
for Nisha. No, we have worked together very well and I am
strongly supportive. Echo what Senator Warner said.
I was asked to say a few words about another proud
Virginian, Edgard Kagan, who is nominated to be the Ambassador
to Malaysia, and, Mr. Chair, mindful of the notion that you
have already gone through the bio, just really quickly, I mean,
this is a tremendously talented public servant who has already
served once in Malaysia as DCM, as well as DCM in India.
He currently is the senior director for East Asia and
Oceania at the National Security Council at the White House and
he is the kind of person that makes me feel like a complete
underachiever in life because he is a recipient of a
presidential meritorious award, speaks French, Mandarin
Chinese, Hungarian, Spanish--not the easiest languages to
master.
But he has--the challenges of trying to deal with China in
the region are very, very significant and Malaysia can be very
critical in helping us deal with those challenges and that is
what he has been doing already. So he is eminently qualified
for the post and I am glad to say a word on his behalf.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Kaine. I
do want the record to show what deference this Maryland senator
showed to my colleagues from the other side of the Potomac
River.
With that, Mr. Kagan?
STATEMENT OF EDGARD D. KAGAN, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MIN-
ISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EX-
TRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO MALAYSIA
Mr. Kagan. Certainly.
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney, distinguished
Members of the Committee, thank you so much for the opportunity
to appear before you today.
It is an honor to do so as President Biden's nominee for
the position of United States Ambassador to Malaysia, and I am
grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for their
confidence.
I am also grateful to State Department colleagues past and
present who have given me a lifelong education in diplomacy and
public service.
I have spent 32 years in the Foreign Service, 14 of which
were representing the United States in the Indo-Pacific. But
across the six administrations in which I have served I have
seen the critical role of cooperation and alignment with
Congress.
If confirmed, I commit to working with you and the Congress
as a whole to advance U.S. strategic interests in Malaysia,
ASEAN, and the Indo-Pacific.
I am so happy to be accompanied today by my family. My
mother, Peggy Kagan is here, joined by my sister, Dr. Isabelle
Kagan, both visiting from Lexington, Kentucky. Also here are my
wife, Cynthia Gire, and my children, Marshall, Anne-Sophie, and
Daniel.
They have shared the challenges, pleasures, and
opportunities of living in six cities in five countries on
three continents. For our children that has meant attending
nine schools. I am far luckier than I deserve and could not be
here today without their love, support, and forbearance.
Sadly, my father, Jacques Kagan, passed away last year. He
would have been so proud to have seen this day.
I became familiar with Malaysia when I served there as
deputy chief of mission from 2014 to 2017. If confirmed, I
would look forward to building on our strong relationship in
several key areas.
First, we are one of Malaysia's largest foreign investors
and our bilateral trade last year supported an estimated 58,000
U.S. jobs. If confirmed, I would prioritize further
strengthening our economic ties.
Second, the United States and Malaysia work together to
combat terrorism and transnational crime and to promote
maritime security. I will continue to support these shared
priorities, if confirmed.
Third, standing for our values is at the heart of America's
global role. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the rule
of law, transparency, good governance, and respect for human
rights in Malaysia.
I am particularly concerned about human trafficking,
including forced labor and migrant labor--migrant worker
rights. I will work with Malaysia on these issues, if
confirmed.
None of this, however, can be accomplished without the
amazing U.S. Embassy team in Kuala Lumpur. I will make their
safety and that of U.S. citizens my highest priority, if
confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of the Committee, the
U.S.-Malaysia partnership is strong. I believe it can grow even
stronger. If confirmed, working closely with Congress, I will
do all I can to strengthen this relationship.
Thank you, and I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kagan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Edgard D. Kagan
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished Members of the
Committee, Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It
is an honor to do so as President Biden's nominee for the position of
United States Ambassador to Malaysia. I'm grateful to the President and
to Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
I'm also grateful to State Department colleagues, past and present,
who have given me a lifelong education in diplomacy and public service.
I have spent 32 years in the Foreign Service, 14 of which were
representing the United States in the Indo-Pacific. Each post, from New
Delhi to Canberra; Beijing to Kuala Lumpur, held its own lessons. But
across the six Administrations in which I have served, I have seen the
critical role of cooperation and alignment with Congress. If confirmed,
I commit to working with you to advance U.S. strategic interests in
Malaysia, ASEAN, and the broader Indo-Pacific region.
I am grateful to be accompanied today by my family. My mother,
Peggy Kagan, is here, joined by my sister, Isabelle Kagan, both
visiting from Lexington, Kentucky. Also here are my wife Cynthia Gire,
and children Marshall, Anne-Sophie and Daniel. They have shared the
challenges, pleasures, and opportunities of living together in six
cities in five countries on three continents. For our children, that
meant attending nine schools. I am far luckier than I deserve and could
not be here today without their love, support, and forbearance. I
particularly want to highlight Anne-Sophie, who is graduating from high
school this week. I am so proud of you and so grateful you are here
today.
I became familiar with Malaysia, its vibrant multicultural society,
dynamic economy, beautiful landscapes, and exceptional people--while
serving there as Deputy Chief of Mission from 2014 to 2017. Since its
independence in 1957, Malaysia and the United States have forged an
enduring partnership based on shared interests and mutual respect. We
see the breadth and depth of our relationship in the Comprehensive
Partnership between our countries. We see it, too, in our extensive
trade and investment relationship, broad security cooperation, and
people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I would look forward to building
on this foundation in several key areas.
First, we are one of Malaysia's largest foreign investors, and our
$79.4 billion of bilateral trade in goods and services last year
supported an estimated 58,000 U.S. jobs. Critical to supply chains,
especially in semiconductors, Malaysia accounts for 24 percent of U.S.
semiconductor trade. Last year, in my capacity as National Security
Council Senior Director for East Asia and Oceania, I was proud to work
to bring Malaysia on as a founding partner of the Indo-Pacific Economic
Framework. If confirmed, I will prioritize further strengthening our
economic ties and promoting inclusive and sustainable growth, including
in new industries.
Second, our security and law enforcement cooperation with Malaysia
has grown. We work together to combat terrorism and transnational
crimes, and to promote maritime security. We have also increased our
cooperation on cybersecurity. Our countries hold regular military
exercises to improve our ability to work together and build capacity. I
will continue to support these shared priority areas, if confirmed.
Third, standing up for our values is at the heart of America's
global role. If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen the rule
of law, transparency, good governance, democracy, and respect for human
rights in Malaysia. I am particularly concerned about human
trafficking, including forced labor, and migrant worker rights.
Following Malaysia's downgrade to Tier 3 in the 2021 Trafficking in
Persons Report, we have encouraged Malaysia to significantly increase
its efforts to protect victims and hold traffickers and complicit
officials accountable. If confirmed, I will work with Malaysia to
improve investigations and prosecutions of trafficking allegations,
including forced labor, and to increase victim identification and
support. I will also work with the Malaysian Government, UNHCR, and
civil society to support the nearly 186,000 refugees and asylum-seekers
in Malaysia.
None of this, however, can be accomplished without the amazing U.S.
Embassy team in Kuala Lumpur. I will make their safety and that of U.S.
citizens my highest priority if confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of this Committee--the U.S.-
Malaysia partnership is strong; I believe that it holds potential to
grow still stronger. Mounting challenges in the region demand no less.
If confirmed, in partnership with Congress, I will do all I can to
realize it. Thank you, and I welcome your questions.
__________
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Kagan.
Ms. Biswal?
STATEMENT OF HON. NISHA DESAI BISWAL, OF VIRGINIA,
NOMINATED TO BE DEPUTY CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF
THE UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT FI-
NANCE CORPORATION
Ms. Biswal. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney,
Members of the Committee, thank you so much for this
opportunity to appear before you today as the nominee for
Deputy CEO of the United States International Development
Finance Corporation.
I am deeply honored and humbled by the nomination and
grateful for the trust placed in me by the President for this
important role.
I particularly want to thank Senator Warner for his
friendship and support. Having grown up in Virginia, I consider
it my home state and we are blessed to have exceptional
leadership in Senator Warner and Senator Kaine.
I am here today with my husband, Subrat--he is my rock and
my North Star--our two daughters, Safya and Kaya, who are the
light of my life, and my father, Kanu. It is their unflagging
belief in me and that of my mother and my in-laws and my
extended family that makes all things possible and I am ever
grateful for their love.
Our extended family and friends are watching online, and I
also want to thank my colleagues at the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce, both in the room and online, from whom I have learned
so much.
I am grateful for the opportunity to return to public
service, if confirmed. I learned the importance of service at a
very early age from my grandparents, who took part in India's
fight for independence and who served time in British jails.
My grandparents saw public service as the highest of
callings, an investment in country and community, and they
instilled those values in me.
In Congress, at USAID, in the State Department, and most
recently with the Chamber of Commerce, my own career in public
service has allowed me to work at the nexus of foreign policy,
development, and economic interests.
DFC represents the amalgamation of all those experiences
and an opportunity to apply the lessons I have learned.
Mr. Chairman, I first want to commend this body and your
colleagues in the House for passing the BUILD Act. In
establishing DFC Congress sought to create a best-in-class
development finance agency that will both advance U.S.
strategic interests and create positive development impact in
the countries in which it operates.
We have seen how the lack of access to adequate financing
has led many developing nations to lean too heavily on state
capital from authoritarian nations, often at unsustainable and
predatory rates that yield poor development outcomes and
undermine their sovereignty.
The BUILD Act has enabled the United States to offer a more
compelling finance alternative, one that is consistent with our
values and catalyzes private investment.
If confirmed, I will work with our outstanding CEO, Scott
Nathan, and the DFC staff to advance three key pillars:
enhancing our strategic focus, advancing impact-driven
investments, and focusing on collaboration and partnership.
And, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed as Deputy CEO of DFC, I am
committed to working collaboratively with Congress and other
key stakeholders to fulfill the mission of DFC.
I am ready to serve the American people in this critical
role and I thank you for your time and consideration. I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Nisha Desai Biswal
follows:]
Prepared Statement of Nisha Desai Biswal
Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Romney, and Members of the
Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
the nominee for Deputy CEO of the United States International
Development Finance Corporation (DFC). I am deeply honored and humbled
by the nomination and grateful for the trust placed in me by the
President for this important role.
I am here with my husband Subrat and our two daughters Safya and
Kaya. It is their unflagging belief in me that makes all things
possible, and I am ever grateful for their love. Our extended family
and friends and are watching on-line and I want to thank them for their
love and support that carried us through some challenging times.
I am grateful for the opportunity to return to public service, if
confirmed. I learned the importance of sacrifice and service at a very
early age as I listened to my grandparents talk of their activism in
support of India s independence and the time spent in British jails for
participating in civil disobedience. They saw public service as the
highest of callings an investment in country and community.
For me, it has been a privilege to have spent most of my career
working alongside talented and dedicated colleagues in both parties.
In Congress, at USAID, in the State Department and most recently
with the Chamber of Commerce. my own career in public service has
allowed me to work at the nexus of our foreign policy, development, and
economic interests. DFC represents the amalgamation of all those
experiences and an opportunity to apply the lessons learned.
I believe that DFC plays a crucial role in catalyzing private
sector investments, fostering new and existing partnerships, and
driving positive change in emerging markets. If confirmed, I will bring
my passion, experience, and leadership skills to bear on the challenges
and opportunities that lie ahead.
But let me start by commending this body and your colleagues in the
House for passing the BUILD Act. In establishing DFC, Congress sought
to create a best-in-class development finance agency that will both
advance US strategic interests and create a positive development impact
in the countries in which it operates.
We have seen that lack of access to adequate financing has led many
developing nations to lean too heavily on state capital from our
strategic competitors, often at unsustainable and predatory rates that
yield poor development outcomes and undermine their sovereignty. The
BUILD Act has enabled the United States to offer a more compelling
financing alternative, one that is consistent with our values, and
catalyzes private investment.
DFC has a dual mandate to focus on making positive development
impact in the poorest countries of the world, and, at the same time,
advance the strategic interests of the United States. DFC mobilizes
private capital to build infrastructure that connects local producers
to markets, to enable companies to expand their production and hire new
staff, and to deliver essential services like telecommunications,
energy, water, and sanitation.
If confirmed, I will work with CEO Scott Nathan and DFC staff to
advance three key pillars: strategic focus, impact-driven investments,
and collaboration.
I recognize that DFC is a critical tool in advancing our national
security interests, and as such, must maintain a strategic focus
aligned with U.S. foreign policy priorities. By focusing on key sectors
and regions where our investments can have the greatest impact, we can
maximize our contribution to sustainable development, economic growth,
and poverty alleviation. I intend to work with DFC staff and with our
interagency colleagues to ensure that our investment decisions align
with U.S. strategic interests and development goals.
Second, DFC must prioritize investments that create tangible,
measurable, and sustainable outcomes for local communities. By
promoting transparency, accountability, and responsible business
practices, we can ensure that our investments deliver not only
financial returns but also positive development impacts.
Lastly, I strongly believe in the power of collaboration. If
confirmed, I will actively engage with international organizations,
governments, civil society, and the private sector to forge strategic
alliances, leverage resources, and amplify the impact of our
investments. And drawing upon my experience at the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce, I will engage new private sector partners, building upon
DFC's existing partnerships and adding new avenues for cooperation,
both domestically and internationally.
I am deeply passionate about international development, private
sector engagement, and sustainable economic growth. If confirmed as
Deputy CEO of DFC, I am committed to working collaboratively with
Congress and other stakeholders to fulfill the mission of DFC.
I am ready to serve the American people in this critical role.
Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ms. Biswal, and thank all of
you for your testimony here and now we will start a period of
questioning.
And, Mr. Kagan, if I could start with you. Malaysia is home
to the largest rare earths processing facility outside of the
PRC and recent reports show that Malaysia is also home to
deposits of strategic and criminal--excuse me, critical
minerals, including tin.
As we look to our ongoing efforts to both friendshore and
develop more stable supply chains of critical minerals and rare
earth minerals what role can you play if you are confirmed as
our ambassador to Malaysia?
Mr. Kagan. Thank you very much for your question, Mr.
Chairman.
I think the question of rare earths and, more broadly,
critical minerals is one that is a very high priority to this
country and I think that you have seen that the administration
has done a considerable amount of work on this.
I think that the importance of working on these
arrangements with countries where we have good relationships
and trying to develop new sources so that we can have reliable
supply chains and diversified supply chains is absolutely
critical and I think that we have real potential to do that in
countries like Malaysia.
So, if confirmed, I would want to work closely with the
American private sector, with different parts of the U.S.
government, and with the Malaysian government to ensure that we
are able to continue expanding the areas of cooperation in
this, support development of resources, and above all make sure
that we do this in partnership with Malaysia in ways that are
sustainable and that promote our values.
Thank you, sir.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I appreciate that. I was recently
on a trip with Senator Merkley and we stopped in Indonesia,
where this is also, as you know, a very important issue.
Ms. Biswal, let me turn to you. The DFC, as you described
well, is a critical agency to our efforts to invest overseas in
a way that also strengthens our supply chains, serves American
interests and those of our partners overseas.
Scott Nathan and, I think, you would make a great team. Let
me--let me ask you about an issue that is a little bit of
inside baseball but very important, which is the issue of how
we currently--we, the Congress, and our budget agencies score
the DFC. I am sure you are familiar with this issue.
We are having a debate here in Congress right now. Senator
Coons has introduced a bill--I am a co-sponsor--to try to make
sure that we get all the--all the punch that we can out of the
DFC. Could you--could you talk a little bit about that issue
and the importance of resolving it?
Ms. Biswal. Sure. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I believe you are referring to, in particular, the scoring
with respect to equity financing at DFC. Congress and the BUILD
Act provided DFC with authority to do equity investment in
order to ensure that we could--that DFC could invest in
countries where perhaps debt financing was not as much of an
option, and I believe that in so doing created an opportunity
for DFC to create more compelling investments in perhaps
sometimes riskier regions.
However, the lack of scoring or the inability to score
DFC's equity financing in ways that allow it to advance that I
think has held up how much equity financing DFC is able to do.
Congress can look at the scoring issue in a number of
different ways. For example, the President's budget, I believe,
has requested a revolving fund of $2 billion to be able to put
towards equity financing--$2 billion in mandatory spending--or
changing the scoring to be consistent with how, for example,
other development finance institutions score equity would
enable DFC to be more forward leaning in this area.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that, and I hope that this
committee and our colleagues will get this done as quickly as
possible because I think it hinders DFC from being able to
maximize its resources.
There is a vote on now so I am going to turn it over to
Senator Ricketts for questioning. I am going to turn the gavel
over to Senator Kaine or Senator Menendez, whoever wants to
have it--Senator Kaine.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you very much.
First of all, to all of our folks here I want to say thank
you for your service to our country and especially our career
Foreign Service people.
I know that you all have sacrificed to be able to serve our
great nation. It involves a lot. You have put your families
through a lot. I just want to say thank you very much. As a
governor who went on a lot of trade missions I very much
appreciate all the help I got when I was at the Embassy. So
just have nothing but the highest respect for you.
What I would like to talk about is Djibouti. In 2017
Djibouti became the first country to host a People's Republic
of China military base outside, obviously, the People's
Republic itself; and earlier this year it was announced that
Djibouti had reached an agreement with the People's Republic of
China for a billion dollars to have a spaceport in that
country, and this is obviously a part of the PRC's larger
effort to commercialize space but also to extend its Belt and
Road Initiative.
And, of course, there is two concerning things about this.
One, Djibouti is already heavily in debt to the People's
Republic of China to the tune of about a billion dollars--it
represents about 43 percent of its GDP--and puts them at risk
to be a part of what we have seen consistently around the world
from the People's Republic of China, this debt trap.
But perhaps more concerningly, at least for the United
States--I am going to read to you from the DNI's 2023 threat
assessment--it said that China is steadily progressing towards
its goal of becoming a world-class space leader with the intent
to match or surpass the United States by the year 2045.
It continues--counter space operations will be integral to
potential PLA military campaigns and China has counter space
weapons capabilities intended to target the U.S. and our
allies.
One of the fears with this spaceport outside of the
People's Republic of China is they will use that to sidestep or
outright reject international space rules with regard to how we
do this and, of course, this matter is incredibly important to
all of us. From using ATMs to harvesting our food we all rely
on satellite technology.
In my home state of Nebraska, for example, we rely heavily
on satellite technology to run our harvesting machines, the
tractors and so forth. In fact, one farmer told one of my staff
members that if it was not for satellite technology he was
worried that his equipment would be useless.
So, Ambassador Kierscht, let us talk about do you believe
that the space launch facility will this push Djibouti more
into this debt trap that the PRC has?
Ms. Kierscht. Thank you for that--raising that important
issue, Senator.
You are absolutely correct that there was a base
established--their first military base was established in 2017
and there has been a deal on the table for this $1 billion
spaceport that you reference.
As Secretary Blinken has said, China represents the most
consequential geopolitical challenge of our time, and as
diplomats we are going to be facing this around the globe.
In terms of the spaceport, it is clear that Africans,
including the Djiboutians, have an aspiration to develop
further in the space field as well as the advanced technology
field.
As recognized during the Africa Leaders Summit this past
December the U.S. recognized that interest and held the first
U.S. Africa space forum to meet together to discuss these very
issues that you are raising and, if confirmed, I would
certainly work closely with the Djiboutians to make sure that
we identify ways for them to act responsibly in this field here
on Earth so that we can make sure that our space is free and
remains that way.
Senator Ricketts. What can we do to incentivize Djibouti
from staying away from these risky debt deals? What can the
United States--what more can we do?
Ms. Kierscht. Well, I think one of the best ways we can
incentivize them away from delving into these areas is to
engage our own private sector and that is something, if
confirmed, I would be very much interested in doing and I am
happy to be sitting here with my co-panelist who may be placed
at the DFC because I think that is one of the good tools that
we are able to use to leverage our U.S. businesses overseas.
We have other U.S. government agency tools also that we can
be using, including the EXIM and USTDA. But, really, I think we
need to look at engaging our private sector to give them
opportunities to compete.
Senator Ricketts. Why do you think the PRC selected
Djibouti for the spaceport facility?
Ms. Kierscht. Well, it is an interesting question. I think
if you actually look at some of the specifics of it, it does
not actually give the Chinese much of an advantage in terms of
where it is and compared to what they have within their own
country.
It is--as you identified, the Djiboutians are heavily debt
reliant on China. They--and this is something that we will keep
a very close eye on.
Senator Ricketts. What can we do to encourage Djibouti to
ratify space law treaty so that this cannot be used as a
loophole by the People's Republic of China?
Ms. Kierscht. Well, that is something, if confirmed, I
would be talking to them on a regular basis about. That is
something that we would have to have regular conversations
about.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you, Ambassador. I
appreciate it. Mr. Chairman?
Senator Kaine [presiding]. Chairman Menendez?
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and to Senator Van
Hollen for presiding over these nominations. It is an important
task that we ask all of our members on both sides of the aisle
to engage in. So I appreciate your willingness to do it.
Let me congratulate all the nominees before us today. We
want to thank you and your families for your commitment to
service to our country because it really truly is a family
affair and so we appreciate your willingness to serve the
nation.
These are critical posts that we need to carry out U.S.
foreign policy abroad and I hope we will be able to work
through your nominations both at the committee and on the floor
in a reasonable time so we can get you to the post.
Let me go to just a couple of questions.
Mr. Libby, one of the most challenging issues on the
ongoing peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan is the
rights and security for the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. I have
deep concerns that without robust international guarantees the
people of Nagorno-Karabakh will be extremely vulnerable.
What do you see as the different possible outcomes for the
people of Nagorno-Karabakh and do you share my concerns about
their physical safety as well as their protection for their
cultural rights?
Mr. Libby. Mr. Chairman, thanks for the question.
I do share your concerns about the future of that region,
including the people in Nagorno-Karabakh. That is why I think
Secretary Blinken has really put his shoulder to the wheel to
try and come up with and facilitate a settlement.
And the good news is that for the moment at least all of
the parties seem to be engaging and engaging seriously. It is
not going to be easy but a settlement that we want to reach and
we want to help them reach is one that addresses issues of
sovereignty, rights and security for all the people in the
region, and territorial integrity.
With regard to the situation of Nagorno-Karabakh I do not
necessarily want to prejudice what that looks like. That is a
matter for the parties to decide. But a situation in which
their rights and securities have not been considered or not
factored in and taken care of in some fashion strikes me as
something that would not be durable.
The Chairman. It is for the parties to decide but we,
clearly, have a role in trying to advocate the process forward.
I am deeply concerned by the ongoing blockade of Nagorno-
Karabakh, which severely limits the basic goods and aid
entering the region.
Azerbaijan's more than 180-day blockade has threatened
famine for the local Armenian population, causing rationing
resulting in pharmacies running out of medicine. Will you
publicly condemn the blockade today and unequivocally urge
Aliyev to open the Lachin corridor to normal traffic?
Mr. Libby. Sir, the U.S. position on this has been it
really consists of sort of three elements. The U.S. has
criticized any unilateral action that hurts trusts, raises
risks, or damages people's safety and security.
The way to approach this is really three elements. First,
over the short term, that is to monitor the situation and
continue our calls and pressure for the restoration of civilian
and commercial traffic into and out of the territory.
In the medium term we are looking at questions of
assistance. We do not have access to the territory at the
moment but my understanding is that the U.S. government has
already put forward $21 million of food assistance, medicine,
medivac, and family reunification assistance. That is a medium
term solution or a medium term tool to address it.
But the long-term really is going to be in the context of a
settlement and agreement between all the parties that
stipulates how the rights and securities of everyone in the
region are----
The Chairman. Well, let me just say--let me just say we can
monitor it while people die. That is not satisfactory to me.
Mr. Libby. If people are dying that is a big problem and we
need to----
The Chairman. Well, people are dying.
Mr. Libby. Yeah. This is why----
The Chairman. So I urge you to engage with the department
in a more forceful forthright response because having a
corridor closed to humanitarian assistance--even our
humanitarian assistance is having difficulty getting in. That
is because of Aliyev.
And so you are going to be nominated--you are nominated--
you are going to be going, if confirmed, to a challenging post.
But the fact that it is challenging does not mean that the
United States should not be speaking out for the basic human
rights principles that we observe globally.
And I hope you will be a vigorous force in that regard. I
am going to send you some follow-up questions I would like to
see your answers to.
Mr. Libby. For sure, Senator.
The Chairman. Ms. Biswal, in the President's fiscal year
'24 budget request there is a proposal for $2 billion to create
a new revolving fund for equity investments at the DFC.
While I agree that the DFC's ability to deploy equity is an
effective yet underutilized tool for us to compete with China
around the world many of my colleagues have expressed concerns
with pursuing this revolving fund through mandatory spending
and outside the normal discretionary appropriations process.
Now, I recognize you are not at the DFC yet but how
important is this mandatory spending proposal to the DFC's
strategic plans?
Ms. Biswal. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that question.
I think there are many different ways in which Congress may
choose to address the issue of equity financing at DFC, whether
it is through a change to the scoring, whether it is through
creating the revolving fund as is in the President's budget
request, or the total amount of exposure allowed to DFC to be
able to lean in more to equity financing.
I, if confirmed, would be willing to work with Congress to
determine the most appropriate measure that Congress would feel
comfortable with in order to enable DFC.
The Chairman. What happens, whether it is the mandatory
funding that I understand the administration is seeking or some
other process that you suggest, if we are not able to get DFC's
equity tools off the ground?
Ms. Biswal. Mr. Chairman, I believe DFC will continue to
advance financing to the best of its abilities with the tools
that it does possess.
I believe if we find a way around the equity challenges, it
will allow DFC to lean in much more, particularly in more high-
risk environments, which are unable to take on additional debt
financing, which I think is commensurate with the intent of DFC
that the BUILD Act had.
The Chairman. Well, I do not want to overstay my welcome
here. I am going to follow up. I know--can I?
Senator Kaine. Yes.
The Chairman. Oh, okay. All right. Because my dear and
distinguished colleague often comes to these hearings and does
not get to ask this question in a timely fashion. So I do not
want to impinge upon him. Can I have another minute?
Thank you. Development finance is an important tool to
realize U.S. foreign policy objectives and they can be
especially effective in countering the malign influence of
China and other adverse nations.
Most developing countries would prefer to work with the
U.S. and our private sector partners as opposed to the PRC's
predatory development financial institutions.
The DFC's strategic foreign policy objectives and focus on
advancing development are mutually reinforcing and part of your
role, if confirmed, to evaluate and articulate how the DFC is
selecting deals that achieve both outcomes.
So this is why we are getting into how we are going to fund
the DFC because in part that will speak to what we are going to
be able to do. How will you work within DFC's balanced
development and strategic outcomes to its investments?
Ms. Biswal. Mr. Chairman, I believe the dual mandate that
Congress imbued DFC with to both advance our strategic goals
and objectives and to ensure development impact are very
important and mutually reinforcing.
If confirmed, I would work, drawing upon my own experience
working both within the State Department and at USAID, to help
identify ways in which we can advance development impact in
ways that are aligned with our very important strategic goals
and objectives, particularly as we seek to provide a more
compelling alternative to the capital provided by some of our
strategic competitors, which does not often advance the
interests of the countries which it is financing, unlike our
program.
The Chairman. A final question for the moment. How do you
believe DFC's proposed reorganization will achieve that dual
mandate?
Ms. Biswal. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I would work with
DFC to help align the organization around the mandates that
have been conferred upon it by Congress.
As we have seen DFC transition from OPIC to the Development
Finance Corporation increase in both its budget and its staff,
I believe there is an effort underway to look at what kind of
realignment internally will help it better achieve its mission
and mandate and, if confirmed, I look forward to working to
further that process.
The Chairman. We need DFC to be--play a bigger role if we
are going to compete with China.
I have questions for both you, Mr. Libby, as well as the
other nominees. As I always say at our hearings when I preside
over them, I would urge you to answer them expeditiously when
you get them, and fully because if not what will happen is a
member will come back and say you really did not give me an
answer.
So up front I want you to know that when you get questions
you should answer it fully and expeditiously because then we
can consider you at a business meeting.
Thank you, and thank you, Senator Romney, for your
courtesy.
Senator Kaine. Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
pursue the discussion which Chairman Menendez began with
regards to the DFC.
I have watched, if you will, through business lens,
economic lens, as China has carried out what many would
consider a brilliant strategy of investing in critical minerals
and materials that are essential for the technologies of today
and tomorrow, and their Belt and Road has not been randomly
carried out providing opportunities for development but instead
has been focused on securing those resources such as buying
mines, then putting in place rail lines that take the materials
from that mine to the--to a port, then buying the port to make
sure that they can have access to take those materials to
China.
It is a--it is a series of actions which would probably be
illegal for a corporation to take under U.S. law but they are
not subject to U.S. law.
And we look to DFC to counter this, although with a
fraction of the resources that China has already employed, and
also historically with less focus on our strategic objectives
and more on simply development and helping lift people out of
poverty, a noble goal in and of itself.
But I wonder if you could expand on the extent to which you
believe it is an important role for DFC to pursue America's
economic interests and strategic interests in securing for us
many of the minerals and resources that are necessary to be
competitive.
Ms. Biswal. Thank you, Senator.
I do believe that not only is it critically important for
the United States but it is important for the global community
that there not be monopolistic reliance on any single actor for
critical minerals, critical and essential supply chains, and I
think, if confirmed, I would want to work with DFC to continue
to support the diversification of important supply chains to
invest in projects that build capacity on critical minerals and
build the ability of nations to carry out trade in those
minerals in multiple different directions.
I believe that DFC is already doing some important work in
that respect, not only in Africa, but also a nickel mine in
Brazil that DFC is working with in parts of Asia, et cetera,
and, if confirmed, Senator, I would want to continue to lean
into that direction as well.
Senator Romney. I would hope that as you consider various
alternatives--and I am sure the list of projects that you might
invest in is enormously long--that in carrying out those
evaluations and the selection of various projects that in each
write-up there is an element that deals with the strategic
either military or economic or political interests of the
United States of America. Do you agree with that?
Ms. Biswal. I do, Senator, and I do think that as we are
advancing those strategic objectives, they are very much
aligned with the development impact of the projects that we are
financing, and I would want to showcase that as well.
Senator Romney. Mr. Kagan, with regards to Malaysia--thank
you for those responses. With regards to Malaysia what is their
feeling right now? I know we in this country take great pride
in the fact that we have lots of friends and our foes around
the world do not have a lot of friends.
But I would submit that one of the reasons we have so many
friends is because we have been the superpower--the sole
superpower--and when there become alternatives and, in fact, in
a region where we might not even be the strongest that
friendship ends up being strained.
What is your sense now of the Malaysian people as well as
its government in terms of their sentiment with regards to the
U.S. and with regards to the PRC?
Mr. Kagan. Thank you very much for that question, Senator.
I think you have put your finger on what is our broader
challenge across the region and I think, certainly, in Malaysia
and that is that there is a great reservoir of goodwill towards
the United States. At least when I served there from 2014 to
2017 I was constantly struck at the web of connections and web
of ties that we have between our peoples and how powerful they
are.
And the U.S. has been a very important investor and a very
important trading partner in Malaysia and I think the quality
of U.S. investment in Malaysia has had a particular impact, in
particular the amount of training, the amount of investment
that American companies have made in developing their staff and
you see that in the number of companies that have been started
by people who used to work at U.S. companies.
But at the same time there is no question that they are
looking to see what we can do now and I think that they--my
experience has been that they are eager to do more with the
United States but at the same time that they are looking to
other opportunities in the region and they are open to the
significant inflows of investment and trade with China.
That creates a challenge for us. I think that we can meet
that challenge by being engaged and, if confirmed, I would want
to help lead that from the position of U.S. Ambassador to
Malaysia.
But, look, we are going to be--we are going to be working
very hard at this for a long time to come. I think that we are
going to need to be flexible, we are going to need to be
engaged, and we are going to need to work with our allies and
partners to strengthen our hand as we try and meet these
challenges. Thank you, sir.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Mr. Chairman?
Senator Van Hollen. [Presiding.] Thank you, Senator Romney.
And Senator Kaine, thank you for ( 1 02 41 spelling?) me in the
chair for a little while.
Senator Kaine. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen,
and to all of the nominees, congratulations. You are well
suited for your positions.
Mr. Libby, let me start with you. I just want to follow up
a little bit on Senator Menendez with respect to Nagorno-
Karabakh and the Lachin corridor being closed.
You talked about the peace process, the path forward as
having a short-, medium-, and long-term component, which we
completely get.
My worry, though, is the closure of the corridor should
definitely be on the short-term, not for resolution of the
long-term issues because it strands 120,000 ethnic Armenians
without access to medical care, gasoline, food.
The U.S. has been pretty full throated in condemning the
closure. Administrator Power with USAID, other U.S. officials,
UNICEF, U.N. agencies have called for it to be open and I just
would want your commitment that you will continue that clear
U.S. message that however it takes to get us to a medium- and
long-term solution the closure of this Lachin corridor by the
Azerbaijani activists, likely with the backing of the
Azerbaijan government, is a clear and present challenge to
those citizens and we should be doing all we can to
expeditiously seek its reopening.
Do you agree with me on that?
Mr. Libby. Yes, Senator, I do, and thank you for that
question.
That has a been a strong point by the administration, as
you noted, by Administrator Power, and I share that sense of
urgency. We have got to solve that problem and get traffic
flowing again. I absolutely agree with that, sir.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
Mr. Kagan, I want to ask you a question dealing with an
issue that is important in Malaysia but also very important in
Virginia and it deals with the Chinese treatment of Uyghurs.
The Malaysian Prime Minister Ibrahim has refrained from
publicly criticizing China on the Uyghur genocide. But Malaysia
has been a rare Muslim majority country that has been granting
safe passage to Uyghurs and refusing to extradite them back to
China.
Virginia is home of one of the largest Uyghur-American
communities in the U.S. and many of those families have family
members in the Uyghur area of China who are being persecuted.
We have been working with a number of Virginia families
because their relatives have been unjustly imprisoned by the
Chinese Communist Party simply for being Uyghur.
The--those--the CCP's widely documented genocide against
Uyghurs and other ethnic and religious minority groups in
Xinjiang remains a clear affront to human rights. You have been
in Kuala Lumpur in the past. You know well Malaysia does appear
more willing than most Muslim countries to offer support to
Uyghurs escaping persecution from the CCP.
What do you attribute that to and what more can we do to
support the Malaysian government in those humanitarian efforts?
Mr. Kagan. Thank you very much for your question, Senator,
and I want to start off by just saying I was remiss in not
thanking you earlier for your very kind introduction, which I
appreciate very much.
I think that there is a couple of things that you have put
your fingers on. I think one is that Malaysia has a long
history of tolerance and support for victims of political
violence and for refugees.
I am going back to the large numbers of Vietnamese boat
people who were harbored in Malaysia and many of whom then came
on to the United States from there.
I think that there is also no question that Malaysians are
very sensitive to the dynamics of oppression of Muslims around
the world and I think that they are aware of the genocide and
the repression and human rights abuses against Uyghurs.
So I think that this is an area where, if confirmed, I
would want to do a couple of things. One is work with the
Malaysian government. But I think that in this it is also very
important to work with Malaysian civil society to promote
greater awareness and understanding of what is happening, and I
think that we are lucky that in Malaysia there is a partner
that is not turning a blind eye to the terrible things are
happening in Xinjiang.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Kaine. I think you are right. We are lucky to have
a partner that recognizes that there is an awful lot of
backsliding in the world against protection of those who are
persecuted for human rights reasons and there is also, if not
backsliding often a coldly business calculation that we could
stand up for values but it might cost us in other ways and so
people are not willing to stand up for values. Governments are
not willing to stand up.
And so since Malaysia has a history of doing this that
needs to not only be encouraged but even spot lit so that
nations around the world understand the value that they are
providing.
The last thing I will just say, Ms. Biswal, the OIG issued
a report in fiscal year 2023 with sort of four top management
challenges for your agency, and thy are not really management
challenges in the sense of big problems--I think morale was
pretty high--but a new agency getting off the ground that is
grappling with making the structure really work.
And I just would like your commitment. I think that OIG
report was a solid one and I would just like your commitment
that you would take that very seriously in working with this
new agency to help it be all it can be.
Ms. Biswal. Yes, Senator, you absolutely have that
commitment and I, if confirmed, intend to focus quite a bit on
the management aspects of the job.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you so much. Thanks to all the
witnesses. I yield back.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Mr. Libby, I am interested in your
perspective of the people of Azerbaijan and how in the region
there is a reaction to Russia's invasion in Ukraine, whether
that has changed public opinion, whether that has changed
political sentiment there, perspective of the government, and
what you see in terms of that dynamic.
Mr. Libby. Thanks, Senator. That is one of the things that
makes this region so fascinating and so critically important.
Azerbaijan is, to my knowledge, the only country that
borders both Russia and Iran and so it sits right smack in the
middle of a strategic region and its role in the former Soviet
space is, obviously, very important.
Azerbaijan has had an interesting balancing act to play but
they have been quite helpful with regard to supporting Ukraine,
fuel, food assistance, and even after this dam was destroyed
last week sending in new packages of aid. They voted for the
U.N. General Assembly resolution condemning the invasion and
reaffirming Ukraine's territorial integrity.
This is an interesting and fairly forward leaning place for
a country in the former Soviet space. If I am confirmed I think
part of my job is going to be to try and get Azerbaijan further
down that track.
Obviously, there is ties of kinship and ties of trade and
so forth. But Azerbaijan has its own potential role as a
conduit, as an energy source, and as a counterbalance to
Russian influence in the region and that is one of the reasons
that makes it so important.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Libby.
Mr. Ehrendreich, help me understand what it means to be
engaged in a free association with the United States for Palau.
What does that mean to us, what does that mean to them, and are
they broadly satisfied with that relationship at this point or
is there some sentiment of concern?
Mr. Ehrendreich. Thank you, Senator Romney, for the
question.
The Secretary--I would refer to what Secretary Blinken said
a couple weeks ago when he was in Port Moresby. The Compact of
Free Association that we have with all three FAS states is the
bedrock of our engagement in the Pacific, and I think in the
Palau context that could not be more true.
Like I said in my opening statement, when we signed the
agreement--the review agreement just a few weeks ago, President
Whipps said, ``God bless Palau, God bless the United States of
America, God bless us all.''
This is the--not only is it the framework for our relations
for the next 20 years and beyond, it is also a powerful symbol
of the strength of the relationship for the United States--
people of the United States and Palau and for any adversaries
in the region who want to question how strong our relations
are.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Ambassador Kierscht, my understanding is that Djibouti has
recently agreed to allow China to build a enormous facility in
the port to accommodate an aircraft carrier or substantial
military resources that China might have. Clearly, the PRC is
making a play to have greater and greater influence in
Djibouti.
What should we be doing? And I know there is only so much
an ambassador can do and you want to have relationships with
the people there and you want to interact with them.
But do we need to making far more private sector
investments? Do we need to have more of an industrial policy
where we are investing in projects in that country ourselves to
be more competitive?
What actions do we need to take to make sure that this key
player at the gateway to the Red Sea remains a friendly nation?
Ms. Kierscht. Thank you, Senator Romney, for raising that
very critical question.
I would like to identify several things that in my current
role as ambassador to Mauritania we are working on because I
think we do need to look at ways that we can push back against
China.
For example, in Mauritania we have just launched a new
project to help the Mauritanians combat illegal, unregulated,
and unreported fishing done by the PRC in their offshore
waters, which robs Mauritania, really, of one of their prime
natural resources.
If confirmed, I would seek to do similar--pursue similar
avenues. But I think the U.S. has a really good story to tell
about what we bring to the table, our transparency, our values,
working with civil society, listening and learning from our
partners in Djibouti.
In particular, we are working together with them to achieve
their, as stated, economic development goals, which seek to
develop their human capital and create jobs.
We have--through our USAID colleagues there right now we
are working on several large programs in order to do just that.
We are helping them do job creation as well as youth employment
through workforce development programs, energy, education, and
health programming.
We are also providing them with very robust security
assistance in addition to our base. They have the only
bilateral FMF allocation on the continent of Africa and we
provide them with other state and DOD security assistance as
well.
But, again, as you noted, we should probably also lean into
engaging our private sector, using the tools that we have such
as the development finance corporation, EXIM, USTDA, to really
bring our private sector into that market as well. And, if
confirmed, I would seek to leverage all of those tools.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Senator Duckworth?
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to
start by thanking all of our nominees for your lifelong
dedication to public service and for making yourself available
today. I am going to start with Ms. Biswal.
I have long argued that in order to meet the strategic
challenge of the People's Republic of China we need to address
the needs of our partners and allies around the world.
As the development financing arm of the United States the
DFC plays a critical role in this effort. Nowhere is this more
true than in Southeast Asia and, in particular, mainland
Southeast Asia where the Belt and Road Initiative has financed
billions of dollars for railroads, ports, and industrial
projects.
On my regular visits to the region I repeatedly hear about
a desire for more U.S. engagement and for alternatives to PRC's
financing for major infrastructure projects.
How do you assess the initial success of the DFC and
engaging in this area and what are your priorities in ensuring
that the United States is competitive with the PRC in the
infrastructure space in Southeast Asia?
Ms. Biswal. Senator Duckworth, thank you so much for that
question.
I agree wholeheartedly with you that this region is
extraordinarily important and a priority for DFC. I believe to
date DFC has projects nearly $6 billion in financing in the
Indo-Pacific region.
If confirmed, I would look to see how we can further scale
up our programs, our project financing, particularly with
respect to Southeast Asia and the nations of mainland Southeast
Asia.
I do believe that there are many opportunities with a
robust private sector to be able to address core priorities,
including in energy security, in telecommunications, in
building private enterprise, and I look forward to working with
you, if confirmed, in understanding your priorities on these in
this region as well.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Well, following--the Blue Dot
network--the Blue Dot network is a joint project with the
United States, Japan, and Australia that supports investment in
high-quality infrastructure projects around the world.
I think that is a great example for our regional--how our
regional partners can increase our regional infrastructure
area. It does not have to be all United States. I think our
partners are important as well.
Is there more that the DFC can do to leverage our ability
to convene allies to advance our goals globally and in the
Indo-Pacific specifically? And I am looking to Japan and South
Korea, for example.
Ms. Biswal. Senator, I know that DFC has already created
trilateral frameworks and agreements to work with Japan and
Australia. They have a Quad framework through which they are
working with Australia, Japan, and India in the region, and I
know that there is a desire to be able to do additional
programming with, for example, Taiwan.
And, if confirmed, I would look to see how we can further
enhance our partnership and collaboration, including with South
Korea, with multilateral institutions as well and leverage the
investments of partners and allies to advance financing in the
region.
Senator Duckworth. Thank you. Thank you.
I want to return to Malaysia a little bit. I know we have
talked a little bit already but, Mr. Kagan, as you well know
economic and trade issues and climate change are major concerns
for many of our Indo-Pacific partners.
According to the 2023 ASEAN survey carried out by
Singapore's ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute Malaysian respondents
cited the economy and climate change as their top two concerns.
Moreover, 60 percent expressed concerns about the growing
economic influence of the PRC. But at the same time when those
same respondents were asked whether the administration's
premier economic initiative of the Indo-Pacific Economic Forum,
the IPEF, would be beneficial to Malaysia 60 percent of
respondents answered either unsure or no.
Mr. Kagan, how do you assess current U.S. efforts to engage
Southeast Asia and Malaysia, in particular, in the economic
realm? What economic initiatives would you prioritize, if
confirmed?
Mr. Kagan. Thank you very much, Senator Duckworth, and I
think it is an excellent question and it is one that is a major
challenge for the administration but one that we have put
considerable effort into trying to address.
I mean, one element--and we see this here with Nisha--is
DFC. DFC is a very, very important tool and one that I think we
can use more in the region as we expand the capacities that it
has.
I think another one, obviously, is Indo-Pacific Economic
Framework--the IPEF--which you referred to. I totally take the
point that many--that a significant percentage of folks in
Malaysia were either unaware of it or did not think it would be
positive.
I think part of that is because it is very new and I think
that the effort that we are trying to do with IPEF is to
address challenges that traditional trade approaches have not
always addressed, the kinds of challenges that we saw come to
the fore during the pandemic where we realized over dependence
on supply chains that run through one area have their own
problems completely separate from whatever political issues are
involved.
And so I think that IPEF is trying to address in four key
areas things which we think really are important to the region
and, clearly, it is not yet well known and often I think the
jury is out in Malaysia in terms of the impact.
On the other hand, Malaysia was one of the partners that
did sign on to pillar two, the supply chain pillar which was
brought to conclusion in Detroit several weeks ago, and I think
that is a sign that Malaysia recognizes there are different
opportunities.
So, if confirmed, I would want to keep using the tools that
we have that has strengthened DFC, IPEF engagement by other
U.S. government agencies, EXIM, USAID, though they do not do
things directly in Malaysia but I think their efforts in the
region are of value to the region and to ASEAN, of which
Malaysia is a member.
And I think we would want, if confirmed, to keep pushing
forward in those areas to--so that the region better
understands the value of economic engagement with the United
States and understands that we are seeking an affirmative
agenda on economic engagement that tries to address the region
and their concerns in ways that are valuable for them.
Senator Duckworth. I think your mentioning of ASEAN is
really important because so many of the powerful players within
ASEAN have signed on to IPEF and I think that is a good way
forward.
Thank you. I yield back, Mr. Chairman. I am over time.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator
Duckworth.
As I went over to vote my team kept me posted on different
questions that had been asked. So let me just say to you, Mr.
Libby, I associate myself with the questions of Senator
Menendez.
So I was going to ask you about the Lachin corridor and how
you can help resolve that pretty desperate situation as part of
the broader effort you said with respect to Armenia and
Azerbaijan.
Senator Romney and others touched on the Djibouti issue.
Obviously, we have an important presence there but so does the
PRC and, obviously, trying to reconcile those in a way that
serves our interest is a priority.
I do have one last question for Mr. Ehrendreich and before
I ask it--Senator Romney has to leave. I do want to--I do want
to thank your wife, Rachel, who you introduced, who was in
Consular Affairs, as you know, but just so others know and who
was pivotal in helping an 89-year-old constituent of mine from
Maryland get out of Sudan during the violence. So let me thank
you for your efforts there.
So here is the question regarding Palau and I just--I
should say that I just I gathered with a couple of my
colleagues, some from this committee and others, at a meeting
that was convened by the ambassadors of Australia and New
Zealand together with Senator Schatz and others, convened with
a lot of the Pacific Island country ambassadors, and some had
representatives that serve in the United States and the United
Nations.
And it was a great turnout and we had a great meeting, and
I think that the Biden administration is doing a good job in
signaling the United States wants to engage much, much more
with the Pacific Island countries.
And you are going to, of course, play an important role in
that effort if confirmed as the ambassador to Palau. My
colleagues have covered the issue of the Compact.
But one of the issues that comes up constantly with some of
the Pacific Island countries has to do with encroachment on
their EEZs and their fishing rights and the fact that many in
the region, including the PRC, do not respect their
sovereignty, whereas the United States stands for a free and
open Pacific Ocean and respect for sovereignty.
Could you comment a little bit on what we can do to help
Palau in particular defend their fisheries against incursions
from others? These are countries that do not have a lot of
resources, and to what extent is that part of our effort under
the compact?
Mr. Ehrendreich. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the question.
Let me first say, I am very proud of my wife. She has been
a wonderful consular officer for about 15 years now and not
only has she helped your constituents, I know she has helped
hundreds if not thousands of people get out of Sudan and
Ethiopia and Afghanistan and other places. Very, very proud of
her.
In terms of Palau and PRC incursions and all, Palau is no
stranger to PRC's aggressive and coercive activities in
addition to the illegal incursions into their Exclusive
Economic Zones, as you mentioned, and the IUU fishing.
Palau has been the victim of economic coercion with China
turning off all tourism, I think, to Palau, and Chinese
economic activities in Palau have brought allegations of
cybercrime, drug, and human trafficking and corruption and
money laundering.
What we can do to help Palau in terms of the EEZ and IUU
issues is, one, to help Palau build its own capacity and we
have Coast Guard programs in place both to help with maritime
domain awareness and the shiprider program in place.
USAID has active programs to help with IUU fishing more on
the coastal fisheries management side. We also need to work
with partners in the region--Japan, Republic of Korea,
Australia. They are all interested in contributing to this--to
solving this issue.
And then there is also the international effort, the Port
States Measures Agreement, where the United States is trying to
help countries like Palau become members and become active, and
that is an international effort to end IUU fishing.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
I thank all of you for your testimony today. The record
will be open until the close of business tomorrow, June 14th.
And this hearing is now adjourned. Thank you all.
[Whereupon, at 3:29 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Cynthia Kierscht by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In your view, what are the top three priorities for the
U.S. bilateral relationship with Djibouti that you will advance or
maintain as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed?
Answer. Djibouti is a key strategic partner in accomplishing shared
foreign policy and security goals in the region. The United States is
committed to maintaining this long-term strategic partnership to
counter regional instability and terrorism and thereby assure our
enhanced security here at home. As such, our top priorities in Djibouti
are maintaining strong support for the U.S. military presence,
strengthening Djibouti's own capacity to contribute to regional
security, supporting private sector-led economic growth, and
reinforcing good governance. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy
country team and U.S. Government partners to pursue these priorities by
strengthening civil society and government institutions, leveraging our
development tools to support education, health, workforce development,
and working to attract private sector investment.
Question. As you know, the U.S.' only enduring military
installation in Africa is Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti. China also opened
its first overseas base in Djibouti in 2017. As U.S. Ambassador to
Djibouti, if confirmed, how will you balance the pursuit of U.S.
bilateral interests in Djibouti with the U.S.' regional security
interests and great power competition with China?
Answer. The United States is focused on building an enduring
strategic partnership with Djibouti. Our African partners can help
advance our global foreign policy priorities, including our priority to
build lasting peace and security in the region. At the same time, we
recognize the serious challenges the PRC presents in Africa. We will
continue to counter the PRC's problematic efforts to build up its
security infrastructure to project military power from Africa. If
confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national security
interests in Djibouti and leveraging all available USG tools to counter
efforts by our strategic and regional competitors to undermine those
interests.
Question. What is you view of the role of a U.S. Ambassador in
supporting democratic institutions and democratic governance?
Answer. Supporting democratic institutions and democratic
governance is at the core of U.S. foreign policy and will be among my
highest priorities. If confirmed, I will engage local interlocutors
from all elements of society to advance these goals. I have prioritized
these issues throughout my career, including in my current position as
U.S. Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, and will
continue to do so in Djibouti if I am confirmed.
Question. In your view, how can the United States better support
the democratic aspirations of the people of Djibouti?
Answer. Advancement of democracy and human rights in Djibouti is a
key component of our bilateral relationship. Our Embassy and high-level
U.S. Government officials regularly promote democracy and good
governance with Djiboutian officials, including discussions about
electoral reforms advocated by the multilateral organizations like the
African Union, and maintain dialogue with the opposition and Djibouti's
nascent civil society to ensure that we remain in contact with all
elements of Djiboutian society.
To promote better governance, our Embassy works to increase civil
society participation in public service delivery. We also support
programs to combat gender-based violence, protect victims of human
trafficking, promote women's empowerment, and promote press freedom by
building the capacity of Djiboutian journalists. If confirmed, I will
continue to prioritize this important work.
Question. How would you practice commercial diplomacy on behalf of
U.S. investments in Djibouti?
Answer. In Djibouti, we are promoting a vision for private sector-
led economic development based on democratic governance, respect for
human rights, and transparency. Our focus is on strengthening local
capacity, creating jobs, and working with our partners and allies on
economic development that is beneficial, sustainable, and inclusive
over the long term. The Embassy Deal Team has engaged in advocacy on
behalf of several U.S. investments and I commit to continuing to
prioritize this work.
If confirmed, I would focus on working with interagency colleagues
to explore how we can better support U.S. private sector engagement in
Djibouti as an alternative to PRC investment. This could include
exploring how to better leverage such USG agencies as DFC, EXIM, and
USTDA, which support U.S. businesses overseas.
Question. What is your assessment of Djibouti's greatest barriers
to increased two-way trade and investment with the United States?
Answer. Expanding our economic partnership with Djibouti is a key
priority for both the U.S. and Djiboutian Governments. Djibouti
receives trade benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act
(AGOA), though bilateral trade and investment are relatively low due to
the size of the Djiboutian economy and its limited manufacturing base.
If confirmed I would work with the Djiboutian Government to ensure it
interfaces effectively with the U.S. Government and private sector,
U.S. agencies including DFC, EXIM, USTDA, and Prosper Africa, and the
U.S. private sector to identify ways to grow trade and investment,
particularly in sectors like the digital space, energy, and
agriculture.
Question. What is your understanding of the tools at your
disposal--including through Prosper Africa - as U.S. Ambassador to
Djibouti, if confirmed, to support addressing barriers to trade and
investment in the enabling environment, including the need for economic
and political reforms?
Answer. The U.S. Government has a number of tools available to
improve bilateral trade and investment, including Prosper Africa, DFC,
EXIM, and USTDA, as well as AGOA. If confirmed, I will work with the
host government and the country team to identify the most significant
barriers to trade and investment in the enabling environment and the
best tools to remedy them, including economic and political reforms. I
would also underscore the importance of economic and political
transparency in attracting private sector investment and work with
private sector partners to advocate for needed reforms.
Question. How will you work with Prosper Africa leadership to
ensure that Djibouti can benefit from Prosper Africa resources, tools
and expertise?
Answer. Embassy Djibouti, as part of the Prosper Africa initiative,
has an Embassy Deal Team that is very active in promoting U.S. economic
opportunities in Djibouti. The Deal Team is engaged with the Prosper
Africa Secretariat in Washington and Prosper Africa representatives in
Johannesburg to share trade and investment leads and to solicit
assistance from Prosper Africa, something I will continue if confirmed.
We will continue advocacy work on behalf of U.S. companies investing in
Djibouti, examples of which include Creative Energy Systems, a U.S.
company which is building a waste to energy plant, and DJIBAH, a
seafood processing plant. If confirmed, I commit to continue pursuing
these and other opportunities.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti, if confirmed, how will
you engage with President Guelleh on his role as the leader of this
regional institution at a time of multiple acute crises with
significant regional spillover effects, namely in Sudan, Ethiopia,
Somalia and South Sudan.
Answer. Djibouti is a key strategic partner in accomplishing shared
foreign policy and security goals in the region. As the host of the
IGAD Secretariat and now as the chair of the organization, Djibouti
will continue to play a central role in IGAD's efforts to support peace
and security in the region. IGAD has played a significant role in
supporting regional peace processes, including as an observer to the
AU-led cessation of hostilities talks for Ethiopia. IGAD has also
proactively offered support for peace efforts in Sudan and does
essential work in the countering violent extremism space through its
Center for Excellence in Countering and Preventing Violence Extremism.
If confirmed, I would engage President Guelleh and the IGAD
Secretariat to understand their strategic vision and priorities to
identify areas for further cooperation in support of U.S. objectives in
the region.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti, if confirmed, how will
you coordinate with U.S. Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Hammer
and other U.S. diplomats engaged on the multiple crises in the Horn of
Africa?
Answer. I look forward to working closely with the Special Envoy
and other stakeholders to promote peace and security in the region if I
am confirmed. Djibouti is an essential partner on these issues as the
host, and currently chair, of IGAD and has played an important role in
past conflict resolution efforts in the region. I would welcome the
Special Envoy to continue engaging regularly in Djibouti and to
collaborate to identify new ways to advance U.S peace and security
goals.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Djibouti operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously engage the Government of
Djibouti to meet minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.
In particular, I will highlight the recommendations in the 2023 TIP
Report, including the need to increase efforts to investigate and
prosecute trafficking crimes, improve victim identification and
protection, and increase awareness of human trafficking among officials
and the public. I will also work closely with the State Department's
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons and other sources
on programmatic opportunities to assist in promoting proactive action
on this key issue.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to portraying the reality of
the trafficking situation in Djibouti in the annual country report as
accurately as possible?
Answer. Yes, I commit to coordinating closely with the Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to ensure accurate and
objective reporting on trafficking in the annual TIP Report.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Djibouti's constitution mandates equality for people of all
faiths and Djibouti's diverse population openly and freely practices a
wide range of religions. If confirmed, I would welcome collaboration
with the Ambassador At Large for International Religious Freedom and
look for ways to leverage the expertise of IRF to capitalize on
Djibouti's freedom of religion as a springboard for broader
conversations. In my current role as U.S. Ambassador to the Islamic
Republic of Mauritania, I have hosted two visits from the Ambassador At
Large for International Religious Freedom.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to engaging personally with civil society,
including religious and human rights groups, to advance religious
freedom and other human rights concerns. This has been a standard
practice of mine throughout my career.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Djibouti increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. I would encourage the Embassy team to engage with all faith
communities in Djibouti to understand their perspectives and concerns
and coordinate with the host government and civil society leaders to
promote and protect freedom of religion or belief, including to foster
collaboration across faith communities. If confirmed, I would also
commit to reporting accurate information for the annual International
Religious Freedom report.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure my Embassy staff meets with a
wide range of civil society leaders on a regular basis to remain
informed of the latest human rights issues, any changes to the overall
situation, and to inform our policy and programmatic ideas on how to
best improve the human rights situation in Djibouti. We will also seek
appropriate programmatic opportunities to support civil society
organizations to improve the human rights situation.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to personally engaging with civil
society on a regular basis about issues related to human rights,
including religious freedom, and other issues of concern. This has been
a standard practice of mine throughout my career.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. The Bureau of African Affairs works closely with IO and
USUN on shared priorities and on all campaigns and hiring initiatives
involving qualified American candidates for the U.N. system. If
confirmed, I will continue to elevate these efforts in multilateral
fora and with our African partners.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with USUN and IO to
appropriately promote American or likeminded initiatives within the
U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies, and
to advance the candidacies of Americans by engaging with the Djiboutian
Government, as appropriate. Djibouti often supports U.S. candidates for
important multilateral posts and I would advocate for our initiatives
and candidates with the government and earn its continued support by
communicating how we can advance our shared goals together within the
U.N. system.
Question. How do you intend to work with senior leadership at the
State Department to address acute staffing challenges at Mission
Djibouti?
Answer. Ensuring our embassies are appropriately staffed is vital
to fulfilling our mission to advance the interests of the American
people. Limited infrastructure, health care challenges, and the post's
remoteness are inherent impediments to recruitment. If confirmed, I
will work with the management team at post and colleagues in Washington
to identify and capitalize on opportunities to improve the community
and recruit well qualified personnel to fill staffing gaps.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Djibouti?
Answer. I understand morale at post to be good. I acknowledge and
appreciate the sacrifices the team makes every day as part of their
service in Djibouti. If confirmed, I commit to listening to my team and
doing all I can to support and improve morale.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Djibouti?
Answer. If confirmed, I will do all I can to improve morale by
empowering the diverse talent within the Embassy team, providing
strategic direction, rewarding them appropriately, heeding work-life
balance, and supporting them by improving access to training and
resources to enable their success.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Djibouti?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the diverse
team at Embassy Djibouti. I will lead the country team to build on
prior successes and chart a path forward to strengthen our partnership
with Djibouti based on our shared foreign policy priorities and on the
principles articulated in the U.S. Strategy for Sub-Saharan Africa and
the AU's Agenda 2063.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is to be as transparent and
collaborative as possible. I believe it is my job to ensure employees
who work for me have the right resources and training and are empowered
to do their job. I stand ready to provide appropriate coaching and
consulting along the way. I also strive to ensure work-life balance,
reward employees for excellent work, and set a positive tone and
example for the Embassy.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No, it is never appropriate or acceptable to berate
subordinates under any circumstances.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with the deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. The deputy chief of mission is an essential partner and
important advisor in successfully managing an Embassy. If confirmed, I
would look to my DCM to provide honest counsel on issues ranging from
policy to personnel issues, to lead and mentor the country team
(especially first- and second-tour officers), to proactively identify
and solve all but the most challenging management issues, and to
promptly engage me on any concerns that require my intervention.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. I intend to entrust my DCM with serving as the first line
of executive leadership at the mission, including supervising and
mentoring our diverse interagency team, developing the talent of our
first- and second-tour officers, and proactively leading our management
platform to meet the needs of the mission.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I think providing accurate, constructive, and timely
feedback is at the core of effective mentorship and leadership. I
equally believe it important to acknowledge and reward good
performance.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, I believe providing clear, accurate, direct, and
timely feedback to employees is essential to maintaining good morale,
building skills and cultivating talent within the Department. I would
also commit to rewarding high achievers as a positive acknowledgement
of their performance.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. Engaging with the local population and key contacts and
decisionmakers is at the core of diplomacy. As a leader I take
seriously the need to balance this imperative with taking appropriate
safety precautions to protect the lives and health of our employees.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy regional
security officer and other security professionals to develop and
regularly assess Embassy security guidelines to ensure our diplomats
are able to do their work while remaining safe. While Djibouti is not a
high threat, high risk post, Diplomatic Security approved 94 percent of
movement requests in high threat high risk posts to engage local
governments and populations so I'm confident our teams will have the
ability to continue engaging our local partners.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Cynthia Kierscht by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. With their absolute control of Chinese society and
industry, the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow
if they so choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the
United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has
become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to
undercut U.S. influence and alliances. If confirmed, I will advance
U.S. national security interests and push back against PRC efforts to
expand its problematic influence, through robust and forthright
diplomatic engagements, public diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to
bolster U.S.-Djibouti ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in Africa.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Djibouti and countering efforts by our strategic
and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region.
If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and
interagency colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to
expand its influence in Djibouti and the region.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between the China and Djibouti?
Answer. The PRC-Djibouti relationship is a pragmatic one centered
on the PRC's financial support for infrastructure development, trade,
security assistance, and the PLA base. The sustainability of Djibouti's
debt to the PRC is of particular concern. Across the continent, we have
seen that many PRC-backed loans are not transparent and invested in
projects designed to extract resources and short-term profits for PRC
benefit.According to the World Bank and IMF, Djibouti is currently in
debt distress and the PRC or PRC-related entities hold the majority of
that external debt.
Question. China is developing port facilities, infrastructure,
railway, airports, and a pipeline for Djibouti. If confirmed, how would
you counter CCP influence in Djibouti?
Answer. U.S. policy is not to ask our partners to choose between
the United States and the PRC, but rather to offer alternatives. In
Djibouti, we are promoting a vision for economic development based on
democratic governance, market principles, respect for human rights, and
transparency. In response to Djibouti's stated economic development
goals, we are focusing on strengthening local capacity, creating jobs,
and working with our partners and allies on economic development that
is beneficial, sustainable, and inclusive over the long term.
Question. What is the significance of the CCP pier which can
accommodate larger ships, such as aircraft carriers or submarines?
Answer. The PLA military base established in Djibouti in 2017
enhances the PRC's capability to project power outside the PRC's
borders and immediate periphery to advance its foreign policy and
secure its interests.In the case of Djibouti, this means extending its
influence in the western Indian Ocean and Red Sea region, although at
the current time the base primarily provides logistical functions, like
fueling and provisioning. The PRC's rapid and opaque military buildup
in Africa, including ambitions to establish more bases, is a major
concern.
Question. Are there opportunities for the Development Finance
Corporation in Djibouti to compete with the CCP?
Answer. The Development Finance Corporation (DFC) is one of several
tools available to the U.S. Government to provide debt financing,
equity investments, and technical assistance to African countries, such
as Djibouti, and provide them alternatives to PRC investment and loans.
In Djibouti, there are several pending infrastructure and development
projects that may be candidates for DFC support.
Question. Besides security assistance and hosting military forces,
how is Djibouti making choices about its preferred strategic partner?
Answer. Our Embassy in Djibouti is focused on ensuring that the
United States remains a key partner to Djibouti. It helps guide U.S.
investment centered around Djiboutians, thereby offering a different
development model than PRC's investment and lending. The Embassy
invests millions of dollars of assistance in programs that build
economic opportunity, give Djiboutian youth job skills, support women's
economic empowerment, and save lives.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Joel Ehrendreich by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Palau was listed as Tier 2 Watch List for some minor
improvements but overall still does not meet the minimum
standards to eliminate trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Palau operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. The Embassy has worked closely with the Ministry of Justice
and other stakeholders to encourage and increase the Government's anti-
trafficking efforts. The 2023 TIP Report will be released on June 15,
just two days from now, and that report will show the results of our
close cooperation during the reporting period.
In his State of the Republic Address in April 2023, President
Whipps cited encouraging steps his government made to address
recommendations from the 2022 TIP Report, including a national action
plan, interagency task force, and amendments to anti-trafficking laws.
If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the Government
of Palau as partners in our effort to end modern day slavery. I will
continue working in close partnership with the Ministry of Justice and
other stakeholders to further improve Palau's anti-trafficking efforts,
consistent with the prioritized recommendations in future TIP Reports.
For example, if the 2023 TIP Report recommends training officials on
victim identification, then I would work with the Ministry of Justice
and other stakeholders to encourage and monitor the implementation of
such training.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to portraying the reality of
the trafficking situation in Palau for the annual country reports as
accurately as possible?
Answer. Yes, an accurate TIP Report is imperative to identifying
the drivers of trafficking and prescribing actionable recommendations
that will lead to the structural change necessary to end human
trafficking. If confirmed, I commit to portraying the reality of the
trafficking situation in Palau in the annual country narrative and to
working with Congress, the Government of Palau, and the interagency to
encourage the Government to increase trafficking investigations and
prosecutions and to proactively identify and protect victims.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Palau was noted as having general societal
respect for religious freedom with no noted events in 2022.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. I appreciate the longstanding Congressional support on
freedom of religion. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States
maintains its unwavering support to promote respect for and protect
freedom of religion or belief for all. Freedom of religion is an ideal
which the United States and Palau share, and Palau has demonstrated
societal and government respect for religious freedom. If confirmed, I
will work together with the Ambassador At Large to explore additional
ways to promote religious freedom and interfaith dialogue.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Palau increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. Embassy Koror, with the assistance of U.S. military
chaplains, has conducted a broad range of engagements with the Palauan
Government and with a variety of religious groups. If confirmed, I will
continue to support these important engagements, which promote
religious freedom and interfaith cooperation. I will encourage the
Government of Palau to become party to the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, to strengthen its support of freedom of
religion or belief.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Palau was
noted as having significant government corruption.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. As our Human Rights Report describes, corruption among
officials in Palau was reported as a problem, although it's worth
noting that the Government took steps to investigate and prosecute
officials allegedly engaged in human rights abuses or corruption. We
also welcomed Palau's participation in the last Summit for Democracy,
where Palau endorsed the Declaration of the Summit for Democracy,
thereby making political commitments to counter corruption and to
protect human rights and media freedom.
The United States places great importance on civil society and, if
confirmed, I will continue our strong advocacy in support of civil
society in Palau's anti-corruption efforts and the promotion of human
rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will personally engage with civil
society on human rights and anti-corruption efforts. I firmly believe
that the promotion of human rights and the reduction of corruption are
in the interests of the people of Palau. If confirmed, in addition to
engaging civil society, human rights advocates, and other non-
governmental organizations on human rights issues, I look forward to
meeting regularly with Palauan Government officials to affirm U.S.
support for human rights and countering corruption. I will also use
public diplomacy to highlight U.S. Government actions around the world,
and I will describe the stark contrast of our commitment to countering
corruption vis-a-vis the actions of authoritarian regimes in the region
who use corruption as a tactic to interfere in the internal affairs of
other countries.
International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. The Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs works closely
with IO and USUN on shared priorities and on all campaigns and hiring
initiatives involving qualified American candidates for the U.N.
system. If confirmed, I will continue to elevate these efforts in
multilateral fora and with our partners in the region and in my
engagements with U.S. citizens.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. I have immediate experience over the past year working with
USUN and IO--as well as the Government of Japan as a partner--to
successfully advance several American candidates. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with USUN and IO colleagues to advance the United
States' affirmative agenda for the U.N. and strengthen partnerships
with traditional and non-traditional partners, including in U.N.
specialized agencies. U.S. re-engagement at the U.N. system is critical
to reasserting U.S. leadership, including by working with our partners
and allies to promote initiatives that advance shared priorities on
technical matters.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Joel Ehrendreich by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today.
Question. With their absolute control of Chinese society and
industry, the CCP could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow
if they so choose. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the
United States?
Answer. Yes. Earlier this year, the Director of National
Intelligence testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and
most consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Palau ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. Yes, as the United States competes vigorously with the PRC,
the United States manages this competition responsibly so that
competition does not veer into conflict. The United States will work
with the PRC to address transnational challenges, such as rising sea
levels and increased frequency of natural disasters, when it is in our
interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to us
or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the region.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Palau and countering efforts by our strategic and
regional competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration
has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical
challenge facing the United States, and that the United States is
committed to working to strengthen our partners in the region. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State and interagency
colleagues and Congress to address China's efforts to expand its
influence in Palau and the region.
The Biden Administration signed a Compact of Free Association
with Palau in late May, and it now awaits Congressional
approval. As we have seen, the CCP aims to disrupt the
international rules-based order and has made inroads in the
Indo-Pacific to challenge the U.S. position. This has been
while this administration has been prioritizing advancing
extreme social policy. Signing the compact is an important
first step to our allies and partners in the region, as well as
those considering partnerships with the CCP. However, in order
for the U.S. to maintain its dominant position and security
presence in the region, the U.S. needs to focus on tangible
national security objectives and the advancing American
interests:
Question. If confirmed, what are your priorities regarding
countering the CCP in Palau and the larger region?
Answer. My priorities stem from our National Security Strategy,
Indo-Pacific Strategy, and Pacific Partnership Strategy, which describe
in no uncertain terms that the United States faces unprecedented
challenges from the People's Republic of China. The strategies
highlight the importance of enhancing our relationships with allies and
partners, to include a specific focus on deepening ties with Pacific
Island Countries.
If confirmed, I would work with interagency partners including the
Department of Defense, USAID, Department of Interior, and others on
furthering our activities related to the Compact of Free Association.
More generally, I would also work with interagency partners, such as
Coast Guard and FBI, on other areas of cooperation, such as building
Palau's capacity in maritime domain awareness and maritime law
enforcement capabilities. I would also work with our close partners in
the country--Japan, Australia, and Taiwan have representatives--to
promote our shared interest in a free and open Indo-Pacific region.
Question. Do you have concerns regarding the current compact not
going far enough in some areas regarding our partnership to counter CCP
influence?
Answer. I see the Compact and its current related agreements as the
blueprint for our relationship, and they have robust defense, security
and economic provisions which serve as not just powerful symbols, but
also strong tools for dealing with CCP's attempts to gain influence.
The Compact also may be regarded by other Pacific Island Countries as a
public indicator of U.S. commitment to the region.
As I said during my hearing, I believe the strength of our
partnership was confirmed by President Whipps at the signing of the
2023 Compact Review Agreement by saying ``God bless Palau! God bless
the United States of America! God bless us all!''
I would add that our partnership with Palau ties together with our
regional diplomacy. Our launch of the Partners of the Blue Pacific, our
role as dialogue partner in the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), our
leaders-level engagements with Pacific Island Countries, our enhanced
diplomatic engagement in the region to include new embassies and our
first-ever special envoy to the PIF, and other initiatives all enhance
our position in the region and our ability to counter our adversaries.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to keep China out of
Palau?
Answer. Under the Compact of Free Association, we maintain
responsibility and authority for all defense and security matters in or
relating to Palau, and access to Palau by any third parties' militaries
is foreclosed, subject to the terms of the Compact. DoD has access to
facilities in Palau and regularly conducts training and exercises in
Palau's territory. DoD also maintains active communication with the
Government of Palau on defense and security-related matters. The United
States also has established defense sites in Palau, including the
Tactical Multi-Mission Over-the-Horizon Radar site (TACMOR).
If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to partner with Palau
and align with our allies and partners to expand diplomatic,
development, and people-to-people ties that will strengthen Palau's
resilience and ability to avoid predatory economic practices. If
confirmed, I will work swiftly to support good governance,
transparency, and anti-corruption efforts. I will also work with
Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and sustain the
progress achieved through this partnership.
Question. Do you believe an aggressive left social policy should
supplant national security objectives or American prosperity in our
work with Palau?
Answer. I believe that Palau--like most of the world--looks to the
United States as the beacon of light for the values people around the
world cherish: democracy, freedom, equality, respect for human rights,
and respect for the rule of law. We have a rich and deep history with
Palau, and Palauans know the United States very well. For just one
example, approximately 500 Palauans are currently serving in the U.S.
Armed Forces--a per capita rate higher than any U.S. state.
I am confident that as our two countries' societies continue to
evolve, as societies always do, our relationship with Palau will
continue to advance U.S. national interests including improving our
national security and prosperity. If confirmed, my efforts in Palau
will seek to further deepen and expand this close relationship to
ensure the advancement of our national interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark W. Libby by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Do you believe that if Azerbaijan were to exert full
territorial control over Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) the ethnic Armenians
living there would be safe? Do you commit to fully advocating for the
protection and security of all people living in Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the rights and security of
ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh (NK). Following the closure of the
Lachin corridor roadway and in light of the worsening humanitarian
situation in NK, we should press for the immediate restoration of food
and humanitarian deliveries even as we redouble our diplomatic efforts
to bring peace to the region. This means strenuously pressing
Azerbaijan to allow the immediate delivery of food and other vital
humanitarian supplies into NK--and pressing for transparency via an
international implementing partner to monitor the rights and security
of ethnic Armenians living there once a settlement has been agreed. If
confirmed, I commit to advocating fully and energetically for the
rights and security for the ethnic Armenian residents of Nagorno-
Karabakh both immediately and as part of a just and durable peace
agreement. That is, and in my view must remain, a central focus of U.S.
diplomatic efforts.
Question. Will you commit to strongly condemning Azerbaijani
efforts to block humanitarian access to Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. Yes. I strongly condemn Azerbaijani actions which have
resulted in the blocking of humanitarian access to NK and will continue
to do so if confirmed.
Question. President Aliyev has publicly threatened the lives and
security of ethnic Armenians. Will you unequivocally condemn this kind
of incendiary rhetoric and take steps to stop it?
Answer. Yes. I condemn any sort of threatening and incendiary
rhetoric. If confirmed, I will use my position in Baku to press the
Government of Azerbaijan, publicly and privately, to negotiate
seriously without resorting to threats or inflammatory rhetoric.
Question. As the United States continues to facilitate talks
between Armenia and Azerbaijan will you commit to prioritizing and
ensuring the durable safety and security of all people, including
ethnic Armenians in Karabakh?
Answer. Yes. A durable and dignified negotiated peace agreement
must provide for the safety and security of all persons in the region,
including the ethnic Armenians of NK. If confirmed, I will consistently
advocate for the human rights of all persons in the region while doing
all I can to encourage such a settlement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark W. Libby by Senator Robert Menendez
Lachin Corridor
I am deeply concerned by Azerbaijan's more than 180-day
blockade of Nagorno Karabakh.
Question. If confirmed, would you commit to keeping sanctions on
the table as a tool to pressure Azerbaijan to end its cruel blockade?
Answer. Yes. I do not rule out the use of any of the tools at our
disposal to achieve the U.S. goals of: promoting a just and durable
peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan; prioritizing the rights
and security for the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh; and restoring free
and open transit for civilian and commercial traffic through the Lachin
corridor. If confirmed, I will forcefully and directly advocate with
the Azerbaijani government for: unhindered civilian and commercial
traffic through the Lachin corridor; transparency into the situation in
Nagorno-Karabakh; the rights and security of all the people who live
there; and a just and durable peace agreement between Armenia and
Azerbaijan.
Azerbaijani Ties with Russia
During a recent summit in Moscow, the Azerbaijani leader
claimed that Russia supported his plan for a corridor to
Nakhchivan, a declaration that surprised the Armenian Prime
Minister. Moreover, Azerbaijan began importing Russian gas in
November to meet its domestic needs as it increases exports to
the European Union. While Russia ignores the security
guarantees that it gave to Armenia, Azerbaijan appears to be
getting closer to Russia.
Question. How do you assess the state of Azerbaijan's relationship
with Russia?
Answer. Azerbaijan occupies a difficult, strategically important
geographic space between Russia and Iran. Russia pursues its own
geostrategic interests in the South Caucasus and benefits from regional
destabilization that creates the conditions for its continued military
presence in neighboring countries. I strongly support U.S. policy that
every country has a sovereign right to determine its international
relations. Azerbaijan, like every other country--former Soviet state or
not--has the right to pursue its foreign relations as it chooses, in
the furtherance of its own interests, and in accordance with
international law. The Department has made this clear publicly, at the
highest levels in private discussions with regional partners, and with
Russia, which should not attempt to undermine this right. Azerbaijan
has demonstrated its willingness to resist Russian pressure by refusing
to join the Eurasian Economic Union or rejoin the Collective Security
Treaty Organization. Azerbaijan voted in favor of U.N. General Assembly
Resolution 68/262, which affirmed Ukraine's territorial integrity and
condemned Russia's occupation of Crimea. It has offered humanitarian
and energy support to Ukraine following Russia's further invasion. If
confirmed, I will do all I can to encourage Azerbaijan to continue such
policies.
Question. How can we prevent Azerbaijan from financing Putin's war
in Ukraine to enable its deals with the European Union?
Answer. Azerbaijan's energy resources and long-term interest in
integration with the West bolster its ability and willingness to
maintain independence from Russia. Azerbaijan and the United States
have worked closely in developing the 16 billion cubic meter per year
(bcma) Southern Gas Corridor project, which brings natural gas from
Azerbaijan's Shah Deniz field to Europe. Azerbaijan signed a deal with
the European Union to double its natural gas exports to the EU by 2027,
which the United States strongly supports. If confirmed, I will seek to
prioritize the importance of Azerbaijan's continuing efforts to support
European energy security following Russia's further invasion of
Ukraine.
907 Waiver
I have long called for ending all security assistance to
Azerbaijan, including through efforts to end the 907 waiver all
together.
Question. Do you think the United States should be providing any
form of security assistance or International Military Education &
Training (IMET) to a country that attacked its neighbor in September,
began a war that killed over 6,500 people in 2020, and is currently
blockading a vulnerable population?
Answer. I am firmly committed to implementing the letter and spirit
of the FREEDOM Support Act, as well as the recommendations of the 2022
GAO report, and all other statutory requirements including ``Leahy''
provisions for vetting foreign security assistance. If confirmed, I
will recommend to the Administration only those policies and programs
that best serve the interests and goals of the United States in
Azerbaijan and in the region--and that have no negative effect on
efforts to find a peaceful settlement in the conflict between
Azerbaijan and Armenia. The United States carefully reviews assistance
for Azerbaijan to ensure it fulfills these criteria. If confirmed, I
will faithfully and scrupulously work to ensure that U.S. assistance to
Azerbaijan continues to meet those conditions. U.S. security assistance
to Azerbaijan promotes U.S. national security interests including
counterterrorism, combating the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, securing critical energy infrastructure, and combating
narcotics trafficking and human trafficking. Through E-IMET,
professional military education exposes Azerbaijani military
servicemembers to U.S. and NATO precepts, including civilian control of
the military, human rights, and adherence to the law of war.
Armenian Genocide
I am very proud that the Senate took the important step four
years ago in recognizing the Armenian Genocide with the passage
of my bipartisan resolution. Not only does recognition of the
past give some solace to the victims and their descendants, but
being honest about this ultimate crime helps us to ensure that
the crimes of the past are not repeated.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to putting out an annual
statement on Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day reaffirming this
ultimate crime?
Answer. Yes, I do. Your leadership on this issue has underscored
the importance of recognizing the Armenian genocide. The President's
last three annual statements have mourned the one and a half million
Armenians who lost their lives in the Armenian genocide during the
final years of the Ottoman Empire. Acknowledging and reckoning with
painful periods in history, such as the Armenian genocide, is a
critical step towards building a foundation for a more just and
tolerant future. In this year's statement, the President asked us to
recommit ``to speaking out against hate, standing up for human rights,
and preventing atrocities.'' If confirmed, I pledge to amplify this
message and subsequent annual statements from the President on Armenian
Remembrance Day.
Question. Do you believe that if Azerbaijan were to exert full
territorial control over Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) the ethnic Armenians
living there would be safe? Do you commit to fully advocating for the
protection and security of all people living in Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the rights and security of
ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh (NK). Following the closure of the
Lachin corridor roadway and in light of the worsening humanitarian
situation in NK, we should press for the immediate restoration of food
and humanitarian deliveries even as we redouble our diplomatic efforts
to bring peace to the region. This means strenuously pressing
Azerbaijan to allow the immediate delivery of food and other vital
humanitarian supplies into NK--and pressing for transparency via an
international implementing partner to monitor the rights and security
of ethnic Armenians living there once a settlement has been agreed. If
confirmed, I commit to advocating fully and energetically for the
rights and security for the ethnic Armenian residents of Nagorno-
Karabakh both immediately and as part of a just and durable peace
agreement. That is, and in my view must remain, a central focus of U.S.
diplomatic efforts.
Question. Will you commit to strongly condemning Azerbaijani
efforts to block humanitarian access to Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. Yes. I strongly condemn Azerbaijani actions which have
resulted in the blocking of humanitarian access to NK and will continue
to do so if confirmed.
Question. President Aliyev has publicly threatened the lives and
security of ethnic Armenians. Will you unequivocally condemn this kind
of incendiary rhetoric and take steps to stop it?
Answer. Yes. I condemn any sort of threatening and incendiary
rhetoric. If confirmed, I will use my position in Baku to press the
Government of Azerbaijan, publicly and privately, to negotiate
seriously without resorting to threats or inflammatory rhetoric.
Question. As the United States continues to facilitate talks
between Armenia and Azerbaijan will you commit to prioritizing and
ensuring the durable safety and security of all people, including
ethnic Armenians in Karabakh?
Answer. Yes. A durable and dignified negotiated peace agreement
must provide for the safety and security of all persons in the region,
including the ethnic Armenians of NK. If confirmed, I will consistently
advocate for the human rights of all persons in the region while doing
all I can to encourage such a settlement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark W. Libby by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Azerbaijan was upgraded to Tier 2 or continued efforts to meet
the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking, but more work
remains to improve the trafficking situation in country.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Azerbaijan operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. I support the Administration's strong commitment to
combatting trafficking in persons and, if confirmed, I will pursue this
goal vigorously in Azerbaijan. The United States has already
implemented programs in Azerbaijan to improve the capacity of
government and civil society actors to assist victims of trafficking.
The Department of State and the Embassy in Baku have welcomed the
cooperation Azerbaijan has shown on trafficking issues, and if
confirmed I would capitalize on this willingness to work together to
tackle the challenges that remain. Although the Government of
Azerbaijan has increased some of its efforts, I commit to advocating
for stronger victim protection, including proactively identifying labor
and internal trafficking victims, child trafficking victims, and
implementing victim-centered approaches. If confirmed, I will continue
promoting opportunities for U.S. capacity-building assistance to
support victims.
I will also redouble our political outreach to ensure that
Azerbaijan stays the course on our recommendations, to include
investigating and prosecuting perpetrators of trafficking, providing
adequate penalties for those convicted, and increasing proactive
identification efforts for trafficking victims.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to portraying the reality of
the trafficking situation in Azerbaijan in the annual country report as
accurately as possible?
Answer. Yes. As with all Congressionally mandated reports, I pledge
to guide our Embassy team in Baku to report on the trafficking
situation in Azerbaijan accurately and completely. I will personally
emphasize the importance of this issue in my political engagement with
the Azerbaijani government.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Azerbaijan was listed as having a lack of
governmental and societal respect for religious freedom with
noted government instances of intimidation or abuse.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Azerbaijan is a Shi'a Muslim majority country with a
history of religious tolerance. Followers of many different religions
are able to practice their faith in Azerbaijan. Nevertheless, as you
noted, the Department's annual International Religious Freedom Report
on Azerbaijan documented the difficulties some religious groups face in
registering their organizations and official harassment some experience
in trying to practice their faith, among other issues.
If confirmed, I will work closely and directly with the Ambassador
at Large and his team to improve religious freedom in Azerbaijan. I
understand that the Ambassador at Large sent a team to visit Baku in
March, and that they were able to press the government on these very
important issues. If confirmed, I look forward to following up on their
findings and engaging the government publicly and privately to uphold
its international commitments regarding freedom of religion or belief.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure the team at Embassy Baku
continues to monitor the status of religious freedom in Azerbaijan
through regular meetings--including by me personally--with civil
society representatives, including those of religious organizations,
and human rights activists.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Azerbaijan increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge the Azerbaijani Government to
improve societal and governmental respect for religious freedom.
Specifically, I will forcefully advocate for improvements in areas of
concern identified in State Department reports, including facilitating
the registration of all religious groups, allowing members of religious
groups to choose their own leaders, and protecting the rights of
members of all groups, as outlined in Azerbaijan's constitution. I will
engage regularly with civil society, including with people from faith
groups across the spectrum, to amplify our messaging to the Azerbaijani
government and underscore U.S. support for this important issue.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report,
Azerbaijan was listed as having a long list of significant
human rights abuses, including political prisoners, limits on
freedom of expression and the media, corruption, and much more.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Human rights are at the heart of this Administration's
foreign policy, and they are a key part of U.S. bilateral engagement
with Azerbaijan. I believe the United States should use all the tools
in its diplomatic toolbox to promote respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms in order to create a stronger foundation for
Azerbaijan's long-term security and stability. If confirmed, I will
urge the Azerbaijani government at the highest levels to create an
environment in which NGOs, the media, political parties, religious
groups, and the private sector can operate freely. I will work to
ensure U.S. foreign assistance continues to promote free and open
exchange of information, democracy and human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, such meetings will be among my top
priorities--both upon arriving in Azerbaijan and throughout my tenure
in Baku. I will continue the Embassy's current commitment to meeting
with a full range of non-governmental and civil society figures,
including human rights defenders, NGO representatives, and independent
journalists, to demonstrate our support for pluralism and fundamental
freedoms. If confirmed, I will express publicly and privately U.S.
concerns about the shrinking space for civil society and restrictions
on fundamental freedoms. Azerbaijani progress in this area would help
to deepen its bilateral relationship with the United States and enhance
the country's long-term security.
International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. I believe that it is vitally important to U.S. national
security that the United States and our like-minded allies and partners
do not cede influence in the U.N. system to those who do not share our
values and are not committed to the foundational principles of the U.N.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the International Organizations
Bureau, the government of Azerbaijan, diplomats from allies and partner
countries, and other stakeholders to augment the number of Americans in
the U.N. system, while encouraging citizens of likeminded nations to
work throughout the U.N. system.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. Although Azerbaijan has not always been as aligned with the
United States in the U.N. as we might hope, if confirmed, I commit to
working regularly with the Government in Baku to advance U.S. interests
in U.N. institutions. My team and I will maintain regular contact with
Azerbaijan counterparts--and with colleagues in USUN and IO--to ensure
maximum coordination on upcoming votes and other actions in the U.N.
and other multilateral bodies, including actions to stand with Ukraine.
My team and I will continue to seek opportunities for further
cooperation with Azerbaijan on these important issues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mark W. Libby by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its problematic
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Azerbaijan ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, the
United States manages this competition responsibly so that competition
does not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC
to address transnational challenges, such as climate change, when it is
in our interest to do so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor
to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our
principles, but because it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department of State's new Office of China
Coordination to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by
the PRC and other actors in the region.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be advancing U.S. national
security interests in Azerbaijan and countering efforts by our
strategic and regional competitors to undermine those interests. The
Administration has been clear that the PRC is the most consequential
geopolitical challenge facing the United States, and that the United
States is committed to working to strengthen our partners in the
region. If confirmed, I will work closely with Department of State,
interagency colleagues, and Congress to address China's efforts to
expand its influence in Azerbaijan and the region.
Question. Over several administrations, a peaceful resolution to
the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict has been sought regarding the Nagorno-
Karabakh territory. U.S. assistance aimed to mitigate the impacts of
the conflict and parity with regards to Foreign Military Financing
assistance to both sides. Since 2001, the annual presidential waiver to
Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act has taken place and enabled U.S.
military aid and other foreign assistance to Azerbaijan. If confirmed,
how would you work on resolving continued Nagorno-Karabakh territorial
disputes and access?
Answer. The United States supports direct engagement between
Azerbaijan and Armenia to work toward a peaceful resolution of the
conflict, which has lasted more than 30 years. Senior U.S. officials
have been very engaged in this process, including Secretary Blinken,
who has hosted two rounds of peace talks in Washington and spoken
directly to the leaders multiple times over the last year. A durable
and dignified peace must be one that emanates from the region--we
cannot impose a solution on Armenia and Azerbaijan. Armenia has
publicly acknowledged that an arrangement between the population of
Nagorno-Karabakh and the Azerbaijani government is essential for
securing the rights and security of those belonging to the ethnic
Armenian residents of Nagorno-Karabakh. In this regard, transparency
for the international community is critical. The State Department
prioritizes the rights and security for the residents of Nagorno-
Karabakh at every level of engagement with the Azerbaijan government--
including with President Aliyev. If confirmed, I will advocate
forcefully with Azerbaijan for transparency into the situation in
Nagorno-Karabakh and for the rights and security of all the people who
live there.
Question. If confirmed, would you advocate for a presidential
waiver to Section 907, despite the well documented human rights abuses
committed by Azeri security forces against Armenian civilians?
Answer. U.S. assistance to Azerbaijan promotes U.S. national
security interests, which is why every Administration has waived
section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act every year since 2002. The most
recent waiver went into effect June 22, 2022. The United States does
not approve any security assistance or military sales that could
undermine efforts to find a peaceful settlement of the conflict between
Azerbaijan and Armenia. I am firmly committed to implementing both the
letter and spirit of the FREEDOM Support Act--as well as the
recommendations of the 2022 GAO report and all applicable ``Leahy''
legislative requirements for vetting foreign security assistance. If
confirmed, I will recommend to the Administration the policies and
programs that best serve the interests and goals of the United States
in Azerbaijan and in the region and that will have no negative effect
on the peace process.
Question. How would a long-term peace deal between Azerbaijan and
Armenia impact Russian influence in the region?
Answer. The Russia-negotiated trilateral arrangement paused the
fighting in 2020, but was written in a way that set up Russia as the
chief arbiter and allowed each side to interpret it as it sees fit.
While Russia has, at times, played a role in convening the parties,
Russia also pursues its own geostrategic interests in the Caucasus and
benefits from regional destabilization that creates the conditions for
its continued military presence in neighboring countries. Direct
engagement between the sides leading to a durable and dignified peace
agreement offers the clearest path forward to resolving the Armenia-
Azerbaijan conflict. It provides the best opportunity for the sides to
demonstrate their sovereignty and independence and reduce Russian
influence.
Question. How realistic is a peace deal to occur between Azerbaijan
and Armenia while Russia is consumed by its war in Ukraine?
Answer. The United States supports direct engagement between
Azerbaijan and Armenia to work toward a peaceful resolution of the
conflict. Senior U.S. officials have been very engaged in this process,
including Secretary Blinken, who has hosted two rounds of talks in
Washington and spoken directly to the leaders multiple times over the
last year. The parties have publicly committed to this peace process
and the United States is supporting them as a facilitator. I share the
Administration's belief that a durable and dignified peace must be one
that emanates from the parties, and the United States and partners such
as the European Union are working hard to support the parties in their
talks. As Secretary Blinken said following talks he hosted in May,
``there is an agreement within sight, within reach. And achieving that
agreement would be, I think, not only historic, but would be profoundly
in the interests of the people of Azerbaijan and Armenia, and would
have very positive effects even beyond their two countries.'' Reaching
a durable and dignified peace agreement offers the best opportunity for
each of the sides to demonstrate their sovereignty and independence and
reduce Russian malign influence in the region. If confirmed, I will
advocate vigorously and directly with the government of Azerbaijan to
take the steps necessary to reach such an agreement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Edgard D. Kagan by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report,
Malaysia was listed as Tier 3 for continued failure to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Malaysia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP report?
Answer. Working with the interagency team at U.S. Embassy Kuala
Lumpur, and in close partnership with the State Department's Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/TIP) and other elements of
the U.S. Government, I will seek to advance our anti-trafficking goals.
If confirmed, I will push publicly and privately for Malaysia to take
meaningful action to combat trafficking. I will urge the Malaysian
Government to increase the capacity of local law enforcement to
investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers--especially labor
traffickers. The Malaysian Government publicly stated its desire to
continue improving its anti-trafficking efforts after Malaysia was
upgraded to Tier 2 Watch List in the State Department's 2023
Trafficking in Persons Report. If confirmed, I plan to work closely
with the Malaysian Government to achieve our shared goals of protecting
victims and bringing traffickers to justice.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to portraying the reality of
the trafficking situation in Malaysia in the annual country report as
accurately as possible?
Answer. An accurate Trafficking in Persons Report is vital to
publicly identify the drivers of trafficking and prescribe actionable
recommendations that will lead to the structural change necessary to
end trafficking as well as maintain U.S. credibility. If confirmed, I
commit to portraying the reality of the trafficking situation in
Malaysia in the annual country report and to working with Congress and
U.S. Government agencies to push for additional action by the Malaysian
Government to increase trafficking investigations, prosecutions and
convictions of traffickers, and to increase victim identification and
protection.
Religious Freedom
In the State Department's 2022 International Religious
Freedom report, Malaysia was listed as lacking governmental and
societal respect for religious freedom but that the U.S.
Embassy had stressed the importance of tolerance and community
understanding.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States
maintains its unwavering support to promote respect for and protection
of freedom of religion or belief for all. I understand that Embassy
Kuala Lumpur has conducted a broad range of engagement with the
Malaysian Government and with civil society to highlight the importance
of religious freedom. If confirmed, I would ensure that we continue
these important engagements, and I would work with the Ambassador at
Large for Religious Freedom to explore ways to bolster religious
freedom in Malaysia. I appreciate the longstanding Congressional
support on freedom of religion or belief and, if confirmed, look
forward to working with Congress to continue to preserve and protect
this human right.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights, including freedom of
religion or belief, and the rule of law, is fundamental to U.S. values
and interests. If confirmed, I commit to personally engaging with civil
society and the Malaysian Government on these issues and other human
rights and fundamental freedoms.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Malaysia increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. There are limits on freedom of religion or belief in
Malaysia, including through federal and state laws against blasphemy
and apostasy, and there are also restrictions on all non-Sunni forms of
Islam. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Malaysia to
encourage Malaysian authorities to increase respect for members of
religious minority groups and resolve longstanding cases of enforced
disappearances of religious figures. I will also work with civil
society to promote religious tolerance for members of all religious
groups.
Human Rights
In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights Report, Malaysia
was listed as having a litany of human rights abuses, including
reports of arbitrary killings, torture, censorship, limits on
freedom of assembly and expression, among many others.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. The United States places great importance on civil society
and NGOs because they serve as the critical links between government
and the public, and I have worked extensively with civil society
organizations throughout my career. If confirmed, I will continue our
strong advocacy both publicly and privately in support of the critical
role played by civil society in Malaysia's democratic development and
promotion of human rights. If confirmed, I would work to advance
democratic values and respect for human rights in my engagements at all
levels of the Malaysian Government and with all parts of Malaysian
society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will personally engage with civil
society on human rights and fundamental freedoms. I firmly believe that
the promotion of human rights is in the interest of all people in the
United States and Malaysia and will work in support of that goal. If
confirmed, in addition to engaging civil society, human rights
advocates, and other non-governmental organizations on human rights
issues, I look forward to meeting regularly with Malaysian Government
officials to affirm U.S. support for human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to find, recruit, and retain qualified Americans in
the U.N. system.
Answer. The Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs works closely
with IO and USUN on shared priorities and on all campaigns and hiring
initiatives involving qualified American candidates for the U.N.
system. If confirmed, I will continue to engage the Malaysian
Government to gain support for U.S. citizens seeking to work in the
U.N. system and other multilateral organizations.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you can work with USUN
and IO colleagues to promote American or likeminded initiatives within
the U.N. system, including on technical matters at specialized bodies.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with USUN and IO colleagues to
advance the United States' affirmative agenda for the U.N. and
strengthen partnerships with traditional and non-traditional partners,
including in specialized and technical agencies. U.S. re-engagement at
the U.N. system is critical to reasserting U.S. leadership, including
by working with our partners and allies to promote initiatives that
advance shared priorities on technical matters.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Edgard D. Kagan by Senator Marco Rubio
In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to
reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do
it.'' The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins
of power in the People's Republic of China and has used this
power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood our communities
with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute
control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all
of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. Earlier this year, the Director of National Intelligence
testified that ``the CCP represents both the leading and most
consequential threat to U.S. national security and leadership
globally.'' Under President Xi, the CCP has become more repressive at
home and more aggressive abroad, seeking to undercut U.S. influence and
alliances. If confirmed, I will advance U.S. national security
interests and push back against PRC efforts to expand its malign
influence, through robust and forthright diplomatic engagements, public
diplomacy, and commercial advocacy to bolster U.S.-Malaysia ties.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. The Administration assesses the Chinese Communist Party's
(CCP) activities in the context of the fact that, as Secretary Blinken
has said, the CCP has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad. According to the Office of the Director of National
Intelligence's 2023 Annual Threat Assessment, the CCP is seeking to
``undercut U.S. influence, drive wedges between Washington and its
partners, and foster some norms that favor its authoritarian system.''
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. As the United States competes vigorously with the PRC, we
seek to manage this competition responsibly so that competition does
not veer into conflict. The United States will work with the PRC to
address transnational challenges, such as climate change,
counternarcotics, and public health, when it is in our interest to do
so--as Secretary Blinken has said, not as a favor to us or anyone else,
and never in exchange for walking away from our principles, but because
it is what the world expects. If confirmed, I will work with
departments and agencies across the U.S. Government as well as with
Congress to advance U.S. objectives and counter harmful behavior by the
PRC and other actors in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the country in which you will work?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be to advance U.S. interests
in Malaysia and countering efforts by our strategic and regional
competitors to undermine those interests. The Administration has been
clear that the PRC is the most consequential geopolitical challenge
facing the United States, and that the United States is committed to
working to strengthen our partnerships in the region. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Department of State and interagency colleagues,
as well as Congress to address the PRC's efforts to expand its
influence in Malaysia and the region.
Since the late 1990s, the U.S. enjoyed a deepening of
bilateral ties with Malaysia. However, recent developments in
both countries have led to uncertainties regarding the strength
of these ties now, and into the future. Friction between the
U.S. and Malaysia have included human rights concerns, U.S.
military interventions in the Middle East, and U.S. support for
Israel. Even with the backdrop, U.S.-Malaysia military security
cooperation has been active in countering terrorism activities
in Southeast Asia and includes naval cooperation near the
Malacca Straight.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between the U.S. and Malaysia?
Answer. The United States and Malaysia enjoy a strong partnership
based on robust economic, security, and people-to-people ties, and
rooted in our shared national interests. We cooperate on security
matters, including counterterrorism, cybersecurity, maritime security,
and efforts to promote regional stability. Our economic relationship
continues to expand with bilateral trade reaching nearly $80 billion
and supporting an estimated 58,000 U.S. jobs. Bilateral military
cooperation, in particular, is continually expanding, supporting
regional security needs of both Malaysia and the United States.
Additionally, Malaysia's recent interest in accelerating its clean
energy transition and becoming a Carbon Capture, Utilization and
Storage leader in Southeast Asia offers substantial U.S.-Malaysia
energy cooperation. Malaysia has prospered during decades of stability
in Southeast Asia underpinned by the United States' diplomacy and
presence. If confirmed, I will work with Departments and Agencies
across the U.S. Government and with Congress to further strengthen
relations with Malaysia.
Question. Are you concerned with the existing relationship? Please
explain.
Answer. Since becoming Prime Minister in November 2022, Anwar
Ibrahim has fostered an environment for greater collaboration and
cooperation between our two countries on issues of mutual interest
including human rights, economic development, and South China Sea
issues.
If confirmed, I would engage with the highest levels of the
Malaysian Government to further strengthen our partnership and would
work closely with Congress as well as empower my staff to further
expand relationships central to U.S. strategic goals.
Question. If confirmed, are there opportunities or projects you
would advocate for as Ambassador to utilize the Development Finance
Corporation in Malaysia?
Answer. An important energy producer, Malaysia is the world's
fourth-largest exporter of Liquified Natural Gas. Prime Minister
Anwar's Administration has signaled one of its priorities is the clean
energy transition and becoming the Carbon Capture, Utilization and
Storage regional leader in Southeast Asia. As Ambassador, if confirmed,
I would encourage the Development Finance Corporation, in partnership
with the State Department's Clean EDGE Asia program, other U.S.
agencies, the private sector, and the Malaysian Government and Congress
to identify opportunities that would support and accelerate Malaysia's
clean energy transition.
Question. How would you advance U.S. support for Israel in Malaysia
if confirmed?
Answer. Having served in Israel for three years, I know well the
value of its international engagement. If confirmed as Ambassador to
Malaysia, I would work to ensure awareness of the significant changes
in the Middle East following the Abraham Accords, including the growing
normalization of relations between key Arab nations and Israel. I would
work with the Government of Malaysia and civil society to identify
potential areas of opportunity to improve Israel-Malaysia relations. I
would also highlight the tangible benefits of normalization, as
demonstrated by the Abraham Accords, other normalization agreements,
and the Negev Forum.
Malaysia takes careful steps when balancing strategies with
the U.S. and China in its relations. Malaysia has typically
taken a low-key approach regarding confronting tensions with
China in the South China Sea, it prioritizes negotiating a code
of conduct between ASEAN and China to govern behavior. Malaysia
has also entered into CCP Belt and Road Initiative projects
including port, rail, and manufacturing investments.
Question. What is your characterization of the existing
relationship between China and Malaysia?
Answer. Malaysia has a significant economic relationship with the
People's Republic of China (PRC) which Malaysian leaders see as key to
achieving the country's development goals. The PRC has been Malaysia's
largest trading partner since 2009 and was the country's largest
investor in 2022.
Malaysia does not recognize the PRC's so-called ``nine-dash line''
or its other expansive and unlawful South China Sea (SCS) maritime
claims, which overlap with Malaysia's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and
continental shelf. Malaysia has publicly stated the PRC's SCS claims,
persistent patrols in Malaysia's EEZ, and air incursions into
Malaysian-managed air space pose a threat to Malaysia. Despite the PRC
presence and intrusions, Malaysia is actively engaged in oil and gas
exploration and recovery on its continental shelf notwithstanding the
PRC's expansive and unlawful overlapping maritime claims.
If confirmed, I would work with Malaysia, with U.S. Government
departments and agencies, and with Congress to increase U.S. economic
engagement while strengthening our security partnership and our people-
to-people ties.
Question. Are you concerned with their existing relationship?
Please explain.
Answer. PM Anwar's public statements have emphasized the need for
Malaysia to maintain ``strategic balance'' between the United States
and the PRC. If confirmed, I will work with U.S. Government departments
and agencies, Congress, and the private sector to strengthen existing
areas of cooperation with Malaysia, expand our partnership to new areas
and identify alternatives to PRC financing.
Question. Do you believe an ASEAN Code of Conduct will ever be
agreed to between the PRC and ASEAN? If so, when?
Answer. The United States supports ASEAN efforts to negotiate a
meaningful and effective Code of Conduct (COC) on the SCS with the PRC
that is fully consistent with international law as reflected in the
1982 Law of the Sea Convention and protects the rights and interests of
third parties.
We also support ASEAN countries to continue their progress in
negotiating maritime boundary agreements to resolve their overlapping
lawful maritime entitlements to support the international law of the
sea and to strengthen their collective voice during the COC
negotiations. Although it is unclear if or when negotiations might
conclude, if confirmed as Ambassador, I will work with Malaysia,
including by continuing our existing legal engagement, to strengthen
ASEAN's collective voice and support efforts to ensure any COC protects
U.S. interests.
Question. Do you believe the CCP would honor an ASEAN Code of
Conduct?
Answer. I believe a strong and unified ASEAN that negotiates a
meaningful and effective Code of Conduct that protects the rights and
interests of third parties is the best way to ensure the People's
Republic of China honors its commitments.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Nisha Desai Biswal by Senator John Barrasso
Question. What specific criteria is used by the International
Development Finance Corporation (DFC) to decide whether the United
States should make an equity investment?
Answer. It is my understanding that DFC's objectives and criteria
for equity investments are specified in the BUILD Act (22 USC Sec.
9621c(3)). DFC takes into account whether support for the project
would: substantially reduce or overcome the effect of an identified
market failure in the country; would not proceed or would be
substantially delayed without support; contribute to transforming local
conditions to promote development of markets; be aligned with
commercial partner incentives; have significant developmental impact
and contribute to sustainability; and furthers U.S. policy. Equity is
clearly an important tool for DFC to pursue its dual strategic and
developmental mission. DFC also looks at the investment's growth
prospects and the ability of the Corporation to exit the investment in
the future. This is done by establishing a management approval process
requiring a thorough evaluation of how each proposed investment
satisfies these objectives.
Question. With the increased risks and exposure of equity
investments, what requirements are being put in place to ensure
adequate oversight and risk management?
Answer. In addition to DFC's Board of Directors' oversight, it is
my understanding that DFC's Chief Risk Officer and an enterprise risk
management program help the Corporation navigate the risks and
opportunities associated with its proposed investments. I also
understand that specific processes for origination and oversight of
equity investments have been put in place to help control risks
associated with equity investments.
Question. Do you support the DFC providing equity investments in a
foreign state-owned enterprise? If yes, under what circumstances?
Answer. The BUILD Act requires DFC to mobilize private sector
capital to the markets where it can work, many of which feature state
owned enterprises (SOEs). Generally, DFC has understood this mandate to
mean that DFC should not invest in SOEs, but there could be cases where
an investment through an SOE does in fact mobilize private capital.
Question. Do you support the DFC providing equity or investment
financing to upper-middle income countries like Brazil, China, Mexico,
Russia, and Turkey? If yes, under what circumstances?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that DFC follows
applicable law related to country eligibility. I understand that DFC is
prohibited by law from supporting investment in Russia and I can affirm
that DFC does not intend to make any investments in China. However, I
understand that under the BUILD Act, DFC is able to support projects in
other upper middle-income countries subject to obtaining Presidential
certification that the investment is in the national economic or
foreign policy interests of the United States; and that such support is
designed to produce significant developmental outcomes or provide
developmental benefits to the poorest population of that country.
Question. Please explain the DFC's net zero carbon plan.
Answer. I understand DFC announced a commitment to reach net zero
emissions through its investment portfolio by 2040. Under this plan,
DFC will retain the ability to support other technologies or energy
sources on a case-by-case basis when there are strong developmental or
geostrategic benefits.
Question. How does DFC's net-zero carbon plan align with U.S.
efforts to support other U.S. goals, such as the 30,000-megawatt goal
under Power Africa?
Answer. I believe DFC's priorities to support investment in
affordable, reliable energy are closely aligned with the objectives of
Power Africa. Significant investment in a wide array of technologies
and sources of energy to reduce energy poverty in Africa. If confirmed,
I look forward to working with Power Africa.
Question. Do you believe developing nations should be exempt from
the net-zero carbon target?
Answer. I believe access to reliable, sustainable sources of energy
are critical to economic activity in developing nations. If confirmed,
I will work to increase energy as a key focus of DFC. I understand that
DFC's portfolio target does not prevent it from supporting strategic
projects in the gas sector if certain conditions are met or other
industries that help deliver strong developmental impacts or contribute
to key geostrategic goals.
No modern economy can run on variable renewable power alone.
Developing countries will need reliable base load energy to run
a manufacturing plant, data center, or a hospital. The DFC's
new CO2 emissions cap limits the US to financing only 8 more
natural gas power plants globally and forever.
Question. What is your view on this policy and the impact on the
developing world?
Answer. I believe that DFC should look to support solutions that
provide affordable, reliable power supply. There are many options for
countries to achieve that goal. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with the team at DFC to explore ways to increase energy access.
Question. How important is providing reliable baseload energy when
assisting countries with economic growth, job creation and poverty
reduction?
Answer. Supplying businesses and households with reliable energy is
essential to economic growth, job creation, and poverty reduction.
On October 24, 2021, the President of Uganda wrote an opinion
editorial in the Wall Street Journal titled, ``Solar and Wind
Force Poverty on Africa.'' He stated, ``Africa can't sacrifice
its future prosperity for Western climate goals.'' The
President of Uganda explained, ``This stands to forestall
Africa's attempts to rise out of poverty, which require
reliable energy. African manufacturing will struggle to attract
investment and therefore to create jobs without consistent
energy sources.''
Question. Given the extensive expertise of the United States in
these areas, why isn't the DFC financing more projects with coal, oil,
and natural gas to developing nations?
Answer. My understanding is that DFC is responsive to the demands
of the private market for investment support. The companies that seek
DFC support conduct their own analysis and determine what type of
energy is most suitable for the local market. DFC considers energy
projects on a case-by-case basis. If confirmed, I am committed to
ensuring that advancing energy security remains a key focus of DFC
investments.
Question. Do you support the DFC financing coal, oil and natural
gas projects?
Answer. I understand that DFC considers energy projects on a case-
by-case basis. DFC can support strategic projects in the gas sector if
certain conditions are met or other industries that help deliver strong
developmental impacts or contribute to key geostrategic goals. If
confirmed, I will support DFC's policy.
Question. Would you pursue an all-of-the-above energy strategy at
the DFC?
Answer. My understanding is that DFC has not imposed restrictions
on specific technologies or energy sources for power projects. If
confirmed, I will support DFC's policy of advancing market driven
investments that advance energy security through a wide array of
technologies.
Question. What restrictions are currently in place on the financing
of energy projects, including coal, oil and natural gas, at the DFC?
Answer. My understanding is that DFC has not imposed restrictions
on specific technologies for power projects. If confirmed, I would
continue this practice.
Question. Please outline the DFC's priorities in revising its
environmental and social policies and procedures.
Answer. I understand that the last major update to DFC's
Environmental and Social Policy and procedures (ESPP) occurred in 2016
when it was still operating as the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation under different statutory authority. I have been briefed
that DFC is updating its ESPP to keep up with evolving best practices
and the standards of its peer development finance institutions and to
clarify provisions that have led to confusion in practice. If
confirmed, I look forward to learning more about these policies and the
procedures.
In April, it was announced that the Export-Import Bank of the
United States and the DFC may lend up to $4 billion for the
development of small modular nuclear reactors in Poland.
Question. Do you support the DFC financing more nuclear energy
projects?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to promote
nuclear energy projects?
Answer. I understand that DFC has been engaged in discussions with
various stakeholders including discussions regarding potential support
for projects that deploy small, modular nuclear reactor (SMR)
technology. If confirmed, I would look forward to advancing these
efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Nish Desai Biswal by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May 2022, Secretary Blinken said that the People's
Republic of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape
the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds the reins of power in the People's Republic
of China and has used this power to commit genocide in Xinjiang, flood
our communities with fentanyl, and emit, by far the largest quantity of
greenhouse gases in the world today. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose. Is the Chinese
Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), has, and continues to,
pursue policies that are more repressive at home and more aggressive
abroad. The United States and the CCP are strategic competitors. If
confirmed, I will advance the strategic foreign policy and development
goals of the United States as called for under the BUILD Act.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. International investment activities directed by the Chinese
Communist Party come with significant risk of dependence, environmental
degradation, and harm to local communities. None of these potential
outcomes are in the U.S. interest.
Question. Do you believe that there are any areas within which the
Chinese Communist Party would constructively work with the United
States in good faith?
Answer. While the United States and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) are strategic competitors, it may be possible for the PRC to make
constructive contributions in areas of mutual interest, including in
disaster response. If the U.S. pursues cooperation, we must remain
clear-eyed about the challenges that the PRC poses and continue to best
position ourselves to compete economically. Any PRC contributions must
be scrutinized, however, to ensure they are not springboards for PRC
economic and security interests.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the organization in which you will work?
Answer. It would not be appropriate for DFC to work with government
entities or institutions of the People's Republic of China, or entities
that are otherwise controlled by the CCP.
Question. In May 2022, I sent a letter to the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation's (DFC) CEO Scott Nathan regarding the
use of taxpayer funds that bankroll international projects focused on
climate change and gender equity instead of facilitating advancement of
national security policy goals and advancing American prosperity. DFC
has continued to prioritize climate-change and an extreme social
agenda, while the CCP continues to expand its control over foreign
critical infrastructure projects that matter to the economies of the
U.S., allies, Africa, Latin America, the Indo-Pacific, and beyond. How
does the DFC weigh its funding priorities with respect to its
development and foreign policy objectives?
Answer. It is my understanding that DFC funding is allocated to
projects that advance development and foreign policy priorities.
Transactions that do not fit within DFC's statutory mandate under the
BUILD Act are not supported. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that
DFC remains faithful to its strategic and developmental mandates.
Question. When was the last time the DFC invested in a project
whose primary objective was not to advance a gender equity or climate
priority?
Answer. It is my understanding that pursuant to the BUILD Act, DFC
invests in projects that advance development and foreign policy
objectives. For example, DFC's Board of Directors approved last month a
$150 million loan for the expansion, renovation, and operation of the
Freetown International Airport in Sierra Leone. This came on the heels
of the approval of a $150 million investment to expand and modernize a
port in Ecuador, among other infrastructure and critical technology
projects.
Question. When was the last time the DFC declined a strategically
important investment opportunity because it did not believe it
sufficiently advanced a gender equity or climate priority?
Answer. It is my understanding that DFC does not decline
investments because of insufficient contributions to gender equity or
climate goals.
Question. What is the average timeline for DFC to receive a project
proposal to it being authorized/approved?
Answer. I understand that DFC project approval timelines vary
depending on the complexity of the project, with some taking as short
as six months and others over a year.
Question. What would it take to shorten that timeline?
Answer. I understand that DFC is working to shorten timelines by
building its overall capacity and improving processes to meet demand.
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing these efforts and identifying
additional ways that DFC can optimize its processes.
Question. Last week, media reports indicated that the DFC would be
re-organized to focus on five key sectors: Infrastructure and minerals,
energy, health and agriculture, small business support, and funds. The
reorganization has already received criticism across the DFC who are
concerned that the process is rushed. Have you been briefed on the
reorganization of the DFC?
Answer. I am aware of the broad strokes of DFC's potential re-
alignment based on sector strategies. If confirmed, I look forward to
learning more about the process.
Question. If confirmed, how would you ensure that the
reorganization helps DFC achieve the core objective of the BUILD Act,
to provide nations an alternative to Chinese Belt and Road Initiative
projects?
Answer. I understand that DFC's potential realignment efforts are
closely guided by DFC's BUILD Act mandates to advance development and
strategic interests of the United States. If confirmed, I expect to be
closely involved in DFC's organizational efforts to ensure it meets
these objectives.
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[all]