[Senate Hearing 118-302]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                                                        S. Hrg. 118-302

                ASSESSING THE CRISIS IN NAGORNO	KARABAKH

=======================================================================

                                 HEARING

                                BEFORE THE

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION
                               __________

                           SEPTEMBER 14, 2023

                               __________


       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

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                  Available via http://www.govinfo.gov

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                 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS        

             ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman        
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland           JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire          MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware         MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut        PETE RICKETTS, Nebraska
TIM KAINE, Virginia                    RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                   TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey             JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                   TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland             BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois              TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
                Damian Murphy, Staff Director          
       Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director          
                   John Dutton, Chief Clerk          

                              (ii)        

  
                         C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

Menendez, Hon. Robert, U.S. Senator From New Jersey..............     1

Risch, Hon. James E., U.S. Senator From Idaho....................     3

Kim, Yuri, Acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of European and 
  Eurasian Affairs, United States Department of State, 
  Washington, DC.................................................     4
    Prepared Statement...........................................     6

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record

Responses of Ms. Yuri Kim to Questions Submitted by Senator 
  Robert 
  Menendez.......................................................    20

Responses of Ms. Yuri Kim to Questions Submitted by Senator 
  Benjamin L. Cardin.............................................    23

Responses of Ms. Yuri Kim to Questions Submitted by Senator Chris 
  Van Hollen.....................................................    25

Testimony of Bryan Ardouny, Executive Director, Armenian Assembly 
  of America.....................................................    27

Testimony of Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director, 
  Armenian 
  National Committee of America..................................    32

                                 (iii)

  

 
                        ASSESSING THE CRISIS IN
                            NAGORNO-KARABAKH

                              ----------                              


                      THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 2023

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:06 a.m., in 
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Murphy, Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, and Ricketts.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    In the stores of Nagorno-Karabakh, the shelves are empty, 
ambulances do not have gas, miscarriages have nearly tripled, 
and the BBC reports that a third of all deaths there are now 
from malnutrition.
    For months, Azerbaijan has blocked access to the Lachin 
corridor to Armenia, keeping out humanitarian aid to this 
ancient Armenian community that is starving to death.
    Now, my understanding is that one truck went through the 
Aghdam corridor--one truck--for a population of 120,000 
Armenians. Before the blockade, there were 120 trucks passing 
through each day. Let us not be fooled by the regime's attempt 
to muddy the waters.
    President Aliyev says he is not organizing ethnic 
cleansing, but that is exactly what he is doing. By leveraging 
humanitarian aid, he aims to either coerce the people of 
Artsakh into political submission or starve them to death, and 
given that he is reportedly amassing forces along the border, 
we must be vigilant about military action.
    As we sit here today with the lives of so many people 
hanging in the balance, time is of the essence. The former 
prosecutor at the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno 
Ocampo, recently wrote, ``Starvation is the invisible genocide 
weapon. Without immediate dramatic change this group of 
Armenians will be destroyed in a few weeks.'' A few weeks. That 
is how long we have.
    I would ask our witness to speak to what the Department is 
doing, what the Biden administration is doing, and what the 
international community must do to avert this atrocity from 
being carried out before our own eyes.
    I was pleased to see that Secretary Blinken has recently 
personally gotten involved, but let me be clear, our message 
from the highest levels must be unequivocal. Stop the blockade. 
Stop threatening the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. Stop 
threatening Armenia.
    Open the Lachin corridor immediately. Uphold the 
commitments that Azerbaijan itself made in the November 2020 
ceasefire.
    Now, I understand the dynamics of the broader region are 
complicated, but the fundamental principles underlying our 
approach and this crisis should not be.
    We must stand up for peace, security, and the defense of 
human rights, which is in stark contrast to Russia who is not 
only an unreliable and incapable partner, but is an obstacle to 
peace and security.
    As Azerbaijan's forces moved in 2022, Putin's so-called 
peacekeepers were responsible for upholding the 2020 ceasefire. 
They stood idly by. Because of the implications for our own 
moral fortitude and broader stability throughout Europe, the 
United States and Europe have a responsibility.
    Over the past year, the United States has been helping 
facilitate a longer, more durable agreement between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan. I support any efforts that provide for the lasting 
peace, security, and fundamental rights of all people in the 
region, but the reality is this: Talk is worthless when one 
participant in those talks is carrying out a campaign of ethnic 
cleansing.
    I hope our witness will tell us what options she thinks we 
have to alleviate the immediate humanitarian crisis of 
Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. What options do we have to 
compel the government in Baku to finally open access to the 
Lachin corridor?
    What are we doing to dissuade Aliyev from starting yet 
another conflict, and why are we not more publicly considering 
sanctions for activity that I think we can all agree is clearly 
sanctionable?
    For too long we have hedged on Aliyev. I have repeatedly 
expressed my deep opposition about waiving Section 907 of the 
Freedom Support Act, allowing the United States to send 
assistance to his regime. This clearly alters the balance of 
military power between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Aliyev's 
favor.
    I think Azerbaijan's actions over the past 3 years have 
vindicated my skepticism. I hope the international community is 
watching because when President Aliyev is tried for crimes 
against humanity, as I think he should be, the burden of proof 
will be very high.
    Right now, the burden of proof is not about convicting him 
of a crime. It is about preventing this crime, and I would like 
to hear about how the Department is seeking to do that.
    I have to be honest with you. I do not understand when we 
come together and we say never again, never again, and here we 
are before our plain eyes seeing history unfold in a way that 
defies our supposed commitment to never again.
    Is it so important to us, despite Aliyev getting closer and 
closer to Russia, that we cozy up with someone who is in the 
process of creating ethnic cleansing? Is that the history the 
United States wants? Is that the side of history we want to 
stand on?
    I hope not, but I fear, based upon what has happened to 
date, that this is the path we are headed on. To the extent 
whatever resources I have to try to get the Department to act, 
I intend to use them and I look forward to your testimony 
today.
    Let me turn to the distinguished ranking member for his 
remarks. Senator Risch.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The ongoing instability in Europe and Eurasia has made 
clear the need for a strong U.S. policy on the Caucasus, a 
region that continues to grow in importance due to its 
proximity to regional problematic actors like Russia, Iran, and 
Turkey.
    Tensions are rising again between Armenia and Azerbaijan 
over the Nagorno-Karabakh. The United States must push back on 
policies that disregard the best interests of Armenia and 
Azerbaijan and run counter to U.S. interest. We should be able 
to do both.
    This morning, I hope to hear from our witness about the 
efforts the U.S. Government is taking to bring this conflict to 
a peaceful and sustainable resolution and to reassure our 
friends about the U.S. remaining engaged. I share the 
chairman's concerns in this regard.
    Assistant Secretary Kim, I understand that you were 
involved last weekend in talks to help open the Lachin corridor 
and allow goods to flow again into the contested region.
    I hope you will detail for us the specifics of what was 
agreed and whether an end to this humanitarian crisis is in 
sight. Ending this conflict would bring peace to a fractured 
region and remove one of Russia's key levers of influence in 
the region.
    If we fail to form and implement an effective policy, we 
could see a return of Russian influence or even see China 
establishing a stronger foothold in the region.
    The United States, along with our European allies, have an 
important role to play in the future of the Caucasus. Our 
action in response to the crisis in the Nagorno-Karabakh will 
be key to broader U.S. policy toward the region.
    I look forward to hearing your assessments and, more 
importantly, your plans to face this challenge.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. We will move to our witness.
    Acting Assistant Secretary Kim is Principal Deputy 
Assistant Secretary in the Department of State's Bureau for 
Europe and Eurasian Affairs. She is a career diplomat most 
recently serving our country as Ambassador to Albania where she 
modeled best practices for proactive engagement with Congress 
on key issues.
    Her work as director for Southeastern European Affairs, 
director of the Center for the Study of the Conduct of 
Diplomacy, director of the Office of European Security and 
Political Military Affairs have prepared her for the role she 
currently holds at a critical time for the South Caucasus and 
Eastern Europe.
    Your full statement will be included in the record without 
objection. I would urge you to try to summarize it in about 5 
minutes so the committee can have a conversation with you.
    With that, you are recognized.

 STATEMENT OF YURI KIM, ACTING ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF 
  EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS, UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF 
                     STATE, WASHINGTON, DC

    Ms. Kim. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee.
    This is an opportunity to review on the latest. We have 
been tracking very carefully the concerns that all of you have 
expressed on this issue.
    We want to lay out for you the Administration's efforts in 
the South Caucasus, especially with respect to the humanitarian 
situation in Nagorno-Karabakh. I appreciate the opportunity to 
update you on our work and hear your perspectives on these 
pressing issues.
    As you know, we have been working very intensely over the 
past few months to address the deteriorating humanitarian 
situation in Nagorno-Karabakh.
    We share your sense of urgency. We are deeply concerned by 
the continued closure of the Lachin corridor and the impacts 
this closure is having on the people--the people of Nagorno-
Karabakh.
    I want to be clear that we view the status quo as 
completely unacceptable. We will not stop working until we have 
a resolution. We have consistently said that that corridor must 
be open to commercial, humanitarian, and private traffic.
    We have conveyed that message both publicly and privately 
to all levels of the Government of Azerbaijan on numerous 
occasions. Access to food, medicine, baby formula, and energy 
should never be held hostage.
    Secretary Blinken, senior advisor for Caucasus negotiations 
Lou Bono, colleagues at USAID, and many others including myself 
have been intensely engaged on this issue with a wide range of 
contacts at all levels to press for the immediate and 
simultaneous opening of the Lachin corridor as well as other 
routes to humanitarian, commercial, and private traffic to 
allow passage of urgently needed humanitarian supplies.
    We welcome the news that one shipment carrying 
approximately 20 tons of humanitarian supplies passed through 
that Aghdam route into Nagorno-Karabakh on September 12, but as 
you said, Mr. Chairman, that is not enough.
    Additional humanitarian supplies from the International 
Committee of the Red Cross have been positioned for weeks just 
outside the Lachin and Aghdam checkpoints.
    Senior Adviser Bono is once again in the region--that is 
why he is not here with me today--to press for these supplies 
to be allowed into Nagorno-Karabakh immediately and 
simultaneously.
    President Aliyev, as well as representatives of Nagorno-
Karabakh, have publicly stated that they have agreed to this 
arrangement. There should be no more delay in implementing this 
agreement. No more delay.
    It is essential for these supplies which have been, again, 
ready to move for weeks to finally be delivered to the people 
in Nagorno-Karabakh now.
    It is also essential to achieve a more sustainable 
arrangement for the men, women, and children in Nagorno-
Karabakh. In this context, we urge the Government of Azerbaijan 
to restore free transit of commercial, humanitarian, and 
passenger vehicles both in and out of the Lachin corridor 
expeditiously while we recognize also the importance of 
additional routes.
    One of the many challenges to a solution in this region is 
deep mistrust following decades of conflict and instability. We 
need to continue to encourage all sides to work constructively 
and to encourage those in Nagorno-Karabakh to accept 
humanitarian assistance from reputable international sources 
like the ICRC.
    Whatever compromise is ultimately reached, the only path 
forward is through dialogue and compromise to build trust. The 
root causes of instability and conflict that have plagued this 
region for so long have to be addressed. The Administration 
continues to believe that peace in the South Caucasus has the 
potential to transform the region and advance U.S. interests.
    We now have a strategic opportunity to combat malign 
influence in the region from actors like Russia, China, and 
Iran by achieving a durable peace that will expand our 
bilateral economic and security cooperation and provide greater 
energy security for European partners and allies.
    Secretary Blinken has hosted three rounds of peace 
negotiations with the foreign ministers of Armenia and 
Azerbaijan since last November and his leadership has yielded 
results.
    The sides have made progress on a peace agreement that 
could stabilize the region. Armenia and Azerbaijan's border 
commissions have begun discussions on the complicated issue of 
delimiting the border and we will continue to support progress 
on a peace agreement between the sides.
    Progress will not come easily or quickly, but we are 
determined to do all we can to support a dignified--dignified 
and durable peace, an objective that is imperative in the 
broader regional context.
    We have invested in this effort because we believe peace 
between Armenia and Azerbaijan would have cascading benefits 
for the region that are in the U.S. national interest.
    A dignified and durable peace could facilitate regional 
energy security and boost regional transportation links, in 
turn improving economic prospects of all countries in the 
region and improving the lives of millions.
    The United States could increase our security cooperation 
in the region and build the confidence and capacity of each 
country to preserve and protect its sovereignty and 
independence.
    In the context of any peace discussions, we have made clear 
that the rights and security of the ethnic Armenians of 
Nagorno-Karabakh must be protected. This is an essential 
element of any durable and dignified peace agreement.
    Azerbaijan must provide internationally verified 
assurances--verifiable assurances of respect for their rights 
and their ability to remain in their homes and live without 
fear.
    In closing, I want to be clear about a critical issue. The 
United States will not countenance any effort or action, short 
term or long term, to ethnically cleanse or commit other 
atrocities against the Armenian people of Nagorno-Karabakh.
    The current humanitarian situation is not acceptable. 
Humanitarian access through the Lachin corridor and other 
routes must be available now. We will do everything possible to 
make that happen, and we look forward to continuing to work 
with you and the rest of this committee to make that happen.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Kim follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Ms. Yuri Kim

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members 
of the Committee: Thank you for your invitation to speak with you today 
about the Administration's efforts in the South Caucasus, especially 
with respect to the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh. I 
appreciate the opportunity to update you on our work and hear your 
perspectives on these pressing issues.
    We have been working intensely over the past months to address the 
deteriorating humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh. We are deeply 
concerned by the continued closure of the Lachin corridor and the 
impacts this closure is having on the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh. I 
want to be clear that we view the status quo as completely 
unacceptable. We will not stop working until we have a resolution. We 
have consistently said the corridor must be open to commercial, 
humanitarian, and private traffic. We have conveyed this message both 
publicly and privately to all levels of the Government of Azerbaijan on 
numerous occasions. Access to food, medicine, baby formula, and energy 
should never be held hostage.
    Secretary Blinken, Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations Lou 
Bono, colleagues at USAID, and many others, including me, have been 
intensely engaged on this issue with a wide range of contacts at all 
levels to press for the immediate and simultaneous opening of the 
Lachin corridor as well as other routes to humanitarian, commercial and 
private traffic to allow passage of urgently needed humanitarian 
supplies.
    We welcomed the news that one shipment carrying approximately 20 
tons of humanitarian supplies passed through the Aghdam route into 
Nagorno-Karabakh on September 12. Additional humanitarian supplies from 
the International Committee of the Red Cross have been positioned for 
weeks just outside both the Lachin and Aghdam checkpoints. Senior 
Advisor Bono is once again in the region to press for these supplies to 
be allowed into Nagorno-Karabakh immediately and simultaneously. 
President Aliyev as well as representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh have 
publicly stated that they have agreed to this arrangement. There should 
be no more delay in implementing this agreement. It is essential for 
these supplies--which have ready to move for weeks--to be delivered to 
the population in Nagorno-Karabakh now.
    It is also essential to achieve a more sustainable arrangement for 
the men, women, and children in Nagorno-Karabakh. In this context, we 
urge the Government of Azerbaijan to restore free transit of 
commercial, humanitarian, and passenger vehicles both in and out of the 
Lachin corridor expeditiously, while recognizing the importance of 
additional routes.
    One of the many challenges to a solution is deep mistrust in the 
region following decades of conflict and instability. We need to 
continue to encourage all sides to work constructively and to encourage 
those in Nagorno-Karabakh to accept humanitarian assistance from 
reputable international sources like the International Committee of the 
Red Cross. Whatever compromise is ultimately reached, the only path 
forward is through dialogue and compromise to build trust.
    The root causes of instability and conflict that have plagued this 
region for so long must be addressed. The Administration continues to 
believe that peace in the South Caucasus has the potential to transform 
the region and advance U.S. interests. We now have a strategic 
opportunity to combat malign influence in the region from actors like 
Russia, China, and Iran by achieving a durable peace that will expand 
our bilateral economic and security cooperation and provide greater 
energy security for European partners and allies.
    Secretary Blinken has hosted three rounds of peace negotiations 
with the foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan since last 
November, and his leadership has yielded results. The sides have made 
progress on a peace agreement that could stabilize the region. Armenia 
and Azerbaijan's border commissions have begun discussions on the 
complicated issue of delimiting the border. We will continue to support 
progress on a peace agreement between the sides.
    Progress will not come easily or quickly, but we are determined to 
do all we can to support a dignified and durable peace--an objective 
that is imperative in the broader regional context. We have invested in 
this effort because we believe peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan 
would have cascading benefits for the region that are in the U.S. 
national security interest. A dignified and durable peace could 
facilitate regional energy security and boost regional transportation 
links, in turn improving economic prospects of all countries in the 
region and improving the lives of millions. The United States could 
increase our security cooperation in the region and build the 
confidence and capacity of each country to preserve and protect its 
sovereignty and independence.
    In the context of any peace discussions, we have made clear that 
the rights and security of the ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh 
must be protected. This is an essential element of any durable and 
dignified peace agreement. Azerbaijan must provide internationally 
verifiable assurances of respect for their rights and their ability to 
remain in their homes and live without fear.
    In closing, I want to be clear about a critical issue: the United 
States will not countenance any action or effort--short-term or long-
term--to ethnically cleanse or commit other atrocities against the 
Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. The current humanitarian 
situation is not acceptable. Humanitarian access through the Lachin 
corridor and other routes must be made available now. We have also made 
it abundantly clear that the use of force is not acceptable. We give 
this committee our assurance that these principles will continue to 
guide our efforts in this region.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to discuss our priorities and 
efforts to help build a just and lasting peace in the South Caucasus. I 
look forward to your questions.

    The Chairman. Thank you. We will turn to a round of 5 
minutes.
    Four hundred tons of essential goods used to go to through 
the Lachin corridor daily. On August 15, we saw the first 
reported death from starvation of a 40-year-old man and I fear 
he will not be the last.
    Do you share my assessment as well as the ICJ's assessment 
that the blockade may represent a real and imminent risk to the 
health and life of Karabakh Armenians?
    Ms. Kim. Yes, we do, Senator. We share your sense of 
urgency and that is why we are working this as hard as we are.
    The Chairman. Well, can you explain to me then why the 
United States is not or cannot do more to get humanitarian 
assistance in, as well as what we are doing to support the 
International Committee on the Red Cross?
    Ms. Kim. We have actually undertaken quite a lot of action 
on that front, Senator.
    We have been working this nonstop in-person, over the 
phone, with all different actors--Baku, Yerevan, Stepanakert--
to try to move this thing. We finally, I believe, were able to 
work with international partners to get a first truck through. 
That is a Russian truck, I would point out.
    The point is that that traffic is now flowing. The 
agreement is that traffic through the Lachin corridor has to be 
open. While I think all of us welcome that one truck through 
Aghdam, I think all of us also agree it is not enough. It is 
not enough. Lachin has to be open. Other routes can be open 
too, but Lachin must be open. That is a----
    The Chairman. One truck is----
    Ms. Kim. Nonnegotiable.
    The Chairman. One truck is not mercy.
    Ms. Kim. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. It is not even what is just. The reality is 
in addition to the blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh, President 
Aliyev is reportedly building up troop presence both around 
Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia's border. Surely we cannot take 
anything he says about wanting to find a solution to the crisis 
seriously when he is withholding food and also threatening 
violence.
    To me, that is pretty outrageous. I am concerned that we 
are--I hear your testimony, but I am concerned that we are not 
bringing urgency to this situation and taking a whole-of-
government approach to pressure Aliyev.
    How real are the fears of renewed war and what is the 
Department doing to avert an Azerbaijani attack on the people 
of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia? Has the State Department told 
him to stand down and threatened sanctions?
    Has the White House and National Security Council told him 
to stand down? Has the Pentagon through contacts in the 
Azerbaijani military told him to stand down?
    These are the problems that I have with the waivers of 
Section 907. I do not understand. If that is about having 
influence with the Azerbaijanis, it is not working very well 
and, if anything, it is giving them a qualitative edge over 
Armenia's defense.
    Can you answer those questions for me?
    Ms. Kim. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Those are important, but 
complicated questions, but there is a simple answer to all of 
those.
    I have got here a ream of paper listing all the various 
telephone calls, meetings, travel that we have had to send 
across a very, very clear message. Number one, Lachin corridor 
must be open now. Now. No more delay.
    Number two, we will not tolerate any military action. We 
will not tolerate any attack on the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. 
That is very clear.
    As we do this, we are mindful of the fact that, technically 
speaking, the war is not over between Armenia and Azerbaijan, 
which adds urgency to our commitment to try to support a 
durable and dignified peace agreement between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan that takes into account the security of the people 
of Nagorno-Karabakh.
    The Chairman. Do you know if the Administration and the 
National Security Council----
    Ms. Kim. Yes, they have.
    The Chairman. --if the Pentagon--have they have all weighed 
in?
    Ms. Kim. Yes, they have.
    The Chairman. They have all weighed in?
    Ms. Kim. Jake Sullivan hosted the foreign ministers of 
Nagorno-Karabakh--sorry, Armenia and Azerbaijan a few months 
ago for discussions here in Washington.
    The Secretary has done several rounds of that. The 
Secretary has also had multiple phone calls with President 
Aliyev. I have had multiple phone calls with the foreign 
ministers of both countries over the last couple of weeks alone 
to drive home those messages.
    I believe that we are beginning to see a little bit of 
movement, but we are not going to rest, Mr. Chairman, until we 
actually see real results.
    The Chairman. All of this is just in pursuit of the 2020 
agreement--the ceasefire agreement. Azerbaijan made agreements. 
We are just asking, even though we think there is much more to 
ask for--we are just asking for them to live up to their 
agreements.
    Now, if the agreements that they made--the commitments that 
Azerbaijan made in the November 2020 ceasefire, if we--it is 
now 3 years after nearly and we are revisiting that which they 
had agreed to and that have violated.
    I just hope you will tell the Secretary on my behalf that I 
would hate to see that this Administration stands by and allows 
ethnic cleansing to take place on their watch and under their 
eye.
    We do not have to wait for reports of what happened a 
decade later. It is happening in real time. I have already 
raised this question at previous hearings months ago and I said 
people are dying, and I got a response, well, we are not sure 
about that.
    People are dying. I do not know how many more have to die 
and I certainly expect that if this continues, even if this is 
abated tomorrow, that we are not going to keep waiving Section 
907. We only embolden Aliyev. We give him a message that it is 
okay. That is the wrong message.
    Senator Ricketts.
    Senator Ricketts. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Thank you, Assistant Secretary Kim.
    Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, Armenia has been an 
important security partner for Russia and houses one of the few 
military bases the Kremlin maintains on foreign soil. It has 
also remained a member of the Collective Security Treaty 
Organization.
    Armenia prioritizes its relationship with Russia mainly 
because it is the only game in town for security on Nagorno-
Karabakh. However, given Russia's reluctance to intervene in 
the 2020 conflict and enforce the ceasefire agreement, since 
Armenia appears to have second--it appears Armenia has second 
thoughts about its longtime partnership with Russia and shifts 
toward the West.
    Earlier this month, the Armenian Prime Minister said the 
country's reluctance on Russia--reliance on Russia, rather--was 
not paying off particularly as Moscow struggles to supply its 
own military, let alone partnering with other militaries.
    He continued--dependence on just one partner in security 
matters is a strategic mistake. Armenia followed up by 
announcing its first ever tranche of humanitarian assistance to 
Ukraine and this week U.S. forces commenced 10 days of joint 
exercises with Armenian soldiers.
    This is, clearly, an embarrassing setback for the Kremlin, 
which has summoned Armenia's Ambassador to complain about 
unfriendly steps the country was taking.
    Does Armenia's recent actions represent a permanent shift 
away from Russia or simply a shot across the bow for Moscow to 
intervene more forcibly in Nagorno-Karabakh? Do you have 
thoughts on this? What direction is Armenia going?
    Ms. Kim. Senator, thanks for that question.
    I think after Russia took the action that it did against 
its neighbor Ukraine on February 24 last year, all of Russia's 
neighbors are sleeping with one eye open, as they should be.
    I think all of them are understanding that as they watch 
this vivid, grotesque demonstration of Russia's disregard for 
the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their neighbors, 
they are beginning to have second thoughts about having invited 
Russian troops onto their territory, relying on Russia as their 
sole source of energy, hosting Russian military installations 
in their lands, and this is a set of questions that deserve to 
come up. What it also does is it represents an opportunity for 
us to develop these relationships.
    Senator, as you point out, our military is out there in 
Armenia to conduct our first ever bilateral military exercise 
with Armenia and we are going to continue to take advantage of 
this opening.
    Senator Ricketts. Okay. Specifically, you were very broad 
when you started off your remarks there. Specifically with 
regard to Armenia, is this--is Armenia--again, is this a shot 
across the bow to Moscow to get them to pay more attention to 
Nagorno-Karabakh, or is it more about they want to move away 
from Russia permanently and more toward the West? Do you have 
an opinion on that?
    Ms. Kim. I think it is too early to tell.
    Senator Ricketts. Too early to tell?
    Ms. Kim. It does not mean that we should not jump in there 
to turn it into exactly what we would like to see it be, which 
is a real decision to partner with us as opposed to Russia, but 
to get there, we need to be present, which is why our 
assistance to Armenia counts so much and our partnership counts 
so much.
    Senator Ricketts. Given Armenia's reliance economically, 
militarily, and so forth on Russia, are there concerns or is 
there a risk that Russia might respond more forcibly if they 
continue to see the Armenians move toward the West?
    Ms. Kim. I think Russia has proven itself and Putin has 
proven himself to be vindictive to anyone who does not bend to 
his will. Yes, we are very much on the alert for that.
    Senator Ricketts. What is your thoughts on the strategy of 
how we walk that line then between continuing to develop 
relationships with Armenia and not triggering some sort of 
Russian response that would be more forceful?
    Ms. Kim. I think we have got to keep a close watch on the 
situation. We need to increase the array of assistance that we 
provide to Armenia, whether it is developmental assistance, 
whether it is defense partnerships, the security activities, 
and expand those out as much as we can in a way that is 
acceptable for the Armenians themselves.
    This cannot be a unilateral move so we got to do this in 
true partnership with Armenia and make sure that we are 
providing the support that they need to make the turn that they 
would like to make.
    Senator Ricketts. Russian sanctions evasion has been a 
particular cause--problem in the Caucasus, and Armenia has 
allowed Russia to access key microchips and electronics that 
Russia needs for its war on Ukraine.
    Has Armenian enforcement of the sanctions improved or does 
it remain a country of concern for sanctions evasions?
    Ms. Kim. I believe that they have been observing those 
sanctions.
    Senator Ricketts. They have been observing the sanctions. 
Have they have been shutting off Russia from getting microchips 
and so forth?
    Ms. Kim. I believe so, but I am going to have to--yes, we 
will take that question back and get back to you, sir.
    Senator Ricketts. Great. Thank you very much.
    Mr. Chairman, thanks.
    Senator Cardin [presiding]. Thank you.
    Madam Secretary, thank you very much for your service. We 
appreciate it very much. We want to have a strong strategic 
relationship with both Azerbaijan and Armenia and I think we 
have an opportunity now with the relationship declining between 
Armenia and Russia to be able to achieve that.
    It depends upon us standing by our values as we resolve the 
issues in the contested area. I agree with Senator Menendez. 
The humanity crisis is horrible and every day we wait, more 
people are dying, and the United States needs to take decisive 
action, and in doing that and bringing the parties together and 
enforcing the safe corridor for the humanitarian assistance and 
having a ceasefire and setting up the climate to resolve on a 
more permanent basis the governance of the region.
    To do that, we have to be able to show that we are serious 
about this, and I just really want to underscore the point that 
Senator Menendez said. When you routinely give the waiver under 
Section 907, you are saying that Azerbaijan has demonstrated 
steps to cease all blockades and other offensive uses of force 
against Armenia, and that is just not the case.
    We lose credibility when that happens, when we are not 
prepared to take decisive steps based upon our values. Yes, we 
want to have a strong relationship with Azerbaijan. They are an 
important country for us, but as President Biden has said 
frequently, our foreign policy will be wrapped within our 
values and it is difficult for some of us to understand that 
based upon the actions in that region.
    I am going to mention one specific case that was brought to 
my attention in Azerbaijan, and that is the activist who was 
imprisoned, Gubad Ibadoghlu. I do not know if you are familiar 
with that case or not.
    The United States does not stand by and let activists be 
imprisoned because of their speech, particularly with countries 
that we want to have a strategic relationship with, including a 
financial relationship with. We consider sanctions for those 
types of activities.
    Tell me how the Administration is handling those types of 
activities within Azerbaijan and why the continuation of the 
waiver does not give the wrong signal in trying to resolve the 
conflict.
    Ms. Kim. Thank you, Senator.
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken have made very clear 
that human rights and our values are at the center of our 
foreign policy and we take every opportunity to drive that home 
with all of our partners, every country that we deal with, 
including with Azerbaijan.
    As you rightly point out, we have an opportunity and an 
imperative to develop a strategic relationship with Armenia, as 
well as Azerbaijan.
    In that context, when we look at requesting a waiver for 
907, we want to make sure that we are doing two things--first 
of all, that none of the assistance that we provide could ever 
be used for offensive action against Armenia and, two, that it 
is in the U.S. national security interest to do that.
    In the past when we have requested 907 waivers, we have 
used that assistance to help the Armenians beef up their border 
security, especially with Iran, and that has rendered concrete 
results in terms of stopping counter--in terms of stopping 
narco trafficking, which is used to finance the IRGC.
    There are real results from that, but we hear you on 
needing to be very serious and to be very thorough as we 
deliberate on whether or not to request a 907 waiver. We take 
that responsibility very seriously.
    I would note that the last 907 waiver expired in June. We 
have not submitted a new waiver request yet because we are 
reviewing the situation very carefully.
    I also want to assure you, Senator, that we look at the 
wide range of tools that are available to us to influence the 
behavior, to persuade others along, and we will not rule 
anything out.
    Senator Cardin. Let me just interrupt at that point because 
I have a limited amount of time. I hope you will get back to me 
in regards to the specific case I mentioned.
    Ms. Kim. Okay. I sure will.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Let me just--if you read the language of the waiver, it is 
not the way Congress wrote it. I think you have to follow the 
waiver language, and it is not the use of the funds--it is the 
activities on the ground. That, to me, is not carrying out the 
directive from Congress.
    Then, lastly, let me just point this out. I have been in 
Congress--the House and the Senate--for a long time and this 
conflict predates my service in the House of Representatives, 
let alone the United States Senate.
    I serve on the Helsinki Commission, chaired it many years. 
I know the OSCE Minsk Group. That group started in the nineties 
and has been declared dead by some, but certainly has not been 
effective in ending this.
    We know about the violations of the cease fires over and 
over and over again. This conflict has gone on way too long. We 
saw that when we have had long-standing conflicts, U.S. 
leadership has been instrumental in ending those conflicts. We 
have seen that in our hemisphere. U.S. leadership is needed 
desperately to end this humanitarian crisis and give us a path 
towards a resolution of the conflict.
    Ms. Kim. Senator, we agree with you fully. That is why we 
have got the special adviser--the senior adviser out in the 
region. We have been engaged for weeks, months, years. That is 
also why the Secretary of State has personally been engaged in 
these peace discussions and we will continue to do that.
    The Chairman [presiding]. Senator Murphy.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thanks 
for convening this hearing. Thank you for your testimony today.
    Let me first just associate myself with the remarks of the 
chairman and Senator Cardin and others. This is, obviously, a 
crisis; one that requires active U.S. leadership.
    I understand the difficult question regarding the pressure 
points on Azerbaijan, but at this point I think you have to put 
all possible tools on the table because gentle diplomacy does 
not seem to be working.
    I guess I want to ask you a question about the state of the 
Russia-Azerbaijan relationship because we have been hard at 
work along with our European colleagues over the course of the 
last decade trying to help Europe slowly wean itself off of 
dependence on Russian gas and oil, and part of that strategy 
has been to deliver more Azerbaijani gas and oil to Europe.
    We think that that is a more responsible choice. I think we 
now have to question whether or not that premise stands and it 
is interesting that Russia is making these new overtures to 
Azerbaijan because it sees that their energy products are going 
to matter more to Europe, and to the extent that Russia and 
Azerbaijan can link up on national security policy, then the 
leverage that Russia is losing it, perhaps, could gain back.
    What are the implications for the U.S. and for Europe as 
Azerbaijan and Russia draw closer? What is the nature of that 
relationship and did we perhaps make the wrong bet by moving 
more Azerbaijani resources into Europe? Could we come back and 
could Europe come back to ultimately regret that decision?
    Ms. Kim. Thank you for that question.
    The relationship between Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, 
everybody else in the region, with Russia is dictated by 
geography and history and it is not just the history of a few 
years in the Soviet years. It is generations and centuries 
here.
    We are working hard to rebalance that in our favor. What we 
also notice is that this agreement that Armenia and Azerbaijan 
reached in November of 2020, we are not a party to it, and that 
agreement calls for the Russians to provide peacekeepers to 
enforce the terms of that agreement.
    I think it is fair to say that the Russians have not 
delivered and that is part of the reason why you are seeing the 
Armenians beginning to question that relationship.
    On the broader issue of energy, that is an urgent need. All 
of the countries in Europe and around the world, I would say, 
have concluded that it is not a good idea to be sole-sourced to 
Russia for their energy needs.
    We have had an effective period of work with the 
Azerbaijanis in helping them to bring--to double the amount of 
gas that they will be bringing to Europe by the year 2027 from 
about 10 to about 20 BCM.
    That southern gas corridor is extremely important for 
ensuring that there is energy diversity for Turkey, Greece, 
Bulgaria, potentially Albania and definitely Italy and possibly 
into the Western Balkans. We cannot underestimate how important 
that is.
    There is also the oil pipeline that runs from Baku, 
Tbilisi, to Ceyhan and we need that to keep functioning. The 
main task here is to enable our friends, partners, allies to 
break free of the stranglehold that Russian energy has had on 
them over the last few generations.
    Senator Murphy. Listen, I--right, but our alternative is 
turning from dependence on one dictatorship to a different 
dictatorship and the question now becomes are we funding 
Azerbaijan's efforts to impose a brutal blockade on the 
Armenian people.
    Again, I think it underscores the importance of the 
ultimate goal which is to break the United States and Europe 
free of dependence on oil and gas, period stop, because there 
seem to be no great choices in the region.
    I do appreciate the leadership that Secretary Blinken has 
shown here. I think it is important that we are playing a 
central role here and I am glad to have this update. We hope to 
stay in close touch.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Kim. Senator, I would like to just foot stomp one point 
that you made about energy diversity source routes and that 
means that we do not want our friends, allies, and partners to 
be single-sourced to any country or to any type or any route.
    That is not in their interest. We want our friends, allies, 
and partners to have multiple ways to get energy so that nobody 
can hold them hostage based on energy needs.
    Senator Murphy. Right, but we are just--we are seeing a 
remarkable amount of coordination between countries that are 
part of that system of multiple supports, most recently the 
Saudis and the Russians essentially colluding to keep the price 
high enough in order to continue to fund the war.
    This strategy of being dependent on a system and series of 
dictatorships, again, may not necessarily bear the strategic 
gain that we think it does.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Senator Kaine.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Secretary Kim, I associate myself with many of the 
questions that have been asked. I want to offer an observation 
and then a question that is a follow-up from something that 
Senator Cardin was asking you about.
    The observation is this. Following the Azerbaijani 
incursion into Armenia in 2020, Russia, who is a treaty-bound 
security partner of Armenia in the Collective Security Treaty 
Organization, took no action to defend its CSTO member.
    Now, contrast that with NATO, NATO linking arms because of 
American leadership and the leadership of others to battle 
against--to help Ukraine battle against the illegal war--the 
illegal invasion by Russia, Sweden and Finland coming into 
NATO. Sweden's accession is still pending, but just this week 
they committed to increase their own defense spending by 28 
percent to reach the 2 percent commitment of NATO members.
    Look at a NATO that is getting stronger, that is making 
more investments, that is demonstrating its mettle, and then a 
CSTO where Russia will not even take action to support somebody 
that it is treaty bound to. I think that speaks volumes.
    The question I wanted to return to is the question about 
Dr. Gubad Ibadoghlu, who was a National Endowment for Democracy 
fellow in 2015. He has lived in New Jersey and Virginia and 
more--most recently, North Carolina. He is tied with American 
universities, especially the University of North Carolina.
    He is a prominent Azerbaijani scholar and he has written 
about the very issue that Senator Murphy was asking about this, 
the fact that oil revenues often go hand-in-hand with 
corruption and poor governance.
    As a scholar, he has written about that, and because those 
writings are unpopular with the rulers of Azerbaijan, he and 
his wife were arrested in July with no due process. He remains 
imprisoned in very poor conditions and he has numerous health 
issues. He celebrated his birthday on Tuesday.
    What can you share about the Department's interaction with 
the Government of Azerbaijan regarding Dr. Ibadoghlu?
    Ms. Kim. We have raised this case and we will continue to 
do so. If and when the Senate confirms the next nominee to be 
our Ambassador to Azerbaijan, I can assure you that this 
gentleman's case will be at the top of his agenda when it comes 
to pursuing these types of issues.
    Senator Kaine. We would like to also reach out to you 
periodically to find out about the status of this case----
    Ms. Kim. Absolutely.
    Senator Kaine. --and even before a confirmation, I just 
hope that we raise it again and again and again----
    Ms. Kim. Absolutely.
    Senator Kaine. --because I think the unjust imprisonment of 
a NED fellow with ties to many of our states is something that 
needs to be top priority and I would appreciate you taking that 
back.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
thank you for your testimony here today.
    I want to follow up on a couple of questions that have been 
posed by my colleagues and I want to second the remarks made by 
the chairman in his opening statement, as well, on Section 907 
because, as you know, the Administration did make the 
certification. I believe it was in July of last year. Is that 
correct? The waiver? June of last year.
    I am looking for the report that accompanied that--I saw 
the certification itself--because the statute does require that 
the State Department provide information on the status of 
negotiations for a peaceful settlement between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan and the impact of United States assistance on those 
negotiations.
    We will be checking to see exactly what the finding was 
then, but you would agree today that the provision of U.S. 
assistance did not have a positive impact on the negotiations. 
Is that not the case today?
    Ms. Kim. Senator, respectfully, I am not sure that I would 
agree with that statement. We make sure through a very thorough 
process that has gotten even more thorough. I understand that 
the GAO report----
    Senator Van Hollen. No. Just so I understand, I am not 
talking about the process. I am asking today--if today you had 
to present this report to Congress--if you exercise the waiver 
and had to present the report to Congress, could you conclude 
that the assistance--U.S. assistance--was having a positive 
impact on the negotiation?
    Ms. Kim. We are going through those issues very thoroughly, 
which is why you have not seen the waiver come through yet.
    Senator Van Hollen. Let me just state a--read a statement 
that the State Department made on April 23 of this year in 
response to Azerbaijan's establishment of the blockade of the 
Lachin corridor.
    It reads--this is the State Department saying, ``The United 
States is deeply concerned that Azerbaijan's establishment of a 
checkpoint on the Lachin corridor undermines efforts to 
establish confidence in the peace process.''
    That was in April. Do you agree with the State Department's 
statement?
    Ms. Kim. Yes, that is correct.
    Senator Van Hollen. Okay.
    Ms. Kim. Any 907 assistance that has gone through is 
targeted towards counterterrorism and border security mostly 
along the border with Iran.
    Senator Van Hollen. Right, so you stand by the State 
Department's statement, I hope, from April, which was----
    Ms. Kim. Yes, of course.
    Senator Van Hollen. --that the actions by Azerbaijan 
undermined efforts to establish confidence in the peace 
process, right?
    Ms. Kim. Yes.
    Senator Van Hollen. Okay. Has anything happened between 
April 23 and today that would lead you to believe that 
providing assistance by exercising the waiver would improve the 
prospects for peace?
    Ms. Kim. That is--those are, in some ways, a little bit 
separated because as I said earlier, the--any 907 assistance 
that has gone through is directed at counterterrorism 
objectives that are in our interest, along with border security 
and counternarcotics activities that are also in our interests. 
That has produced real results in terms of addressing our 
concerns about our IRGC funding.
    With respect to the blockage of the Lachin corridor, we 
share your sense of urgency on this. Nobody is sitting still on 
this. I want to assure you that we work night and day on this 
issue.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate your testimony.
    Ms. Kim. I do not know what else to tell you.
    Senator Van Hollen. I am just going to be interested in 
reading if you exercise the waiver this time around, which I 
hope you will not because I do not think the conditions on the 
ground merit it, but if you do, it will be interesting to see 
what the State Department puts in its required report on the 
question of whether or not--the impact of U.S. assistance on 
the negotiations.
    I know you are arguing that the assistance helps advance 
counterterrorism objectives. The report requires an assessment 
about whether any of this assistance also helps--what its 
impact on the peace process is.
    Ms. Kim. Understood.
    Senator Van Hollen. I think, based on your statements from 
April--the State Department's statements from April--it is 
pretty clear that at least as of then, in your own words--State 
Department's own words--it was undermining confidence in the 
peace process, and I do not see anything that has changed from 
that day to this.
    Look, I have got other questions to submit for the record. 
One of my concerns has been the impact on our demining efforts 
in Nagorno-Karabakh. Many of us have been very active in 
providing funds to demine that area and all the reports we are 
getting from people on the ground who are involved in the 
demining effort is that the blockade is having a significant 
harmful impact----
    Ms. Kim. Correct.
    Senator Van Hollen. --on their efforts. Would you agree 
with that?
    Ms. Kim. I would totally agree with that and that is why we 
are working hard to get the Lachin corridor and other routes 
open as soon as possible.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Madam Secretary, you just said in response to 
Senator Van Hollen that Section 907 and our waivers is about 
border security and counternarcotics and their performance in 
that regard. Did I understand you correctly?
    Ms. Kim. Yes, sir. There is a number of objectives related 
to our assistance to--any security assistance that we have with 
Azerbaijan.
    The Chairman. Those are?
    Ms. Kim. Those are to strengthen the interoperability of 
Azerbaijani forces with the U.S. and NATO because that is in 
our interest, to provide opportunities for Western 
indoctrination and education, to help secure the 475-mile-long 
border with Iran, and to secure energy sources and routes that 
are critical to our European friends and allies.
    The Chairman. Okay. That is the limited universe under 
which, I guess, the Department looks at Section 907. Is it in 
our national interest to stop ethnic cleansing?
    Ms. Kim. Absolutely, sir.
    The Chairman. Well, I do not hear that in the list and I do 
not hear that in the process of determining whether Section 907 
should be waived.
    If we allow for whatever reasons, whatever security--border 
security, counternarcotics--for ethnic cleansing to take place 
and we look the other way, we send a global message of what our 
priorities are. We say to others in the world, you can do that 
as long as you work with us on counternarcotics, border 
security, and other such things.
    That would be a horrific, horrific result of a policy that 
would be blindsided to the fundamental proposition that if 
there is a country in the world that stands for human rights, 
it is the United States of America.
    I have listened to our President, who both when I sat over 
there when he was the chairman of this committee, and when he 
was Vice President, and, of course, as President, has spoken 
about the importance as part of the fabric of our foreign 
policy in terms of human rights, but speaking of it is 
meaningless. It is a hollow promise without action. I do not 
know how we can see a positive result under Section 907 when we 
have the violations of the 2020 cease fire.
    I do not see how we can have a positive result when we have 
the amassing of troops by Azerbaijan. I do not see how we can 
have a positive result when Azerbaijan kills in cold blood 
unarmed Armenian soldiers and sexually abuses and mutilates a 
female Armenian soldier.
    I do not understand how Section 907 leads to a more 
peaceful resolution when they are in the verge of ethnically 
cleansing 120,000 Armenians in Karabakh. I do not understand 
it.
    I do not understand how one can stretch the proposition of 
what Congress meant in Section 907 that way, and so when I hear 
you dictate what are the elements, well, those elements do not 
cover the dire consequences that are happening right now.
    Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you for 
being here, Secretary Kim.
    I have to say I share the concerns that have been expressed 
about Azerbaijan's continued obstruction of the Lachin 
corridor. In New Hampshire, we have a large Armenian diaspora 
and we hear consistently from them about their concerns that 
Azerbaijan's blockade has resulted in severe humanitarian 
suffering, that it should be lifted immediately, and as 
probably one of the few members of Congress who has actually 
spent some time in Armenia, I have to say this is a problem 
that we ought to be able to help resolve.
    One of the things that I know would be helpful would be for 
the Senate to confirm the Ambassador to Azerbaijan. I think it 
would really be helpful for us to have an Ambassador there who 
can make the case for why we need to address what is happening 
in Nagorno-Karabakh.
    I hope that the Senate will be able to get that done. I 
understand that the nominee is on the business meeting for next 
week so, hopefully, we can move that, Mr. Chairman.
    Can you speak to what role Russia is currently playing in 
Nagorno-Karabakh and any negotiations that are happening?
    Ms. Kim. Thank you, Senator, and we agree with you on the 
need to get an Ambassador out to Azerbaijan as soon as 
possible.
    On the role of Russia, as you know, Russia is the one that 
brokered the cease fire between Armenia and Azerbaijan after 
the horrific violence in 2020, and they put themselves forward 
as peacekeepers and guarantors for the terms of the that 
agreement.
    The United States was not at all involved and in our 
assessment, and I think I am safe to say in the assessment of 
Armenia and Azerbaijan, the Russians have not done what they 
were supposed to do.
    Just a few months ago, at exactly a year ago, we saw 
violence flare up again on the Russian watch. I think it is 
reasonable to demand that the Russians do their job to prevent 
further violence.
    I think it is also incumbent on the Russians to make sure 
that that Lachin corridor is opened again. That is their 
responsibility as peacekeepers. We are doing our level best. We 
are not a party to that agreement, but we are doing our level 
best and we will do more than our level best because we think 
it is absolutely urgent to get food in to the people of 
Nagorno-Karabakh.
    Food, medical supplies should not be held hostage to 
political disputes and we are going to continue to do that. I 
think the whole world should be asking what is Russia doing in 
Nagorno-Karabakh to help the situation.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I very much appreciate 
that statement.
    Do they still have 2,000 peacekeepers on the ground and are 
they actually doing anything--the people who are supposed to be 
the peacekeepers?
    Ms. Kim. We believe that they do have about that number of 
peacekeepers. We understand that their troops get supplies air 
dropped in by helicopter. We do note that that one truck, the 
one truck that went in a couple of days ago, is a Russian Red 
Cross truck.
    Again, that is not enough. That is not enough. That is not 
what the Russians took on as a responsibility to secure the 
people of Nagorno-Karabakh and it is not what both the 
representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh and President Aliyev agreed 
to in principle, which was that they would open Lachin and 
other corridors immediately and simultaneously without delay.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    I do not have much time left, but I did want to raise the 
role of Georgia because Georgia has previously played a 
constructive role in trying to facilitate negotiations between 
Armenia and Azerbaijan, and as we know, the domestic political 
situation there is very challenging.
    I appreciate the response I received to a letter to 
Secretary Blinken and Administrator Power to the--with respect 
to a long-term election mission. Can you talk about why that 
might be helpful?
    Ms. Kim. Georgia used to be the poster child for recovery 
and resilience and flourishing after the breakup of the Soviet 
Union. We have been discouraged to see democratic backsliding 
in recent years.
    We want to make sure that we keep democratic institutions 
and practices front and center so that we are able to ensure 
that the Georgian Government delivers on the will of the 
Georgian people, 85 percent of whom want to see their country 
in the EU.
    Sadly, vice president of the European Council, Josep 
Borrell, was just in Georgia and made clear that thus far the 
Georgian Government has only met three of the 12 conditions to 
open up negotiations for EU membership and that is a 
responsibility that the Georgian Government has to bear.
    We want to see the Georgian Government be more responsive 
to their people and we would like to be in a position to work 
with them, to help the country of Georgia and the people of 
Georgia take firm steps forward on their Euro-Atlantic path.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Mr. Chairman, if I could have 
just another minute or two.
    The letter that I received has the State Department 
pointing out that plans for a long-term election observation 
mission will be finalized in the coming months, but that 
timetable does not give us much time to actually prepare for 
what needs to happen in order to ensure a free and fair 
election.
    Can you tell me has the Government of Georgia agreed to a 
long-term election observation mission and what happens to 
Georgia's accession agenda if next year's elections do not 
accurately reflect the will of the people?
    Ms. Kim. Senator, if you will allow, I will get back to you 
on the specific timetable.
    Senator Shaheen. That would be great. I would really 
appreciate it.
    I think this is a place where, as you point out, we know 
that the people of Georgia are looking towards the EU. They 
want to assimilate with the West and they want their government 
to move in that direction, and I think it is an imperative for 
us to take every opportunity that we can to help them make that 
transition.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I would ask unanimous consent to 
include for the record testimony from the executive director of 
the Armenian Assembly of America. Without objection, so 
ordered.

[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found 
in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section 
at the end of this hearing.]

    The Chairman. One final question, Assistant Secretary.
    Let me ask you, why do you think, despite its signed 
commitments and a ruling by the International Court of Justice 
to open the Lachin corridor, that Aliyev is not opening the 
corridor?
    Ms. Kim. We could probably have that discussion in a 
different setting, sir.
    The Chairman. What would be classified about a simple 
answer to a question as to why is he not keeping--we have 
discussed that there was a cease fire. There was an agreement. 
There has been a judgment by the International Court of 
Justice.
    There has been attempts by the Administration. There is an 
EU effort that he has not been cooperative with. Why would such 
a conversation need to be classified?
    Ms. Kim. I think that there are elements, Mr. Chairman, 
that I would like to be able to discuss with you in a more--in 
a different setting.
    The Chairman. I will give you an unclassified answer. He 
does not want to open the corridor because he is in the process 
of trying to subjugate these people by starvation or by the 
threat of starvation, at the end of the day, and subject them 
to his will.
    That does not have to be classified. I am amazed sometimes. 

I have been doing this for 31 years. I am amazed sometimes at 
what the Department comes before this committee and says.
    I have other questions. I will submit them for the record. 
There is a vote going on on the Senate floor. With that, the 
record for this hearing will remain open until the close of 
business on Friday, September 15.
    With the thanks of the committee for your appearance, the 
hearing is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 11:10 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


                Responses of Ms. Yuri Kim to Questions 
                  Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Food as a political weapon: Aliyev has made abundantly 
clear that he is willing to starve the ethnic Armenian population in 
Nagorno-Karabakh into either death or political submission to 
Azerbaijani control. These are acts of ethnic cleansing and certainly 
bear the hallmarks of a campaign of genocide. Last weekend, there were 
some press reports that President Aliyev said he would allow food into 
Nagorno-Karabakh if it came from Azerbaijan. So far, I have seen 
reports of possibly one Russian truck delivering some supplies. At any 
point over the past few months, he could have stopped this campaign of 
ethnic cleansing. Why should we trust him now?

    Answer. We take allegations of ethnic cleansing and genocide 
seriously and are in touch with contacts on the ground about the 
situation. We are deeply concerned by the deteriorating humanitarian 
conditions in Nagorno-Karabakh resulting from the continued blockage of 
food and other essential goods. Basic humanitarian assistance should 
never be held hostage to political disagreements. We are pressing 
Azerbaijani authorities, beginning with President Aliyev, to take 
actions--including immediately re-opening the Lachin corridor and other 
routes--to alleviate humanitarian conditions for the men, women, and 
children of Nagorno-Karabakh.

    Question. What is the United States--and indeed the international 
community who also has a responsibility here--doing to stop the use of 
food and humanitarian supplies as political weapons?

    Answer. In every engagement with the Azerbaijani Government since 
December, including multiple engagements by the Secretary and the 
National Security Advisor, we have pressed Azerbaijan to immediately 
reopen the Lachin Corridor to humanitarian and commercial traffic, 
noting the possibility of other routes. Blockage of the Lachin Corridor 
has cut off access to essential goods from Armenia and exacerbated the 
humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh. The Secretary reiterated 
this in calls with President Aliyev on September 1 and September 10.

    Question. Russia: Russia has clearly failed in attempts to be a 
security partner to Armenia and is completely feckless in enforcing the 
terms of the 2020 ceasefire agreement. I would like to hear the 
Department's perspective on how we are seizing this opportunity for the 
United States and Europe to deepen relations with Armenia and play a 
more assertive and positive role to help promote peace and security.

    Answer. A strong, democratic Armenia will be in a better position 
to freely choose its own partners and allies. We support Armenia's 
efforts to negotiate a durable peace agreement with Azerbaijan and 
normalization with Turkiye--the combination of which would broaden 
Armenia's options for economic growth and energy diversification. We 
regularly discuss security, democratic development, and other issues 
with Armenia as part of the U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue mechanism, 
focusing on areas where we can help Armenia improve capacity and 
resilience to chart a more independent course. The United States 
provides assistance to support civil society, electoral processes, 
energy security, anti-corruption reforms, and trade expansion, which 
will all contribute to a stronger Armenia. Our assistance also fosters 
interoperability with U.S. and NATO forces, bolsters Armenia's 
international peacekeeping contributions, supports Armenia's Individual 
Partnership Action Plan with NATO, and assists with defense reforms. We 
recently successfully completed the Eagle Partner exercise with 
Armenia--another example of our deepening, practical cooperation.

    Question. In what ways is Russia responsible for the current 
blockade of assistance? What should Russia be doing to facilitate 
access of humanitarian assistance and facilitating people entering and 
leaving Nagorno-Karabakh?

    Answer. Russian ``peacekeepers'' are present in Nagorno-Karabakh 
under the terms of the November 2020 ceasefire agreement brokered by 
Russia. The United States was not involved in the development of this 
agreement and is not party to it. Armenia and Azerbaijan have both 
complained publicly that the Russian ``peacekeepers'' have failed to 
play their role, including responding effectively to developments in 
and around Nagorno-Karabakh.

    Question. I think the establishment of an EU Monitoring Mission is 
a positive first step. Azerbaijan's refusal to cooperate with the 
mission only further highlights that they are the threat to peace and 
stability. Why hasn't the U.S. sent personnel to support the mission? 
When can we expect that Americans will be assigned?

    Answer. A 40-person EU Monitoring Capacity mission began monitoring 
the Armenia-Azerbaijan border from the Armenian side on October 27, 
2022. This mission, meant to support confidence building between the 
sides and inform the work of their border delimitation commissions, 
lasted 2 months and was reinitiated in a slightly different form in 
early 2023. This mission increases visibility for the international 
community and confidence for the parties. We continue to press 
Azerbaijan and Armenia to maintain momentum for negotiations and do so 
in close coordination with the EU and other partners. We do not plan to 
send personnel to support the EU Monitoring Mission at this time.

    Question. The United States and Armenia are conducting ``Eagle 
Partner''--our first major joint military exercise to increase 
interoperability and training for international peacekeeping. I want to 
applaud the Administration for this historic step forward. What more 
can we do to enhance this partnership?

    Answer. In addition to ``Eagle Partner'', we regularly discuss 
security issues with Armenia as part of the U.S.-Armenia Strategic 
Dialogue mechanism, focusing on areas where we can help Armenia improve 
capacity and resilience to chart a more independent course. Our 
assistance fosters interoperability with U.S. and NATO forces, bolsters 
Armenia's international peacekeeping contributions, supports Armenia's 
Individual Partnership Action Plan with NATO, and assists with defense 
reforms. Under the State Partnership Program, the Kansas National Guard 
works closely with the Armenian military to build capabilities and 
interoperability with the United States.

    Question. Beyond military cooperation, I want to know what specific 
measures the Department is considering to enhance our bilateral 
relations with both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh?

    Answer. The United States maintains an annual Strategic Dialogue 
with Armenia focused on three areas: Security, Economic Reform, and 
Democratic and rule of law/anti-corruption reform. Pursuant to the May 
2015 Trade and Investment Framework Agreement with the United States, 
there is a United States-Armenia Council on Trade and Investment to 
discuss bilateral trade and investment and related issues.
    The U.S. supports ongoing anti-corruption efforts to encourage a 
transparent, fair, and predictable business climate. Facilitating 
regional integration is a particular priority for the United States. We 
work steadfastly to achieve this goal both by seeking a durable and 
dignified resolution to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and by 
promoting normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkiye. With 
respect to Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia does not claim that Nagorno-
Karabakh is part of Armenia and does not recognize any independent 
status for the region. Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized 
as part of Azerbaijan.

    Question. Peace Talks: While the State Department works to 
facilitate dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan for a more durable 
solution, I don't see how we can broker any talks while one side 
conducts a campaign of ethnic cleansing. If these talks are to 
continue, the rights, security, and dignity of ethnic Armenians must be 
prioritized. I believe there is no real, verifiable prospect for ethnic 
Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh to live safely and securely under any 
kind of Azerbaijani control. Do you agree that the rights, security, 
and dignity of Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh is a priority?

    Answer. The ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh is 
entitled to rights and fundamental freedoms, and to security. The State 
Department continues to press Azerbaijan to explain and clarify to this 
population and the international community, in a way that is 
transparent and verifiable, how this population will be protected. The 
State Department continues to underscore that any durable peace 
agreement must include guarantees for rights and security for the 
population of Nagorno-Karabakh.

    Question. Do you commit to including the rights, security, and 
dignity of Karabakhis in any discussions you have related to the 
ongoing peace talks and with Azerbaijan directly?

    Answer. The State Department continues to raise the need for rights 
and security for the population of Nagorno-Karabakh in every 
engagement--including with President Aliyev.

    Question. In your opinion, what is the best way to ensure the 
rights, security, and dignity of Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh?

    Answer. As Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan has said, a final 
resolution to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh must include 
discussions between the ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and Baku, 
while also developing a mechanism that can verify the rights and 
security of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh are being protected. 
The United States and our international partners would, even if an 
agreement is reached, continue to be closely involved in ensuring 
rights and securities of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh are 
respected. We appreciate that the discussion will be difficult and take 
time, but we know that there can be no lasting resolution without 
direct dialogue between the parties and guarantees for the rights and 
securities of all residents of Nagorno-Karabakh.

    Question. What are you doing to help facilitate direct talks 
between political leaders in Stepanakert and Baku?

    Answer. The Department has encouraged all sides to engage in direct 
talks, including between representatives of the population in Nagorno-
Karabakh and officials in Baku, either inside Azerbaijan, on the 
``border'' between Nagorno-Karabakh and territory controlled by 
Azerbaijan, or in a third country. We have offered our good offices to 
facilitate if useful.

    Question. Gubad Ibadoghlu: In addition to the aggressive approach 
that Azerbaijan takes toward ethnic Armenians in Nagorno Karabakh and 
in Armenia, it also continues a campaign of repression and human rights 
violations domestically. Azerbaijani opposition leader Gubad Ibadoghlu 
remains imprisoned with limited access to medicine necessary to manage 
his health conditions. Ibadoghlu is a valued member of communities in 
New Jersey, including at both Rutgers University and Princeton 
University. Has the Administration prioritized raising Dr. Ibadoglhu's 
case in interactions with the Azerbaijani Government, and will the 
Department commit to raising his case in all future interactions with 
the Azerbaijani Government?

    Answer. We have raised Dr. Ibadoghlu's case continually with 
Azerbaijan and have called on the Azerbaijani Government to respect his 
rights and fundamental freedoms. We will continue to urge Azerbaijan to 
protect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all, consistent 
with its own constitution and international obligations and 
commitments.

    Question. Does the Administration view Dr. Ibadoghlu's imprisonment 
as life threatening, and how is it working to make sure that Dr. 
Ibadoghlu has access to food and medication?

    Answer. We remain troubled by the arrest and detention of Gubad 
Ibadoghlu and by reports of his deteriorating health. We have been in 
regular contact with Dr. Ibadoglu's family members and Azerbaijani 
authorities regarding his access to needed medicines and food. We are 
taking this issue very seriously and working closely with likeminded 
partners toward an expeditious resolution.

    Question. How can the United States leverage its relationship with 
Azerbaijan, including in terms of assistance, to pressure the regime to 
free Ibadoghlu and improve its domestic human rights record?

    Answer. The United States remains strongly committed to advancing 
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. We continue to press 
Azerbaijan's authorities at the highest levels to respect the rights of 
all, including Gubad Ibadoghlu.
                                 ______
                                 

                Responses of Ms. Yuri Kim to Questions 
                Submitted by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. Gubad Ibadoghlu: I am concerned about the case of 
Azerbaijani activist Gubad Ibadoghlu, whose arrest on fabricated 
charges is yet another example of the Azerbaijani authorities' misuse 
of the criminal justice system to target peaceful criticism and 
dissent. It is especially troubling to hear reports that he and his 
wife were severely beaten during their arrest and that he continues to 
be denied essential care in prison. Is the State Department currently 
considering sanctions on Azerbaijani officials in response to his 
unfair arrest?

    Answer. We remain troubled by the arrest and detention of Gubad 
Ibadoghlu and by reports of his deteriorating health. We have also 
publicly and privately urged the Azerbaijani Government to ensure that 
it respects Mr. Ibadoghlu's human rights and fundamental freedoms. We 
never rule out the use of any of the tools at our disposal to achieve 
our foreign policy goals.

    Question. Why has the State Department not yet called publicly for 
his release?

    Answer. We have regularly and publicly raised our concerns 
regarding Dr. Ibadoghlu since his arrest in July. We called for his 
release publicly on September 14. Furthermore, we urge Azerbaijan to 
protect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all, consistent 
with its own constitution and international obligations and 
commitments.

    Question. How has the State Department worked to support 
independent media, civil society, and democratic governance within 
Azerbaijan?

    Answer. The United States continues to urge Azerbaijan's 
authorities to respect the rights of all. Respect for fundamental 
freedoms is essential for promoting the sort of dialogue between 
citizens and their governments that forms the basis for positive change 
and the development of a culture of democracy in any society. The 
United States continues to raise these concerns privately and publicly, 
including through our embassy's work at all levels, to meet with those 
outside of the government, such as human rights defenders, NGO 
representatives, and independent journalists, to demonstrate our 
support for pluralism and fundamental freedoms.

    Question. Ongoing Lachin Corridor Blockade: Azerbaijan's blockade 
of food, fuel, and medicine into Nagorno-Karabakh is very concerning - 
and has been for the past nine months. While I was pleased to see one 
truckload of aid enter Nagorno-Karabakh via the Aghdam route on 
September 12, the region would see hundreds of trucks enter daily prior 
to the blockade. It was also disappointing that reports earlier this 
month about the Lachin Corridor's opening proved to be premature. What 
is the Administration's strategy for ensuring the Lachin Corridor re-
opens as soon as possible?

    Answer. We are working relentlessly to prevent the situation from 
worsening. We continue to press Azerbaijani authorities to take 
actions--including immediately re-opening the Lachin Corridor to both 
humanitarian and commercial traffic--to alleviate humanitarian 
conditions for the men, women, and children of Nagorno-Karabakh--while 
recognizing the importance of additional routes. As UN Ambassador Linda 
Thomas-Greenfield said on August 16 when this issue was raised in the 
UN Security Council, basic humanitarian assistance should never be held 
hostage to political disagreements.

    Question. Humanitarian Aid: While I understand that reporting is 
scarce, it is clear that the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh are in 
desperate need of food, fuel, and medicine. Government officials have 
estimated that 95 percent of the population is suffering from 
malnutrition and miscarriages have increased fourfold. This crisis will 
only worsen as winter sets in. Has the U.S. engaged with UN agencies to 
explore alternative means of accessing Nagorno-Karabakh, for example by 
means of a humanitarian airlift coordinated through the World Food 
Programme's Humanitarian Air Service? Would you support such an effort?

    Answer. We're trying to find practical actions to resolve this 
situation and get assistance to those who need it most. Any durable 
solution must be one that is agreed to by all parties involved. The 
Nagorno-Karabakh ``authorities'' have said publicly they are open to 
receiving supplies from routes other than Lachin, as long as Lachin is 
also opened. We were encouraged that on September 12, a Russian Red 
Cross truck with approximately 20 tons of food and humanitarian 
supplies was delivered to NK residents through the Aghdam route.

    Question. Genocide Allegations: I am sure you have seen the 
alarming August report from Luis Moreno Ocampo, former chief prosecutor 
of the International Criminal Court, who posits that Azerbaijan's 
blockade could rise to the level of ``genocide.'' What do you make of 
Ocampo's analysis and assertion?

    Answer. We take allegations of genocide or other atrocities 
seriously and continuously review facts, as appropriate. I recently met 
with Luis Moreno Ocampo to discuss his recent report. We will continue 
to place our focus on resolving the situation on the ground to get 
humanitarian assistance to the people who need it and promote respect 
for human rights.

    Question. Russia-Azerbaijan Ties: In the last 2 years, Azerbaijan 
has signed a comprehensive partnership agreement with Russia, purchased 
1 billion cubic meters of Russian gas, agreed to serve as a conduit for 
gas transmission between Russia and Iran, and allowed Russia to expand 
its ownership stake of the Shah Deniz natural gas field (that supplies 
Europe) to 20 percent--in addition to the 10 percent stake owned by 
Iran's National Oil Company. President Aliyev has gone as far as to 
label this a full ``alliance.'' How would you view the aims of Russia 
and Azerbaijan in establishing this partnership?

    Answer. Azerbaijan occupies a difficult, strategically important 
geographic space between Russia and Iran. Russia pursues its own 
geostrategic interests in the South Caucasus and benefits from regional 
destabilization that creates the conditions for its continued military 
presence in neighboring countries. Azerbaijan has refused to join the 
Eurasian Economic Union or rejoin the Collective Security Treaty 
Organization. It has offered humanitarian and energy support to Ukraine 
following Russia's further invasion.

    Question. Do you believe Azerbaijan's energy ties with Russia and 
Iran undermine U.S. security interests in the region?

    Answer. Azerbaijan clearly recognizes the value of having multiple 
routes to markets for the region's oil and gas. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan 
oil pipeline, which carries over 650,000 barrels of oil a day to 
Turkiye, was an early success for European energy diversification 
diplomacy and U.S.-Azerbaijan cooperation. Azerbaijan's energy 
resources and long-term interest in integration with the West bolster 
its ability and willingness to maintain independence from Russia. 
Azerbaijan signed a deal with the European Union to double its natural 
gas exports to the EU by 2027, which the United States strongly 
supports. We recognize Azerbaijan's difficult geographic position vis-
a-vis Iran and have consistently encouraged it to assess Iran's 
intentions in the region comprehensively, and to proceed with caution 
in all dealings involving the Iranian regime.
                                 ______
                                 

                Responses of Ms. Yuri Kim to Questions 
                 Submitted by Senator Chris Van Hollen

    Question. On Section 907 Waiver: What kind of assistance has been 
provided to the Government of Azerbaijan, pursuant to the Section 907 
waiver, since the extension was last issued on June 21, 2022?

    Answer. Our assistance to Azerbaijan is in our own national 
interest--securing its border with Iran, countering terrorism, 
combatting illicit trafficking, enhancing military professionalization 
and strengthening NATO interoperability, and enforcing sanctions. Since 
the last Section 907 waiver of June 2022, the Department of State 
notified Congress of its intent to provide $600,000 for Azerbaijan's FY 
2023 International Military Education & Training program to support 
United States Professional Military Education for Azerbaijani military 
officers, but the funding was held by the SFRC and eventually 
reallocated. The Department of State obligated $675,000 in FY 2022 
AEECA to support the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) Caucasus, 
Central Asia, and Mongolia Technical Assistance Center based in Almaty, 
one of 17 IMF regional capacity development centers, which aim to 
increase transparency in economic institutions and policies, which was 
the second tranche of $2,000,000 that the Department intends to provide 
over three fiscal years (FY 2021-FY 2023).

    Question. The Biden administration last issued a waiver for Section 
907 on June 21, 2022. When does that waiver authority expire?

    Answer. We are firmly committed to implementing the letter and 
spirit of the FREEDOM Support Act. The current waiver expired June 21, 
2023. The Administration is closely reviewing the Section 907 waiver 
extension as part of its annual process. Since 2002, successive 
administrations have extended the waiver for assistance to the 
Government of Azerbaijan under Section 907 on an annual basis, allowing 
security cooperation and assistance programs reliant on the waiver to 
continue. However, each year the waiver extension undergoes a 
comprehensive review.

    Question. On August 31, 2023, the State Department said that 
``basic assistance should never be held hostage to political 
disagreements.'' Is it this Administration's assessment that Azerbaijan 
is continuing to withhold critical humanitarian assistance, and 
refusing to re-open the Lachin corridor, for political gains? If not, 
what is the Administration's understanding of Azerbaijan's 
justification for continuing to keep the Lachin corridor closed?

    Answer. The Administration has consistently called for a re-opening 
of the Lachin Corridor to humanitarian and commercial traffic. USAID 
conducted humanitarian assessments in Armenia and Azerbaijan and is 
continuing to closely monitor the situation in close coordination with 
the State Department, including through contacts inside Nagorno-
Karabakh. Since September 2020, the U.S. Government has provided more 
than $23 million in humanitarian assistance to aid vulnerable 
populations adversely affected by the ongoing situation in Nagorno-
Karabakh. Our assistance supports a range of activities, including the 
provision of emergency food, health, and water, sanitation, and hygiene 
services, as well as winterization activities. It is not currently 
possible for U.S. Government personnel to access Nagorno-Karabakh, and 
our programs are carried out through international organizations and 
NGOs. We assess that Azerbaijan is refusing to reopen the Lachin 
corridor in order to encourage the Nagorno-Karabakh ``government'' to 
consider additional routes into the region.

    Question. On Demining Efforts in Nagorno-Karabakh: How is the Biden 
administration supporting USG implementing partners engaged in demining 
efforts in Nagorno-Karabakh?

    Answer. The United States has provided $3.5 million for 
humanitarian demining operations in areas affected by the fall 2020 
intensive fighting and intends to provide an additional $1 million by 
November 2023.

    Question. What impact has the blockade of the Lachin Corridor had, 
in your assessment, on the estimated timeframe and cost for clearing 
contamination in Nagorno-Karabakh?

    Answer. The United States has repeatedly called for the re-opening 
of the Lachin Corridor in order to deliver needed supplies to the 
people in Nagorno-Karabakh and facilitate normal administrative and 
commercial operations in the region. Every aspect of the economy in 
Nagorno-Karabakh, including the workforce necessary for projects like 
clearing landmines and unexploded ordnance, has been affected by the 
lack of resources associated with this closure. The main impacts of the 
corridor's closure on U.S.-funded demining operations have been the 
fuel shortages that have limited operations in Nagorno-Karabakh, and 
the inadequate food supplies, which have required demining teams to 
deploy every other day to conserve strength.

            Testimony of Bryan Ardouny, Executive Director, 
                      Armenian Assembly of America

                               Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
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  Testimony of Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director, Armenian 
                     National Committee of America

                               Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
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