[Senate Hearing 118-280]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 118-280
FISCAL YEAR 2024 BUDGET PRIORITIES
FOR THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN
HEMISPHERE, TRANSNATIONAL
CRIME, CIVILIAN SECURITY,
DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS,
AND GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
SEPTEMBER 7, 2023
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
55-542 PDF WASHINGTON : 2024
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut PETE RICKETTS, Nebraska
TIM KAINE, Virginia RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE,
TRANSNATIONAL CRIME, CIVILIAN SECURITY, DEMOCRACY,
HUMAN RIGHTS, AND GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES
TIM KAINE, Virginia, Chairman
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon MARCO RUBIO, Florida
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland TED CRUZ, Texas
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Page
Kaine, Hon. Tim, U.S. Senator From Virginia...................... 1
Rubio, Hon. Marco, U.S. Senator From Florida..................... 3
Nichols, Hon. Brian, Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of
Western Hemisphere Affairs, United States Department of State,
Washington, DC................................................. 6
Prepared Statement........................................... 7
Escobari, Hon. Marcela, Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Latin
America and the Caribbean, United States Agency for
International Development, Washington, DC...................... 8
Prepared Statement........................................... 10
Robinson, Hon. Todd, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, United States Department
of State, Washington, DC....................................... 13
Prepared Statement........................................... 14
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Mr. Brian Nichols to Questions Submitted by Senator
James E. Risch................................................. 36
Responses of Mr. Todd Robinson to Questions Submitted by Senator
James E. Risch................................................. 36
Responses of Mr. Brian Nichols to Questions Submitted by Senator
Benjamin L. Cardin............................................. 36
Responses of Mr. Brian Nichols to Questions Submitted by Senator
Jeanne Shaheen................................................. 38
Responses of Mr. Todd Robinson to Questions Submitted by Senator
Jeanne Shaheen................................................. 39
Section Language From Department of Homeland Security, Titled
``Reprogramming Authority for Facilities and Support Services'' 40
(iii)
FISCAL YEAR 2024 BUDGET PRIORITIES
FOR THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
----------
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere,
Transnational Crime, Civilian Security,
Democracy, Human Rights, and
Global Women's Issues;
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:34 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Menendez, Cardin,
Shaheen, Murphy, Merkley, Rubio, Cruz, Young, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. The Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on
Western Hemisphere, Transnational Crime, Civilian Security,
Democracy, Human Rights, and Global Women's Issues will come to
order.
It is a pleasure to welcome our distinguished panel of
government witnesses and my colleagues. The focus of today's
hearing is on State and USAID's budget priorities for the
Western Hemisphere and how the budget can best complement and
support U.S. interests and policy goals for this very, very
important region.
I want to thank Senator Rubio and his team for their help
framing up this hearing. I am proud of the work we have done on
the region thus far during our time in the Senate together. We
have kind of been trading chair and ranking back and forth, but
we have been good partners whatever the lineup.
The U.S. and our 34 neighbors in the hemisphere share deep
ties and a close history. Our collective prosperity and
security are deeply intertwined. The U.S. people-to-people ties
with the Western Hemisphere are extraordinarily robust with
proud diaspora communities in Virginia, Florida, all of our
states all across the country, and in this region we see a
mutual commitment to democracy and free markets.
We also see evidence of backsliding in areas where we have
to pay special attention. The economic ties in this hemisphere
are similarly deep within the--during the first 6 months of
2022, U.S. trade in goods with the region totaled $568 billion.
I am often kind of poking our statisticians to say trade in
goods is one thing, but trade in services is often growing much
faster, and we do not necessarily capture that and we need to.
This trade in goods has rebounded to prepandemic levels, which
is really important, but despite that the U.S. and the region
as a whole are confronting a multitude of challenges across the
hemisphere, and these are the challenges that a robust budget
should be prioritized to address.
Despite being home to some of the world's most vibrant and
active democracies, the hemisphere has also experienced by most
metrics the sharpest decline in its democratic institutions of
any region in the 21st century.
This includes worsening repression in Venezuela, Nicaragua,
and Cuba, the collapse of Haiti's government, political
violence in Ecuador, instability in Peru. The erosion of
democracy and surge in political unrest leads to an increase in
irregular migration flows. It creates opportunities for
encroachment by foreign adversaries such as the People's
Republic of China, which exploits corruption and weak
institutions to its advantage.
It benefits cartels who further weaken and corrupt state
institutions. The reach of narco trafficking networks is
expanding. Fentanyl trafficking conducted by professional
smugglers via Mexico to the United States has taken the lives
of hundreds of thousands of Americans through fatal overdoses,
leading the Senate in the recently passed National Defense
Authorizing Act, to declare the fentanyl crisis a national
security emergency.
The COVID-19 pandemic also swept away more than a decade of
development gains and it has led to increases in food
insecurity and humanitarian challenges such as human
trafficking and increases in poverty.
U.S. assistance to the region is vital in shoring up U.S.
interests and democratic principles as well as the overall
stability of the region in the face of these challenges.
Every crisis faced by the region and its people deeply and
directly impacts the United States. Our wise use of U.S.
dollars to promote stability is not just a benefit to others,
it is a benefit to American citizens.
The region faces challenges, but sometimes we focus only on
challenges and we neglect to talk about bright spots. We should
always talk about bright spots.
Panama, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic have established
the Alliance for Development and Democracy. Ecuador's previous
government was part of that. There is a question about
Ecuador's commitment, going forward, but at least these three
nations in establishing the alliance have reaffirmed their
support for strengthening of democratic institutions and
promoting economic prosperity in their nations.
While the Venezuelan crisis is one of the world's most
pressing humanitarian emergencies, neighboring countries like
Colombia, Peru, Chile have stepped up and generously hosted
millions of Venezuelans who have fled their home country. That
has to be acknowledged and appreciated. In the Caribbean, the
vast majority of countries remain robust democracies and close
U.S. partners.
As our neighbors face difficult crises, the U.S. cannot
stand on the sidelines. We owe it to our partners and allies,
to our friends and families in the region, to take initiative
and accountability in addressing these challenges.
I have maintained since joining this committee when I came
to the Senate in 2013 that we should pay more attention to the
Americas, not less, and that if we did, it would have
tremendous benefit not only for the region, but for us.
Now, we are in a tough fiscal environment. We are in the
middle of quite a budgetary discussion right now, so it is
important to ensure that precious taxpayer dollars are being
spent wisely, that they are advancing U.S. values and
interests. I am interested in hearing from all of our esteemed
witnesses today about how the Department of State and USAID are
acting on Administration priorities for the region and how
funding will be targeted to help friends in the hemisphere
tackle shared challenges.
Let me now turn it over to our ranking member, Senator
Rubio, for his remarks before I introduce the panel.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Rubio. Thank you, and thanks for holding this
hearing and thank you all for coming and for your service.
I am going to apologize ahead of time. I have already told
the chairman I--what I am going to try to do here is I have a--
my other intelligence committee has called me to this meeting
in about 5 minutes.
Hopefully that will not--that will last about as long as
your opening statements, not that they are not great, either in
writing, and then hopefully I will be back in time to answer
questions, but what I thought I would do in my opening is sort
of give you a preview of what I want to ask so in case that
helps when I get back here to shorten the timeframe.
On Venezuela, the regime there is already--they have set up
the selection commission, which they have staffed with their
own people. They banned the leading opposition candidate, Maria
Corina Machado, from running. This is certainly not a free and
fair election, yet somehow they and others in the region are
under the perception that some sanctions relief may be on the
way if they are able to conduct what is not a free and fair
election, but at least can cosmetically cover for it.
They are under that impression. Some, including in the
regime, are under that impression from what they are telling
others in the region. I really think it is important to know
what has been communicated to the Maduro regime about what
these expectations are and so forth.
The second topic related to this one, and the chairman
mentioned it about the Venezuelan migration, I believe over the
break while we were gone--I do not know if it was last week or
just in the month of August--there was a record number of both
Venezuelan and Ecuadorian migrants who were encountered in the
Darien Gap between Colombia and Panama.
The calculation is in about 5-6 weeks or less, some of
those folks will begin arriving at our southern border and I am
really interested to know how that correlates or how we work
with not just the other countries in transit, but ultimately
how we work with our own immigration enforcement officials to
prepare for that sort of surge if you can see it coming 6 weeks
ahead of time, 5 weeks ahead of time.
The addition--there has always been Ecuadorians, but not at
large numbers like we are seeing now. Clearly that has a little
bit to do--a lot to do with the deteriorating security
situation we have seen, these Colombian cartel groups and so
forth now operating using Ecuadorian territory as transit areas
and it has really added to that.
In Mexico, I think about all the benefits of the trade
agreement with Mexico, a lot of offshoring--a lot of reshoring
going on in terms of small manufacturers and others moving
operations from Asia to Mexico.
This is great. About 40 percent of that activity happens in
a place called Nuevo Laredo, which also happens to be under the
control of these Zeta cartels and they are using the same
mechanisms of trade to embed fentanyl and other things into our
country, and so I wonder how that works with our conversations.
Look, the government does not control that city. It is
just, frankly, a real strange situation. On the one hand, we
want trade, we want commerce, we want that, but they are using
the mechanisms in one particular place that encounters 40
percent of that trade. It is a huge vulnerability.
The chairman mentioned Peru has had some instability. From
my reading of it, it is a little bit more stably--is that a
right term? It looks like it is trending in--at least in a more
stable direction from what it used to be, but obviously still
not ideal.
There appears to be potentially an opening now for more
cooperation with the existing Administration to be able to work
on some things with them. I think they are a willing partner on
a number of topics and I am curious to see what work we have
done in that regard.
Last, and kind of an overarching theme, and I will allow
you--when I get back, we can discuss it more in-depth and it
really is the one I wanted to focus on as much as anything else
today, I just wanted to share with you and this is my
impressions--maybe others get different feedback--but as I meet
with leaders and others in the area, there is this perception.
This is what I am told. I am going to kind of give it to
you verbatim. It is better to be America's adversary or
irritant than it is to be America's ally. If you are an
irritant or if you are not always falling in line or doing the
things that the U.S. hopes you will do, you seem to get a lot
more attention.
You seem to get meetings. You seem to get efforts to lift
sanctions or other measures to sort of entice you to the light
and away from the dark side. If, on the other hand, you are
some of these countries--the Dominican Republic is an example--
that clearly and openly wants to align with the U.S., you get
travel advisories, you get commercial sanctions and things of
that nature with regards to some of the things that have
happened earlier in the year--a sense that we punish our
friends and we reward or at least try to appease those who are
viewed as irritants or even adversaries.
That perception--and I have had leaders frankly tell me it
may be better off to be against the United States. By the way,
this preexists this Administration. These are complaints I have
heard under previous administrations at some point in the past.
How do we address that? Because that does not mean we have
to agree with everything our allies are doing, but we probably
live in a time now where we need to be pretty clear about we
are going to be good to our friends and we are going to
confront our adversaries and those who clearly are undertaking
steps that undermine our national interest and national
security. That is more of an overarching theme, but one I hope
we will touch on.
Hopefully, I will be right back and I will be able--by the
time I get here, if the timing is perfect, we will be in
questions.
Thank you so much.
Senator Kaine. We will do a lot of filibustering till you
get back, so you are going to have plenty of opportunity to
talk to these witnesses. Thanks, Senator Rubio.
Let me now introduce the panel and then after I do the
introductions, I will ask you to do your 5-minute opening
statements in the order that I introduce you.
Brian Nichols is the Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of
Western Hemisphere Affairs. He previously served as U.S.
Ambassador to Zimbabwe and before that, Ambassador to Peru.
He was previously the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary
for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs and served as DCM in Colombia. In May, President Biden
nominated Mr. Nichols for the rank of Career Ambassador, which
is the highest rank in the Foreign Service.
Next, Marcela Escobari. Dr. Escobari is the Assistant
Administrator for the Bureau of Latin America and the Caribbean
at the U.S. Agency for International Development. She
previously served in this role in 2016 helping reinforce U.S.
support for Peace Colombia, mobilize humanitarian response to
Hurricane Matthew in Haiti, and support efforts to deliver
humanitarian aid in Venezuela.
Prior to government service, Ms. Escobari was a senior
fellow at the Brookings Institution, the executive director at
the Center for International Development at Harvard University.
I think that is why I called you doctor, and maybe you are not
a doctor, but I saw those universities. You will take doctor?
All right.
Both Assistant Secretary Nichols and Assistant
Administrator Escobari were witnesses at our recent hearing on
Haiti and I thank them for their willingness to appear again to
talk about budget on short notice.
Finally, Todd Robinson is the Assistant Secretary for the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs
at State. Most recently he served as the director of
International Student Management Office at the National Defense
University, an important billet where we bring folks from
around the world to train together with Americans.
Prior to his assignment at NDU, he served as senior advisor
for Central America and the Bureau of Western Hemisphere
Affairs. He was also the charge d'affaires in Caracas,
Venezuela, and the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Guatemala.
We are grateful to have the three of you here. Thank you
for your service, and I would now like to ask in the order that
I introduced you to offer your opening remarks. Your written
comments are in the record. Confine your opening remarks,
please, to 5 minutes and then we will jump into questions.
Mr. Nichols.
STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN NICHOLS, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE,
BUREAU OF WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS, UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT
OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member
Rubio in absentia, and distinguished members of the
subcommittee for the opportunity to speak with you about the
Administration's proposed fiscal year 2024 budget for the
Western Hemisphere.
The Western Hemisphere is experiencing its most pivotal
moment in the last 30 years. The ability of the United States
to advance its national security interest in response to
regional and global challenges requires a clear articulation of
our approach to the Western Hemisphere.
The Department's fiscal year 2024 budget request
demonstrates our sustained engagement in support of the
President's long-term vision for a secure middle class and
democratic hemisphere, in contrast to the transactional
approach of our strategic competitors.
The Department's economic policies and programs in the
Western Hemisphere focus on working with the region to create
sustainable growth, support workers' rights, and root out
corruption.
Funding for initiatives that the White House announced at
the ninth Summit of the Americas will further enhance regional
economic integration and shared wellbeing, including through
America's Partnership for Economic Prosperity.
Countries in the region also want us to present a viable
alternative to PRC economic engagement. It is vital that we
answer their call. To respond effectively, the United States
will deploy the full toolkit at our disposal.
Most countries in the Western Hemisphere view the United
States as the natural partner on matters of governance, rule of
law, and human rights. Citizens welcome our engagement and
consultation with diverse stakeholders to advance regional
support for democracy.
Bolstering democratic institutions and support to civil
society, democratic actors, and independent media helps us push
back against democratic backsliding, corruption, and the false
narratives perpetuated by illiberal regimes.
Our proposed budget uses diplomatic engagement and foreign
assistance strategically to build security partnerships. We
help our partners analyze the risks of working with strategic
adversaries and we help them develop safeguards against cyber-
attacks, illegal resource extraction, and other problematic
activities.
We work with our partners to combat transnational crime
organizations and gangs and protect American lives by combating
the illegal production and trafficking of fentanyl, cocaine,
and other illicit drugs.
These investments are vital to our neighbors' safety,
prosperity, and democratic future, as well as our own. This
budget prioritizes comprehensive solutions to address the
political, economic, and security challenges driving forced
displacement and irregular migration.
We request $979 million for the State Department and USAID
to implement the U.S. strategy for addressing the root causes
of migration in Central America in alignment with the United
States-Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act.
The budget also includes $184 million in bilateral and
regional assistance for programs that advance lawful pathways,
integrate refugees and migrants, and stabilize the communities
hosting them.
Of this amount, $51 million for the Americas Partnership
Opportunity Fund will help countries take responsibility for
long-term migration management through sustainable public
planning and community-based solutions.
Additional funds used to message directly to prospective
migrants will raise awareness of ongoing U.S. border
enforcement, the dangers of irregular migration, and the
availability of lawful migration pathways.
The budget includes more than $291 million for Haiti to
address long-standing food insecurity, political instability,
and gang activity and advances the objectives of the 10-year
plan to implement the U.S. strategy to prevent conflict and
promote stability in Haiti.
Efforts to combat gang activity focus on enhanced training
and equipment for the Haitian National Police. We also focus on
improving health and education outcomes, advancing economic and
food security, and improving the independence and
accountability of government institutions.
In coordination with the interagency, we will continue to
evaluate assistance options to support a multinational security
support mission. We seek to build a more stable and
economically viable Haiti, working with Haitian actors to find
a way forward.
Finally, the budget includes $370 million to build climate
resilience through programs that contribute to protecting
biospheres like the Amazon, advancing clean energy solutions,
enhancing food security, building early warning and response
systems for natural disasters, and improving enforcement to
combat environmental crimes.
Our budget priorities for the Western Hemisphere envision a
hemisphere that thrives together to benefit the American
people.
I look forward to your questions and your comments.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Nichols follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mr. Brian Nichols
Thank you, Chairman Kaine and Ranking Member Rubio, and
distinguished members of the subcommittee for the opportunity to speak
with you about the Administration's proposed FY24 budget for the
Western Hemisphere.
The Western Hemisphere is experiencing its most pivotal moment in
the last 30 years. The ability of the United States to advance its
national security interests in response to regional and global
challenges requires a clear articulation of our approach to the Western
Hemisphere. The Department's FY24 budget request demonstrates our
sustained engagement in support of the President's long-term vision for
a secure, middle-class, and democratic hemisphere--in contrast to the
transactional approach of our strategic competitors.
The Department's economic policies and programs in the Western
Hemisphere focus on working with the region to create equitable and
sustainable growth, support workers' rights, and root out corruption.
Funding for initiatives that the White House announced at the Ninth
Summit of the Americas will further enhance regional economic
integration and shared well-being, including through the Americas
Partnership for Economic Prosperity. Countries in the region also want
us to present a viable alternative to PRC economic engagement. It is
vital that we answer their call. To respond effectively, the United
States will deploy the full toolkit at our disposal.
Most countries in the Western Hemisphere view the United States as
the natural partner on matters of governance, rule of law, and human
rights. Citizens welcome our engagement and consultation with diverse
stakeholders to advance regional support for democracy. Bolstering
democratic institutions and support to civil society, democratic
actors, and independent media helps us push back against democratic
backsliding, corruption, and the false narratives perpetuated by
illiberal regimes.
Our proposed budget uses diplomatic engagement and foreign
assistance strategically to build security partnerships. We help our
partners analyze the risks of working with strategic adversaries. And
we help them develop safeguards against cyber-attacks, illegal resource
extraction, and other illicit and problematic activities. We work with
our partners to combat transnational criminal organizations and gangs
and protect American lives by combating the illegal production and
trafficking of fentanyl, cocaine, and other drugs. These investments
are vital to our neighbors' safety, prosperity, and democratic future--
as well as our own.
This budget request prioritizes comprehensive solutions to address
the political, economic, and security challenges driving forced
displacement and irregular migration. We request $979 million for the
State Department and USAID to implement the U.S. Strategy for
Addressing the Root Causes of Migration in Central America in alignment
with the United States-Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act. The
budget also includes $184 million in bilateral and regional assistance
for programs that advance lawful pathways, integrate refugees and
migrants, and stabilize the communities hosting them. Of this amount,
$51 million for the Americas Partnership Opportunity Fund will help
countries take responsibility for long-term migration management
through sustainable public planning and community-based solutions.
Additional funds used to message directly to prospective migrants will
raise awareness of ongoing U.S. border enforcement, the dangers of
irregular migration, and the availability of lawful migration pathways.
The budget includes more than $291 million for Haiti to address
longstanding food insecurity, political instability, and gang
activity--and advances the objectives of the 10-year plan to implement
the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability in Haiti.
Efforts to combat gang activity focus on enhanced training and
equipment for the Haitian National Police. We also focus on improving
health and education outcomes, advancing economic and food security,
and improving the independence and accountability of government
institutions, including by creating the conditions for fair and safe
elections. In coordination with the interagency, we will continue to
evaluate assistance options to support a multinational force. We seek
to build a more stable and economically viable Haiti, working with
Haitian actors to find a way forward.
Finally, the budget includes $370 million to build climate
resilience through programs that contribute to protecting biospheres
like the Amazon, advancing clean energy solutions, enhancing food
security, building early warning and response systems for natural
disasters, and improving enforcement to combat environmental crimes.
Our budget priorities for the Western Hemisphere envision a
hemisphere that thrives together to benefit the American people. I look
forward to your questions and comments.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Secretary Nichols.
Administrator Escobari.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCELA ESCOBARI, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR,
BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, UNITED STATES
AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, WASHINGTON, DC
Ms. Escobari. Chairman Kaine, members of the subcommittee,
thank you for the opportunity to speak today about USAID's FY24
budget request for Latin America and the Caribbean.
The region is facing profound challenges from historic
levels of migration, to democratic backsliding, to acute
instability in places like Haiti.
With the President's request of $1.8 billion for USAID in
the region, we can help our neighbors respond to these
challenges, maintain our role as the region's preferred
partner, and provide an alternative to the approach of the PRC.
USAID is there when disaster strikes. So far this year,
USAID has provided nearly $282 million in emergency response in
13 countries across the hemisphere.
During the pandemic, we helped deliver 70 million vaccines
and contributed to a regional vaccination rate of over 70
percent, and we are requesting now $54 million to strengthen
health systems for future health threats.
We support the Haitian people whose lives have been upended
by gang violence, providing food assistance to hundreds of
thousands, keeping over 160 clinics open, and increasing rural
livelihoods. As support builds for a multinational force, there
is a narrow window of opportunity for our hemisphere to show
that we stand with our Haitian neighbors.
The requested $246 million will allow us to improve
citizens' security in high-violence communities and chart the
paths toward elections. Even as we respond to acute crises, we
stay focused on the long term.
We have partnered with Colombia across five
administrations, supporting their transition from war to peace.
Together we have ensured that victims of the armed conflict can
find justice. We have brought opportunity to isolated
communities. We have helped farmers transition to legal crops.
This progress is fragile, so our commitment--our continued
investment ensures that those gains take root. USAID also
invests in institutions like Zamorano, or Earth University,
that are producing thousands of change makers in their own
countries. We invest in people, training the journalists and
civil society groups that expose corruption, or the judges and
prosecutors who bolster the rule of law.
These leaders are at the forefront of building more
democratic and prosperous societies. We are seeing that play
out in Guatemala right now. After attempts to undermine the
recent election, it is the Guatemalan people who have taken to
the streets to defend their democracy--and they are prevailing.
This budget requests $535 million to continue our wide-ranging
work to defend democracy.
Inequality and slow growth also contribute to the reduced
faith in democracy that we see in much of the region. USAID
works to advance inclusive economic opportunity. We have
brought technology to smallholder farmers, microcredit and
connectivity to those on the periphery of economic hubs, and
job skills to at-risk youth. We also create the conditions for
increased FDI through faster customs in Central America and
financing tools to attract investments in renewables throughout
the Caribbean. This approach leverages our comparative
advantage vis-a-vis China, our dynamic private sector.
The requested budget will also allow us to continue
tackling other big challenges like the historic displacement of
people across the hemisphere. To meet the moment, USAID takes a
three-pronged approach.
First, we address the root causes by creating economic
opportunity and tackling insecurity and corruption--making it
possible for people to stay in their communities.
Second, we expand lawful pathways. Our work with northern
Central American governments has helped double the number of H-
2 visas, allowing people to find lawful work and fill labor
gaps here and across America.
Third, we support the integration of migrants into host
communities. We have partnered with Colombia and Ecuador as
they implement generous policies that have helped Venezuelans
access schools, health care, jobs, and settle where they are.
The $83 million in this budget and the $200 million
supplemental request will ensure that we can help these
policies succeed. At the root of this massive displacement is
the crisis in Venezuela. Venezuela's economy and democratic
institutions have been decimated by 20 years of mismanagement.
We are not naive about the prospects of free and fair
elections in Maduro's Venezuela, but 2024 presents a real
opportunity for Venezuelans to demand the right to choose their
leaders, and the energy that we have seen behind the opposition
primaries show the Venezuelans have not given up hope.
USAID will continue to support voices pushing back against
repression and mobilizing for competitive elections. The
President's budget request will allow us to respond to this
critical moment and build a more stable future for our
hemisphere.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ms. Marcela Escobari
opening
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Rubio, members of the subcommittee--
thank you for the opportunity to speak with you about the
Administration's proposed FY 2024 Budget and USAID's work in Latin
America and the Caribbean.
There is no question that the region is facing challenges--from
historic levels of migration, to democratic backsliding, to acute
instability in places like Haiti. Helping our neighbors respond to
these challenges is key to maintaining our role as the region's
preferred partner and will set the course for the future of the
hemisphere.
The President's FY24 Budget Request of $1.8 billion dollars for
USAID in Latin America and the Caribbean recognizes that reality and
will allow us to continue advancing our foreign policy and development
objectives in the region.
At USAID, we are working to meet the moment. We focus on showing up
with immediate aid in cases of emergency and on promoting longer-term
democratic stability and prosperity, in contrast to the opaque and
opportunistic approach of the People's Republic of China.
meeting immediate needs
When disaster strikes, we arrive with life-saving humanitarian
assistance. So far, in this fiscal year, USAID has provided nearly $282
million in emergency response in 13 countries across the hemisphere--
from food security projects in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, to
wildfire response in Chile, to response to storms and floods in Peru--
providing protection, multipurpose cash assistance, search and rescue,
and logistics support.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, we helped deliver 70 million vaccines
donated by the U.S. Government in 29 countries--contributing to an over
70 percent vaccination rate in the region. We are now requesting $54.5
million to build health systems that will be ready for the next
pandemic.
And we continue to support the Haitian people, whose lives have
been upended by surges in gang violence, political turmoil, and natural
disasters. Our support has provided food assistance for hundreds of
thousands of Haitians, kept over 160 health clinics open, ensured
continued food production, and bolstered rural livelihoods--even
through the current security crisis.
USAID is ready to work with Haiti toward a more stable future and
to find ways to coordinate our assistance with the international
community as support builds for a multinational force to reinforce the
Haitian National Police. The FY24 budget request of $246.2 million for
global health and development programs in Haiti will allow us to
improve citizen security in high-violence communities and help chart a
path toward elections and democratic governance. While the world looks
to the United States to lead on Haiti, there is a narrow window for the
rest of the Western Hemisphere to join in this global response and show
that we stand with our Haitian neighbors as they seek to regain control
of their country.
building long-term stability
Even as we respond to these acute crises, we are working with our
neighbors to strengthen the foundations for more prosperous societies.
With the bipartisan support of this Congress, we have been able to
stay focused on strengthening the foundations for stability and
prosperity, even as we take on the challenges of the day. We focus on
building partnerships that survive across political transitions,
investing in the people and institutions that bolster democracy, and
driving inclusive economic opportunity.
And we know that our aid alone will always be insufficient relative
to the size of the challenges we are working to address. So, we work to
mobilize others and catalyze the partnerships needed to deliver results
far beyond our initial investment.
A Sustained Commitment to Progress
Our decades-long partnership with Colombia, which spans five U.S.
administrations and five Colombian presidencies, is an example of what
our sustained commitment can accomplish. We've walked alongside the
Colombian people throughout their transition from war to peace.
Together, we've ensured that victims of the armed conflict can be
afforded truth and justice. USAID has also helped bring critical
infrastructure, legal land tenure, and economic opportunity to
isolated, rural communities--including 112 of the 170 conflict-affected
municipalities included in the Peace Accord. And we've helped hundreds
of thousands of farmers transition to licit products like coffee and
cacao, so they can support their families and keep them safe. Finally,
USAID has advanced the social and economic inclusion of Afro-Colombian
and Indigenous Peoples who were disproportionately victimized by war.
With the resources generously provided by the Congress, USAID has
helped mobilize much greater amounts of Colombia's own public and
private sector funds. With every dollar USAID invests in mobilizing
funds to rural areas that have struggled with conflict and a lack of
resourcing, we unlock an average of $41 from other entities. Since
2015, we've invested $44.6 million that has mobilized more than $1.8
billion.
And while this progress is still fragile, our continued investment
aims to ensure that the gains of the Peace Process take root, that
state presence and economic opportunity reach even the most distant
corners of Colombia, and that all Colombians see a role for themselves
in Colombia's future. A secure, democratic, and prosperous Colombia is
in the U.S. national interest.
Maintaining these types of long-term, multi-administration
partnerships allows us to achieve results that once seemed impossible.
Investing in People & Institutions That Strengthen Democracy
USAID also grows our impact by investing in the people and
institutions on the front lines of promoting more democratic and
prosperous societies. USAID helped found some of the most successful
universities in the region--Zamorano, ESAN, INCAE, and Earth--that are
now producing thousands of newly minted graduates who will be the next
generation of change makers in their countries. We support journalists
and civil society groups who shine a light on corruption. We help
digitize and modernize procurement and tax systems, creating
transparency and efficiency. And we've helped train judges and
prosecutors to hold their ground against corrupt actors and bolster the
rule of law.
These leaders play a critical role in promoting accountability and
the rule of law.
We're seeing that in Guatemala, which is dealing with attempts to
undermine the election of a President-Elect who ran on an anti-
corruption platform. USAID's support for civil society advocacy and
observation helped increase engagement and public confidence in this
election process, but it is courageous election officials, civil
society and community-based organizations, private sector leaders, and,
above all, average citizens who are stepping up to defend Guatemala's
democracy.
We measure our success not with the results of any given election,
but in the growing strength of democratic values and institutions.
USAID will continue to support independent media, protect human rights
and rule of law, tackle corruption, and help democracies deliver for
citizens. This budget includes a request for $535 million to continue
and expand that work in the face of democratic backsliding across the
region.
expanding prosperity & economic opportunity
Slow growth and persistent inequality are at the root of the
political instability and reduced faith in democracy that we see in
much of the region. USAID works with governments and the private sector
to advance inclusive economic opportunity, recognizing that it is
critical to regional stability.
We've brought technology to rural communities to improve farms'
productivity and connected those farmers to larger markets. We've
worked to speed up customs processes in Central America, making the
region more competitive and attractive for foreign direct investment.
And we've helped the region leverage new finance tools like a
catastrophe bond in Jamaica and the Blue Green Bank in Barbados, which
will help finance projects addressing climate change and adaptation.
Our approach leverages our comparative advantage vis-a-vis the
People's Republic of China, namely our transparent and empowering model
of investment, and our dynamic private sector with a focus on strategic
sectors.
this budget request will allow us to continue addressing challenges
Our goal with the FY24 budget request is to continue tackling big
challenges--like the massive displacement of people across the
hemisphere and the authoritarian regime in Venezuela causing the
largest portion of that exodus. The region's success in responding to
these challenges will have an impact for generations to come.
Migration
We are dealing with the largest levels of displacement in the
hemisphere's history. More than 7 million people have been displaced
from Venezuela alone, most within Latin America.
To meet the moment, USAID is taking a three-pronged approach to
managing migration. We work to address root causes of migration, expand
lawful pathways, and support the integration of migrants into new host
communities.
As part of the joint $979 million State/USAID request for Central
America, USAID's work to create economic opportunity and tackle
insecurity and corruption makes it possible for more people to stay in
their communities. Our work under the Administration's Root Causes
Strategy is helping farmers like Dionel, who I met in El Salvador. He
previously sold his crops to unreliable middlemen and made such little
money that he felt forced to irregularly migrate to the United States
to find work. After he was deported and returned to El Salvador, he
started working with a USAID program that helps small farmers access
the crops and irrigation technology they need to improve yields and
that connects them with the largest supermarket chain in the country.
Now, his local farm not only supports his own family, but also employs
eight fellow Salvadorans, creating opportunities at home.
Our work with the governments of El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Honduras to expand lawful pathways like H-2 visas, is helping people
find lawful work and fill critical labor gaps across America. Over the
last 2 years, we've helped double the number of H-2 visas for Central
American workers and supported the work of host country ministries to
decrease the time it takes to match workers with employers to a third
of what it was just 2 years ago.
Our request includes $83 million to support the integration of
millions of migrants--including those displaced by the disastrous
Maduro regime--within host communities across the region. We've
partnered with Colombia and Ecuador as they implement their generous
Temporary Protected Status and regularization policies, which help
Venezuelans integrate into communities, put their kids in schools,
access healthcare, get jobs, open bank accounts, and settle where they
are. This provides an alternative to the dangerous and costly journey
through the Darien Gap.
But these policies are fragile, strained by rising xenophobia and
the upfront costs of integration and humanitarian support to millions
of migrants. This budget--and the $200 million Economic Support Fund
supplemental request for migration management across State and USAID--
would help us meet the unprecedented level of need, expand the reach of
our innovative migration work, and ensure these integration policies
are successful.
Venezuela
At the root of these huge migration outflows is the democratic
crisis in Venezuela. Venezuela's economy and democratic institutions
have been decimated by 20 years of mismanagement. But the upcoming
elections provide a chance for progress. We are not naive about the
prospects for truly free and fair elections in Maduro's Venezuela, but
the 2024 elections present an opportunity for Venezuelans to demand
their right to choose their own leaders. And the new energy generated
around opposition primaries shows us that Venezuelans have not given up
hope.
USAID will continue to support the democratic voices who push back
against a repressive regime, mobilizing for more competitive elections
in 2024 and 2025.
And our commitment to supporting pro-democracy forces remains
unwavering in other repressive contexts as well--with the $20 million
in State and USAID funding requested for Cuba and $15 million requested
for Nicaragua, we will continue to support those who are on the front
lines fighting for their most basic rights and freedoms.
closing
At USAID we remain committed to showing up in times of need with
help for today and plans for tomorrow. The President's budget request
will allow us to respond to this critical moment for the region--and
build a more stable future for the hemisphere.
USAID values this subcommittee's commitment to Latin America and
the Caribbean. I thank you for your time, and I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Secretary Robinson.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. TODD ROBINSON, ASSISTANT SECRETARY,
BUREAU OF INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AFFAIRS,
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Robinson. Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Rubio, and
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to testify before you today.
The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs is responsible for nearly $1.4 billion of foreign
assistance globally under the INCLE account request. This
includes $536.5 million in INCLE funding for the Western
Hemisphere and 30--which is about 38 percent of the total INCLE
request.
Countering the flow of fentanyl and its precursors is a top
priority for President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and me. The
State Department is leading a global response to the synthetic
drug challenge by disrupting transnational criminal
organizations' ability to produce, traffic, and profit from
these deadly substances.
Most fentanyl seized in the United States is trafficked
through Mexico using diverted precursor chemicals sourced from
the People's Republic of China.
To disrupt the flow of precursor chemicals, engagement with
the PRC and others is critical to better track and control
these chemicals. Cooperation with Mexico is critical to the
success of our efforts to combat the fentanyl crisis.
To this end, we have requested $48 million to support
programming in Mexico. We have provided more than 500 canines
to Mexican agencies to assist in seizures of fentanyl and other
drugs.
These canines have supported 50 fentanyl seizures,
including more than 485,000 fentanyl pills, and over 2,000
kilos of fentanyl powder, as well as 2,700 doses of liquid
fentanyl, representing hundreds of thousands of lives
potentially saved.
Nevertheless, we cannot ignore other counter narcotics
challenges in our hemisphere. Our approach in Colombia and Peru
has evolved from a focus on cocaine reduction into also
addressing factors enabling production and trafficking.
This includes promoting rural security, justice and
development, drug demand reduction, and addressing corruption
and money laundering.
In Ecuador, which is facing unprecedented levels of
violence including the recent assassination of a presidential
candidate and a mayor, INL programs aim to enhance security in
critical trafficking zones.
We are requesting $15 million to expand our support to
counter criminal activity, reduce the flow of cocaine to the
United States, and strengthen the judicial sector to combat
TCOs.
With INL assistance, the government launched a specialized
court--the government in Ecuador launched a specialized court
in 2022 with jurisdiction over drug trafficking, human
trafficking, kidnapping, and money laundering cases. That court
delivered its first convictions on July 31 and August 2,
sentencing 34 gang members.
In Haiti, INL is building the Haitian National Police
capacity to counter the violent gangs driving instability. INL
has allocated $122 million since July 2021 to strengthen the
HNP's capacity to counter gangs.
This effort is complementary to the ongoing development of
a multinational security support mission to provide security
and support to the HNP in its efforts to counter gangs,
safeguard critical infrastructure, and protect citizens.
Through $29 million for the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative, INL programming will continue to reduce the
trafficking of narcotics and illicit firearms, disrupt
organized crime, and promote regional cooperation.
In Central America, INL efforts focus on reducing the
governance and security drivers of irregular migration, through
$191 million requested under the Central American Regional
Security Initiative, programs to improve community policing and
engage youth, deter gang influence and crime.
In the Southern Cone, we work closely with Brazil to
counter TCOs' trafficking of drugs and natural resources across
the Amazon Basin and with Argentina to thwart the increasing
threat of synthetic drugs and diversion of precursor chemicals.
Getting ahead of all of these threats requires strategic
and innovative thinking. The challenges before us are immense,
but I am confident we can address them together to keep our
country and people safe.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you. I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Robinson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mr. Todd Robinson
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Rubio, and distinguished Members of
the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you
today regarding the Department of State's fiscal year (FY) 2024 budget
request for the Western Hemisphere. The Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) is responsible for nearly
$1.4 billion of foreign assistance globally under the International
Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) account request. This
includes $536.5 million in INCLE funding for the Western Hemisphere,
about 38 percent of the total INCLE request.
Countering the flow of fentanyl and its precursors from sources
abroad is a top priority of this Administration, the Department, and
INL. The State Department is leading a global response to the synthetic
drug challenge, including countering the flow of fentanyl, analogues of
fentanyl, and fentanyl-related substances into the United States by
disrupting the ability of transnational criminal organizations (TCOs)
to produce, traffic, and profit from these deadly substances.
Since the People's Republic of China (PRC) scheduled all fentanyl-
related substances as a class in 2019, most of the fentanyl seized in
the United States has been produced in Mexico using diverted precursor
chemicals sourced from the PRC. Our relationship with Mexico is
critical to the success of our efforts to combat the fentanyl crisis.
The U.S.-Mexico Bicentennial Framework for Security, Public Health, and
Safe Communities is the foundation for our mutual efforts to protect
our people and combat fentanyl trafficking and other criminal
activities and actors. We also recognize that disrupting the illicit
flow of precursor chemicals to Mexico is crucial to our success. We
will continue to seek productive engagement with the PRC to stem
production of fentanyl and to work with partners around the world to
better track and control the precursor chemicals that fuel drug
production.
Under this framework, INL requests a total of $100 million to
combat fentanyl, to include $48 million in programmatic funds to
support our partnership with Mexico. INL has provided more than 500
canines to multiple Mexican agencies to assist in seizures of fentanyl
and other drugs and contraband. INL-donated canines have supported over
50 fentanyl seizures including, more than 485,000 fentanyl pills, over
2,013 kilos of fentanyl powder, and 2,700 doses of liquid fentanyl. To
assist with preventing the diversion of licit precursor chemicals for
fentanyl production, INL is also expanding clandestine lab training and
facilitating engagement with the private sector. We will continue to
capitalize on these successes and expand areas of mutual cooperation
with our Mexican counterparts, including working with Mexican
regulators and public health agencies as we seek to tackle the
challenge of synthetic drugs from all angles. We appreciate
Congressional support and want to continue to work closely with you on
this challenge.
While we direct our focus toward fentanyl, we cannot ignore the
other counternarcotics challenges in the Hemisphere, including those
posed by methamphetamine and those related to cocaine and other plant-
based narcotics. Colombia and Peru persist as the largest global
suppliers of cocaine. Our approach to cocaine in these countries has
evolved to focus not just on drug supply reduction, but on a holistic
approach to address the full spectrum of forces that enable cocaine
production and trafficking. INL requested $160 million for Colombia and
$41.3 million for Peru, which will support a variety of strategic areas
to increase security and decrease criminality. These include promoting
rural security, justice, and development; addressing corruption; and
preventing, detecting, and countering money laundering and other
financial crimes in order to deprive TCOs of their profits. INL has
facilitated the construction of two rural police stations that bolster
Colombian authorities' abilities to stifle illicit activities
perpetuated by TCOs. The co-location of these police stations with
successful anti-TCO operations and community-police trust-building
activities produces real results in decreasing crime: in early 2022,
the Colombian National Police attributed a 42 percent drop in homicides
from the previous year in Jardin de Tamana, Antioquia, to the presence
of the INL-constructed police station there.
In Ecuador, a key transit country for cocaine enroute to the United
States that has suffered from increased violence including recent
political assassinations, INL programs aim to enhance security in
critical trafficking zones. INL partners have created several inroads
to root out corruption in the national judiciary and to hold
accountable TCOs that engage in and profit from drug trafficking and
other crimes. In December 2022, Ecuador launched a specialized court
with national jurisdiction over drug trafficking, corruption, crimes
against humanity, human trafficking, illegal mining, kidnapping, fraud,
money laundering, and TCO cases. Two years of INL efforts and technical
assistance to advance legislative changes resulted in the establishment
of this court, which issued its first convictions in July 2023. INL
will continue supporting Ecuador with a requested budget of $15 million
in FY 2024.
In Haiti, INL requests $45 million to support a targeted approach
to develop the capacity of the Haitian National Police (HNP), and to
implement the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability
10-year Plan for Haiti. The July 2021 assassination of President
Jovenel Moise exacerbated an already precarious security environment.
INL and its interagency partners have surged support and resources to
Haiti to help stabilize the security situation. This effort is
complementary to the international community's initiative to establish
a multinational force (MNF) in Haiti. An MNF would support the HNP as
Haiti's primary law enforcement institution in its efforts to counter
gangs. Continued support for the HNP to lead counter-gang operations
during this time is crucial to bringing stability to Haiti and
protecting citizens.
The evolving security situation in Haiti reaffirms the importance
of maintaining stability and combating transnational organized crime in
the Caribbean, America's ``third border.'' For the Caribbean Basin
Security Initiative (CBSI), INL requests $29 million in program funds
to support collective and regional approaches to address shared
threats. Strategic programming under CBSI seeks to reduce the flow of
illicit narcotics and illicit firearms, disrupt organized crime,
bolster citizen security and the rule of law, and promote regional
cooperation. By working collectively to mitigate and contain these and
other emerging threats, partner nations and regional institutions can
develop the capacity to address them before they reach the United
States. Due in part to INL's work building partner law enforcement
capacity, CBSI countries participated alongside U.S. Government
agencies in a September 2022 joint operation that led to the seizure of
350 weapons, 3,300 rounds of ammunition, and 10 tons of cocaine in the
region.
INL also is supporting the Administration's efforts to address the
record number of irregular migrants reaching the southwest border. INL
leverages its strong interagency partnerships with the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS) and the Department of Justice (DOJ), in
particular, to strengthen law enforcement cooperation; detect,
investigate, dismantle, and prosecute migrant smuggling and human
trafficking networks; and promote accountability for those involved. In
Northern Central America, consistent with the security and governance
related pillars of the U.S. Strategy for Addressing Root Causes of
Migration in Central America, INL efforts focus on community engagement
and, where possible, security and justice sector professionalization,
modernization, and training to address underlying causes of violence
and insecurity. Programs to improve community policing complement youth
engagement activities to deter gang influence. INL has requested $191.2
million for the Central America Regional Security Initiative to support
the aforementioned programs. In FY 2022, the Gang Resistance Education
and Training (G.R.E.A.T.) program reached over 100,000 at-risk youth in
Northern Central America. These efforts are generating optimism as
recent data has shown significant reductions in homicide rates from
record highs only a few years ago.
Combating endemic corruption and impunity by strengthening
institutions and the capacity of partner nations to better identify,
dismantle, and prosecute the main drivers of corruption is a top
priority. Unfortunately, in across many countries in our hemisphere the
space for productive engagement with willing traditional government
partners is constrained by anti-democratic governments and corrupt
actors. We work increasingly with our interagency partners to develop
the capacity of local civil society, the private sector, and
independent media actors and organizations to equip them with tools to
shed light on the corruption, crime, and impunity threatening their
communities and dragging down their countries.
Corruption, insecurity, weak institutions, and lack of economic
opportunities have dimmed the perception of democracy and the rule of
law to many people in the region. This has allowed opportunities for
external actors with nefarious interests or undemocratic values to
exploit these challenges for greater influence and acceptance. In
particular, the PRC seeks to capitalize on these factors to increase
its presence in the hemisphere and outcompete the United States as the
security partner of choice.
In response, INL priorities ensure our partners in the region
remain committed to the rule of law, democratic governance, human
rights, responsible citizen security, and the rules-based international
system. It is essential they are aware of the risks to partnering with
the PRC and continue to favor the United States as the partner of
choice. We seek to counter the inappropriate or negative influence,
actions, and messaging of the PRC and affiliated entities acting on its
behalf that are detrimental to U.S. national security interests and
those of our allies and partners. The threat from malign external
actors is constantly evolving and growing and requires additional
creative and innovative thinking. Working with our like-minded partners
in the region, in the interagency, and in Congress, helps us ensure we
are successfully countering this threat to our national security
interests and to those of our allies and partners.
Chairman Kaine and Ranking Member Rubio, the challenges and issues
INL is confronting in the Western Hemisphere cannot be solved overnight
or alone. Getting ahead of these threats requires strategic and
innovative thinking, including pursuing new partnerships with non-
traditional actors, such as the nongovernmental and civil society
community and potentially the private sector, and conceptualizing new
creative ideas that are rooted in evidence and data to address
continued and persistent challenges. At the same time, we can only
affect meaningful change in places where we have willing partners.
Where partner nations are not willing to cooperate, we must be
proactive and creative so we can continue to advance regional
priorities. The challenges before us are immense, but I am confident we
can address them together to keep our country and people safe and
secure.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today, and I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Secretary Robinson.
We will have 5-minute rounds of questions and I have a
million questions, budgetary and nonbudgetary, but this is a
budgetary hearing so I am going to focus mostly on the budget.
I do want to ask one nonbudgetary question about Haiti,
given the fact that we were here recently in this subcommittee
talking about Haiti and at the time there was some not
expectation necessarily, but optimism about finding a partner
to lead the multinational security effort.
It was reported in the news that there have been
discussions with Kenya about it. Is there anything new to
report about whether there is a nation that is going to step up
and lead a multinational effort to enhance security in Haiti?
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
There has been notable progress in that regard. A
delegation of Kenyan experts traveled to Haiti to carry out an
assessment. The Kenyan Government and Kenyan security forces
have ample experience in peacekeeping on the continent and
beyond, and they came back from their assessment with a very
sophisticated view of the situation in Haiti.
You would think they have been studying it for decades, and
they talked about their willingness to lead a mission. That
process of deeper analysis of what would be required is ongoing
in Nairobi, and much like the United States, Kenya requires
legislative approval to carry out such a task.
I should note that my colleague, Assistant Secretary
Robinson, traveled to Nairobi and met with the Kenyans before
they went to Haiti and I am sure he will have some thoughts on
this as well.
The Security Council is currently debating a resolution
which would authorize a multinational security support mission
and we hope that such a resolution could be approved by the
time of Leaders Week in New York the week of the 18th.
Senator Kaine. Good. Well, that is encouraging and I
would--obviously, Kenya's willingness to take a leadership role
depends upon the willingness of other nations to play major
roles in participating. The U.S. is willing to do so. We will
hope to have positive developments on that.
This is a question for Administrator Escobari and Secretary
Nichols. Compared with the FY 2023 budget, the Administration
has proposed a $307 million increase in development assistance
funding for the region, and that is nearly a 46 percent
increase, with the majority of the additional assistance
allocated to activities intended to address the root causes of
migration from Central America and also to support democratic
institutions in Haiti.
Can you elaborate on how the increase in development
assistance funds can be used to bolster democratic institutions
in the region?
For Secretary Nichols and Administrator Escobari.
Mr. Nichols. I had understood that was for Secretary
Robinson and Administrator Escobari. I apologize.
Our focus is very much on addressing the root causes of the
drivers of irregular migration and democratic instability. That
includes focusing on improving people's daily livelihoods,
providing support to develop the kinds of infrastructure that
people need, supporting civil society, an independent press,
and the kinds of government institutions that will promote
better policies and livelihoods for the peoples of our region.
We are focused on this crucial moment, as I said in my
opening remarks. We need to deliver across a whole host of
areas for the peoples of this region. A key area of that is
security. Crime and insecurity in places like Ecuador are
driving irregular migration across our region. The lack of
democratic opportunity in Venezuela similarly drives that
irregular migration. These programs take time to have an
impact, but we are seeing progress in a number of areas.
Senator Kaine. Let me say this before I turn to Senator
Murphy. I do want to connect with the comments made by Ranking
Member Rubio in his opening. I feel like one of the challenges
we have in the region is that we often do not pay enough
attention to our friends and the Ecuador situation seems to me
a good example of this.
I visited with President Lasso shortly after he was
elected, and then, together with Senator Menendez, was with him
shortly before he stepped down, and there was a consistent ask
during the Lasso administration--please engage with us on a
trade deal of some kind. Add us into an existing one or do
something significant.
The Administration's position is trade deals are not good
politics anymore. That was the only ask, and I am not sure that
had a trade deal happened that results would have been
dramatically different, but when you have a nation that went
from pro-China to pro-America and they had one ask of us and we
could not produce, and now the situation in Ecuador is leading
to more--the violence is leading to more Ecuadorian migration,
people coming through the Darien Gap, and may well lead to a
government that is once again hostile to the United States as
the Ecuadorian Government was for decades, we miss
opportunities with our friends.
We do some things right. The chips manufacturing bill that
we did included a component for international manufacturing in
friendly nations for nearshoring, and we made an investment in
chips manufacturing capacity in Costa Rica. That is a positive.
I do want to associate myself with comments that Senator
Rubio made, that we should be really focusing upon some of the
bright spots and helping our neighbors that are doing well to
do even better and that can be a great example in the region.
I turn now to Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank
you for pulling together this hearing. I have two questions,
one on budget and one on policy.
On budget, I will note that when we talk about the work
that we need to do with Mexico and other partners to counter
the flow of fentanyl to the United States, there is funding
both in the State and Foreign Ops budget, but also in the
Homeland Security budget. That is the Subcommittee of
Appropriations that I chair.
In fact, we have nearly a billion dollars in dedicated
funding to help Homeland Security agencies work with the
Mexican Government. That is a record amount of funding. I will
also note that the Senate is taking this fight pretty
seriously.
As you know, the State and Foreign Ops budget has $125
million in dedicated counter fentanyl funding globally. Again,
we have got about $850 million in the homeland budget. The
House has allocated virtually nothing to this fight and so,
hopefully, we can convince our House colleagues to work with us
to get serious.
I wanted to talk for a minute--and I will ask this question
to you, Ambassador Robinson--about the degree of cooperation we
are getting from Mexico and I will just put a specific example
on the table and ask you to respond.
The Port of Manzanillo is a really important port. That is
where a lot of this precursor comes through and we know a lot
of it is moving pretty freely to the cartels. We know that
there is an opportunity to interrupt a lot of that trade and we
know that that is probably the more effective means to do it
instead of waiting until it arrives at our southern border.
My understanding is we have had an offer on the table to
work with the Mexican Government to partner our expertise with
their expertise to better identify and intercept fentanyl and
fentanyl precursor at that specific port, but that that offer
still remains on the table--that the ball is effectively in the
Mexican Government's court.
We have funding proposed to help fund that partnership, but
it appears as one of, perhaps, several offers that we have made
that have not yet been accepted by the Mexican Government.
Can you give us an update on that specific proposal that we
have made and how it sits in the context of overall Mexican
Government cooperation?
Mr. Robinson. Sure. Thank you so much, and you are
absolutely right. Our relationship with Mexico on this issue is
of the highest importance.
My understanding is our colleagues in DHS and DEA are
continuing to talk with their Mexican counterparts on
specifically what we can do at the Port of Manzanillo. I think
everyone recognizes that this is a key entrance point for
precursor chemicals. Those talks are ongoing.
Overall, I would say that our relationship across the board
with our Mexican counterparts is quite good on operations at
the border. We are looking at what we can do together to secure
and shore up our border locations.
There is no doubt that there are differences between what
certain members of the Mexican Government say regarding
precursor chemicals and the production of fentanyl in Mexico,
but despite those differences of opinion the relationship--the
operational relationship remains on track.
Senator Murphy. Well, listen, I am proud of the funding
that we have put forward, but it is dependent upon having a
willing partner and these discussions that you reference around
this particular port have been going on for a very long time
and it suggests that we might not, at least on this set of
potential cooperative efforts, not have a partner as willing as
we would like.
My policy-related question will elicit an answer that will
go far beyond my time so I will just reference it and put it on
the record.
I am very interested to continue a conversation we have
been having, Ambassador Nichols, on the efficacy of Venezuela's
sanctions and to get an update from the Administration as to
the purpose of a set of sanctions that have, frankly, not
effectuated results in the way that we had hoped.
Obviously, we are coming up on an election in Venezuela
that we hope is as open and fair and as free as possible and I
think it is important that we continue to have a conversation
as to what we are getting for a sanctions policy that is often
making us look pretty feckless with our partners around the
world.
I will submit that question for the record and yield back
my time.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Chairman Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this
important hearing on the Western Hemisphere and its budget
priorities and for putting an august panel together. We welcome
you all.
Fentanyl is the leading cause of drug overdose deaths in
the United States, including in my home state of New Jersey
with a staggering 193 persons a day--a day--dying from fentanyl
poisoning.
We know that the vast majority of fentanyl trafficked into
the United States is produced in clandestine labs in Mexico
with precursor chemicals sourced from the PRC, something the
Mexican President says does not even exist.
It is a little hard to deal with a partner when they start
off from taking the proposition at the highest levels of
government it does not even exist.
While Mexico's commitment has been, generously to say, slow
to come around and we must recognize that realistic solutions
to this crisis, I hope, as some are suggesting, U.S. military
troops or bombs in Mexico. That is pretty outrageous. A
sovereign country. As much as I do not like their lack of
cooperation, that is pretty outrageous.
Instead it seems to me we require greatly improved law
enforcement cooperation and greater port and border security
measures.
Assistant Secretary Robinson, INL's budget request for
Mexico does not speak, in my view, to the urgency of the
challenge at hand, but it does indicate the challenges we have
had in bilateral cooperation.
It also does not capture the whole host of initiatives that
the Administration is carrying out to combat the crisis. Can
you please lay out the work the Administration is doing and
have you seen sufficient political will from the Government of
Mexico to effectively tackle the fentanyl crisis?
I heard your answer to Senator Murphy. It was very
diplomatic, but that is not what I am looking for.
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator--Chairman, for that
question.
First, let me just say the challenge--to be honest, the
challenge that we have with Mexico is the--their unwillingness
to put their resources in the--into the--sufficient resources
into the fight and we are pushing them to do that.
The partners that we are working with want to do more. They
want to do better. They want to be--they want to partner with
us on greater security both in Mexico and at the border--their
northern border and our southern border.
The resources on the Mexican side up to this point have not
been sufficient to the task and we continue to engage with them
on that.
Senator Menendez. Well, you tell me where your resources
are, I will tell you where your priorities are, and if the
resources are not there, that it is not a priority for the
Mexican Government.
Mr. Robinson. Well, we will----
Senator Menendez. You cannot have a partner unless you have
both sides of the equation working towards the same goal.
Mr. Robinson. Well, what I will say is we will continue to
engage with our Mexican counterparts both diplomatically and at
the operational level to see if we cannot convince them that
they need to put more resources in that----
Senator Menendez. At some point, we--if we keep doing the
same thing and it does not work, you have to think about what
other consequences there should be.
This year alone there have been over 2,400 murders and 950
kidnappings in Haiti. This has been the direct result of a
worsening epidemic of gang violence and widespread criminal
collusion between Haitian elites and gangs, an issue that I am
working to address through my Haitian Criminal Collusion
Transparency Act.
Given the appalling security situation in Haiti, I agree
with the U.N. Secretary General's assessment that, ``a robust
use of force,'' by a multinational police force is necessary to
help restore law and order. We have seen that the Kenyan
Government has offered to lead such a force and conducted an
assessment trip to Haiti last month.
Assistant Secretary Robinson, now that Kenyan assessment
trip has concluded, what can you share about the specific
resources the U.S. Government plans to contribute to the
multinational force including any police or military assets,
logistic support, and other financial resources, and what
progress--concrete progress has been made in securing
commitments from other nations to the multinational force?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, again, Senator Menendez--Chairman
Menendez, for that question.
I was fortunate enough to go to Nairobi and speak with the
Kenyans directly. We are grateful that they have--that they are
considering this proposal to lead the--this multinational
support operation.
We have committed to them that we are going to work with
our international partners to make sure that they have the
tools and the funding necessary. We have identified a
substantial amount--both the State Department and the
Department of Defense have identified a substantial amount to
kick off the beginning of that funding, but we understand that
we are not going to be able to do this alone.
We are reaching out to partners in the region. We are
reaching out to partners outside of the region both for
materiel, for personnel, and for financial resources.
Senator Menendez. Well, could you--could we engage with you
on this to find out exactly where we are at on those efforts?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely.
Senator Menendez. Yes. Mr. Chairman, if I may, one last
question.
Administrator Escobari, good to see you. I put out a paper
on migration called the Menendez Plan. It recognizes that there
are 20 million people in the Western Hemisphere--20 million--
who are displaced refugees or seeking asylum in other
countries.
Unless we deal with that reality, then the challenges that
we have at the southern border will be minor today compared to
20 million people who, if they cannot be assimilated in these
countries, will come marching north and that will be a major
crisis.
I see that as part of this effort. I have legislation
forthcoming on Venezuela that has $300 million in assistance to
Latin American communities hosting large numbers of refugees
and migrants. I understand the President's supplemental budget
request includes $200 million to expand integration efforts.
Can you speak--help us understand in practical terms how
important it is to have this additional funding for integrating
refugees and migrants within the hemisphere itself?
Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Chairman, for that question and
you are absolutely right, and the reason we put those funds in
the supplemental is because the timing could not be more
consequential.
Of those 20 million people that are internally displaced, 7
million have come solely from Venezuela and it is now 7.5 and
that is new. These are historic levels for the region, and the
main countries--Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Brazil--have taken
on over 85 percent of that displacement.
It is through their policies that--their generous and
pragmatic policies of integration--that these migrants are
being absorbed in these communities. They are being provided
jobs, health care, schools, but it is a very tenuous moment
because these policies have a high upfront cost. Even if
eventually migrants end up contributing robustly to those
economies, the upfront cost is high, so straining local
budgets, and the political cost is high.
Our ability to support our partners in integration, in
policies that help them validate degrees, in providing schools
and health care and the regularization process, really, as you
said, will make a difference on whether those people can
restart their lives in these countries or they will continue
onward migration to our border.
Senator Menendez. Well, we will either help them there or
they will be knocking on the door here.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Chairman Menendez.
Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Kaine. I would like to
turn my attention to you, Secretary Nichols. It is good to see
you here today.
In the FY 2024 budget request that you have got, there is
over a billion dollars in the budget request for law
enforcement in other countries--law enforcement in Latin
America, places like Colombia where policing needs to be
reinforced, dealing with counter narcotics trafficking and that
sort of thing. Are you in support of this element of the FY
2024 budget request?
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator. Great to see you again.
In order to provide our partners around the hemisphere with
a better future that addresses the issues that affect us
directly like illicit narcotics trafficking, fentanyl,
irregular migration, we need to address these problems where
they are and that means strengthening law enforcement capacity,
judicial capacity, corrections capacity in the region. That is
vital and that is----
Senator Hagerty. In order to keep that from bleeding over
into America?
Mr. Nichols. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Is that not the aim? I presume then you
would oppose defunding this component of the FY 2024 budget
request?
Mr. Nichols. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. I am trying to then reconcile that. I have
been reviewing the President's language on the ability to keep
our economy open and--I am sorry, our government open past
September 30.
In the language that the White House has sent over with the
Continuing Resolution, there is a component of that that would
essentially defund the agency here in America that is
responsible for law enforcement, protecting our border, for
deporting those who enter our country illegally.
It is very shocking to me that in order to avoid a
government shutdown, the President is demanding the ability to
defund ICE here in America and I would like to read directly
from this language that the President has sent over to avoid a
shutdown.
Amounts made available to U.S. immigration and customs
enforcement operations in support in this or any other act may
be used to provide services and support for refugees, referrals
for social services and other related programs funded through
contracts or through the award of grants or cooperative
agreements to nongovernmental organizations.
What this is saying is that the Administration wants the
authority to reprogram over $7 billion per year of ICE funding
away from law enforcement and essentially turn ICE into a
travel agency to facilitate the transportation of illegal
immigrants to cities like New York--I think you have probably
seen Mayor Adams and what is happening there in New York--to
cities like mine or to yours.
I find this very shocking. I find it very concerning, in
fact, and I wonder if you have had the opportunity to review
this and would you support that.
Mr. Nichols. Senator, the process of enforcing our
immigration laws is vital, but it does not just depend on the
enforcement agencies. We have to be able to house migrants who
are here irregularly----
Senator Hagerty. Well, I think if you take the building--
the enforcement agency that is responsible for deporting those
people here illegally, for buying the tickets to send them
home, is now going to be turned, according to this language--
and, Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit this for the record.
Senator Kaine. Without objection.
[Editor's note.--The information referred to can be found in
the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section at
the end of this hearing.]
Senator Hagerty. Page 41 of the language that comes along
with this request to keep the government open past September 30
would require this Administration, the Biden administration, to
have the ability to reprogram the entirety, over $7 billion per
year, of funding toward relocation of people into America.
It is going to create a magnet, if you will. It will
undermine--it will overwhelm, frankly, north of $7 billion per
year, the $1 billion that is being requested in your budget. I
think that is a great concern. It should be a concern to you.
Mr. Nichols. Well, I am not an official with the DHS, but I
will say that our partners in DHS need the ability to
facilitate the repatriation of those persons not found to have
a lawful reason to remain in the United States. They are under
various judicial orders that they cannot hold migrants beyond a
certain period of time. You need some place to refer those
people----
Senator Hagerty. I hear that, but this would allow the
Administration to reverse all the funds that would be necessary
to send those people back.
They would have the authority now to convert all of those
funds into a resettlement program, and if you saw the video
that I saw this morning of Mayor Adams in New York City talking
about what is happening to the city right now, he is saying
that this illegal immigration is destroying his city.
This provision, if we allow it to pass, will enable that.
It is very disappointing.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
Senator Merkley.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much. Appreciate all of
your testimony and expertise.
I want to start on the topic of Honduras. President Castro
presents a new opportunity to address corruption. In the past,
Honduras had had a commission, CICIH--that is the commission
known as the International Commission Against Corruption and
Impunity--and it was very effective in bringing to Honduras
many of the tools of investigation and prosecution to hold top-
level corruption accountable and that is quite contrary to kind
of the tradition of impunity that has characterized so many
governments in Central America.
The previous President dismantled that because of--
basically many of his colleagues were getting investigated. His
family was getting investigated. We have, we, the United
States, have expressed a lot of support for supporting
President Castro in taking on corruption, but right now that
process of reestablishing CICIH is stalled.
What is going on? Let me just add how important this is.
The drug trafficking corruption extends often throughout the
political system. It infiltrates the police. It infiltrates the
military.
As one President in Central America told me, the drug
structures extend right down to the street level where
virtually every business pays protection money, but if it is
not addressed at the top, then it just is not going to change
and the type of oppression that comes from these criminal
enterprises certainly is a big factor in driving people
desperately to the north.
Why is it that the work to reestablish CICIH is stalled and
what can be done about it? Secretary Nichols or Director
Escobari, I would love to get your insights on that.
Mr. Nichols. Thanks very much. The commission that existed
in Honduras was called MACCIH. That was its abbreviations--
acronym in Spanish.
That went away under the previous administration of Juan
Orlando Hernandez, and President Castro has been working to
establish a new commission in partnership with the United
Nations in Honduras.
They have signed a memorandum of understanding for the
creation of this new anti-corruption commission and they are
working on the technical details with the United Nations.
I recently spoke to my counterpart in the United Nations
and he assured me that the U.N. is committed to doing its part
to establish this new commission that will aid Honduran
institutions to address the issue of corruption.
I would note that the ongoing process of electing a new
attorney general and deputy attorney general in Honduras is
also important because they are the key partners for any
international assistance on anti-corruption efforts.
Ms. Escobari. Just to add, Senator, we are also very
hopeful that Honduras will fulfill its electoral promise of
starting CICIH and our understanding is that some of the
stalling is around the level of independence provided to this
institution, which we think is crucial, but USAID is prepared
to make resources available to support CICIH once it is
established and that is beyond the support of INL and State.
Senator Merkley. I just want to emphasize how important it
is to continue to support the efforts to take on corruption.
Without that, many of the programs and efforts that we are
undertaking will take us nowhere.
I want to turn to safeguarding environmental defenders. Of
the five countries that account for 80 percent of the murders
of human rights defenders, four of them are in Latin America:
Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, Honduras.
This, of course, is devastating to those who are attempting
to defend both established environmental preserves, those who
are attempting to defend indigenous rights, and there is an
appropriation for a USAID advisor for indigenous people, so I
will direct this to you, Dr. Escobari.
How are those efforts going to help assist the frontline
defenders--the environmental and human rights defenders who are
being murdered to make them--to give them greater protection
and work with their governments to give them greater
protection?
Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Senator, for bringing attention to
this issue, and you are correct that Latin America and the
Caribbean is the most dangerous region to be an environmental
defender.
USAID is working with environmental leaders to protect them
from intimidation and violence from armed groups and is also
providing alternative economic options for those who often are
forced to engage in illicit activities.
Our work, and many times in conjunction with the
governments that we work with, is to really strengthen the
judicial system so that these crimes can be brought to
justice--but also creating protective mechanisms, sometimes
community-based and sometimes individualized, in strengthening
those protection mechanisms within the countries, often
persuading governments to put more funds into them, but we will
continue that work because we realize it is incredibly
important.
Senator Merkley. Well, thank you. I am pleased that the
Appropriations Committee here, the SFOPs committee--State and
Foreign Affairs--has continued to see this as well worthy of
funding.
I think it is incredibly important that we stand with those
folks who are attempting to protect human rights, indigenous
communities, and the environment. Thank you much.
Senator Kaine. Senator Cruz.
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Nichols, I am deeply concerned that the Western
Hemisphere is being overwhelmed by anti-Americanism and that
countries across the region are aligning themselves with our
adversaries and our enemies.
I am deeply concerned that former U.S. allies are being
replaced by leaders who are actively hostile to us and our
interests and that the Biden administration has chosen to
embrace many of those leaders.
President Biden warmly hosted Lula da Silva at the White
House and called him a close friend. Lula is an anti-American
chavista who embraces the Chinese Communist Party, Vladimir
Putin, and the Iranian regime.
I will note that President Biden has not extended the same
courtesy to Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and,
indeed, the Biden White House has made clear that Israel's
Prime Minister is not welcome in the Biden White House.
Now, one of the very insidious ways that our adversaries
and our enemies have infiltrated the region is through
corruption. China, Russia, and Iran all exploit endemic
corruption including and especially corruption driven by left-
wing movements to advance their geopolitical agendas.
Congress and specifically this committee has recognized the
importance of combating such corruption and have given you
powerful tools, in particular under Section 7031(c) sanction
authorities.
The Biden administration has used these sanctions
repeatedly across the Western Hemisphere, but not, I am
dismayed to say, not against the left-wing, anti-American
communists who are aligning with Russia and China and Iran.
Quite the opposite. Again, the Biden administration has
looked the other way at malign behavior from such actors. I
want to ask you why that is and I want to start in particular
with Argentina.
In Argentina, the federal judiciary found Cristina
Fernandez, Argentina's former President and current vice
president, guilty of overseeing and profiting from
fraudulently-issued government contracts to her associates for
public works.
According to the public record, the amounts we are talking
about reach $1 billion. She was sentenced to 6 years in prison
and given a lifetime ban on holding public office.
Her current political role grants her immunity from jail,
but I am not aware of any such restriction placed by Congress
on you from sanctioning her under Section 7031(c).
You sanctioned the sitting Paraguayan Vice President last
year. You have sanctioned former presidents in Panama and
Ecuador. No one denies and, in fact, Argentina's courts have
confirmed Cristina Fernandez is a kleptocrat. She has been
indicted for obstructing investigations into Iranian terrorism.
Why has the Biden administration not sanctioned her?
Mr. Nichols. This Administration has used the tools for
sanctions, both visa and financial sanctions, repeatedly in
numerous instances. You talk about sanctioning left-wing
leaders. Certainly, Nicaragua comes to mind. We have placed
sanctions on scores and scores of officials from Nicaragua.
Senator Cruz. Mr. Nichols, my question concerned Argentina.
Why have you not sanctioned Fernandez?
Mr. Nichols. The United States does not discuss pending
sanctions actions, so I would not be able to discuss what we
will or will not do with regard to----
Senator Cruz. Well, you are refusing to answer that and I
have to say this is not changing.
A year ago I wrote Secretary Blinken about exactly this
issue, sanctioning Christina Fernandez under Section 7031(c),
and the State Department wrote back and I will quote what State
said a year ago. ``President Biden and Secretary Blinken have
made it a priority to fight corruption globally using all legal
authorities available to them.''
That was nonsense then and it is nonsense now. A year later
it is undisputed that she is a kleptocrat. Why is the Biden
State Department giving her a pass?
Mr. Nichols. We evaluate every case on its merits. We do
not discuss specific cases before we take action. We have
robust anti-corruption program----
Senator Cruz. Should State have an obligation to comply
with Congress' oversight?
Mr. Nichols. We absolutely----
Senator Cruz. I am asking you why you are not following the
law and your answer is, we do not answer that question.
Mr. Nichols. Our answer is we do not publicly discuss
pending sanctions actions.
Senator Cruz. Well, it is not pending. It has been sitting
there for a long time. All right. Let us shift to another
example, Brazil.
Bolsonaro, a pro-American leader, was replaced--to the
Biden administration's cheering--with an anti-American radical,
Lula, and there is corruption likewise in the Lula government.
In February, Lula allowed two of Iran's most advanced
warships to dock in the port of Rio de Janeiro. The United
States opposed that act, at least formally. In fact, the United
States sanctioned those ships with what are supposed to be
powerful designations, and yet, it happened.
I believe the Lula government's corruption played a
significant role in their decision to ignore the Biden
administration and allow the docking.
Do you agree with that assessment and has the Biden
administration enforced any sanctions related to that instance
and in particular to the Brazilians providing material support
to the Iranian ships?
Mr. Nichols. The Administration engaged our partners
throughout the hemisphere and we are very pleased that the
Iranian ships were not able to dock anywhere else.
We were deeply disappointed that they--one of the two ships
was able to dock in Brazil. The other was offshore. I will
refer you to OFAC for any additional information----
Senator Cruz. Has the Biden administration sanctioned the
Brazilian Government led by Joe Biden's self-described good
friend, the anti-American leftist Lula? Have you sanctioned the
Brazilian Government for violating U.S. law and allowing the
Iranian ships to dock?
Mr. Nichols. I would refer you to OFAC as to whether or not
they have made a determination that action violated----
Senator Cruz. You do not know whether you have sanctioned
Brazil?
Mr. Nichols. I would refer you to OFAC.
Senator Cruz. Do you know?
Mr. Nichols. I would refer you to OFAC.
Senator Cruz. Do you know the answer? That is a yes or no
question. Do you know whether the Biden administration has
sanctioned Brazil?
Mr. Nichols. I am not aware of any sanctions with regard to
that specific situation.
Senator Cruz. Nor am I and that is the problem.
Senator Kaine. I believe Senator Cardin was here at the top
of the hearing. Is that correct?
Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me thank
all of our witnesses.
Secretary Nichols, I want to start with Colombia, if I
might. This is one of our longest partnerships in our
hemisphere. Senator Hagerty and I co-chair Atlantic Council
Task Force on Colombia. Senator Blunt had that position before.
We have been partners with Colombia through Plan Colombia,
Peace Colombia, the implementation of the peace agreements.
Colombia still has major challenges in counternarcotics,
the peace accord implementation, Venezuelan migrants and their
integration into Colombia, forest conservation, et cetera, so
the Administration's budget requested in excess of $400 million
dollars to further that partnership.
Our Appropriations Committee has recommended, as I
understand it, $487 million, a robust amount, recognizing the
importance of our partnership to continue this progress that
has been made in that country.
The House Appropriations Committee, as I understand, zeroed
out the Colombia budget, withheld all the funds. Can you tell
me how much of a priority it is for the United States to
continue its partnership with Colombia in the areas I just
mentioned?
Mr. Nichols. Colombia is a vital partner across a whole
host of areas, whether it is safeguarding the environment,
dealing with climate change, obviously, the overarching threat
of transnational organized crime, promoting respect for human
rights.
We have worked with Colombia at an unprecedented level of
integration for a generation now since the beginning of Plan
Colombia. Our continued cooperation and assistance with
Colombia is vital, Senator.
Senator Cardin. My concern is that it is a robust democracy
and their elections are not predictable, as we have seen in the
last three elections where they really changed directions in
each one of those elections, but it was the will of the people
at the ballot that changed the direction of the country.
We should not be trying to micromanage the internal
politics of Colombia, but rather establish a long-term
partnership in the areas that I have mentioned. Do you have a
strategy for dealing with the House on this issue?
Mr. Nichols. Our strategy is to explain why the work that
we are doing is important and yields benefits for the American
people.
Our assistance to other countries is not purely an
altruistic exercise. We benefit from it, and in the case of
Colombia, we benefit from a strong, stable, democratic, orderly
Colombia and we need to work with Colombia's elected leaders to
achieve that.
Senator Cardin. I strongly support that. I just--we are
not--we are going to always disagree with leaders of countries.
We know there is different trends within our own hemisphere,
but we do know that we need to have partners to deal with the
anti-narcotics--counternarcotics issues that are plaguing our
country and Colombia plays a key role.
I would just urge the Administration to be a little bit
more vocal in recognizing the importance of that partnership as
we go into these negotiations between the House and the Senate.
I want to ask you a second question about the OAS
legislation that was authored in 2021 by Senator Wicker and
myself to establish a parliamentary dimension within the OAS
similar to the OSCE.
Can you tell me what steps you have taken to implement that
law?
Mr. Nichols. Thank you very much, and the meeting that you
and Senator Wicker hosted with Secretary General Almagro I
think was--and a number of permanent representatives of other
OAS member states was important in helping them understand how
this will work.
They have had a number of discussions around the idea of
greater parliamentary engagement within the Americas. I think
it is something that is gaining momentum in the institution.
We continue to engage not only with the secretariat, but
within--but with individual member states to talk about the
importance of the utility of strengthening our legislative
cooperation across the hemisphere.
Senator Cardin. I think it is gaining momentum, but I think
it needs a push from the Administration in its participation at
OAS. I would just urge you--we recognize at times the
Administration is not going to be the strongest proponent for
congressional involvement.
I would just urge that it is so critically important for
the support of OAS to have more active parliamentarian
participation and the Administration at a key point can play a
major role in not just seeing momentum, but progress on a
parliamentary dimension.
Mr. Nichols. We engage and will continue to do so. We agree
absolutely on the importance of this issue.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you all
for being here.
Assistant Secretary Nichols, I want to begin by thanking
you and the State Department for your efforts to secure the
release of a constituent of mine and her child in New Hampshire
last month who had been kidnapped in Haiti.
Your efforts were really very helpful, and I know the
family is not totally reunited because they had to leave some
of their Haitian-born children in Haiti, but I appreciate that
you are working closely with our office to help reunite the
family and get those children to--back to the United States.
Thank you very much for that.
I want to echo the concerns that were expressed by both the
chair and ranking member in their opening remarks about the
missed opportunity that I think we have in the Western
Hemisphere and Latin America.
I had the opportunity in April to join a number of my
colleagues on a bipartisan CODEL. We went to Panama, Colombia,
Argentina, and Brazil, and one of the things that we heard
everywhere we went was how much they wanted to have a positive
relationship with the United States.
They would like to see increased trade. They would like to
see deeper relationships and felt like they had not gotten a
reciprocal response from the United States.
I am pleased that legislation that Senators Durbin and
Boozman and I have with--to try and encourage increased trade
to Latin America is in the defense authorization bill. I hope
that remains as the bill proceeds through Congress.
It just--it felt like such a missed opportunity. I know we
could spend the next 3 hours talking about that, but can I ask
you to address that, Secretary Nichols?
Mr. Nichols. Well, thank you so much.
Engagement with this hemisphere is vital. Just last week
Costa Rican President Chaves was here. This coming week we will
have President Ali of Guyana here.
President Biden hosted all the leaders of our hemisphere--
all the democratically-elected leaders of our hemisphere for
the Summit of the Americas in Los Angeles. We hosted some
national leaders from our hemisphere and around the world in
Denver, Colorado, at the Cities Summit of the Americas.
I accompanied Secretary Blinken to the 50th anniversary of
CARICOM in Trinidad and Tobago. I was with Vice President
Harris to meet with CARICOM in the Bahamas. The President has
been deeply engaged with our closest neighbors in Canada and
Mexico at the North American Leaders Summit in Mexico City and
also bilaterally in Ottawa.
This is a hemisphere that is vitally important and
America's Partnership for Economic Prosperity is another area
where we expect to deepen our relations through work on
infrastructure, climate, education, sustainable growth. Those
are all areas of progress, and then we have four countries in
our hemisphere that are members of APEC, as well.
Senator Shaheen. I appreciate that. I think all of those
efforts are important.
It still is not clear to me that we have a comprehensive
strategy for how we are approaching Latin America. I hope that
as events continue that that will be clearer to us on the
committee.
One of the things that we visited on our trip was the
Panama Canal, and as you know the Panama Canal is being
affected by significant disruptions because of climate change
and the impact on the drought there and that is having real
disruptions in terms of increasing supply chain issues for
consumers.
Can you tell us whether the State Department is engaged
with Panama and doing anything to address this, if there is
anything that we are working on that can help as they think
about how to deal with the water shortage? Because this is
clearly going to be a long-term issue.
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator. We are actively engaged
with Panama on watershed management issues through USAID and
State Department's Bureau for Oceans, Environment, and Science.
Our Ambassador, Mari Carmen Aponte, is very active on these
issues as well. It is vital to our commerce and our security.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Mr. Robinson, last year the FENTANYL Results Act that I was
proud to co-sponsor with a bipartisan group of senators was
signed into law. Can you tell me if anything is happening to
implement that?
I know the Senate Appropriations Committee has put in $125
million to try and stop the flow of fentanyl, but is there any
work being done to specifically implement the provisions in
that bill?
Mr. Robinson. Senator, thank you for that question.
As you know, the fentanyl crisis has been front and center
for this Administration. Secretary Blinken hosted a ministerial
earlier this summer. Over 100 countries--up to 100 countries--
almost 100 countries and international organizations
participated.
We have working groups that are getting together to talk
about implementing some of the things that came out of that
ministerial.
We will introduce a resolution at the U.N. for--at the
upcoming U.N. General Assembly to tackle this issue. All of
this to say we are using every tool, including the tools that
are provided by you all, by the Senate, to engage with our
partners globally to fight this issue.
We understand every day how important this is, both on the
supply side and working with our partners domestically--ONDCP,
on the domestic side to make sure that communities in the
United States have what they need to address the addiction and
overdose issues.
Senator Shaheen. Well, sadly, in New Hampshire we are
seeing overdose deaths tick back up again and so how do you
define success?
Do you have identified goals for interdiction, for
reduction in amount of fentanyl coming into the country, for
what China is providing in terms of precursor chemicals? What
is the plan long-term to deal with this issue?
Mr. Robinson. Well, those things that you mentioned are how
we identify success, and while I am saddened to hear that the
numbers are ticking up in New Hampshire, my understanding is
overall in the United States the numbers are actually
flattening and in some areas going down.
Part of this is the Administration's attention--increased
attention on the domestic side, again, making sure that
communities are given the tools they need to give more access
to treatment, but also part of this is our engagement globally
with Mexico, with Colombia, with our European partners.
We have to remember that while in the United States the
issue is fentanyl, synthetic drugs globally are an issue--in
the Middle East it is ketamine, in Europe it is
methamphetamine--and we are engaged in offering tools to both
our friends and our friends and our allies and our partners in
the region to do the operations and to increase their security
at their ports to identify--and engage with--try to engage with
the People's Republic of China on the issue of precursor
chemicals.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
I am going to start a second round of questions that I
have. I have been informed that it is unlikely that Senator
Rubio will return. If he does, I will offer him the opportunity
to ask questions. There is a vote on.
If I could, Secretary Robinson, talk about the
counternarcotics cooperation level between the United States
and Colombia under the new government. They are taking a
somewhat different direction. I would like to hear your
assessment of how we view the partnership on counternarcotics
efforts.
Mr. Robinson. I think you are absolutely right. I will
start out by saying traditionally the United States and
Colombia have had an excellent security relationship. That
relationship still continues.
It is changing with the new administration--the new Petro
government. They obviously want to go in a different direction
on things like eradication.
That said, they continue to work with us on interdiction.
They continue to work with us on strategies for rural security.
They continue to work with us on newer parts of our strategy
that go after things like environmental crimes.
We are working with our partners in USAID on getting land
titles to Colombians that have never owned the land that they
are on before. We have a comprehensive--we continue to have a
comprehensive security and development engagement with
Colombia.
Colombia has become a provider of security not just in the
region, but globally and we will continue to work on that----
Senator Kaine. That is helpful to hear that and that
matches what I have heard from General Richardson, the head of
SOUTHCOM, that the change in government has not affected the
mil-to-mil cooperative relationship.
It is important for us to understand that this government
is moving away from some of the eradication strategies and that
could have some challenges, but the fact that they are
continuing to be a strong partner on interdiction and other
security strategies, that it is important to note.
Secretary Nichols, the--just a couple of months ago in
April of 2023, the Administration announced the opening of safe
mobility offices, also known as Movilidad Segura, in Colombia
and Guatemala where migrants can be considered for humanitarian
or other lawful pathways from the Americas to the U.S. or other
countries. The idea would be to have them go to those offices
rather than appear at the frontera aqui.
How does the funding for the safe mobility offices tie in
to the overall budget? Even though it has been fairly recent
since April, can you share how the strategy seems to be
working?
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Chairman.
I would just note that Deputy Secretary for Management and
Resources Rich Verma is in Guatemala and Colombia this week
precisely looking at the safe mobility offices. They are up and
running there and in Costa Rica. We had the chance to talk to
President Chaves about that during his visit.
They are processing applications for people. The idea is
that this gives people access to lawful pathways for migration,
reduces irregular migration, and has the opportunity for people
to go not just to the United States, but other countries like
Spain.
People also receive information about ways that they can
integrate into the societies where they are should they wish to
do so.
The request that we have will provide for training for the
people who work at those centers, host nation officials in the
migration management area, funding for our partners like the
International Organization for Migration and the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees, and this is a huge priority as a way
to reduce the numbers of people arriving at our Southwest
border.
Senator Kaine. I think it is really an important strategy
and we will want to continue to monitor its success.
The success of these safe mobility offices also can have a
significant effect in reducing the cartel soaking people for
all their money and essentially human trafficking them.
If there can be these offices near to where people are,
where they can find information about lawful pathways and,
potentially, receive permission to come, where they can buy an
air ticket rather than pay a cartel thousands of dollars to
traffic them on a dangerous journey to the border, where they
may or may not receive what they hope to, it will also assure
some safety and drain the cartels of some resources that they
are now getting.
A question about Chinese influence. Congress has
appropriated funds generally to the Department of State to
counter the influence of China globally.
What do you do within your portfolio to make sure that
those funds are being allocated appropriately to activities in
the Americas? Because these are some global funds that could go
everywhere, but I would like to ask particularly how you go to
bat to make sure that the Western Hemisphere receives a
sufficient allocation of those funds.
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Chairman.
Our focus in this hemisphere is making sure that countries
have their eyes open about their engagements through China,
particularly in areas like infrastructure investment. That
means--in the United States we have CFIUS to evaluate foreign
investment.
We want to build capacity in partner nations around the
hemisphere so they can evaluate the quality of investments. We
disseminate information about the opportunities through U.S.
institutions like USAID, Development Finance Corporation, EXIM.
We look for ways to partner with regional institutions like
the Inter-American Development Bank. Just today they announced
a road show initiative to promote U.S. company investment in
the hemisphere that would benefit from IDB financing, which I
think is a great initiative.
We work with cultural institutions to talk about the
realities of the relations with China that they have and to
understand that if they have got a Confucius Institute in their
country, what is that there for, what are they doing, what is
the reality of the human rights situation in China.
Senator Kaine. If I could, Administrator Escobari, the--
USAID in May announced more than about $60 million in
programming to Central America to combat gender-based violence
and to advance human rights, HIV prevention.
What type of programs is USAID implementing to break the
cycle of gender-based violence against women in Central
America?
Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Senator, for your question.
Yes, gender-based violence is--continues to be painfully
prevalent in the region and far too normalized. It is a
priority in most of the countries that we operate and our
approach involves focusing on prosecution to increase the
reporting and conviction of crimes, protection and victim
assistance, and sometimes that involves going to the victims--
we have mobile centers that go to the most isolated rural
indigenous communities to provide services--and prevention,
changing gender norms.
We have worked in some cases very successfully with our
partner countries. In Guatemala, we set up the 24-hour courts
and we piloted the first ones and then the government took
over. We find that when you have the judicial centers that are
specialized in these crimes, the impunity is reduced
tremendously.
In El Salvador, we supported close to 40 victim assistance
centers and the conviction rate in these cases was five times
the average of the rest of the country.
Lastly, in changing norms, that is a long-term endeavor,
but we are tackling it in creative ways. In Honduras, we
recently launched a 4-month campaign partnering with a major
media company for airing a telenovela that features four women
that have gone through overcoming discrimination, harassment,
stigma, and really inspiring the audience to break the cycle of
violence.
We are approaching it from all angles and, again,
collaborating with our partner countries to reduce these
numbers.
Senator Kaine. Very important work.
My last question, Secretary Nichols, is for you. President
Biden announced in June of 2022 the Americas Partnership for
Economic Prosperity.
There has been criticism--and I have participated in the
criticism--that the announced framework is still a little bit
hollow in terms of accomplishment or achievement. I raised this
at a recent hearing.
We were informed that the White House and State were
looking at APEP and maybe going to take a slightly different
direction with it. We have not heard anything since then. Is
there anything to report now about APEP?
Mr. Nichols. Well, we are robustly engaged in working with
our partners among the 12 APEP countries. We are focusing on
regional competitiveness, sustainable infrastructure, climate
and environment, shared prosperity and good government--
governance and healthy communities, ensuring that people have
access to health care in the region.
We have been focusing on making sure that this is something
that is shared priorities among our partners in the region.
Ambassador Lisa Kubiske has been leading our conversations and
Senator Chris--former Senator Chris Dodd as well has been very
active in outreach on these issues.
We expect to have leaders meet later this year to talk
about these priorities and we will have a framework where
ministers in key areas work together on concrete solutions. We
expect to bring real concrete supportive resources to this
exercise, but this is not the United States handing down a
tablet from Heaven. This is working with our partners to find
shared approaches and shared solutions.
Mr. Chairman, if I could just also note the importance for
us, whether it is on engagement with our partners, APEP,
competing with China. I want to thank you and this committee
for everything that you can do to approve our and confirm our
ambassadors in the region.
The ability to speak at the ambassadorial level in
countries is vital to our ability to counter China and to
advance our own interests.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that.
I would like to appreciate the witnesses for being here
today. We had, I think, eight senators, seven of whom or six of
whom asked questions. That is positive. This is a really
important priority.
I am going to ask that the record of this hearing be held
open until the close of business Friday, so that if members of
the committee whether they were here or not wish to direct
questions in writing, they can do so by that date, and I would
encourage you all to provide prompt and comprehensive responses
should questions be directed in writing.
With that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:09 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Mr. Brian Nichols to Questions
Submitted by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Is it in the interest of the United States to sanction
foreign entities enabling the People's Republic of China's
installation, development, and/or operation of military or espionage
facilities in Cuba?
Answer. When the Biden-Harris administration took office in January
2021, it received information on several sensitive PRC efforts to
expand its overseas logistics, basing, and collection infrastructure
globally to allow the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to project and
sustain military power at greater distance. This effort included the
presence of existing PRC intelligence collection facilities in Cuba
that the PRC upgraded in 2019.
The President directed his team to develop an approach to counter
the PRC's efforts across the region, including Cuba. We developed and
began quietly executing a strategy to achieve concrete results. We
engaged governments that considered hosting PRC bases at high levels
and exchanged information with them.
We assess that our diplomatic outreach has slowed down the PRC's
efforts to project and sustain its military power around the world. We
will continue to consider all potential tools in the Administration's
toolkit, including targeted sanctions, as appropriate, to address these
challenges. We remain confident that we can meet our security
commitments at home and in the region.
Question. Please provide an update on the 60-day campaign announced
in April 2023 to deter illegal migration through the Darien Gap.
Answer. The Darien Surge, led by the Departments of Homeland
Security and Defense, initially contributed to a decrease in the number
of migrants traversing the Darien. Panama's National Migration Service
reported low numbers of arrivals in June at the end of the campaign,
but in July and August it reported record high numbers. The Department
continues to work with the interagency and international partners to
address the challenges of irregular migration in the Western
Hemisphere.
______
Responses of Mr. Todd Robinson to Questions
Submitted by Senator James E. Risch
Question. President Gustavo Petro of Colombia recently designated
Alexander Farfan Suarez, Alias ``Gafas,'' a FARC terrorist infamous for
keeping hostage three American citizens, as a ``peace manager.'' Has
the State Department issued a formal statement on this or asked the
Petro administration to retract this decision?
Answer. The Department of State is aware the Colombian Government
has appointed Alexander Farfan Suarez as a peace manager. Farfan Suarez
is responsible for atrocious crimes and human rights abuses against
Colombian and U.S. citizens. The United States believes it important to
pursue accountability for human rights abuses and meaningful justice
for victims and has shared this view with the Colombian Government. The
U.S. Government is not involved in the Colombian Government's current
dialogues with U.S.-designated terrorist or other criminal groups. The
Department has not issued a formal statement on the Petro government's
decision.
Question. Please confirm that none of the funds appropriated by
Congress for programs and activities in Colombia support the work of
``peace managers.''
Answer. No funds appropriated by Congress support peace managers.
While the Department supports full implementation of the 2016 Peace
Accord with the FARC, the United States is not a participant in the
Colombian Government's current dialogues with U.S.-designated terrorist
or other criminal groups and does not provide any funds to those
efforts.
______
Responses of Mr. Brian Nichols to Questions
Submitted by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Organization for American States Parliamentary Assembly:
I am concerned by the continuing delay in the implementation of the
2021 OAS Legislative Engagement Act, which calls for the creation of an
OAS Parliamentary Assembly to increase regional good governance and
anticorruption efforts in the region. I believe it is the case that you
have not sent yet instruction to all our embassies in the Hemisphere
asking them to make this a priority--to persuade other governments to
work with us to make this happen. As we know, going only to other
countries' missions to the OAS is not the way to get other governments
to align with us; engagement needs to happen in capitals. When do you
plan to engage all our embassies in the region to seek support for this
initiative, capital-by-capital?
Answer. Since adoption of the Legislative Engagement Act, the U.S.
Permanent Mission to the Organization of American States (OAS) has
remained engaged with your office, as well as the OAS Secretariat, to
advance this effort and bring it to fruition. We have coordinated with
our embassies and engaged various legislators throughout the region,
and worked with your staff to identify potential parliamentarians well-
suited to be part of this important initiative. In advance of the June
2023 OAS General Assembly, on May 18 and 19, we coordinated sessions
both on the Hill and at the OAS Permanent Council that brought together
legislators, diplomats, representatives of parliamentary bodies, and
other regional stakeholders dedicated to fostering inter-parliamentary
dialogue through the OAS. The United States successfully sponsored new
parliamentary engagement texts adopted in 2022 and 2023 during two OAS
General Assemblies. We will continue to work with your staff on
advocacy in capitals and in Washington to promote implementation of the
Legislative Engagement Act.
Question. Please describe the State Department's other efforts to
engage with both Western Hemisphere governments and their delegations
to the OAS to promote the creation of an OAS PA.
Answer. We remain committed to continue feasible and constructive
efforts towards the creation of a Parliamentary Assembly in the OAS
framework, consistent with the Charter of the Organization of American
States and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. An effort perceived
as a unilateral U.S. model for inter-American legislative engagement
could generate resistance from OAS member states. ParlAmericas, based
in Canada, maintains a long-standing memorandum of understanding with
the OAS to implement inter-parliamentary engagement, and we continue to
collaborate with them and your office to develop a mutually acceptable
mechanism for cooperation. On May 19, 2023, the U.S. Permanent Mission
to the Organization of American States sponsored a Special Permanent
Council session in Washington to fully engage all member states on
implementation of the Legislative Engagement Act, consistent with U.S.-
proposed mandates adopted by the 2022 OAS General Assembly.
Question. Guatemala: The recent presidential elections have shone a
disturbing spotlight on democratic backsliding in Guatemala. While I am
glad that efforts by top government prosecutors to disqualify now
President-elect Arevalo's Seed Movement were unsuccessful, it raises a
red flag that the government will refuse to seat him this coming
January. I was pleased to see Deputy Secretary Richard Verma visit
Guatemala earlier this week to assess the situation on the ground.
Please describe efforts by Administration officials--including
Deputy Secretary Verma--to encourage a peaceful transfer of power.
Answer. Deputy Secretary Verma and Deputy Assistant Secretary
Jacobstein met in Guatemala on September 5-6 with President Giammattei,
President-elect Arevalo, Organization of American States Secretary
General Almagro, government officials, civil society, and media
representatives to underscore the need for a peaceful transfer of
power. D-MR Verma and DAS Jacobstein's September press interviews
increased public scrutiny and pressure on anti-democratic actors to
cease interference. For over a year, the Department's public and
private messaging campaign supported free, fair, inclusive, and
peaceful elections. The Guatemalan people expressed their democratic
right to select their next leader. As a result of daily diplomatic and
public interactions with likeminded multilateral and bilateral actors,
the international community joined the United States in calling for a
peaceful transfer of power and respect for the electoral will of the
Guatemalan people.
Question. How has the State Department worked to support democratic
governance in Guatemala more generally, given these electoral concerns?
Answer. During the electoral period, U.S. Embassy Guatemala City
deployed teams to observe each round of elections. USAID supported
civil society and press organizations carrying out electoral oversight,
observation, and investigative reporting. The Department supported
efforts to improve transparency and accountability, including
countering electoral disinformation. Statements from Secretary Blinken,
Ambassador Popp, and White House officials on the importance of good
governance and free and fair democratic elections reached millions. The
Department utilizes the Section 353 Report to highlight corrupt and
undemocratic actions by some Guatemalans, including Public Ministry and
judicial officials involved in efforts to undermine the election and
transition. The report sends a clear signal that the United States is
watching and will call out those working against democracy in
Guatemala.
Question. Surrogate Journalism in the Western Hemisphere: Given the
magnitude of the regional challenges we are facing in addressing the
nefarious and false narratives emanating from China, Russia, Iran, Cuba
and elsewhere, I am concerned about the dearth of resources available
for the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM), other than the work of
the Office of Cuba Broadcasting and Voice of America. The Senate's 2023
State Authorization bill includes a provision asking USAGM to analyze
and report to Congress on the potential creation of a ``Radio Free
Latin America'' modeled after existing surrogate journalism networks in
Europe/Eurasia, the Middle East and Asia.
Do you see a need for additional surrogate journalism in the
region?
Answer. The Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs (WHA) supports
increasing objective and credible reporting to Latin American
populations on U.S. policies and priorities; however, we defer to USAGM
on the feasibility of creating a Radio Free Latin America modeled on
existing surrogate journalism networks.
Question. Do you believe that Radio Marti and Television Marti are
achieving their goals of educating and informing the people of Cuba?
Answer. The Office of Cuba Broadcasting (OCB) serves a role in
providing uncensored news for Cubans given the Cuban Government's
repression of journalists and media. Under the independent U.S. Agency
for Global Media, the Office of Cuba Broadcasting reports on political
prisoners and the human rights situation, and combats disinformation
and malign foreign influence in Cuba, affording Cubans an alternative
to state-run media. The Cuban Government frequently disrupts access to
broadcasts by OCB's radio medium, limiting penetration on the island.
U.S. Government-supported and independent outlets have proliferated
in Cuba's media environment over the past 15 years, providing consumers
with numerous options for information on human rights and governance.
Radio Marti and Television Marti use social media to attract younger
audiences in efforts to increase their competitiveness among media
outlets. Currently, other U.S.-funded independent media sources
maintain stronger social media footprints. OCB's future success depends
on an expert panel's implementation of recommendations from a May 2019
independent report to the Chief Executive Officer and Director of the
U.S. Agency for Global Media, as well as keeping up with the
continually evolving demands of digital markets.
______
Responses of Mr. Brian Nichols to Questions
Submitted by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I understand that the U.S. Embassy is encouraging all
Americans to leave as soon as possible, and the Embassy has also
evacuated all non-emergency government personnel.
What changes to conditions on the ground will be needed to return
the post to full operation and what is the way ahead for consular
services in Haiti?
Answer. Notwithstanding the decision to move to ordered departure,
the U.S. Embassy in Haiti remains open. We continue to assist U.S.
citizens and perform other essential duties. The Department continually
adjusts its posture at U.S. embassies and consulates throughout the
world in line with its mission, the local security environment, and the
health situation.
Consular Affairs follows the determinations made by the Under
Secretary for Management and post Emergency Action Committees in
determining the posture of consular services abroad.
Question. With limited visa processing, will applications be
transferred to other posts in the region?
Answer. The Department is evaluating options for Haitian immigrant
visa (IV) applicants, recognizing that Haitians have no easy options to
travel to another IV processing post. Individual IV applicants who
reside or are physically present in a consular district where IVs are
processed and who expect to remain in legal status for the duration of
the IV process may request transfer of their case to that Embassy or
consulate. Nonimmigrant visa (NIV) cases are not transferable, but
anyone may apply for an NIV wherever they reside or are physically
present.
______
Responses of Mr. Todd Robinson to Questions
Submitted by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Please provide an update regarding the implementation of
the FENTANYL Results Act, which was passed as part of the FY 2023 NDAA.
Answer. With the support of Congress, the Department is
intensifying efforts to confront the illicit fentanyl supply chain as a
top priority for public health and national security. The Secretary
launched a Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats on July
7, working with the U.S. interagency on an initiative that has brought
together over 100 foreign countries and international organizations to
strengthen cooperation and promote concrete responses. The Department
will continue to support activities outlined in the FENTANYL Results
Act, including through leveraging the Coalition framework.
Question. Has the international exchange program been established
to strengthen capacity of drug reduction experts? What countries will
be considered within the international exchange program?
Answer. The Department strongly supports the continued use of
people-to-people exchanges, managed by the Bureau of Educational and
Cultural Affairs, in both directions. Inbound exchanges, such as the
International Visitor Leadership Program and the Humphrey Fellowship
Program, and outbound exchanges, such as the U.S. Speaker Program and
Fulbright Specialists, educate publics and decision-makers about the
health and law enforcement aspects of the synthetic drug crisis. INL is
strengthening international collaboration by supporting prevention,
treatment, and recovery support-oriented programs that foster the
exchange of best practices and training of professionals and expanding
the international network of health care providers through the Global
Coalition.
Question. To what extent is the Department depending on the
Emergency Supplemental and/or the FY 2024 appropriation to fully
implement this legislation?
Answer. INL relies on its annual appropriation to fulfill its
obligations under the legislation, and fiscal year 2024 will be
particularly important as INL looks to implement the FENTANYL Results
Act to support the work of the Global Coalition and the initiatives
that follow for the subsequent year.
Section Language From Department of Homeland Security, Titled
``Reprogramming Authority for Facilities and
Support Services''
Submitted by Senator Bill Hagerty
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
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