[Senate Hearing 118-155]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]



                                                        S. Hrg. 118-155

                   EVADING ACCOUNTABILITY: CORPORATE
                 MANIPULATION OF CHAPTER 11 BANKRUPTCY

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                                HEARING

                               before the

                       COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                           SEPTEMBER 19, 2023

                               __________

                          Serial No. J-118-32

                               __________

         Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary






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                       COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

                   RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois, Chair
                   
DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California         LINDSEY O. GRAHAM, South Carolina, 
SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island       Ranking Member
AMY KLOBUCHAR, Minnesota             CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       JOHN CORNYN, Texas
RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut      MICHAEL S. LEE, Utah
MAZIE K. HIRONO, Hawaii              TED CRUZ, Texas
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey           JOSH HAWLEY, Missouri
ALEX PADILLA, California             TOM COTTON, Arkansas
JON OSSOFF, Georgia                  JOHN KENNEDY, Louisiana
PETER WELCH, Vermont                 THOM TILLIS, North Carolina
                                     MARSHA BLACKBURN, Tennessee
                                     
             Joseph Zogby, Chief Counsel and Staff Director
      Katherine Nikas, Republican Chief Counsel and Staff Director




















      
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              

                           OPENING STATEMENTS

                                                                   Page

Durbin, Hon. Richard J...........................................     1
Graham, Hon. Lindsey O...........................................     3
Whitehouse, Hon. Sheldon.........................................     3

                               WITNESSES

Haas, Erik.......................................................     6
    Prepared statement...........................................    38
    Responses to written questions...............................    45

Hessler, Stephen E...............................................     9
    Prepared statement...........................................    47
    Responses to written questions...............................    67

Jacoby, Melissa B................................................     7
    Prepared statement...........................................    69

Knapp, Lori......................................................    12
    Prepared statement...........................................    84

Parikh, Samir D..................................................    10
    Prepared statement...........................................    87
    Responses to written questions...............................   107

                                APPENDIX

Items submitted for the record...................................    37


 
                   EVADING ACCOUNTABILITY: CORPORATE
                      MANIPULATION OF CHAPTER 11
                              BANKRUPTCY

                              ----------                              

                      TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 2023

                              United States Senate,
                                Committee on the Judiciary,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The Committee met, pursuant to notice at 10:03 a.m., in 
Room 226, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Richard Durbin, 
Chair of the Committee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Durbin [presiding], Whitehouse, 
Klobuchar, Coons, Blumenthal, Hirono, Booker, Padilla, Ossoff, 
Welch, Graham, Grassley, Cornyn, Hawley, and Kennedy.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD J. DURBIN,
           A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS

    Chair Durbin. This meeting of the Senate Judiciary 
Committee will come to order. Our hearing today is entitled, 
``Evading Accountability: Corporate Manipulation of Chapter 11 
Bankruptcy.''
    In October of 2021, Johnson & Johnson faced lawsuits from 
nearly 40,000 Americans who had been diagnosed with ovarian 
cancer or mesothelioma, allegedly caused by the company's 
talcum-based pow--talc-based products.
    Rather than defend against these claims in district court 
or settle with victims, Johnson & Johnson used a legal maneuver 
known as the ``Texas Two-Step'' in an attempt to skirt and 
limit accountability and liability.
    Under this bankruptcy maneuver, J&J transferred its legal 
liabilities to a shell company called LTL Management. Johnson & 
Johnson then moved that shell company to a friendly 
jurisdiction, put it into bankruptcy, and asked the court to 
stay all litigation against the still-solvent and highly 
profitable parent company, Johnson & Johnson.
    Johnson & Johnson is not the only wealthy corporation to 
use the bankruptcy system to try to limit exposure and evade 
accountability. We now turn to a video to detail some of these 
abuses.
    [Video is presented.]
    Chair Durbin. Ms. Naranjo was a witness at our earlier 
hearing and sadly has passed away.
    I don't come to this hearing as an expert in bankruptcy. My 
exposure to the subject is a law school course, and the fact 
that in my regular practice of law in the city of Springfield, 
Illinois, I was named a trustee in bankruptcy for a gas 
station. So I do not--I've never played at the highest levels, 
but I think what we're addressing here is certainly the 
jurisdiction of this Committee, and timely, and appropriate for 
this hearing.
    We acknowledge corporate bankruptcy plays an important role 
in our economy. It is meant to allow a company in financial 
distress to go before a bankruptcy court, agree to certain 
conditions, and, in exchange, get protection.
    This provides space for the company to negotiate with its 
creditors to reach a compromise on how the company's debts will 
be addressed. All under the watchful eye of the bankruptcy 
court.
    If all goes well, the debtor is given a fresh start, an 
opportunity to move on without the burden of unmanageable debt. 
That's the fundamental principle at the root of the bankruptcy 
system. The idea that financial calamity shouldn't be a death 
nail for every business. That innovation and risk can be good, 
and that the law should provide for second chances.
    But if a company is going to be freed from its debts, there 
has to be some cost. The company has to accept oversight of the 
bankruptcy court. It has to compensate its creditors according 
to their interest. It has to limit its operation during the 
course of the proceedings.
    Recently, certain corporations have decided they'd rather 
not accept that arrangement. They want all benefits of 
bankruptcy without the cost.
    The video featured testimony from Kimberly Naranjo, a 
mesothelioma victim who testified last year, and as I 
mentioned, has since passed away. We are joined today by 
another mesothelioma victim, Justin Bergeron, a young father 
still fighting to hold Johnson & Johnson accountable.
    While Johnson & Johnson's potential liability to Ms. 
Naranjo, Mr. Bergeron, and thousands of other Americans is 
substantial, it isn't something this company can't handle. At 
the time it executed the Texas Two-Step, Johnson & Johnson was 
valued at more than $420 billion.
    That year, it made nearly $64 billion in profit. When the 
court rejected their attempt to use this maneuver as a ``bad 
faith'' scheme, Johnson & Johnson sent its shell company, LTL 
Management, back into bankruptcy a mere 2 hours later. 
Unbelievable.
    We've seen a similar playbook used by 3M to try to avoid 
accountability for allegedly selling defective combat earplugs 
to our troops for more than 200,000 servicemembers.
    We'll hear from Lori Knapp whose father tragically died of 
mesothelioma, allegedly caused by products manufactured by 
Georgia-Pacific, another corporation. She still hasn't been 
able to hold the company accountable due to this bankruptcy 
scheme.
    These maneuvers are blatant attempts by wealthy 
corporations to bypass our tort system, to simply decline to be 
held liable. And we have every reason to expect that 
corporations, at least those with deep enough pockets, will 
continue to try to manipulate bankruptcy in similar ways.
    That's not what the Congress intended when it created 
bankruptcy. It's not something we should allow to continue. 
With that, I'll turn to Ranking Member Graham for his opening 
statement.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY O. GRAHAM,
        A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA

    Senator Graham. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I look forward to 
hearing from the witnesses.
    I'm not an expert in bankruptcy either, but the whole goal 
is to have a global settlement.
    In the case of Johnson & Johnson, I think millions of 
dollars were offered and under bankruptcy law, fraudulent 
transfers are prohibited and you have a litigation model to 
make these claims. So we'll sit here and listen to see if that 
litigation model the powers of judges needs to be changed by 
statute.
    But the goal of bankruptcy is to take a company, try the 
best you can to make claimants whole, but allow a 
reorganization so people can move forward rather than just--
multi-district litigation seems not to work. So I understand 
the purpose of bankruptcy. I understand the litigation model as 
claimants can set aside mergers. They think they're fraudulent 
in the eyes of the court. So we will deal with that.
    But one thing we're not dealing with is a broken border. I 
don't know if you saw yesterday, there's 2,000 people on a 
train coming out of Mexico, cheering and yelling because 
they're coming to our southern border.
    Eventually, sometime, somewhere, I hope the Democratic 
majority will take a little bit of time--and everything's 
important, but I can't think of anything more important than to 
stop what I think is literally an invasion of the country.
    People are being released by the thousands because there's 
no space left. And we've got to deal with this. We've got to--
we've got to, as a Senate, come up with a solution. The House 
passed a border security plan. You may not like it, but at 
least they did it. It's time for us, Mr. Chairman, to take this 
problem seriously because it is a life and death situation on 
multiple levels.
    Chair Durbin. Senator Graham, I share your concern about 
this challenge, and, as you know, we're scheduled to sit down 
tomorrow for the opening conversation about this. I hope it 
leads to a bipartisan response, which we've seen in the past 
and need to have again.
    This issue of bankruptcy is shared not only with the full 
Committee, but certainly the Subcommittee on Federal Courts, 
which has jurisdiction over the Bankruptcy Code.
    I'm going to recognize Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, Chair of 
that Subcommittee, for an opening statement.

             STATEMENT OF HON. SHELDON WHITEHOUSE,
         A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND

    Senator Whitehouse. Thank you, Chair Durbin and Ranking 
Member Graham, for holding this hearing on this important 
topic. Last February, Senator Kennedy and I held a hearing, 
with the Chairman's support, in my Federal Courts Subcommittee 
to highlight a way that corporations have been abusing the 
bankruptcy system.
    That was the then-emerging maneuver known as the Texas Two-
Step. This ploy allows large corporations on solid financial 
footing, like Johnson & Johnson and Georgia-Pacific, well-known 
names, to shirk responsibility for damage their products have 
caused, and delay paying due compensation for Americans they 
have hurt.
    During that hearing, I outlined four main reasons the Texas 
Two-Step is a problem.
    First, it violates the fundamental bankruptcy principle 
that a company must open up all of its assets and liabilities 
to creditors in exchange for being forgiven its debts and 
allowed to start anew.
    Second, it denies individuals their day in court, and 
denies victims a jury of their peers.
    Third, it encourages forum shopping by corporations to take 
advantage of more favorable locations.
    Fourth, the Texas Two-Step enmires victims in protracted 
bankruptcy proceedings, robbing them of precious time.
    Proponents of the Texas Two-Step argue that this maneuver 
is better for victims than resolving claims through the tort 
system because it supposedly delivers compensation faster and 
more equitably than litigation.
    But look at the facts. The earliest Texas Two-Step 
bankruptcy, which started in 2017 with Georgia-Pacific, is 
still unsolved--unresolved after 6 years.
    As for equity and fairness, take the fact that when Johnson 
& Johnson attempted to use the Texas Two-Step to resolve tens 
of thousands of claims against it for cancer caused by its talc 
products, the company's initial proposal of a $2 billion 
settlement fund and its subsequent $8.9 billion settlement 
offer were both dismissed by courts after they determined that 
there was no justification for Johnson & Johnson's subsidiary 
to declare bankruptcy in the first place, given Johnson & 
Johnson's financial strength.
    Put all this together, and it sure looks like a dirty trick 
where a company flushed with cash tries to put its assets out 
of reach, and then bogs down tort claimants in bankruptcy 
proceedings to drag out for years with only a thin funding 
agreement as a promise to pay out compensation.
    In that hearing last February, we heard from Kimberly 
Naranjo, whose testimony just appeared in the Chairman's video. 
She was diagnosed with terminal mesothelioma after using 
Johnson & Johnson baby powder. She sued Johnson & Johnson, and 
her claim was halted along with 38,000 others once Johnson & 
Johnson undertook the Texas Two-Step and put its talc 
liabilities into bankruptcy proceedings.
    During Kimberly's brave and moving testimony, she told us 
how when she learned that she could file a lawsuit and have it 
decided by a jury, she saw a path forward for her family. She 
believed that justice would be done, and that her loved ones 
would be taken care of even after she was gone. She was filled 
with hope. That hope was taken from her when Johnson & Johnson 
used the Texas Two-Step to avoid giving Ms. Naranjo, and 
others, their day in court.
    In her concluding remarks that day, she spoke powerfully 
about how time is something we too often take for granted. She 
was scared for her family and the prospect that after she 
passed nothing would come to resolution for years. Ms. Naranjo 
died in January of this year.
    People are dying while corporations try out this bankruptcy 
trick to see if they can make it stick. I continue to hope that 
we can work in a bipartisan fashion to address this abuse of 
our bankruptcy process, and to make sure that injured victims 
get the day in court that our Constitution entitles them to. 
Thank you, Chairman.
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Senator Whitehouse. Senator 
Kennedy is Ranking Member of the Subcommittee. Do you wish to 
make a statement?
    Senator Kennedy. [Voice is off microphone.]
    Chair Durbin. Thank you very much.
    Today, we welcome five witnesses. I'll introduce the 
Majority witnesses, then turn to Ranking Member Graham to 
introduce the Minority witnesses.
    Our first witness is Erik Haas, worldwide vice president of 
litigation at Johnson & Johnson, a position he's held since 
2020. Previously, a partner at Patterson Belknap Webb & Tyler.
    We're also joined by Professor Melissa Jacoby, the Graham 
Kenan Professor of Law in the University of North Carolina at 
Chapel Hill School of Law. Professor Jacoby has written 
extensively on bankruptcy and is an expert on the issue.
    Our final witness is Lori Knapp. Ms. Knapp's father, Ed 
Chapman, passed away from mesothelioma, a result of asbestos 
poisoning. Ed was prevented from pursuing his claim against 
Georgia-Pacific due to the company's use of this same Texas 
Two-Step maneuver.
    Ms. Knapp is here today to help us understand how this 
maneuver has a direct, real-life impact on American families. 
Ranking Member Graham, would you like to introduce your 
witnesses?
    Senator Graham. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Stephen Hessler is a partner at Sidley Austin in New 
York City, leads the firm's global restructuring group. He has 
more than two decades of experience representing debtors, 
creditors, and investors in large and complex Chapter 11 cases, 
restructuring, acquisitions, and related litigation. He 
received his B.A. from the University of Michigan, has a J.D. 
from the University of Michigan Law School.
    Mr. Samir Parikh--that pretty close?
    Professor Parikh. Yes.
    Senator Graham. Good. Is the Robert E. Jones Professor of 
Advocacy and Ethics at Lewis & Clark Law School in Portland, 
Oregon. His research and writing focuses on a variety of 
business law and bankruptcy issues, including mass tort 
restructuring, fraudulent transfer law, and forum shopping. He 
received his B.A. from the University of Miami and his J.D. 
from the University of Michigan Law School.
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Senator Graham. I'd ask the 
witnesses to please stand for the administration of the oath. 
If you'll raise your right hand.
    [Witnesses are sworn in.]
    Let the record reflect that all the witnesses have answered 
in the affirmative. And Mr. Haas, you'll be the first to 
testify. You have 5 minutes, and then after all the panel has 
testified, Members will each have 5 minutes for questions. 
Please proceed.

 STATEMENT OF ERIK HAAS, WORLDWIDE VICE PRESIDENT, LITIGATION, 
              JOHNSON & JOHNSON, ARMONK, NEW YORK

    Mr. Haas. Thank you, sir. Chairman Durbin, Ranking Member 
Graham, and the Members of the Committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to participate in today's hearing.
    Mr. Chairman, you asked that we speak today to LTL's recent 
bankruptcy filings, which were brought to effectuate an 
equitable and efficient resolution of mass tort litigation that 
had forced J&J's stand-alone consumer product subsidiary into a 
loss position in 2020.
    LTL's proposed bankruptcy resolution contemplated the 
payment of an unprecedented $8.9 billion to resolve all claims 
alleging that the subsidiary's talc powder products caused 
cancer. That unprecedented offer, understandably, was supported 
by the court-appointed mediators and counsel representing the 
vast majority of the talc claimants, who described it as a 
significant victory that would provide expeditious, 
substantial, and fair compensation.
    The offer also was supported by Johnson & Johnson, which 
agreed to provide financial backing for LTL's proposed 
bankruptcy resolution that, as the Third Circuit recognized, 
the company had no obligation to provide.
    Thus, far from evading accountability as suggested by the 
title of this hearing, the proposed resolution would've 
afforded all talc claimants compensation in a timely manner, a 
result that is not possible in the tort system for at least 
three important reasons.
    First, J&J and its subsidiary have won the overwhelming 
majority of cases tried in court. The company has prevailed 
because the talc claims that are contrived by the plaintiff 
bars are utterly meritless.
    Those claims have been refuted by decades of research by 
medical experts around the world that support the safety of 
consumer talc, as well as the findings by the FDA, and other 
health agencies, that cosmetic talc does not cause cancer. 
Because the science is clear, most claimants have received and 
will receive absolutely nothing from litigating in the torts 
system.
    And second, regardless of the merits, trying the tens of 
thousands of existing cases would take thousands of years. This 
means that most claimants will never ever have their day in 
court.
    Third, only bankruptcy provides the tools that allow both 
current and future claimants the ability to participate in and 
receive compensation from the resolution progress--process.
    Congress legislated those tools into Section 524(g) of the 
Code, which provides that asbestos mass torts like ours are 
properly addressed by a bankruptcy trust covering current and 
future claims.
    So, with the support of counsel representing the vast 
majority of claimants, there was a strong likelihood of 
securing the requisite vote in favor of LTL's bankruptcy plan.
    Indeed, our goal going into bankruptcy was simply to let 
the claimants to decide for themselves, with a vote on the 
proposed plan, whether it was in their own best interest.
    Unfortunately, the claimants never had that opportunity be 
to be heard because the case was transferred to the Third 
Circuit, which adopted a novel standard that required the 
bankruptcy court to dismiss.
    The Third Circuit adopted that novel standard at the urging 
of mass tort lawyers representing a small minority of 
claimants, mostly mesothelioma lawyers, whose business model is 
predicated on the possibility of winning one-off jackpot 
verdicts from which they will take up to a 40 percent fee. This 
mass tort litigation business model is not in the best interest 
of claimants, should not be dictating bankruptcy policy, and is 
a scourge facing U.S. companies today.
    Although compelled to dismiss the case, the bankruptcy 
court also stated that LTL had made remarkable progress toward 
a fair, efficient, and expeditious settlement. And the court 
strongly encouraged LTL to continue to pursue a global 
resolution through bankruptcy. We intend to follow the 
bankruptcy court's directive to achieve a resolution that is in 
the best interest of and is supported by the claimants.
    In the end, the claimant's vote should be what matters. We 
urge this Committee to support legislation to clarify that the 
proposed resolution, like ours, should get to a vote. Let the 
people vote.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Haas appears as a submission 
for the record.]
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Mr. Haas. Professor Jacoby.

STATEMENT OF MELISSA B. JACOBY, GRAHAM KENAN PROFESSOR OF LAW, 
UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL, CHAPEL HILL, NORTH 
                            CAROLINA

    Professor Jacoby. [Voice is off microphone.]
    Chair Durbin. Make sure your microphone is turned on. There 
we go.
    Professor Jacoby. Thank you.
    When I first learned about bankruptcy, and its impact on 
laws and procedures all over the country, and indeed the world, 
it felt like a new set of power tools. And like the power tools 
one might have in a workshop, there's a temptation to use them 
broadly and, say, try to use them to fix problems, never mind 
what the instruction manual is telling us about the warnings of 
doing so.
    So I'd like to draw a broader frame around what's happening 
in Chapter 11. The understandable role that some of these 
extraordinary interventions that bankruptcy offers plays, and 
why they are a difficult fit for, really, all mass tort cases, 
but need special care in certain situations so that they're not 
misused.
    So these power tools--and we'll talk about the automatic 
stay, to use the jargon. We can talk about the discharge. We 
can talk about the majority getting to bind dissenters and 
change their rights forever.
     These rules work fairly smoothly in the vast majority of 
big Chapter 11 commercial cases. We're talking about bond 
holders, and lenders, and other investors. Debts as we 
typically understand them.
    That's why it makes sense to impose an immediate 
injunction, which is a very big deal for a Federal court to do. 
But Congress says it's automatic in the bankruptcy situation, 
typically to stop debt collection. It's a different story to 
talk about stopping jury trials to determine liability about 
wrongdoing in the first place.
    And then we get to the permanent alteration of legal 
obligations.
    Big companies already get broader, permanent legal relief 
than financially distressed consumers do, and it is a very 
significant fact that you don't need unanimous consent. You 
can't bind dissenters with the majority--that overrides a lot 
of other law.
    And it's one thing to do that in cases involving robust 
debates over interest rates and other terms. It's completely 
different in a series of cases that are about managing 
lawsuits, creating an alternative justice system not to 
negotiate with banks and hedge funds and the like.
    So they're overriding not just normal debt collection, 
they're overriding how ordinary law determines liability for 
wrongdoing in the first place. So guardrails are really 
essential here.
    Now, there are a lot of cases we could talk about, but Mr. 
Haas is here in talking about J&J. So I'll turn there. I think 
that Mr. Haas and I agree on some meaningful things. We agree 
that bankruptcy has very unique features. Those power tools 
cannot be found elsewhere.
    And it's understandable why even profitable corporations 
would want to use them and argue that they're efficient. I 
think we aspire for fair outcomes for all. I agree that all 
people need ethical representation and deserve it from their 
lawyers, whether they are an injured person or a big 
corporation.
    And I think that the bankruptcy system should be used for 
its intended purpose as, I think, Mr. Haas was suggesting. But 
we have very different conceptions of what that means.
    So Congress did not create bankruptcy to be the complaint 
department about plaintiffs' lawyers in the civil justice 
system, or a forum to hash out the science when it hasn't 
gone--when the other courts have not always seen J&J's position 
on this. And we can talk about the MDL, and the FDA, and other 
things, if people would like.
    Congress did not intend lawsuits to be stripped into a 
separate subsidiary. I think this history of 524(g) for 
asbestos really--imagine the entire operating company being in 
the bankruptcy. That was the design of Johns Manville. That's 
how it was created.
    And the Third Circuit decision is fully in the mainstream 
of the bankruptcy system and fully consistent, I think, with 
what Congress had in mind.
    The Fourth Circuit standard by contract is not particularly 
well respected.
    Now, I understand that J&J has the right to suggest it 
knows bestc, what for all the claimants.
    In my remaining time, I just want to highlight that J&J has 
an incentive to find whatever number of claimants, however 
vetted or not vetted they are, and consider them the majority. 
It's very hard to get a handle on the entire universe.
    At the very least, mesothelioma and ovarian cancer 
claimants deserve a different voice. They are in different 
situations, and within them have different experiences. So, 
thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Professor Jacoby appears as a 
submission for the record.]
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Professor Jacoby. Mr. Hessler.

           STATEMENT OF STEPHEN E. HESSLER, PARTNER,
             SIDLEY AUSTIN LLP, NEW YORK, NEW YORK

    Mr. Hessler. Chairman Durbin, Ranking Member Graham, 
Members of the Committee, thank you for inviting me to testify. 
The title of today's hearing indicates meaningful criticism, 
or, at least, a skepticism of certain facets of present 
bankruptcy practice. I believe much of that narrative, even 
though well intended, rests on an incomplete understanding of 
the text design and the application of the Bankruptcy Code.
    That said, I do also believe the Committee's emphasis on 
accountability today is entirely appropriate.
    As with any detailed body of law, Chapter 11, of course, 
always may benefit from continual reform. I will not repeat my 
written testimony in these opening remarks, though I do want to 
summarize briefly two key themes. How both Congress in drafting 
Chapter 11 and bankruptcy court judges in applying Chapter 11, 
how they do enforce accountability by corporate debtors.
    First, the Bankruptcy Code and Bankruptcy Rules are replete 
with provisions through which Congress thoroughly requires 
Chapter 11 debtors to justify their decisions and actions--all 
subject to bankruptcy court approval, and all subject to a vast 
array of powerful rights granted to stakeholders to protect and 
pursue their claims against corporate debtors. My testimony has 
set forth in detail more than a dozen Code mechanisms that 
embody the following principles. Upon filing for Chapter 11 
protection, a debtor is immediately, repeatedly, and 
consistently subject to disclosure requirements that vastly 
exceed those imposed upon public companies not in bankruptcy.
    I believe Congress plainly intended these transparency 
mechanisms to advance the due process rights of a debtor and 
every constituency impacted by that debtor's bankruptcy, with 
severe consequences imposed upon the debtor if it fails to 
satisfy those obligations.
    Stated generally, filing for Chapter 11 protection means a 
corporation affirmatively places itself under Federal court 
supervision. The bankruptcy court must authorize not only a 
debtor's entry into and exit from Chapter 11, but it must 
authorize every action of substantive import to be taken by the 
company at all times subject to notice, and an opportunity to 
object by all parties in interest before the court.
    Put simply, if a corporation is seeking to evade 
accountability by manipulating Chapter 11, it must overcome 
stakeholder opposition and bankruptcy court oversight every 
step of the way. And if that effort is flailing, the debtor 
can't simply quit Chapter 11 and walk away from bankruptcy 
court supervision unless the judge expressly grants permission 
to leave.
    Next, Congress in the Bankruptcy Code also provided 
stakeholders with multiple procedural and substantive 
mechanisms to combat potential improper debtor conduct. These 
provisions include expansive standing and discovery rights, the 
ability to seek to lift the automatic stay of litigation 
against the debtor, the ability to seek the appointment of a 
trustee or examiner to run, or investigate the debtor. Taken 
together, these provisions are designed to ensure that a debtor 
may not misuse Chapter 11 to shield, hire, hide, or transfer 
away assets from stakeholders that have a legal right to that 
value.
    Finally, from my perspective as a practitioner, what is 
largely missing from this debate is the centrality of 
bankruptcy court judges in enforcing accountability. To the 
extent that critical inquiry is directed at the important 
question of whether the Bankruptcy Code is susceptible to 
abuse, the massive disclosure and compliance obligations that 
Congress included in the Bankruptcy Code make it difficult for 
a corporate debtor to attempt to hide, much less successfully 
advance, an impermissible purpose.
    Even assuming otherwise, the adversarial tools that 
Congress provided to stakeholders in Chapter 11 serve as a 
deterrent and, if needed, a remedy from manipulation. Proving 
that there is widespread evasion of accountability, therefore, 
would logically imply that there's a breakdown in the 
application of Chapter 11, which brings into focus the 
indispensable role of bankruptcy court judges. My testimony 
sought to address a few arguments that are raised, but given my 
time, I'll just touch briefly on two.
    One implied criticism is that because bankruptcy court 
judges are not appointed under Title III, and bankruptcy courts 
do not have jury trials, that it's suboptimal for bankruptcy 
court judges to resolve issues involving mass tort allegations, 
which might otherwise be entitled to a State or Federal court 
jury trial.
    As a threshold but critical clarification, Chapter 11 
addresses the resolution of claims against a debtor. It is not 
the substantive law that governs liability for those alleged 
claims. Beyond providing for bankruptcy court rulings to be 
appealed to higher courts, Congress also specified that any 
and--party in interest may ask the district court to withdraw 
the reference of a Chapter 11 case, in whole or in part, from 
the bankruptcy court so that one or more issues can be heard by 
an Article III judge as appropriate. May I make one more quick 
point?
    Chair Durbin. [Gesture is made for approval.]
    Mr. Hessler. Thank you for the extra time. The last point I 
would just want to make is just as a practical matter. Recent 
rulings in certain high-profile mass tort Chapter 11 cases, I 
think, speak for themselves. And that's perhaps the most 
straightforward and compelling response to a contention that 
bankruptcy court judges are somehow failing to enforce the 
accountability provisions that Congress enshrined in the 
Bankruptcy Code. Thank you. I appreciate the opportunity to 
answer questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Hessler appears as a 
submission for the record.]
    Chair Durbin. Thanks, Mr. Hessler. Professor Parikh.

  STATEMENT OF SAMIR D. PARIKH, ROBERT E. JONES PROFESSOR OF 
ADVOCACY AND ETHICS, LEWIS & CLARK LAW SCHOOL, PORTLAND, OREGON

    Professor Parikh. I would like to thank the Committee for 
inviting me to testify today. It is a great honor to be here.
    My name is Samir Parikh. I'm the Robert E. Jones Professor 
of Advocacy and Ethics at Lewis & Clark Law School.
    A recent discussion about mass tort bankruptcies have 
certainly provided a lot of fire, but not a lot of light. So 
I'd like to step back for a second and ask a very simple 
question. What are our process objectives here? What are 
policymakers trying to accomplish by resolving mass tort cases?
    I argue that the clear objective should be to provide 
meritorious claimants the recovery they deserve on the shortest 
timeline. If that is the guiding light, then you can see why 
bankruptcy may be the optimal venue in many mass tort cases.
    Well, why did we land here? Well, we can take a step back 
and just look at it from the perspective of, well, what's on 
the table? What are the resolution options that are available? 
Mass tort cases oftentimes cannot be resolved through class 
aggregation under Rule 23 of the Federal Rules of Civil 
Procedure.
    Supreme Court jurisprudence at the turn of the century made 
it very clear if a case has future claimants or too many 
individualized issues regarding damages and causation, then 
that case cannot be resolved through Rule 23. So that's been 
taken off the table.
    So what's stepped into the void? Multi-district litigation 
stepped into that void. MDL has had a lot of successes, but it 
has a mixed reputation. So MDL cannot offer a global 
settlement. MDL cannot marshal claims in State court or claims 
held by future claimants.
    Okay. So what does MDL offer? It offers an arena to have a 
settlement negotiation. Okay. But as we all know, just because 
parties are talking doesn't mean that settlement can be 
reached. That's why a lot of cases in MDL drag on for years--5 
years, 7 years, 10 years. Keep in mind, this is a captive 
process. Claimants cannot opt out. They can't just say, I don't 
want to be here anymore. I'd like to have my day in court. That 
is not an option.
    MDL also lacks transparency, and that's why a lot of 
claimants have voiced their displeasure with it. So this is the 
reason why a lot of corporate defendants, a lot of stakeholders 
have started to opting into bankruptcy.
    So what does bankruptcy offer? Well, bankruptcy offers 
global settlement. You can marshal claims in Federal court and 
in State court, you could marshal claims held by current 
claimants and future claimants. Bankruptcy also offers the 
settlement model where parties can have that negotiation that 
they could have in an MDL.
    If they can reach resolution, that's great. That can be 
confirmed.
    But if they can't, the bankruptcy court judge is authorized 
to intervene. At that point, the judge can estimate the 
aggregate value of all the claims in a particular case. The 
corporate debtor can take that information and make a 
settlement offer to victims.
    If claimants decide that this is a fair offer, they can 
vote accordingly. If a super majority feel that way, that 
settlement can go forward and a plan can be confirmed. That's a 
very powerful option.
    Also, bankruptcy offers a lot of transparency that shines a 
very bright light on these proceedings, which is very valuable.
    It's hard to say bankruptcy's perfect. Bankruptcy's not 
perfect. There's lots of things that could be fixed. I just 
have three things I'd like to note very quickly.
    First and foremost is Section 524(g). That only applies to 
cases that involve asbestos claims. I think 524(g) should be 
amended to expand and include all mass tort cases. That way you 
get uniformity in process and outcomes.
    Also, when we think about future claimants, they have a 
representative appointed in bankruptcy cases. This is called a 
future claimant's representative. That person's appointed by 
the bankruptcy court. The process to appoint this individual is 
fundamentally broken and needs to be revisited.
    The final piece is nonconsensual non-debtor releases. These 
releases play a vital role in finding resolution in many mass 
tort cases. Without them, resolution would not be possible.
    Under this arrangement, a third-party makes a significant 
contribution to a victim settlement trust. In exchange, civil 
claims against that party related to the case are channeled to 
that trust.
    Once again, it provides many cases of meaningful recovery 
and enhanced recovery for claimants in these cases. So it's 
very valuable.
    I believe Section 5(24)--or excuse me, I believe the 
Bankruptcy Code actually supports these types of releases, but 
the language could be amended to make it very clear that this 
form of relief is available.
    In concluding, I would just like to note, going back to 
the--where I started, you know, what's the objective here? I 
feel like that doesn't get discussed a lot. The objective is, 
once again, trying to find meritorious claimants the recovery 
they deserve on the shortest timeline.
    If that is the guiding light, I do believe bankruptcy is 
oftentimes the optimal venue in many mass tort cases. I hope we 
have time to talk about how to improve that platform instead of 
merely talking about how to tear that platform down. I thank 
the Committee for this time, and I look forward to your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Professor Parikh appears as a 
submission for the record.]
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Professor. Ms. Knapp.

        STATEMENT OF LORI KNAPP, GREENEVILLE, TENNESSEE

    Ms. Knapp. Thank you for inviting me to be here. My dad, Ed 
Chapman, died from asbestos cancer caused by asbestos found in 
drywall products that he worked with in the 1970s.
    He and a small group of other workers, about 10 men in 
total, worked on many projects together using the same products 
and tools. At least three of those men died from mesothelioma--
a cancer so rare that, generally, only 1 in 100,000 people get 
it.
    These men have been wiped out by asbestos. The asbestos 
products that killed my dad were manufactured by and sold by 
Georgia-Pacific and other companies. Georgia-Pacific knew that 
their product was incredibly dangerous, but continued to sell 
them.
    In 1971, Georgia-Pacific's secret internal documents 
acknowledged workers would get sick from asbestos and that they 
would sue Georgia-Pacific. But Georgia-Pacific didn't care.
    Instead, they--in the same documents, they callously 
announced a plan to blame these men for their own cancer.
    My dad taught me that we are all accountable for our own 
actions. When my dad got sick, he hired lawyers to hold these 
companies accountable for sickening him, and for killing his 
friends. Dad was able to sue some of the companies, like Union 
Carbide, in the Florida court system.
    Other companies, like United States Gypsum, were actually 
bankrupted by their asbestos liabilities years before my dad 
had claims. So he still claimed against the trust and tried to 
get some of the money that was left.
    Georgia-Pacific though is not bankrupt. But they got a free 
pass. They filed the Texas Two-Step forcing the victims to 
compromise their right to a jury trial, and to accept a reduced 
settlement in the bankruptcy court. My dad chose to fight. He 
refused to go along with the blackmail, and he died without 
being able to see justice.
    Georgia-Pacific filed its bankruptcy before my dad got 
sick. The stay that was put into place protecting Georgia-
Pacific has remained in place for over 6 years.
    Meanwhile, it has been business as usual for Georgia-
Pacific, which has paid $5 billion in profits to Koch 
Industries while the victims have received zero. Nothing.
    When my dad's case went to trial in March of 2020, all the 
defendants that had not settled were in the courtroom. My dad 
was too sick to be able to attend, and he was isolated. But the 
lawyers and I were in court. This was literally right before 
COVID shut down the courts. But my dad had very little energy 
and couldn't really be exposed to a lot of people. So he stayed 
in the hotel. All the other companies negotiated settlements. 
This was the best he could hope for because there was no magic 
wand to make the cancer go away.
    Georgia-Pacific has gotten away with letting people die. My 
dad died an excruciating, horrible death that he did not 
deserve. In the meantime, Georgia-Pacific's bankruptcy, he 
never got a chance to see any kind of justice from them.
    To make matters worse, the delay will likely mean that 
Georgia-Pacific and Koch Industries escape any accountability 
for what they did to my father, which is a windfall for Charles 
Koch who is already the 20th richest person in the world.
    Under Florida law, if an individual is harmed but dies 
before their trial, their claim for pain and suffering dies 
with them. Even if Georgia-Pacific's fake bankruptcy is thrown 
out, Georgia-Pacific will argue that my dad's estate has no 
claim.
    And make no mistake, my dad was brutalized--had an 
agonizing suffering and a humiliation from this asbestos 
cancer. My husband and I cared for my dad during the last 
months of his life. I can personally attest to the horrible 
experience that my dad suffered.
    It is wrong that Georgia-Pacific continues to try to dodge 
accountability. When Koch Industries bought Georgia-Pacific, it 
knew Georgia-Pacific's asbestos products had sickened and 
killed thousands of Americans. That didn't stop Koch Industries 
because Georgia-Pacific is a massively profitable company.
    Bankruptcy is for people and companies that can't pay their 
bills. These Texas Two-Step fake bankruptcies have turned the 
bankruptcy courts into a sham where profitable companies go to 
avoid responsibilities they're fully capable of paying.
    America was founded on the principle that all men are 
created equal. But the reality of the Texas Two-Step bankruptcy 
is that they allow huge, profitable companies to delay or avoid 
entirely taking responsibility for their actions.
    My dad was my hero. He was a devoted husband. While my dad 
was struggling with his asbestos cancer, his wife, my 
stepmother, Ruth, developed pancreatic cancer. It was 
devastating to my dad.
    He was struggling for his own life, and now he was trying 
to take care of his wife that was dying. My dad never quit 
taking care of himself, and he never quit trying to take care 
of Ruth. But slowly the cancer consumed him. Seeing them 
through to the end was important to my dad.
    The fact that Georgia-Pacific, with all of its profits, was 
effectively immune from responsibility, frustrated and confused 
my dad. How could a company that was massively profitable, 
whose products you see in nearly every bathroom, every office, 
every building, every restaurant, every school, file for 
bankruptcy? And how could the rights be put on indefinite hold 
due, while Georgia-Pacific sends billions of dollars of profits 
to Koch Industries?
    It pains me to know that this abuse of this bankruptcy 
system has been now copied by other massively profitable 
companies, like Johnson & Johnson. This is wrong. Asbestos 
products have devastated American workers and their families.
    When profitable companies file for bankruptcy, for the 
express purpose of avoiding juries by stranding sick Americans 
in the bankruptcy system, while the companies continue business 
as usual, that's abuse and it needs to stop.
    My dad was a fighter. He saw things through to the end. My 
dad was not my biological father. He married my mother when I 
was an infant, but he's the only dad I've ever known. And I 
couldn't have asked for a better dad. Right before he died, my 
dad drove himself to the Okeechobee County Courthouse, and he 
legally adopted me.
    While that never mattered to me, he was my dad no matter 
what. It did matter to him, and he was going to finish the job 
of being my father. And he made sure he finished the job. Dad 
taught me to speak up against injustice and abuse, and to hold 
myself and others accountable for their actions.
    And Dad taught me to see things through to the end. I am 
here to honor him by continuing his fight, by seeing it through 
to the end, and making sure that Georgia-Pacific doesn't get 
away with this abuse. I ask you to do the same. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Knapp appears as a 
submission for the record.]
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Ms. Knapp, for telling us about 
your dad, and reminding us, at the heart of this issue that we 
are debating is not a Bankruptcy Code, but a real human being 
who lost their lives because of exposure to asbestos. And 
simply, were trying to find their day in court. Thank you very 
much for that.
    We now will go through the rounds of questioning of 5 
minutes by each Senator.
    Mr. Haas, I understood bankruptcy in a basic form to say, 
you're a company and you have more debts than you have assets. 
And you go into court and say, I want to be discharged from 
this debt, I'm prepared to pay whatever I can. I want a fresh 
start.
    So I take a look at Johnson & Johnson and say, does that 
fit in this situation? That they would go to bankruptcy court?
    [Poster is displayed.]
    In October, 2021, when LTL first filed bankruptcy, Johnson 
& Johnson had a market capitalization of approximately $420 
billion. 2022, year following LTL's bankruptcy filing, Johnson 
& Johnson generated $94.9 billion in sales and $63.9 billion in 
profit. September, 2022, Johnson & Johnson announced a $5 
billion stock buyback. Johnson & Johnson paid a dividend in 
every quarter since LTL declared bankruptcy, returning even 
more money to shareholders.
    You've dismissed the claims against you for possible 
asbestos in your product, calling them ``meritless junk 
science,'' ``one-off,'' and beyond that. And yet, you put a 
valuation through LTL of $8.9 billion in these claims.
    How can you have it both ways? How can you be a profitable 
corporation worth that much money and say these meritless 
claims were worth $8.9 billion and you shouldn't be responsible 
for them?
    Mr. Haas. Chairman Durbin, the----
    Chair Durbin. Turn the microphone on, please. Microphone. 
Thank you.
    Mr. Haas. The entity that sold and manufactured the talc 
was Johnson & Johnson's Consumer Inc. and it was in a loss 
position in 2020, the year before the LTL entity went into 
bankruptcy.
    So JJCI could have gone itself into bankruptcy. This is not 
a story about J&J, it's a story about JJCI, Johnson & Johnson's 
Consumer Inc.
    In the transaction that we undertook in order to put--
create LTL into place, LTL in bankruptcy, well we actually 
provided the claimants--the talc claimants with more recourse, 
more assets than they would've had had we not done the 
transaction if JJCI as the enterprise had gone into bankruptcy 
alone.
    So what we were able to accomplish is two things, which 
were, as the Third Circuit recognized, the objective of the 
Bankruptcy Code. One is to optimize the recourse available to 
claimants, and the second is to make sure that viable 
enterprises can go forward to the extent possible----
    Chair Durbin. Mr. Haas, there's something missing here. Why 
would you create LTL, which made no products whatsoever, but 
simply was there as the repository of some funds for any 
liability, if, in fact, the underlying company that made this 
product in question--the company was worth so few assets at the 
time? It doesn't follow.
    Let me ask you another question. I think I read somewhere 
that your company, Johnson & Johnson, has changed the 
formulation of their baby powder over the years. Is that true?
    Mr. Haas. Johnson & Johnson Consumer Inc., the subsidiary, 
changed the formulation to take talc out and use corn starch 
instead. And they did that in 2020 because the demand for talc 
had gone down because of the advertising by----
    Chair Durbin. And it had nothing do with potential 
liability in a tort suit?
    Mr. Haas. Excuse me?
    Chair Durbin. It had nothing to do with your potential 
liability in a tort suit?
    Mr. Haas. No. To the contrary. As we stated at the time, it 
had to do with the demand that had decreased due to false and 
misleading advertising by the plaintiffs' bar. And that is at 
core what is the issue here. These claims are meritless. But 
nonetheless, even though they were----
    Chair Durbin. Meritless, but worth $8.9 billion?
    Mr. Haas. The $8.9 billion was an amount that we did not 
come up with. It is a number that the claimants came up with. 
The vast--counsel for the vast majority of claimants approached 
us with an offer. And they approached us and they said, if you 
are willing to pay $8.9 billion, we will take that. We 
claimants will take it. And that's why we went back into 
bankruptcy because we did so with written agreements from 
counsel for the vast majority of claimants----
    Chair Durbin. Vast majority of claimants, which, of course, 
means that others who wanted their day in court for 
establishing their own recovery wouldn't have that chance.
    Mr. Haas. In bankruptcy, in order for a plan to be 
confirmed, you need--for this particular type of plan, you need 
a super majority of plaintiffs. Not just the vast majority, but 
a super majority. And that plan needs to be confirmed by the 
bankruptcy court.
    So that plan would've been approved only into the extent 
that the super majority of claimants and the court determined 
it was the right thing to do. Our intent going into bankruptcy 
was to simply let the claimants and the court decide whether or 
not this was the appropriate resolution. Because, again, this 
was a plan that came to us--that was proposed to us as a 
resolution that was in the best interest of claimants.
    And the reason for that is twofold. One, we were winning 
the majority of cases in the tort system. So most claimants get 
nothing, absolutely nothing from litigating tort system. 
Second----
    Chair Durbin. You make two arguments here. Meritless. 
Claimants get nothing. They were recovering nothing. And yet 
somebody comes up with a figure of $8.9 billion and you jump at 
it?
    Mr. Haas. Right. And that is----
    Chair Durbin. You can't have it both ways. You just can't 
argue both ways. You went into bankruptcy court to limit the 
liability of Johnson & Johnson CI or Johnson & Johnson. And 
luckily, at least at one or two different levels, the courts 
have said, this is a sham, this is a maneuver in the court, 
which is not anticipated by the Bankruptcy Code. Senator 
Graham.
    Senator Graham. Finish your thought, Mr. Haas.
    Mr. Haas. Thank you. The bankruptcy court in dismissing the 
second time, actually encouraged, and that's the words of the 
court, quote, ``strongly encouraged,'' end quote, urged us to 
continue the process--to go forward with the bankruptcy 
negotiations, and to go back into bankruptcy to get it done. 
And why? Because the claimants supported the plan.
    So even though the bankruptcy court recognized that under 
the Third Circuit's novel new standard, which is different than 
every other circuit court in the country, the bankruptcy court 
said, nonetheless, you should go forward and do it because it's 
in the best interest of all claimants.
    And in the end, that is the key. Because if you're in the 
tort system, most of the claimants would receive zero, and it 
would take 3,000 years to have adjudicated the cases that had 
been filed at the time of the bankruptcy, let alone the 
additional thousands that it had been added thereafter. So the 
only way to get an equitable, efficient resolution was through 
this process.
    And you asked, why would we spend $8.9 billion? Litigation 
expenses. There were hundreds and millions of dollars being 
spent litigating meritless claims year after year, after year, 
after year. And yes, there was a desire to put a stop to that. 
And the way to put a stop to that, that was in the best 
interest of all parties--to claimants, was the proposed 
resolution they made.
    Senator Graham. Thank you. Mr. Hessler, mass tort 
litigation, are you familiar with that at all?
    Mr. Hessler. [Voice is off microphone.]
    Senator Graham. Okay. You need to put your mic on.
    Mr. Hessler. Yes.
    Senator Graham. So if you have a situation where a lot of 
people have been allegedly hurt, mass tort litigation allows 
for the consolidation of the claims. Right?
    Mr. Hessler. Yes, Senator.
    Senator Graham. Okay. And that's to get things moving 
quicker. You form a class, people enter into the class, and you 
can litigate for the entire class. The goal of that is to do 
what?
    Mr. Hessler. Get to a consensual resolution as quickly----
    Senator Graham. Okay.
    Mr. Hessler [continuing]. As possible.
    Senator Graham. Bankruptcy, in terms of settling 
outstanding litigation, has its own system. Is that correct?
    Mr. Hessler. It does have its own set of Federal bankruptcy 
rules. They're notionally consistent with the Federal Rules of 
Civil Procedure, but they actually move fast.
    Senator Graham. But the goal of this is to have claimants 
come in, resolve the matter, bring closure in a more expedited 
fashion----
    Mr. Hessler. Yes, Senator.
    Senator Graham [continuing]. Than general litigation. 
Professor Parikh, in the Johnson & Johnson case, did the system 
work, in your view?
    Professor Parikh. Did the system work in Johnson & Johnson? 
Well, the case was dismissed. We didn't necessarily get a 
chance to see that settlement be realized. So that's why I 
mentioned earlier this idea of going back to this objective, 
you know, getting meritorious claim into the recovery they 
deserve on the shortest timeline. That thinking was that 
would've been possible if this settlement would've been allowed 
to move forward.
    Senator Graham. Okay. So in terms of how to settle these 
claims, do you think bankruptcy--what changes would you 
recommend we make to the bankruptcy system?
    Professor Parikh. I outlined some of those in my oral 
statement. I think making one section of the Code applicable to 
all mass tort cases, that would be very valuable--the idea of 
improving the integrity of the system.
    When we think about who's representing future claimants, of 
course, these victims are not in the room. Someone has to 
represent their interests. The process of appointing that 
person has to be addressed to address, you know, due process 
concerns.
    And then also this idea of having the tools as Professor 
Jacoby mentioned. Right? So in bankruptcy, we have these power 
tools. Sometimes they are essential to reaching resolution, one 
of which is the third-party releases. These releases under very 
limited circumstances can be extremely----
    Senator Graham. Well, you're trying to encourage people to 
put money into the system, but what they get in return is 
finality. Right?
    Professor Parikh. Exactly.
    Senator Graham. Yes.
    Professor Parikh. Exactly. And the idea is that that could 
improve----
    Senator Graham. Yes.
    Professor Parikh [continuing]. Victim recovery.
    Senator Graham. I mean, you know, trying to get claimants a 
pot of money people can apply for in real time. Well, 
fascinating discussion.
    One thing I would say to the Committee is that there are 
different ways to resolve litigation--mass tort litigation, 
major claims against big companies. In social media, there is 
no model like this. So we may not agree on how to resolve this 
issue, but if you're harmed by social media, you have nothing. 
Zero. Zip.
    That's where I hope the Committee can come together and 
create rights of actions to the millions of Americans who are 
being abused without any opportunity to have their day in any 
court or any system.
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Senator. Senator Whitehouse.
    Senator Whitehouse. Thank you, Chairman.
    Welcome, Professor Jacoby. I see that the lawyer/witnesses 
who support the corporate Two-Step have maneuvered to outnumber 
you, 3-to-1, on this panel. So stand your ground. It's good to 
have you here.
    Ms. Knapp offered a pretty compelling point, which is that 
by virtue of stalling her dad's recovery until after he had 
died, the system--the corporate--potentially liable party here 
was able to extinguish his pain and suffering claims. Make them 
vanish.
    Whereas, if they'd had to address them while he was alive, 
they would be a part of his recovery. Is that a legitimate use 
of delay by corporate defendants, and is it a real problem? Is 
she stating something that is a significant problem we should 
pay attention to?
    Professor Jacoby. Senator Whitehouse, I think your question 
goes to the very different environment of mass tort cases, 
especially proceeded by divisive mergers where there's not an 
operating company in bankruptcy.
    And the great majority of commercial, big corporate Chapter 
11s, that I believe that Mr. Hessler spends his time on, where 
it's less likely that one would fall into this circumstance, 
there should be many tools to keep Chapter 11s moving.
    If anything, some Chapter 11s may go too quickly, but that 
is not what's happening here in these divisive merger cases. 
They are indeed stalled and----
    Senator Whitehouse. And the consequences are----
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. There are real consequences.
    Senator Whitehouse. That's what I was trying to get you 
to----
    Professor Jacoby. I'm sorry, Senator Whitehouse. Life and 
death. And I think that is very important. It's bankruptcy. And 
the experts in bankruptcy talk a lot about money, and, of 
course, they do. And in a lot of situations, that's all that's 
at stake.
    These kind of claims involve accountability, making sure 
something like this doesn't happen again, honoring and 
acknowledging misconduct, and letting people tell their 
stories. And bankruptcy is not designed for all of those 
things. Maybe it could be. So I am very worried about the 
concerns that you raised, Senator Whitehouse.
    Senator Whitehouse. So let's talk a little bit more about 
money. Mr. Haas made the point that the Johnson & Johnson 
bankruptcy fund measured favorably against the assets of the 
subsidiary, JJCI.
    It strikes me that Johnson & Johnson controls what assets 
are in JJCI. There are innumerable ways within a corporate 
structure of moving assets between subsidiaries.
    Why should the argument that, we're doing better than our 
divided subsidiary would provide, be given any credence at all 
when that measure--when that bar can be driven right to the 
ground by the very people who are seeking to dodge their 
responsibilities?
    Professor Jacoby. This question, again, goes to, I think, a 
division we see between the average commercial case and what's 
going on, especially, in the divisive merger cases, designed 
only for personal injury, wrongful death claims, and other mass 
tort context.
    Typically, corporate form is honored in bankruptcy. That 
the entity that has filed, we look to that. There are tools--I 
think as Senator Graham mentioned--such as fraudulent transfer 
to consider various corporate transfers. We also do need to 
look at non-bankruptcy tort law----
    Senator Whitehouse. Quick interruption----
    Professor Jacoby. Of course.
    Senator Whitehouse [continuing]. On fraudulent transfers. 
Are you aware of any fraudulent transfer challenge in a Texas 
Two-Step--type proceeding that has ever succeeded?
    Professor Jacoby. It takes a long time to tee them up. I 
believe they're underway, but it may be years----
    Senator Whitehouse. Haven't succeeded yet.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Until they were resolved.
    Senator Whitehouse. Got it. Okay. And then, what is the 
risk of forum shopping here--where a big corporation that's 
doing business all over the country can pick the jurisdiction 
in which they love the bankruptcy judge the most, because he's 
the worst judge for plaintiffs and the best judge for the 
corporation?
    Professor Jacoby. These cases involve two layers of forum 
shopping.
    One is opting one's problems into the bankruptcy regime in 
the first place, rather than State court, rather than the MDL, 
other Federal courts, or fora.
    Then we get to the question that bankruptcy's corporate 
venue choices are unlike any other Civil Procedure Rules I'm 
aware of in the Federal system.
    The amount of latitude given to a big enterprise to choose 
its forum does not match how we typically do personal 
jurisdiction, how we typically do venue rules. And that does 
give a lot of latitude.
    I think there are a lot of reasons that a particular court 
might be selected. But this is a continuing issue really in the 
full range of corporate bankruptcy cases, but also we can see 
in mass tort cases.
    Senator Whitehouse. Thank you.
    Chair Durbin. Thanks.
    Senator Whitehouse. My time's expired, and you're holding 
up--very well outnumbered.
    Chair Durbin. Thanks, Senator Whitehouse. Senator Grassley.
    Senator Grassley. Yes. Professor Parikh, why are large 
corporations like Johnson & Johnson turning to the bankruptcy 
system to resolve these tort cases? But that leads me to your 
opinion. Should our focus be on the bankruptcy system or, more 
appropriately, on a broken mass tort system?
    Professor Parikh. That's a great question, Senator 
Grassley. I do think probably there's enough problems going 
around where both deserve some attention. But I do think the 
reason why a lot of companies are opting into bankruptcy for 
the reasons I noted in my oral statement, which is that if you 
are seeking global settlement on an expedited timeline, 
bankruptcy offers that.
    Also in terms of there's a fear that there are a lot of 
non-meritorious claims entering the system, MDL has not proven 
adept at addressing that phenomenon. And bankruptcy may not be 
adept at it either, but, at least, that it has represented an 
option at this point.
    So that's--I think that's the reason why a lot of corporate 
debtors are opting into bankruptcy, hoping to have finality, 
hoping to have certainty, but also hoping to settle this 
quickly. And that can be very good for victims--the idea of 
getting a recovery on a short timeline.
    Remember, these cases in MDL--if the bankruptcy didn't 
exist, these cases would be sent back to the MDL process. You 
don't get your day in court in MDL. You're a--you're captive of 
that system. We should be very clear about that. You do not get 
your day in court. There are bellwether trials, but that's it. 
So you're along for the ride as a claimant in that process as 
well. It has a lot of benefits for the right type of case, but 
most modern mass tort cases are not going to thrive and reach 
resolution in an MDL process.
    Senator Grassley. Okay. Mr. Haas, can you tell us what will 
happen if Johnson & Johnson's current pledge of $8.9 billion 
runs out, and how will Johnson & Johnson ensure that talc 
claimants achieve a fair measure of justice into the necessary 
future as long as the talc claims arise?
    Mr. Haas. Currently, we are in the tort system. So we will 
be litigating in the tort system until such a point in time 
that we reach another arrangement with the claimants as 
recommended by the bankruptcy court. And in the tort system, 
sir, Johnson & Johnson prevails in the vast majority. The 
overwhelming majority of the cases, 76 percent of the cases 
that have been tried.
    So, to the extent that we will be litigating in the tort 
system, that $8.9 billion will fund litigation for decades and 
decades to come. In which case, we believe, based upon the 
track record to date, that we will prevail in most of those 
cases because these claims are meritless. But it will take 
decades.
    The plaintiffs in the last bankruptcy hearing affirmatively 
represented and told the court that you can try no more than 20 
cases a year. At that rate, it won't just be the 3,000 years to 
try the existing cases, but it would be 20,000 years to try the 
cases that they say now exist. So ultimately, at the end of the 
day, the $8.9 billion is going to go to one place--lawyers who 
are litigating this case. A bankruptcy resolution would 
provide--and it is the only way to provide, in the short-term, 
an equitable resolution not only for the current claimants, but 
the future claimants. That is the only way that these claimants 
will receive their money.
    Senator Grassley. If your settlement is approved, what 
would be the minimum settlement for each individual plaintiff?
    Mr. Haas. That ultimately is decided by the plaintiff 
lawyers through what's called the TDP process which they set 
up--a tort distribution process. Effectively what it is, the 
number that is relevant from the company's perspective is the 
$8.9 billion that they requested that we provide as a condition 
of making that resolution. So ultimately, that is in the hands 
of the plaintiff lawyers.
    Senator Grassley. Okay. Mr. Hessler, outside of the 
divisional merger context, how often do you encounter 
nonconsensual third-party releases in these tort cases?
    Mr. Haas. Outside of the bankrupt--oh, I'm sorry.
    Mr. Hessler. Is that for me?
    Senator Grassley. Yes.
    Mr. Hessler. Outside of the mass tort context--to make sure 
I understand your question--how often are the third-party--the 
nonconsensual third-party releases litigated? Within a narrow 
confine of the United States Trustee's Office, frequently 
brings objections to third-party releases in the mass tort 
context. It's going to be litigated almost every time that it's 
included in a plan.
    Senator Grassley. Okay. Thank you very much.
    Chair Durbin. Thanks, Senator Grassley. Senator Klobuchar.
    Senator Klobuchar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and 
thank you for calling this important hearing.
    After a company files for Chapter 11, employees risk, as we 
all know, losing their livelihoods, health benefits, pensions, 
through no fault of their own. These are things that workers 
have worked hard for and have earned.
    I'm going to focus, I think, the nature of my questions on 
you, Professor Jacoby. This issue has become relevant in a big 
way in my State because just last month, Yellow Corp., one of 
the largest LTL carriers in the country, filed for bankruptcy. 
This bankruptcy jeopardizes the livelihood and health benefits 
of many hardworking Minnesotans, including 480 Minnesota 
Teamsters.
    Do you agree that it is important that the bankruptcy 
process protects workers, including collective bargaining 
agreements, wage claims, health benefits, and retiree pensions?
    Professor Jacoby. Yes, I do, Senator. And I certainly think 
that was an animating force of Chapter 11, to begin with. The 
idea of allowing companies to restructure to provide worker 
protections to save jobs.
    Senator Klobuchar. And how are the interests of a bankrupt 
company's employees currently treated under the Bankruptcy 
Code, and how would you improve bankruptcy protection for 
workers?
    Professor Jacoby. Well, one thing that I worry about is 
that workers can be used as a justification to ask for things 
that aren't actually in the Bankruptcy Code--very quick going 
concern sales, and other kinds of deals.
    And often that's premised on saving jobs--that this quick 
sale will save jobs, that agreeing to a loan at a very high 
interest rate will save jobs. And yet there's often no 
guarantee. It's often not in the--if we read the fine print of 
the sale agreement, there may be no guarantees.
    So I would like--I think there should be more examination 
of jobs--what happens to jobs, and the quality of those jobs in 
that kind of scenario. And I think we need to look at 
employment as well as in the union context, given so many of 
the companies that file for bankruptcy may not be unionized.
    Senator Klobuchar. Mm-hmm. Right. So are you talking about 
changing some of the provisions in law then?
    Professor Jacoby. I think that could be warranted. I think 
it also makes sense to continue to look at what kind of 
protection is given to worker claims.
    There are certain priority claims in the Bankruptcy Code 
that, often it's suggested, could be updated to give increased 
protection. And sometimes, in some cases, even admit those 
administrative priority claims or other priority claims are not 
honored as they should be. So I think that should be looked at, 
too.
    Senator Klobuchar. Mm-hmm. So the U.S. Trustee, a component 
of the Department of Justice, which is tasked, right, with 
overseeing the administration of these bankruptcy cases--so the 
Trustee plays a really important role in bankruptcy proceedings 
and represents the interests of the public. This often means 
ensuring that the interests of a debtor's unsecured creditors 
are represented.
    How can Congress work with the U.S. Trustee--it's a 
different way to do this--to ensure that the interests of 
employees and pensioners are properly represented and protected 
during a reorg.
    Professor Jacoby. So the complicated job that the 
Government watchdog has, which is what essentially the U.S. 
Trustee program and the Department of Justice is, is they're 
supposed to appoint a committee that speaks for a full range of 
creditors.
    And yet, we know, even within a mass tort case, the 
creditors are not an equal footing. They may not have equal 
strength of claim. So it's hard to have one for another. We 
expand that when we're talking about workers--how to make sure 
a committee is properly representative of those who need 
protection.
    If the committee does not incorporate the full range, what 
other mechanisms can there be to get the constituencies a seat 
at the negotiating table? Because bankruptcy's supposed to be 
about that collaboration. They need a seat at the table.
    Senator Klobuchar. And how could the Bankruptcy Code be 
improved--this is my last question--to better ensure that 
harmed consumers are respected during the restructuring 
negotiations, and you talk about victims, as well, in your 
testimony?
    Professor Jacoby. Sure. Well, that's a--I would love to 
think about that a longer time, and I'm happy to follow up with 
you. I do think that in terms of individuals, real humans, your 
constituents, who find themselves in a bankruptcy and say, 
``What am I doing here? '' They need more of a voice in the 
process. The concept of procedural justice. That the process 
has to seem fair, independent of what the outcome is.
    And I think maybe many of us, I won't want to speak for 
anyone else, could agree on that. That there's more that the 
individuals can--that can be done to recognize their individual 
voice because they are not a mass, even if there are a lot of 
them. They're individuals with very different situations, and 
we need more recognition of that during a bankruptcy.
    It's not enough in a mass tort case to have that in a trust 
afterward. Those are private organizations, essentially, and 
very hard to see what's happening there. We need more 
procedural justice during a big Chapter 11 bankruptcy case.
    Senator Klobuchar. Okay. Thank you.
    Chair Durbin. Thanks, Senator Klobuchar. Senator Kennedy.
    Senator Kennedy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Haas, you're 
with Johnson & Johnson. Is that right?
    Mr. Haas. Yes, sir.
    Senator Kennedy. How is that stakeholder capitalism working 
out for you?
    Mr. Haas. How is it working for Johnson & Johnson? It's one 
of the greatest honors of my life.
    Senator Kennedy. Okay. I see where you, Johnson & Johnson, 
has joined with a number of other good American companies, JP 
Morgan--he's not a company, Mr. Colin Kaepernick, on his issue 
of police brutality, Procter and Gamble, Facebook, Apple.
    You all pledged $50 billion to, quote, ``be a force for 
social change and fight injustice''--$50 billion is a lot of 
money. How is that commitment consistent with what you're 
asking us to do here today?
    Mr. Haas. Sir, I'm not aware of the particular commitments 
you're referencing, but I could say dispositive----
    Senator Kennedy. Try to give me an answer--it's got to be 
right.
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. I could say dispositively that the 
consistency is, in the end, to ensure that each and every act 
that the company takes is consistent with our credo----
    Senator Kennedy. Okay.
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. And our credo puts the public and 
our patients first.
    Senator Kennedy. Right. Let me ask the professor a few 
basic questions because I'm still learning about this issue. 
Johnson & Johnson took it--oh, before I do, I forgot to ask you 
[points to Mr. Haas] one question: How many talc cases have you 
tried to verdict?
    Mr. Haas. There have been 42 cases that have gone to 
verdict. Of those, we have prevailed in 32.
    Senator Kennedy. Okay. So you've lost 10?
    Mr. Haas. Yes.
    Senator Kennedy. Okay. And what were the total damages in 
the 10 that you lost?
    Mr. Haas. The damages range dramatically----
    Senator Kennedy. Just give me a total.
    Mr. Haas. I don't know the total. I can give you an 
approximate. The highest one was in the billions.
    Senator Kennedy. Okay. All right.
    Professor, I don't want to just pick on Johnson & Johnson, 
but they're the one here. Let me pick on Georgia-Pacific. Okay? 
I don't want to pick on anybody. I'm learning on this issue.
    But let's call them Corporation A, gets sued en masse with 
respect to mass torts, they spin off the liabilities to a shell 
corporation, and that shell corporation files Chapter 11 
bankruptcy. Right?
    Professor Parikh. Sure.
    Senator Kennedy. Is that legal under the Bankruptcy Code?
    Professor Parikh. Is that legal? The Code does not restrict 
that necessarily. The courts have found that there are a 
variety of bases to reject that sort of action. So courts have 
been pretty active in this space. I should probably--Senator 
Whitehouse left, but----
    Senator Kennedy. What's--what's the consensus? I mean, some 
bankruptcy judges say this is a legitimate use of the 
Bankruptcy Code, I presume. Other bankruptcy judges say no it's 
not, and it's dismissed. Is that a fair statement?
    Professor Parikh. That is a fair statement. I think that 
it's the nuance here, if you don't mind----
    Senator Kennedy. What's the national----
    Professor Parikh [continuing]. I can flesh it out a little 
bit.
    Senator Kennedy. What's the national consensus on this?
    Professor Parikh. I think the national consensus is that 
this is a proper action under State law, but to the extent 
there is some sort of impropriety, bankruptcy court judges are 
very well positioned to police that, as we've seen in the LTL 
case.
    So it's not that Senator Whitehouse pointed out I was 
supporting Texas Two-Step. I am not supporting Texas Two-Step. 
I'm merely providing that----
    Senator Kennedy. So a bankruptcy judge has----
    Professor Parikh [continuing]. The extent there is a 
malfeasance, it could be addressed.
    Senator Kennedy [continuing]. The authority to say this is 
an abuse of the Code. Right?
    Professor Parikh. Exactly.
    Senator Kennedy. And how many----
    Professor Parikh. The courts can address that.
    Senator Kennedy [continuing]. Have done that?
    Professor Parikh. Well, the most prominent one is LTL. So 
in the Third Circuit now, there's a very rigorous----
    Senator Kennedy. Is there----
    Professor Parikh [continuing]. Test.
    Senator Kennedy [continuing]. A split among the circuits?
    Professor Parikh. There is, there is. So the Fourth 
Circuit, we were talking about forum shopping earlier, that 
would encourage forum shopping. Absolutely.
    Senator Kennedy. Okay. Is there a case before the Supreme 
Court to resolve this?
    Professor Parikh. No.
    Senator Kennedy. I bet there's one coming. I mean, and what 
are you--what are you asking us to do today? The Pro--let me 
start with Mr. Haas, again. What are you asking us to do today?
    Mr. Haas. The ask, from our perspective, to Congress would 
be to make uniform that very issue you just identified, 
whether--what is the standard with respect to dismissing a 
case?
    Now, there's a distinction between the propriety of a Texas 
Two-Step--let's call it that, it's a divisional merger 
statute--and the question of what is a standard that you apply 
when you dismiss a case?
    Our case was not dismissed because of anything to do with 
the Texas Two-Step. Nobody challenged the Texas Two-Step in our 
case. In fact----
    Senator Kennedy. Mr. Haas, you just had a golden 
opportunity to answer my question.
    Let me ask you, Mr. Parikh--and you [turns to Mr. Haas] 
didn't do it. Professor, tell me what you think we should do 
today?
    Professor Parikh. I think----
    Senator Kennedy. What do you think Congress should do?
    Professor Parikh. I think there are very large issues here. 
I think, as I mentioned before, 524(g) needs to be amended to 
capture all mass tort cases. Once that's done, you can have 
uniformity in process and procedure with all these cases. Some 
involve asbestos, some don't.
    The Code could be revised to provide clarity on whether 
third-party releases can be part of a plan. I think that'd be 
very helpful, and, of course, the future claim is represented. 
If that could be modified, have some more integrity in that 
selection process, those pieces together, I think, would really 
improve the process.
    Senator Kennedy. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chair Durbin. Senator Kennedy asked a good question. We 
tried to follow through on it, as to just what were the 
verdicts or the settlements in these cases? We--some of it is 
hard to come by very quickly.
    But there was one case in Missouri, it was $4.69 billion 
for a group of 20 claimants, reduced on appeal to $2 billion. 
To give you a range here.
    But remember the offer from Johnson & Johnson through LTL 
was for $8.9 billion for 60,000 claimants. Put that in 
perspective.
    Next up, I believe, is Senator Hirono.
    Senator Hirono. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Professor Parikh, 
you mentioned that what we describe as a Texas Two-Step is a 
proper action under State law. Those two States being Texas and 
Delaware, those are the only two States that allow for divisive 
mergers. Is that not so?
    Professor Parikh. It's also Pennsylvania and Arizona--a lot 
of them.
    Senator Hirono. Oh, so there's a third State.
    So I have a question for Professor Jacoby. The Texas Two-
Step that we're talking about today, which is, as I said, also 
possible under Delaware, and now we're told Pennsylvania law, 
relies on a quirk of State corporate law. But it is far from 
clear to me that a State fraudulent transfer law would actually 
allow these divisive mergers to be treated as anything other 
than fraudulent transfers.
    In any event, shouldn't we establish some sort of Federal 
minimum standard to prevent a race to the bottom among the 
States all trying to create innovative ways to attract 
corporations considering bankruptcy? So what used to be just 
Texas and Delaware, now Pennsylvania is getting in on the 
action, as far as I can tell, enabling Texas Two-Steps.
    So should we be considering some sort of a minimum kind of 
standard to make it a lot harder for people to avoid this kind 
of litigation?
    Professor Jacoby. So the--certainly, if a case is properly 
within the domain of the bankruptcy system, as that's defined 
in the constitution--which I think of it more narrowly than 
some of my colleagues here--then you certainly have the right, 
when a case is in that domain, to set additional rules.
    And we have an example of that now where Federal fraudulent 
transfer law can apply to divisive merger bankruptcies--that is 
being teed up in, I believe, the Western District of North 
Carolina cases. And that's true even if State law seeks to 
declare in a statute or a court that under State law it would 
not qualify for fraudulent transfer.
    So, yes, Federal bankruptcy cases and Congress has the 
authority to set rules in the bankruptcy regime, and that has 
already--there already is a law to start that. It takes a lot 
of work to make it apply. It can take years.
    Senator Hirono. What is the law that starts that process 
that established some sort of a Federal standard for fraudulent 
transfers?
    Professor Jacoby. It is Section 548 of the Bankruptcy Code.
    Senator Hirono. There just seems to be something wrong with 
these divisive mergers that enables a corporation to establish 
another entity, which then files for bankruptcy so that they 
can get out from under the kind of litigation that they would 
otherwise be subject to. So even under the kind of mass torts 
situation, isn't there a way for settlements to occur?
    Professor Jacoby. The vast majority of torts--mass tort 
settlements occur outside of bankruptcy. I think it's 
interesting to look at the opioid cases. There was a lot of 
attention. And of course, one is going to the Supreme Court, 
the Purdue Pharma case.
    There have been several others about the importance of 
those settlements, and I don't take anything away from the 
opioid abatement money that would come from them. But they are 
a small fraction of the total settlement value. The idea that 
one cannot settle mass tort actions outside of bankruptcy, I 
don't think----
    Senator Hirono. I think so.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Holds up.
    Senator Hirono. And also the vast--wouldn't you say the 
vast majority--or majority of tort cases are settled?
    Professor Jacoby. The vast majority of nearly all lawsuits 
are settled----
    Senator Hirono. That's right.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Or dismissed early. So a day 
in court can mean more than the trial. It means starting the 
process, having discovery, being able to ask questions, and 
then deciding to have a resolution. And taking the result, win 
or lose.
    Senator Hirono. And the thing about Chapter 11 bankruptcy 
is it has nothing to do with liability or they--having any kind 
of discovery that leads to concerns about liability. And 
usually when you do enter--do discovery, you can pretty much be 
able to argue the strength of liability, which also--which then 
encourages parties to settle. Isn't that so?
    Professor Jacoby. So I do want to emphasize that the 
bankruptcy system does use rules of procedure, does have 
discovery. The question is what it's used for and how much 
control claimants may have in that process.
    I also do--if you'll indulge me, the vetting of these 
claims, I think corporate defendants have an incentive in the 
mass tort context to defer that. And so we don't have that 
discovery.
    Senator Hirono. It seems to me that the discovery in a 
bankruptcy case has to do with whether X owes Y any money. In 
the case of a tort, there's negligence, there are damages, 
there are all kinds of other issues that arise. And that's why 
I just don't think that the bankruptcy laws particularly apply 
in a tort situation, even though these cases may take a long 
time. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chair Durbin. Senator Hawley.
    Senator Hawley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Haas, if I could just come back to you. Let me ask you 
about the Ingham case. I'm sure you remember that case. That 
was the one litigated in my State, in the State of Missouri, 22 
plaintiffs who alleged that your baby powder caused ovarian 
cancer. By the way, didn't the FDA find that there were traces 
of asbestos in your baby powder?
    Mr. Haas. The FDA outsourced to a lab that found asbestos--
a trace amount of asbestos in one lot. And 150 studies 
thereafter were done of that batch and found no asbestos. And 
if there was asbestos----
    Senator Hawley. Okay, okay----
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. In that----
    Senator Hawley [continuing]. Okay. That's a lot of--that's 
quite the word salad, but if we just compress, I think the 
answer is yes. Right? Did the FDA find that there were traces 
of asbestos in your baby powder test?
    Mr. Haas. No. Ultimately----
    Senator Hawley. No?
    Mr. Haas. No. Ultimately----
    Senator Hawley. The Third Circuit got that wrong? I just 
read it in their opinion.
    Mr. Haas. Ultimately, if the----
    Senator Hawley. Wait, wait, wait. Answer my question. The 
Third Circuit was wrong about that? I just read it in their 
opinion. They said the FDA found traces of asbestos in your 
baby powder.
    Mr. Haas. The FDA outsourced to a lab that found a trace 
amount of asbestos----
    Senator Hawley. Okay, then the answer is yes.
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. Thereafter----
    Senator Hawley. So let's go back to the Ingham case then. I 
think it's a relevant question. Do you remember what the 
verdict was in the Ingham case? What the jury found, what they 
awarded?
    Mr. Haas. As the Chair properly stated, it was initially 
$4.6 billion for a consolidated trial of 22 plaintiffs. That 
was reduced thereafter to $2.2 billion.
    Senator Hawley. $2.24 billion, finally, on appeal. That's a 
lot of money. That's one case--22 plaintiffs, 20 at the end of 
the day because of the appeal. You were facing how many 
additional cases after that?
    Mr. Haas. We had thousands of thousands of cases.
    Senator Hawley. Thousands of tens of thousands. Right?
    Mr. Haas. That's correct.
    Senator Hawley. Okay. So one set of plaintiffs gets 2-plus 
billion dollars. You have the potential for--by that math, tens 
of billions more. Right?
    Mr. Haas. No, not necessarily. Because you recall, most 
claimants lose and receive zero. Why don't----
    Senator Hawley. So what you do is--well, after the Ingham 
case, your company panics. And what you do is, you then decide, 
``Oh my gosh, we can't--we can't possibly do this. We can't--we 
don't want to pay these plaintiffs this kind of money.'' So you 
then create a separate company for the sole purpose of 
declaring bankruptcy and making sure that the tens of thousands 
of other plaintiffs get scraps.
    Mr. Haas. The proposal that we had would never succeed and 
would not have succeeded, but for the support of the claimants 
that had made the proposed resolution. We went to----
    Senator Hawley. I have no idea----
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. Bankruptcy court----
    Senator Hawley [continuing]. What you're saying.
    I thought it was plaintiffs who sued you [holds up 
documents] that went all the way to the Third Circuit where 
they said you couldn't do what you're trying to do.
    You're saying that they actually--you're saying the 
plaintiffs wanted this? They like the Texas Two-Step? The 
plaintiffs want to be denied their day in court and denied 
recovery?
    Mr. Haas. The majority of claimants'--counsel representing 
the majority of claimants, yes, do want this resolution because 
most claimants receive nothing.
    Senator Hawley. Let's talk about you----
    Mr. Haas. That was an aberrant one-off----
    Senator Hawley. Let's talk about what you did.
    First of all, I think it's outrageous--the idea that 
plaintiffs--plaintiffs want to be denied their day in court. 
That's why they took you to court. That's why the Third Circuit 
ruled against you.
    Let's talk about what you did. Here is an abbre--according 
to the Third Circuit--an abbreviated--abbreviated version of 
how you tried to avoid actually paying out liability.
    Old Consumer, which was one of your subsidiaries, merged 
into Chenango Zero, LLC, a Texas limited liability company, 
wholly owned subsidiary of J&J, with Chenango Zero surviving 
the merger.
    Chenango Zero then affected a divisional transfer--a 
divisional merger, rather, under the Texas Business Code by 
which two new Texas limited liabilities were created: Chenango 
One and Chenango Two--and Chenango Zero ceased to exist.
    Then Chenango One converted into a North Carolina limited 
liability company and changed its name to LTL. Chenango Two 
then merged into Currahee Holding Company, the direct parent 
company of LTL. Currahee survived the merger, and then changed 
its name to Johnson & Johnson Consumer Incorporated.
    Are you here to tell us that you think that this is a great 
way to proceed--and is fair to the consumers who had asbestos 
in their baby powder?
    Mr. Haas. Indeed. The claimants after that transaction had 
access to more recourse than they did before, which is 
exactly----
    Senator Hawley. More recourse?
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. Which is exactly the----
    Senator Hawley. You created--in the words of the Third 
Circuit, you created a company with the sole purpose of sending 
it into bankruptcy so you could limit your liability. Here's 
what I don't understand, Johnson & Johnson is a hugely 
profitable company. Isn't it?
    Mr. Haas. This is--where we're talking about the 
subsidiary----
    Senator Hawley. Oh, I know, you own them all. You own them 
all. So aren't you hugely profitable?
    I mean, how much money did you make on the COVID vaccine, 
for example?
    Mr. Haas. Nothing. Actually, we made nothing----
    Senator Hawley. You got billions of dollars in subsidies 
from the Federal Government. Taxpayers have paid you billions.
    How much did you make on opioids? All those opioids you 
prescribed? How much did you make on that over the years?
    Mr. Haas. I do not have that information.
    Senator Hawley. Really? I thought it was curious when you 
said that your company credo was to always put the public 
first.
    Mr. Haas. It is.
    Senator Hawley. Was that what you were doing when you were 
lying to doctors and patients about the addictive nature of 
opioids?
    Mr. Haas. We did----
    Senator Hawley. Is that why your company agreed to billions 
of dollars in settlements with States and other localities 
because of what you did to further the opioid crisis?
    Mr. Haas. We prevailed in the only two cases that were 
tried, and the jury determined----
    Senator Hawley. You settled for billions of dollars and I 
brought one of those suits, and it's the proudest thing I ever 
did as attorney general of the State of Missouri.
    Your company has made billions of dollars on American 
consumers, multiple times lying to them. And the idea of that 
you now are looking actively for ways to limit the liability 
for further torts you have committed against the American 
people, I think is outrageous. Absolutely outrageous.
    And if you want to know why the American people don't trust 
huge corporations, it's because of companies like yours. And I 
would just say to my colleagues, if you want to know why 
private rights of action are so darn important, and why we need 
to use them against the Big Tech companies, this is the reason 
why. One jury verdict got $4.6 billion.
    That's a hammer. Companies fear it. They fear it. It's why 
they're trying to distort the Bankruptcy Code to avoid it. We 
need to give more Americans the ability to get that recourse in 
court, and we need to change the Bankruptcy Code to make sure 
that companies like J&J can't avoid it. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Chair Durbin. Thanks, Senator Hawley. Senator Coons.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for 
this hearing, and for the opportunity for us to examine some of 
these issues.
    I'll transition to a topic I understand hasn't been 
thoroughly explored, but that also has the potential 
consequence of plaintiffs being denied the ability to recover. 
And that's nonconsensual non-debtor agreements.
    And I'd like to ask, if I could, both professors to comment 
on this. Professor Jacoby, should non-debtor agreements include 
an opt-out provision so claimants can choose to file legal 
claims instead of being bound by the liability release?
    And if they do get an opt-out, if that were to happen, what 
effect would there be? Would we see fewer nonconsensual non-
debtor agreements, and what effect would it have on how much 
money is available to claimants as, for example, happened in 
the mass tort case against Purdue Pharma?
    Professor Jacoby. Individual claimants should be presented 
the option of whether they will release, consensually, by 
contract, like they could do outside of bankruptcy or not.
    The discharge power in the Bankruptcy Code does allow the 
majority to bind dissenters with respect to the liability of 
the debtor. I do not believe that extends to direct liability--
--
    Senator Coons. Hmm.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Of third-parties.
    So it has to be by contract, and we'll see what the Supreme 
Court says about Purdue Pharma.
    But the idea that the only way to ever get a deal done is 
to mandate a broader discharge--and that is really what it is. 
We're talking about personal liability for direct claims, not 
insurance proceeds put into a trust. Then, that is a--that is a 
huge extension of the bankruptcy power.
    But lawyers are problem solvers. These corporations and 
their very excellent counsel will find a way forward. They do, 
in circuits that can't--that don't permit the same binding of 
third-party.
    Senator Coons. Well, as you're implicitly referencing, the 
courts of appeal are currently split----
    Professor Jacoby. Yes.
    Senator Coons. And the Supreme Court has agreed to take the 
issue up this term. This is a split specifically on 
nonconsensual non-debtor agreements. Is there room for Congress 
to act? And if so, what do you think Congress should do in this 
particular area?
    Professor Jacoby. Well, I--the way that the district court 
decision in Purdue Pharma, as well as the dissent in the Second 
Circuit of Purdue Pharma, lay it out, the current Code does not 
authorize third-party liability shields without consent.
    Clearly, not everyone has bought into that. The Supreme 
Court claims they're going to have this on a fast track. The 
question is whether Senate--the Senate acts more quickly to 
clarify that or not.
    But I do think it is important to distinguish between 
efforts to channel, say, insurance proceeds into a trust and 
guide claimants to that trust, is different from direct 
personal liability of a third-party. That's really where the 
issue lies.
    Senator Coons. Professor Parikh, any different views on 
these two questions-- both, whether there should be an opt-out 
provision, and if so, what consequence that would have for 
what's available to claimants? And then what, if anything, 
Congress might take up and consider doing either before or 
after the Supreme Court acts?
    Professor Parikh. Yes, Senator. I think for nonconsensual 
non-debtor releases, I think the Bankruptcy Code does provide 
for them. They play a very large role in these cases in 
reaching resolution. Keep in mind that the claims are not 
extinguished, they're merely channeled to this trust.
    I think the larger issue that once again almost never gets 
discussed is making sure these trusts are properly funded. That 
does not get discussed at all. And that's probably the much 
larger issue, from my perspective.
    In terms of opt-out provisions, you can see in recent mass 
tort cases there are opt-out provisions, but there are lots of 
strings attached. You can opt out as a claimant, but your 
ultimate recovery is capped at which you otherwise would've 
received through the plan. So there's a strong disincentive not 
to opt out.
    So with opt-out provisions, you know, we see them of course 
under Rule 23 when we think about class aggregation. There are 
always opt-out provisions. Plaintiffs' attorneys are very good 
at making sure that that's a limited option, but nevertheless, 
in bankruptcy, that option exists. But with all these strings 
attached, that's something that could be clarified through the 
Code.
    Senator Coons. Survivors of child abuse and advocates have 
raised concerns about other bankruptcy procedures that have 
been involved in cases like the Boy Scouts, and USA Gymnastics, 
and others.
    Are there reforms Congress should consider around claim 
filing deadlines or automatic stays that would specifically 
improve protection of survivors from harm in the bankruptcy 
process? Professor?
    Professor Jacoby. Well, thank you for asking about that. 
One thing I would like to see, before I give an answer from my 
perspective, is, I would love for this body to get to hear from 
more of the survivors who have participated in those cases 
because I'm not sure they feel heard right now about--in the 
process.
    The issue of bar dates and the proofs of claim, which I 
think you were asking about, which is very different than what 
we're seeing in the asbestos cases, where we, at least some of 
them, where we're not sure who the maj--it's hard to measure 
the majority if I don't know who all the claimants are.
    But there's a lot of variation in mass tort cases, 
generally, about whether we have a universe of current 
claimants or not. I think I'm not sure that has to be uniform, 
but I think it cuts a lot of different ways.
    For example, not having a bar date in a State that has a 
completely open statute of limitations, now in response to 
CHILD USA and other advocacy groups, about letting adults come 
forward in their time.
    Not having a bar date and letting someone collect in the 
future honors the research about the time it takes to come to 
that decision. A bar date forces someone to make that decision 
at a time they might not be ready--or forever be foreclosed.
    And again, to some of the discussion that's happened about 
releases and others, this is not just about the money. These 
claims are not being brought as far--again, it is--I don't want 
to speak for everyone because everyone's got their individual 
story.
    But there are a lot of other interests at stake about 
accountability and ensuring this doesn't happen to other people 
that are in addition to the money--or sometimes even more 
important to the money.
    Senator Coons. Yes.
    Professor Jacoby. So I think we need that. We really need 
to factor that in. This system was not designed for them.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you, 
both. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your forbearance.
    Chair Durbin. Thanks, Senator Coons. Senator Blumenthal.
    Senator Blumenthal. Thanks very much, Mr. Chairman, and 
thanks for having this hearing.
    As you have heard on a bipartisan basis, there's a lot of 
dissatisfaction, and, indeed, disgust with the bankruptcy 
system as it currently operates, and now impacts the lives of 
ordinary people.
    Professor Jacoby, I have talked to many of those survivors 
of the gymnastics abuse that occurred. And they are very much 
on my mind as we talk about this issue. As you know, Larry 
Nassar's crimes came to light and implicated USA Gymnastics, 
which faced hundreds of lawsuits from gymnasts who alleged that 
the organization, in effect, was complicit and failed to 
protect them.
    And USA Gymnastics declared bankruptcy. Litigation was 
halted, depositions stopped. And their attempt to hold the 
organization to account for those hundreds of cases of sexual 
abuse was stymied. And the public was deprived of a lot of the 
truth about what USA Gymnastics did to make it liable and 
responsible.
    So I wonder whether there is a way, Professor Jacoby, to 
permit this process to go forward, that is, the legal process 
to go forward, at least with the discovery. You know, we call 
it discovery. It really, in that case, was discovery about what 
went wrong with USA Gymnastics.
    Professor Jacoby. The bankruptcy system absolutely can 
accommodate that. Indeed, early discussions of mass tort 
bankruptcy, I think, anticipated that way more would be done 
through other civil processes. That this would not cut 
everything off.
    The bankruptcy system also has the capacity within it to 
provide transparency that is sometimes missing way too much in 
mass tort bankruptcies for a variety of reasons.
    But there are ways to use the coordination features of the 
bankruptcy system that don't shut everything down, that make 
sure the accountability mechanisms still work.
    Now, whether that's the right home for all of this, people 
have different views. But if we're going to use it, that is 
absolutely essential.
    Senator Blumenthal. That's a relatively simple--and when I 
say relatively simple, compared to all the complexity of the 
system as it now operates, it seems relatively simple that we 
could reform.
    Professor Jacoby. Yes. And in addition, I believe some 
cases do anticipate data repositories. I think the question is 
when and who has the information? A lot of it is very hard to 
access, not only for the public, but individual claimants.
    There's information that's for lawyers' eyes only, and I 
think that makes--that makes people uncomfortable. People need 
to see it, not a couple years from now, but they need to be 
able to have access to it sooner.
    Senator Blumenthal. I want to turn to Purdue Pharma. As 
attorney general, I sued Purdue Pharma. I haven't been attorney 
general for a while, for 10 years, so I have no direct 
involvement in the pending case or the settlement. But what I 
know for sure is that between 1999 and 2021, opioid overdoses 
killed nearly 645,000 people in America.
    And Purdue Pharma knew what it was doing because it knew 
when they settled a case that I brought against it, and then 
continued to fuel the addiction and substance abuse disorder 
that killed those people.
    Let me cut right to the question here. And you all are 
aware of this case. In exchange for contributing about $6 
billion to the proposed settlement, the Sackler family, the 
individual Sacklers, have requested immunity from all current 
and future opioid lawsuits.
    The family hasn't declared bankruptcy. They're not subject 
to any of their requirements of transparency that are imposed 
on other parties, and they are trying to use the process, in 
effect, to buy immunity without the consent of their victims.
    I know that many of the survivors are supportive of the 
settlement, and I know why, because they want some compensation 
for the heartbreaking and unspeakable suffering that they have 
endured as a result of the wrongdoing of the Sacklers and the 
company.
    But yesterday, Senators Warren, Welch, and I reintroduced 
the SACKLER Act, which would close the loophole that has 
permitted the families to try to avoid accountability and 
responsibility.
    I'd like to ask any of the panelists who have an opinion on 
this issue to provide it.
    Professor Jacoby, it looks like you may----
    Professor Jacoby. I'd be----
    Senator Blumenthal. Have one.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Happy to, if you'd like. I 
just wanted to give my colleagues----
    Senator Blumenthal. Sure.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. A chance.
    So again, the--one question that always comes to mind is 
modeling legislation on a very specific case.
    And if I recall--I have not seen your most recent 
legislation. What I do recall is that it was focused on the 
claims of government representatives, and also making sure that 
government representatives were not stopped during the 
bankruptcy from exercising their police and regulatory--and if 
that's not where this is, then I'll switch gears.
    I think the part about making sure that the temporary 
injunction is not routinely expanded is quite important. It's 
something that came up in the 3M bankruptcy. But it came up 
even more in Purdue Pharma because it stopped Government 
regulators, not just--not just private claims. So I am--I have 
a lot of sympathy for that.
    I do have concerns about legislating only about Government 
for permanent releases because that does raise the question and 
possibly a negative implication that it's acceptable for 
private parties, and I am--I'm concerned about that question.
    But I understand why Members of Congress think that a 
discharge in bankruptcy goes to a debtor----
    Senator Blumenthal. Mm-hmm.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Unless a creditor 
contracts--agrees to release their claim. That makes a lot of 
sense to me.
    Professor Parikh. Senator, may I just weigh in on this? 
Really quick statement to answer your question. A bankruptcy 
case does not halt criminal prosecutions. So, I just want to 
make sure that's clear.
    Chair Durbin. Thank you, Senator Blumenthal.
    Senator Blumenthal. Thank you.
    Chair Durbin. Senator Welch.
    Senator Welch. I want to pick up where Senator Hawley left 
off and where Senator Blumenthal left off.
    I understand, by the way, Senator Hawley asked the 
question, J&J made $27 billion last year?
    Mr. Haas. Is that a question--yes, I----
    Senator Welch. Yes. Is that right?
    Mr. Haas. I believe that's about the right amount----
    Senator Welch. All right.
    Two--the second thing I want to say, bankruptcy, as I 
understand it, is very simple. You're broke. And you can get 
discharged from your debts, but you don't get discharged 
without putting all your assets in the pot. Is that right, 
Professor?
    Professor Jacoby. That's right. And when we're talking 
about a company, Congress anticipated----
    Senator Welch. Okay.
    Professor Jacoby [continuing]. Legislated, with an 
operating company.
    Senator Welch. And that if I want to declare bankruptcy, 
all the assets I have, all the debts I have are in the pot, and 
they get distributed according to the rules of bankruptcy. 
Right? Same for a company.
    The tort system, which we've had forever, allows an 
individual who's been injured to sue me, to sue a company. And 
if I'm found liable by a jury, then I pay. Right? And--isn't 
that correct?
    So what's happened here with the--going back to Purdue 
Pharma, it's really mystifying to me, and I think it is to a 
lot of folks.
    They go into bankruptcy, and there's incredible evidence 
about the Sackler family individually--not only benefiting and 
becoming multi-billionaires, making contributions to the 
Sackler Gallery down here, having named buildings at 
universities--that they were part of the board, and they knew 
that the opioids they were selling were addictive.
    They hired management consulting firms to actually boost 
sales. They did this knowing that people were dying and 
suffering, and they are in bankruptcy where the Sackler family 
has a Sackler rule for how bankruptcy works: They put all their 
liabilities in there, and some of their money, but they keep 
billions.
    Is that how bankruptcy's supposed to work?
    There are--I'm going to ask you, Mr. Haas, is--do you buy--
do you buy that? Do you think the Sacklers, who had knowledge 
of what they did with their company and killed people--biggest 
drug dealers outside of the Mexican cartel--do you think that 
they have the right to use bankruptcy, but not put all of their 
billions into the pot so the people who they've injured can 
have their claims adjudicated?
    Mr. Haas. I'm not personally familiar with the facts of the 
Purdue----
    Senator Welch. Or, make it simple.
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. Case. But I would say it's a stark 
contrast. And it is actually demonstrating the legitimacy of 
what we did.
    Senator Welch. All right.
    Mr. Haas. So that distinction----
    Senator Welch. That is--let me--I get it, you're with 
Johnson & Johnson, you're different----
    Mr. Haas. Mm-hmm.
    Senator Welch [continuing]. I mean, everyone's--but the 
Sacklers were able to keep their individual billions safe, and 
get the full benefit of discharge and bankruptcy. That's what 
they're looking to get.
    Mr. Haas. So Senator, I just simply do not know the facts 
and circumstances. I believe the standard that is applied--or 
has been applied in that case depends upon the totality of the 
circumstances. And ultimately the question--and I'm not 
familiar----
    Senator Welch. Okay.
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. With which side it comes out----
    Senator Welch. The part----
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. Is whether it's in the best interest 
of the claimants.
    Senator Welch. It's in the best interest of the Sacklers--
--
    Mr. Haas. But----
    Senator Welch [continuing]. They keep billions.
    Mr. Haas. Sir, I'm not taking a position one way or the 
other----
    Senator Welch. All right.
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. But I just think----
    Senator Welch. The other thing that seems simple, I think, 
to everyday folks, if a company is being sued and it has 
assets, in the case of Johnson & Johnson, great company, $27 
billion in profits. The mechanism that's being set up is to 
protect Johnson & Johnson, not the plaintiffs.
    Mr. Haas. The mechanism that was utilized had nothing to do 
with Johnson & Johnson. It had to do with Johnson & Johnson 
Consumer Inc., a subsidiary that was in a loss position. So the 
question became, at that point in time, how best to protect 
claimants. And the divisional merger----
    Senator Welch. So----
    Mr. Haas [continuing]. That was undertaken put claimants in 
a better position. They had more recourse.
    Senator Welch. Do all the claimants--ma'am, you are a 
claimant. Right? Does that put you in the best position, right, 
and you're representing your dad?
    Ms. Knapp. Yes.
    Senator Welch. My condolences to you.
    Ms. Knapp. No. It wasn't in his best interest. I think 
that--I think that these companies are greedy, and they want to 
make it sound as if, though, the victims are greedy trying to 
get what should be given to them. But if they wait long enough, 
all the victims will die. And then what? Just keep stalling.
    Senator Welch. Nobody could say it better. Thank you. I 
yield back.
    Chair Durbin. Thank you very much to all the witnesses and 
my colleagues. This is a compelling subject. It is complicated, 
and yet it's very simple.
    Ms. Knapp speaks for her father who died waiting for the 
moment to have his day in court. And Georgia-Pacific, in his 
case, found a way to avoid that reckoning, that confrontation, 
and justice was not served in his situation.
    I still don't believe there is a credible argument that 
Johnson & Johnson should have been allowed to create this sham 
corporation and limit their liability.
    When I think of all the Johnson & Johnson products that our 
family has used, that white cloud that's in every baby's room 
in America, and the trust we had in your company, I have to 
tell you it breaks my heart to think what it's facing today.
    And that is, the reality that they're trying to avoid 
responsibility for their own conduct and their own products. 
And that, to me, is not right.
    And I don't believe it's American. God knows, if anybody 
even conceived that the Bankruptcy Code would be used for this 
purpose, is just beyond me.
    And the Sackler situation is disgusting. You know, they're 
sitting on billions of dollars, and say they're not going to 
put this on the table for distribution to the people who are 
deserving unless they get a Get Out of Jail Free card in the 
process.
    Is that what our system of justice has turned out to be? I 
hope not.
    I thank you for this hearing. There may be some written 
questions sent your way in the next few days, and if you'd 
answer them promptly, I would appreciate it very much.
    And with that, the hearing stands adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 11:56 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
    [Additional material submitted for the record follows.]

                            A P P E N D I X

Submitted by Chair Durbin:

 American Tort Reform Association (ATRA), Washington, DC, letter..   129

 International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Washington, DC, letter...   134

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    Responses of Erik Haas to Questions Submitted by Senator Tillis

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          Responses of Stephen Hessler to Questions Submitted
                          By Senator Grassley

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        Prepared Statement of Lori Knapp, Greeneville, Tennessee

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       Responses of Prof. Samir D. Parikh to Questions Submitted
                          By Senator Grassley

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           Attachment I - Responses of Prof. Samir D. Parikh

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           Attachment II - Responses of Prof. Samir D. Parikh

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