[Senate Hearing 118-61]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 118-61
ASSESSING U.S. POLICY TOWARDS
THE WESTERN BALKANS
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
MAY 18, 2023
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
53-053 PDF WASHINGTON : 2023
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut PETE RICKETTS, Nebraska
TIM KAINE, Virginia RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Menendez, Hon. Robert, U.S. Senator From New Jersey.............. 1
Risch, Hon. James E., U.S. Senator From Idaho.................... 3
Chollet, Hon. Derek, Counselor, United States Department of
State,
Washington, DC................................................. 4
Prepared Statement........................................... 6
Escobar, Gabriel, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Western Balkans,
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, United States
Department of State,
Washington, DC................................................. 8
Prepared Statement........................................... 9
(iii)
ASSESSING U.S. POLICY TOWARDS
THE WESTERN BALKANS
----------
THURSDAY, MAY 18, 2023
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:48 a.m., in
room 419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert Menendez,
chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, and Ricketts.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
committee will come to order. Now, the apologies of the chair
for starting a little late as a result of a conflict that I
had.
Nearly 30 years after the Dayton Peace agreement, we have
yet to see its full potential bear out. While we have welcomed
two-thirds of the Western Balkan countries as NATO allies,
European Union membership seems ever elusive. Economic growth
is uneven across the region, and certain power-hungry leaders
still rely on ethno-nationalist grievances to undermine
democracy, the rule of law, and lasting stability.
The war in Ukraine has reinvigorated the imperative of
supporting European countries' efforts to make the necessary
reforms and commitments to join the European Union. We must
seize this moment to promote new inroads with partners with
whom Russia has traditionally held significant political,
military, and economic influence.
To my mind, the crux of stability in the Western Balkans
rests with the resolution of the conflict between Kosovo and
Serbia. We need responsible leaders willing to make and uphold
significant commitments for their populations.
Kosovo must seize this opportunity of renewed engagement
and work with European partners to move forward. However, I
personally do not believe that we have equal participants
acting in good faith. In February, as part of the ongoing
Brussels facilitated dialog, Serbia and Kosovo verbally agreed
to an agreement negotiated by the European Union.
Shortly thereafter, Serbian President Vucic made a public
speech disagreeing with the contents of the agreement and
refusing to sign because he still does not recognize Kosovo's
independence. This is part of a pattern of Vucic saying one
thing to placate Western leaders and saying another to the
Serbian people through his state-controlled media.
Controlling the information space and cracking down on
civil society, President Vucic continues to embrace nationalist
Serb narratives, perpetuating his vision of ``Srpski svet,'' a
great Serbian nation, much like Putin's vision of a greater
Russia. Indeed, Serbia's President has boasted about his close
personal ties with Putin. He has flown to Moscow for trade
talks, refused to join European partners in imposing sanctions
on Russia.
Today, I would like to hear from our witnesses on what the
plan is going forward. Most of what I see is pressure on Kosovo
for the Association of Serb Municipalities, which I do
recognize Kosovo had previously agreed to.
It seems to me there is little to no pressure on Belgrade,
nor any real plan or guarantee that the Association of Serb
Municipalities would not become another Republika Srpska, while
seeing the dangerous implications of--that we are seeing the
dangerous implications of in Bosnia and Herzegovina right now.
I see little pressure on a leader about whom The New York
Times magazine recently painted a scathing picture of violence
and deep interconnectedness with Serbia's organized criminal
gangs. I hope you can help me understand what the plan is.
I would also ask that you speak frankly not only about
Kosovo and Serbia's path to normalization, but about
normalization of North Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, and
Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well. In Bosnia, I worry that the Office
of the High Representative's recent electoral reforms could be
reinforcing rather than diffusing, ethnic tensions.
We need to make sure that the rights of Jews and Roma and
other minorities are protected, because while local leaders
engage in destabilizing rabble-rousing to further their own
power, Moscow has long worked to exploit the historic ethnic
fault lines of the Balkans for its own advantage.
If Serbia is ever going to join the European Union, it is
going to need alternatives to escape Putin's weaponization of
energy. Indeed, one of the best ways to help the Balkans and
Central and Southern Europe to become energy independent from
Russia is to capitalize on the clean energy potential of the
Eastern Mediterranean.
That means continuing support for interconnectors that run
straight to the Western Balkans and fault stream unified
regulatory regimes. Of course, as we work with our partners to
move them away from Russia, we do not want them to run towards
China in the process. The U.S. should not take a back seat
here.
This region remains a stark reminder of how a lack of
engagement allows the breeding of ethno-nationalist tensions,
but we know that when we are engaged, good things can happen.
If we are clear-eyed and pragmatic in our approach, we have the
opportunity to make real progress across the Western Balkans.
With that, let me turn to the Ranking Member Senator Risch
for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to
our witnesses for appearing here today. We appreciate that. As
the chairman has pointed out, a lot of challenges here that we
need to deal with.
The countries in the Balkans have made a lot of progress
since the end of the terrible wars of the 1990s, but keeping
the peace in that volatile region has proved to be very
difficult and the process of reconciliation has faced continued
setbacks. Thankfully, there appeared to be opportunities for
progress.
After years of effort, Montenegro and Albania are taking
steps towards greater integration with the West in realizing
their goal of membership in the European Union. In efforts to
advance its own EU aspirations, North Macedonia signed the
Prespa Agreement and has made significant concessions to
resolve its long-standing dispute with Bulgaria.
It is now incumbent upon Bulgaria to honor its word and
support a swift EU accession process for North Macedonia. The
benefits of including the Balkans in alliances is now as clear
as ever. In 2019, North Macedonia joined NATO and immediately
began making important contributions.
North Macedonia and many of our Balkan NATO allies have
even contributed large portions of their military stocks to
help Ukraine defend itself from Russia's murderous conduct.
There have also been signs of progress in bringing Kosovo and
Serbia to an agreement that will help settle the simmering
tensions that have persisted for over 20 years.
I know both of our witnesses have spent a lot of time on
this issue, and I look forward to hearing from you about the
U.S. role in trying to resolve this conflict once and for all.
I also want to hear from you about the progress that has been
made in building energy security in the Balkans.
This region has a historic dependence on Russia for its
energy, but I am heartened by recent developments such as the
opening of the Greece, Bulgaria interconnector, the success and
possible expansion of the LNG terminal in Alexandroupoli, and
the planned expansion of the Krk LNG import terminal in
Croatia.
There is a lot more to be done. Proposed gas
interconnectors to join Macedonia with its neighbors, Bulgaria
and Greece, have yet to come to fruition, and Kosovo's
electricity generation distribution system remains shaky.
Diversifying energy supplies away from Russia will help give
the region more freedom from foreign influence. We need to also
help address cybersecurity threats in the region. Albania
suffered debilitating cyberattacks last fall from Iran for
continuing to host Iranian dissidents.
The U.S. provided significant support and I hope we learned
useful lessons from the experience for our own cyber defenses.
In Bosnia, there is still a lot of work to be done to improve
political stability. Secessionist rhetoric and efforts to
undermine government institutions send an alarming signal.
The failure of the Bosnian federation to form a government
without yet another intervention of the EU High Representative
does not bode well. The Biden administration has taken some
action by imposing sanctions on Bosnian politicians who
propagate corruption and instability, and by sending regular
high-level visitors to the region, but more needs to be done.
We want to hear your plans to advance U.S. engagement, and what
Congress can do to help support a more stable Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
Finally, I remain concerned about Russian and Chinese
influence in this region. China is happy to provide money where
many EU and U.S. investors balk, and Russia is happy to
continue exploiting the many fissures in Balkan societies to
manipulate public opinion for its own means. Where corruption
exists, U.S. works to eliminate that corruption, whereas both
Russia and China exploit corruption to spread their influence.
The Biden administration should continue to support our
partners in the Balkans in their ongoing efforts to tackle
corruption, including through the use of targeted sanctions
against the worst actors. The U.S. also needs a proactive and
competitive approach to economic and political engagement in
the Western Balkans.
I hope our witnesses can discuss the steps that the U.S. is
taking to help these nations increase their resilience, and to
provide investment mechanisms like those in the DFC to push
back against China's predatory practices. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch. In the interest of
time, I will just give some short bios for our esteemed
witnesses. Derek Chollet is the Counsel of the U.S. Department
of State, where he serves at the rank of Undersecretary, as a
Senior Policy Adviser to the Secretary of State on a wide range
of issues, and conducts special diplomatic assignments as
directed by the Secretary.
Mr. Chollet has previously held positions at the State
Department, White House, Department of Defense. From 2012-2015,
he was the U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for
International Security Affairs, where he managed U.S. defense
policy towards Europe, the Middle East, Africa, and the Western
Hemisphere.
Deputy Assistant Secretary Gabriel Escobar is the Deputy
Assistant Secretary overseeing policy towards the countries of
the Western Balkans in the Office of Press and Public
Diplomacy. Previously, he served as the Deputy Chief of Mission
at the U.S. Embassy Belgrade. He has also served at a
department in Washington, at numerous posts across the world,
including in the Western Balkans region, as political Unit
Chief in Belgrade, shortly after the U.S. Embassy reopened in
2001. Thank you both for appearing today.
Your full statements will be included in the record. I
would ask you that you summarize your statements to about 5
minutes or so. As you can see, there is a lot of interest here
by members so we can engage in a conversation with you.
Counselor, we will start off with you.
STATEMENT OF HON. DEREK CHOLLET, COUNSELOR, UNITED STATES
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Chollet. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Risch, distinguished members of the committee. Thanks for
inviting us here to talk about the Biden administration's
Western Balkans policy. I also want to thank the committee for
its strong bipartisan support and engagement in this region.
The future of the Western Balkans is a priority for the
Biden administration. For many of us, this is personal.
President Biden has been deeply involved in these issues since
he sat on this committee. Secretary Blinken, USAID
Administrator Power, who was just in Kosovo and Serbia last
week, and many of us have engaged on these issues since the
violent breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s.
Our policy is grounded on a simple principle, a Europe
whole, free, prosperous, and at peace is in our national
security interests. Unfortunately, the Western Balkans remains
a missing piece of the puzzle. European integration has not
been easy.
The obstacles, Mr. Chairman, as you have noted, have been
formidable, from anti-democratic leaders, to corruption, weak
rule of law, cyberattacks, underdeveloped infrastructure,
economic barriers, dependence on Russian energy, ethnic and
religious strife. The list goes on and on.
Nevertheless, it is important for us to remember how much
potential there is in the Western Balkans. The countries of the
Western Balkans have come a long way since the wars of a
quarter century ago, and they have tremendous potential for
greater prosperity, but they need our help to overcome their
challenges and bridge their lingering divides.
Let us start with one of the most significant challenges we
face, and that is the relationship between Kosovo and Serbia.
Kosovo is a sovereign, independent, democratic country. It is
one of our closest friends and partners. It often punches above
its weight.
The United States supports Kosovo's full recognition, and
we support its integration into international institutions,
including the United Nations, and we look forward to Kosovo
getting closer to NATO and the European Union and eventually
joining those institutions. Yet the European aspirations of
both Kosovo and Serbia will not happen until they resolve their
differences.
That is why we have strongly supported the EU facilitated
dialog. Now, following months of intensive diplomacy led by the
EU, there is a path to normalizations in which both countries
fulfill their independent obligations. My colleague, Special
Representative Escobar, has been an active participant in these
talks and can speak to them in greater detail. This agreement
can bring real benefits to Kosovo and Serbia.
It represents a significant breakthrough in overcoming the
cycle of crises that has characterized the relationship between
these two countries for far too long, but this is very fragile.
Hard work remains, political courage is required, and we will
continue to engage both parties so that they fulfill their
mutual commitments.
As we continue to support Kosovo, we are also committed to
deepening our partnership with Serbia and developing closer
ties to the Serbian people. I want to stress we do so with our
eyes wide open. Serbia has significant challenges from
corruption to Russian-fueled disinformation.
Our history together has been very difficult, and the
relationship has not been easy. Yet it is in our interest to
help Serbia realize its full potential and come closer to the
Euro-Atlantic community and closer to the United States.
Second, we are also focused on the serious challenges in
Bosnia Herzegovina. 28 years after Dayton, there is still peace
in Bosnia Herzegovina, but, Mr. Chairman, as you noted, it is a
very uneasy peace. Pervasive corruption, democratic
backsliding, increasingly inflammatory rhetoric by ethno-
nationalist leaders, this is deeply troubling, and it attacks
the very foundations of the Dayton Agreement.
We have made clear that we oppose such actions, and we will
impose consequences. We remain deeply committed to Bosnia
Herzegovina's territorial integrity and sovereignty, its Euro-
Atlantic integration, and the full implementation of Dayton.
Third, Montenegro. It is a valued NATO ally, and we are
optimistic that the recent presidential election there is a
signal that Montenegrins are ready to overcome their
differences, advance their EU membership prospects, and secure
a better future. We urge the new leadership in Montenegro to
focus on reforms, particularly to strengthen the rule of law
and combat the influence of corruption and organized crime.
Finally, we strongly support the further European
integration of North Macedonia and Albania. Again, they are
terrific NATO allies and last July they opened their own EU
accession negotiations, which we strongly support. Mr.
Chairman, the Western Balkans is Europe's inner courtyard.
Completing its transatlantic integration contributes to a
stronger Europe and a stronger transatlantic family.
It is also essential, as you noted, in the geostrategic
context, to reduce the influence of malign actors like Russia
and the PRC that seek to destabilize the region and undermine
our alliance.
Our work in the Western Balkans drives toward a fundamental
goal, to help develop democracies that are stronger, more
transparent, and less corrupt, where engaged citizens hold
their governments accountable, and where everyone can benefit
from the opportunities that come from greater regional
integration and economic prosperity.
That is what we are seeking to do, and we are grateful for
your support and help. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Chollet follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mr. Derek Chollet
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished Members of
the Committee, thank you for inviting me to discuss the Biden
administration's Western Balkans policy. I also thank the Committee for
the strong, bipartisan Congressional engagement and support for the
region.
The future of the Western Balkans is a priority for the Biden
administration. The President has been a leader on these issues since
his time on this Committee, and Secretary Blinken, USAID Administrator
Power who was in Kosovo and Serbia last week, and many of us have been
engaged on these issues since Yugoslavia's violent dissolution.
Our policy is grounded on a simple principle: a Europe whole, free,
prosperous, and at peace is in our national security interest and the
Western Balkans region remains a missing piece of the puzzle.
European integration has not been easy. The obstacles are
formidable: anti-democratic leaders, corruption, weak rule of law, lack
of independent institutions, cyberattacks, under-developed
infrastructure, economic barriers, willful dependence on Russian
energy, ethnonationalist politics, emigration, harmful foreign
influence, and disinformation.
Nevertheless, the countries of the Western Balkans have come a long
way since the wars a quarter of a century ago--and they have tremendous
potential for greater prosperity. But they need our help to overcome
still considerable obstacles. The most pressing are the unresolved
issues between Serbia and Kosovo.
Kosovo is a sovereign, independent, democratic country. It is one
of our closest friends and partners. The United States supports
Kosovo's full integration into international structures, including the
United Nations, and we look forward to seeing it join NATO and the
European Union.
The immediate reality is that the European aspirations of both
Kosovo and Serbia will not happen until they resolve their differences.
We strongly support the EU-facilitated Dialogue--which remains their
best path to that Euro-Atlantic future and durable peace and prosperity
in the Western Balkans.
The recent agreement lays out a path to normalization in which both
countries fulfill their independent obligations. My colleague, Special
Representative Escobar, has been an active participant in these talks
and can speak to them in greater detail.
Kosovo reaffirmed its commitment to establish an Association of
Serb-majority Municipalities, an action we have urged them to take
expeditiously, formalize the Serbian Orthodox Church's status, and
provide strong protections for Serbian religious and cultural heritage
sites.
Kosovo and Serbia will also recognize each other's documents and
national symbols. And Serbia will no longer lobby against Kosovo's
membership in international organizations.
This agreement represents a significant breakthrough in overcoming
the cycle of crises that has characterized the relationship between
these two countries for far too long. But a lot of hard work remains.
These decisions are not easy. We will continue to work with both
parties so that they fulfil their mutual commitments.
At the same time, we are committed to deepening our partnership
with Serbia and developing closer ties to the Serbian people. We do so
with our eyes open--Serbia has significant challenges from corruption
to harmful Russian influence, including disinformation. Our history has
been difficult, and our relationship has not always been easy. Yet it
is in our interest to help Serbia realize its full potential and come
closer to the Euro-Atlantic community.
To be clear, progress must be earned. Serbia must deliver on
commitments to build constructive relations with all its neighbors, and
strong, sustainable democracy at home to achieve this vision.
We also are focused on the challenges in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Its pervasive corruption, democratic backsliding, and increasingly
inflammatory rhetoric by ethno-nationalist leaders are deeply
troubling. Threats of Republika Srpska entity secession, attempts to
limit civil society and media freedoms, and efforts to undermine state
institutions are destabilizing and attack the foundations of the Dayton
Peace Agreement. We have made clear that we oppose such actions and
will impose consequences. We remain unequivocally committed to Bosnia
and Herzegovina's territorial integrity and sovereignty, its Euro-
Atlantic integration, and the full implementation of the Dayton Peace
Agreement. We continue to support the Office of the High Representative
and the use of Bonn Powers when necessary.
And in Montenegro, we are optimistic that this NATO Ally's recent
presidential election is a signal that Montenegrins are ready to
overcome their differences, advance their EU membership prospects, and
secure a better future. We urge the new leadership to focus on reforms,
particularly to strengthen rule of law and combat corruption and
organized crime.
Finally, we strongly support the further European integration of
North Macedonia and Albania. They are terrific NATO Allies. Last July,
North Macedonia and Albania opened their own EU accession negotiations.
North Macedonia ably hosted the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue in March,
contributing greatly to its success, and it has adroitly chaired the
OSCE even as Russia has repeatedly sought to block its work.
Albania is a strong partner on the UN Security Council and is
honoring its tradition of hospitality by helping resettle Afghans at
risk.
The Western Balkans is Europe's inner courtyard; completing its
transatlantic integration contributes to a stronger Europe--and a
stronger Transatlantic family. It is also essential to reducing the
harmful influence from actors such as Russia and the PRC that seek to
destabilize the region and our Alliance. Among our goals for Western
Balkan countries is helping them to develop stronger, more transparent
democracies where engaged citizens hold their governments accountable,
there is strong support for shared values, and where everyone can
benefit from the growth and opportunity that comes with greater
economic prosperity.
Progress on all these issues, and the success of our work to
strengthen U.S. national security, depends on continued bipartisan
close coordination with Congress. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you. Secretary Escobar.
STATEMENT OF GABRIEL ESCOBAR, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY,
WESTERN BALKANS, BUREAU OF EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS,
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Escobar. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, distinguished members of the committee. I appreciate the
invitation to come here and discuss the Biden administration's
Western Balkans policy.
The United States is working closely with European partners
and allies to ensure that the door to transatlantic
institutions remains open, and the path to membership in the
European Union remains credible and concrete.
At the same time, the countries of the Western Balkans must
implement reforms necessary to qualify for that membership. We
are helping them build capacity to fight the pervasive
corruption and the disinformation that make the region more
susceptible to malign influence, and to resolve the lingering
tensions that continue to threaten regional stability and
integration. Our work in the Western Balkans also strengthens
Europe as a geostrategic global partner.
As the Counselor noted, a major obstacle to enduring peace
and prosperity in the Western Balkans is the fraught
relationship between Serbia and Kosovo. The EU facilitated
agreement on the path to normalization of relations, and its
implementation annex agreed to in February and March, were
major steps toward bringing peace and predictability to the
relationship. Implementation is underway.
On May 2, the Serbian President and the Kosovo Prime
Minister began discussions on the Association of Serb Majority
Municipalities and reaffirmed their commitment to resolve the
fate of missing persons to foster reconciliation and peace. I
have repeatedly traveled to Brussels and across the region to
support this process.
The United States will remain engaged with Kosovo, Serbia,
and our European partners to urge fulfillment of all
obligations under the dialogue agreement. For too long, failure
to make progress has allowed Russia to play a spoiler role
against Serbia's strategic goal of European integration, which
the Serbian people strongly desire, and we strongly support.
Both Serbia and Kosovo must normalize relations to unleash
their full potential and progress on their respective EU paths.
In Bosnia Herzegovina, years of dysfunction and division have
plagued state- and entity-level governments, undermining the
country, its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, and the future of its
citizens.
Ethno-nationalist political leaders from all constituent
peoples, Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks, often pursue narrow,
personal, and political gain rather than public good. The
United States is now engaged in an intensive effort to
strengthen the international community's work to uphold the
Dayton peace agreement.
The High Representative used his bond powers to ensure that
elections were held last October and to break a 4-year deadlock
on Federation Government formation. The United States strongly
supported these difficult, but necessary decisions.
With a new state and entity level governments in place, we
can now help Bosnia and Herzegovina's leaders to implement long
overdue reforms and advance their citizens' Euro-Atlantic
aspirations.
We are deeply alarmed by Republika Srpska President Milorad
Dodik's persistent secessionist and anti-democratic actions. In
cooperation with European partners, we will work to deter Dodik
from pursuing de facto separation and limit resources to fund
his divisive practices.
We continue to support a robust EU force operation--
Operation ALTHEA mission to preserve Bosnia Herzegovina's
sovereignty, territorial integrity, and multiethnic character.
The United States will continue to deploy sanctions against
those throughout the region who threaten or undermine Bosnia-
Herzegovina's institutions or the Dayton peace agreement, but
there are also bright spots in the region, and not
coincidentally, there are NATO members.
In Montenegro, we are seeing renewed momentum to realize
its European future. Recent presidential elections were smooth.
Montenegro reestablished a quorum and its constitutional court.
Its leaders must now fill the remaining court vacancy and other
critical judicial appointments.
We hope to see free and fair parliamentary elections on
June 11, and that the newly elected leaders will heed the call
of the people and move quickly on needed reforms to advance
Montenegro's EU integration. Both Albania and North Macedonia
have opened EU accession negotiations.
Both are helpful partners in supporting normalization
between Serbia and Kosovo, and like Croatia and Montenegro,
both are stalwart NATO allies. To further its EU aspirations,
North Macedonia is committed to enacting a constitutional
change to recognize its Bulgarian minority.
We strongly support this difficult, but necessary step.
Iran's devastating cyberattacks on Albania last year underscore
that we must continue to assist allies and partners in the
region to strengthen their security. The United States has
committed approximately 50 million in cybersecurity assistance
to Albania for its civilian and military sectors. It is one of
our largest cyber support contributions to any individual
country to date.
To close, as we work to help create a stronger Western
Balkans within a stronger Europe, continued Congressional
interest and engagement on the Western Balkans is invaluable.
Like Counselor Chollet, I welcome your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Escobar follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mr. Gabriel Escobar
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished Members of
the Committee, I appreciate your invitation to discuss the Biden
administration's Western Balkans policy.
The United States is working closely with European partners and
Allies to ensure that the door to transatlantic institutions remains
open, and the path to membership in the European Union remains credible
and concrete. At the same time, the countries of the Western Balkans
must implement the reforms necessary to qualify for membership. We are
helping them build capacity to fight the pervasive corruption and
disinformation that make the region more susceptible to malign
influence, and to resolve lingering tensions that continue to threaten
regional stability and integration. And our work in the Western Balkans
also strengthens Europe as a geostrategic, global partner.
As the Counselor noted, a major obstacle to enduring peace and
prosperity in the Western Balkans is the fraught relationship between
Kosovo and Serbia. The EU-facilitated Agreement on the Path to
Normalization of Relations and its implementation annex, agreed to in
February and March, were major steps toward bringing peace and
predictability to the relationship. Implementation is underway. On May
2, the Serbian President and Kosovan Prime Minister began discussions
on the Association/Community of Serb-majority Municipalities and
reaffirmed their commitment to resolve the fate of Missing Persons to
foster reconciliation and peace. I have repeatedly traveled to Brussels
and across the region to support this process. The United States will
remain engaged with Kosovo, Serbia and our European partners to urge
fulfillment of all obligations under Dialogue agreements. For too long,
failure to make progress has allowed Russia to play a spoiler role
against Serbia's strategic goal of European integration--which the
Serbian people strongly desire, and we strongly support. Both Serbia
and Kosovo must normalize relations to unleash their full potential and
progress on their respective EU paths.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, years of dysfunction and division have
plagued state and entity-level governments, undermining the country,
its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, and the future of its citizens.
Ethnonationalist political leaders from all constituent peoples--Serbs,
Croats, and Bosniaks-- often pursue narrow personal and political gain
rather than the public good. The United States is now engaged in an
intensive effort to strengthen the international community's work to
uphold the Dayton Peace Agreement.
The High Representative used his Bonn Powers to ensure that
elections were held last October and to break a 4-year deadlock on
Federation government formation. The United States strongly supported
these difficult but necessary decisions. With new state and entity-
level governments in place, we can now help Bosnia and Herzegovina's
leaders to implement long-overdue reforms and advance their citizens'
Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
We are deeply alarmed by Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik's
persistent secessionist and anti-democratic actions. In cooperation
with European partners, we will work to deter Dodik from pursuing de
facto separation and limit resources to fund his divisive practices. We
continue to support a robust EU Force Operation Althea mission to
preserve Bosnia and Herzegovina's sovereignty, territorial integrity,
and multiethnic character. And the United States will continue to
deploy sanctions against those throughout the region who threaten or
undermine Bosnia and Herzegovina's institutions, or the Dayton Peace
Agreement.
There are also bright spots in the region: In Montenegro, we are
seeing renewed momentum to realize its European future. Recent
presidential elections were smooth. Montenegro re-established a quorum
on its Constitutional Court. Its leaders must now work to fill the
remaining court vacancy and other critical judicial appointments. We
hope to see free and fair parliamentary elections on June 11, and that
newly elected leaders will heed the call of the people and move quickly
on needed reforms to advance Montenegro's EU integration.
Both Albania and North Macedonia have opened EU accession
negotiations; both are helpful partners in supporting normalization
between Serbia and Kosovo; and, like Croatia and Montenegro, both are
stalwart NATO Allies.
To further its EU aspirations, North Macedonia has committed to
enacting a constitutional change to recognize its Bulgarian minority.
We strongly support this difficult but necessary step.
Iran's devastating cyberattacks on Albania last year underscored
that we must continue to assist Allies and partners in the region to
strengthen their security. The United States has committed
approximately $50 million in cybersecurity assistance to Albania's
civilian and military sectors--one of our largest cyber support
contributions to any individual country to date.
To close, as we work to help create a stronger Western Balkans
within a stronger Europe, continued Congressional interest in, and
engagement on the Western Balkans is invaluable. Like Counselor
Chollet, I welcome your questions today.
The Chairman. Thank you. We will start a round of 5-minute
questions. Detailed reporting from The New York Times magazine
a few weeks ago asserted that connections between the Serbian
Government and gang violence in both Serbia and North Kosovo,
carrying out murders and intimidating political rivals in the
media. Is this reporting credible, Counselor?
Mr. Chollet. We believe it is. I mean, I cannot speak to
the specifics of the article, but there is absolutely a lot of
corruption involved----
The Chairman. What are the real prospects for a reliable
partner in Serbia with that background?
Mr. Chollet. Well, something--Mr. Chairman, we have to
test. Again, we are doing this with eyes open, but we are
holding Vucic to account and his colleagues to account for
their corruption, for their behavior and activity.
We have issued sanctions against many folks throughout the
region. We have made very clear that corruption--and by the
way, it is not just in one particular part of the region, it is
a scourge throughout the region.
In my view at least, corruption is the thing, the single
most important thing holding up the integration of the region
into Europe. This is a high priority for us. It is something
that our embassies work very, very hard on and we pay very
close attention to in Washington.
The Chairman. Well, since Serbia and Kosovo agreed to the
EU proposal agreement on the path to normalization between
themselves, we have had mixed results, starting with President
Vucic's refusal to sign the agreement.
We have seen Serbia violate the agreement by opposing
Kosovo's membership in the Council of Europe, and through
encouraging a boycott of elections in North Kosovo by ethnic
Serbs. Now I want to see Kosovo and Serbia move forward on
normalization.
How can we expect countries to implement an agreement in
good faith, if Vucic refuses to put his name on it?
Mr. Chollet. We consider that agreement to be legally
binding. We have told President Vucic that, and he has never
denied that. The EU has also said that the agreement is legally
binding and----
The Chairman. Well, he may not deny it, but it does not do
the things necessary to implement it. That is the equivalent.
Mr. Chollet. Well, unfortunately, if I may, Mr. Chairman,
we are not seeing much implementation on either side of that
agreement. It is something that my colleague, Mr. Escobar, has
been very focused on.
I had a chance to talk to the EU foreign policy chief
Borrell over the weekend about this. The EU is very focused on
this, which is why we have been engaged in such intense
diplomacy to get both sides to live up to their end of the
agreement.
The Chairman. Let me ask you this, that despite concerns
over whether the Association of Serb Municipalities, despite
concerns over whether such an organized association would
violate Kosovo's constitution, the U.S. and the EU continue to
press the creation of the Association of Serb Municipalities.
Now, I asked you last year, Mr. Secretary, have you--about
this, but I personally have not seen a satisfactory answer. Can
you tell us what would guarantee that such an association would
not become an obstructionist entity like the RS in Bosnia?
Have you explored with both the viability of creating an
association model compatible with Kosovo's constitution?
Mr. Escobar. Absolutely. In fact, that is our goal. Our
position is that the association is an existing legal
obligation under the Brussels agreement, but we have repeatedly
told Kosovo that we would help them shape it into something
that is a European model that does not violate its sovereignty,
or its constitutional structure, or its functionality.
The way we see it, the association is a way for the four
municipalities or any other municipality that would like to
join to be able to provide municipal services for a sizable
minority in Serbian language.
In other words, what we would like to see is we would like
to use the association to unwind what Serbia is doing in
Northern Kosovo and put it under a Kosovan structure that they
control and that it is under Kosovan law.
In other words, I do not see this as a concession to
Serbia. I see it as a way for Kosovo to accommodate those
citizens that live within Kosovo, who are Kosovan citizens, to
be able to access government services----
The Chairman. Only if they can fall within a Kosovo
constitutional order, does it not become an obstructionist
entity like RS in Bosnia.
Mr. Escobar. It is our goal that it will not. That in fact
the European Union has provided them models, European models,
where countries can provide services in another language for
their own citizens.
In none of those models can a neighboring country reach
into the territory of another neighbor to hobble its
constitutionality or its legal structure. That is our goal,
because as they normalize relations between each other, they
are also harmonizing with the European Union in their path to
integration.
The Chairman. Well, let us talk about the European Union.
We know that Greece, Cyprus, Spain, Slovakia, and Romania's
non-recognition of Kosovo will continue to present a barrier to
entry for Kosovo in the EU. It gives Serbia, to be frank, a
convenient excuse. What is the latest with our engagement with
these countries on recognizing Kosovo?
Mr. Chollet. We have been intensively engaged with them and
we have made clear to our Kosovan friends that we are going to
continue to be intensively engaged in it, particularly if we
can get this normalization agreement agreed to and implemented.
The Chairman. Well, I think we need a robust engagement.
Finally, I have personally heard from Albanian leaders that
ethnic Albanians in the Presheva Valley undergo systematic
discrimination. They report having their identities wiped from
Serbian Government databases, making them essentially
stateless. While Serbia attempts to politicize minority rights
in Kosovo, what are we doing to address the situation for
ethnic Albanians in Serbia?
Mr. Escobar. Our embassy in Belgrade is actively engaged
with this. We are using USAID money to help create some
opportunities to enact critical protections for the Albanian,
and not just Albanian, but Bosniak, and other communities
inside of Serbia.
Unlike Kosovo, however, because Serbia is recognized by all
five countries of the European Union, they are further along in
their integration path, but at the same time they have greater
obligations under those structures to protect minority rights.
We want to use all of those levers to make sure that the
rights of all citizens in Serbia are protected.
The Chairman. Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We had a discussion
here. I think both the Chairman and I raised the question of
energy in the region and how important that is to get all of
them as much as possible disconnected from Russia as the rest
of Europe is struggling to do and making great efforts and very
significant progress in that regard.
Obviously, because of the financial issues involved, it
becomes difficult. Are you using the leverage of the DFC to do
this, and if so, how? Give us an update on that, if you could,
please.
Mr. Escobar. Well, we agree that energy diversification and
also transformation from fossil fuels to renewables is a key
priority for this Administration. We have seen a lot of
investment in the energy, especially in Albania, and in other
parts.
We believe that the countries are entering into agreements
that are going to help diversify their energy sources away from
Russia, and we support it. We would welcome additional U.S.
Government support for all of those efforts, including DFC.
Senator Risch. I appreciate that. DFC was put together by
us, I think for the exact--I mean, this is a poster child for
what we want to use the DFC for. I am a little disappointed in
that answer, that it is not more aggressive and more
recognizing of how important the DFC can be in what you are
trying to do here. The chairman recited a list of countries
that do not recognize Kosovo.
What do they say when you talk to them? What is the reason
that they give for this? I mean, it seems to me, being an
outsider, sitting here, it just does not seem logical. Both of
you, I would like to hear from.
Mr. Chollet. Yes. I am happy to start, Senator Risch. Part
of it is their own politics and situations going on inside
their own countries. It is not about Kosovo or Serbia per se.
It is about the precedent that they feel--they have got their
own separatist groups, perhaps in their country, and they are
worried that this might blow back on them in some way.
I mean, quite frankly, that is what it is about, but I can
tell you that we have had, in this intensive engagement, we
have been having with these countries as we approached the
implementation of the normalization deal or the possibility of
this implementation, we have had signals that there are some
who recognize that this is something that they should do
quickly in terms of recognition of Kosovo.
There are others that, quite frankly, it is going to be
really tough, but what we tell our friends in Kosovo is that we
will work very hard on this effort. We are working hard. We
will continue to work hard, but we need to see this agreement
start to be implemented. It will make our case a lot stronger
if we are seeing the agreement actually moving forward.
Senator Risch. Mr. Escobar.
Mr. Escobar. That is absolutely right. One of the things
that the five non-recognizers have asked for is they have asked
for full implementation of the agreement. For some, a bilateral
agreement between the two countries is absolutely crucial for
their policy goals.
This represents the best opportunity to move on new
recognitions.
However, to give credence to that pressure, we would have
to have some implementation. Quite frankly, from the Kosovo
side, people are expecting to see the implementation of the
Association of Serb Municipalities.
It is an existing legal obligation. It is in the European
Council conclusions. There is no getting around the ASM for
Kosovo to move closer to the European Union.
Senator Risch. Okay. Thank you. My time is about up, Mr.
Chair. Thank you.
Senator Cardin [presiding]. I want to turn to Bosnia-
Herzegovina. It has been 28 years since the Dayton Accords, and
the structure there was to end the conflict, but certainly not
to establish an effective governing structure for the future of
the country.
That was 28 years ago. My question really deals with how we
are moving forward. In the 2022 elections, changes were made by
the High Representative in an effort to deal with the
representation of the Croats.
The Bosniaks were upset with that change. Tell me the
current status of the cooperation you are receiving from the
different ethnic communities within Bosnia to get the necessary
constitutional changes for the future of the stability of that
republic.
Mr. Chollet. Senator Cardin, I can start. I think it is
important to just step back and note, Bosnia is still at peace.
That was the fundamental goal of Dayton, which was to ensure
that the Bosnian war end----
Senator Cardin. We have applaud that. They certainly do not
have a type of governance that----
Mr. Chollet. No question. I think I had a long association
with the late Ambassador Holbrooke, and I know that he believed
up until the time he passed that Bosnia was nowhere close to
where its Dayton framers wanted it to be.
That said, I mean, our policy is strongly in support of
Bosnia sovereignty, its territorial integrity, its multi-ethnic
character, and its EU future. It is important now that it
actually has an EU future. It has got an accession process that
is underway. It seems very distant, but there was just a senior
EU envoy in Sarajevo yesterday to talk about moving this
process forward.
As we both noted, the secessionist and nationalist rhetoric
is deeply, deeply concerning. It is very dangerous because it
is throwing matches on kindling throughout the region. We have
been very focused in particularly on corruption, because coming
back to this question that plagues Serbia, plagues so many
parts of the region, corruption is what is, I think, fueling
most of Bosnia's dysfunctionality.
It is cronyism and state capture that we are worried about.
The one piece of good news is that there is a federation
government for some time in a few years, a state level
government, that, yes, the HR, the Office of the High Rep had
to use special powers to get formed. That is a positive thing,
and frankly, I think it is a strike against ethno-nationalism,
but now we need that government to work and to function and to
deliver for its people.
The last thing I will note is that we have said and have
shown that we are going to impose consequences on those who are
fueling corruption and seeking to undermine Dayton. We have
done that through a new executive order that President Biden
put into place several years ago.
We have gone directly after Mr. Dodik, who is the leader of
the RS, the Bosnian Serb entity and those who support him. We
are not going to let them blow up Bosnia.
Senator Cardin. I applaud your efforts on behalf of anti-
corruption. I think that is critically important. The steps
taken in the 2022 elections tell me the current status in the--
among the Bosniaks and the Croats as to how that has now been
received.
Mr. Chollet. How has the use of the bond powers been
received?
Senator Cardin. Yes. I know that the Bosniaks thought that
it was unfair using the census data that was reflective of
atrocities against the ethnic Bosnians. I also understand that
they felt there was a change of the rules, if the election
itself took place.
In regards to the Republika Srpska, that is a separate
issue with President Dodik, and we recognize that is a
challenge to the sovereignty of the country. Were the changes
made for the 2022 elections now being received positively by
the ethnic communities in both Bosnia, Bosnia and Croats?
Mr. Escobar. Well, if I can say one thing. Not all Bosnians
were unhappy with it. One particular ethno-nationalist party
was very much against it, but it did open the door to new faces
in the federation government. It also addressed some of the
imbalance in the representation in certain structures within
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
We welcomed those because it opened the door to a more
functional federation, which is absolutely needed as a
counterweight to Republika Srpska, which for a long time
dominated the country because there was no federation
government to push back.
To answer your question on what needs to be done, we need
to push Bosnia-Herzegovina faster into European integration,
and we need to empower the next generation of leaders who are
not ethno-nationalists. You see some of those emerging leaders
behind me today.
Senator Cardin. I will just make a final comment. Twenty-
eight years is a long time to be living under a bridge type of
arrangement for governance. I acknowledge it was to end the
conflict or the open war, and that was good, but it was--we are
long past the time where we thought a constitutional change
would be an act of consideration. From your conversations, it
looks like we do not have a path forward yet on the
constitutional changes that are going to be necessary.
We have not even talked about the Republika Srpska and its
desire for independence, which is also undermining the future
of governance in that region. Senator Romney. Oh, Senator
Romney left. Senator Ricketts.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you very much. One of the things
that we know that the CCP is trying to do is replace the United
States and our system around the world. They have been trying
to extend their influence. Serbia is--and the Balkans are no
different with regard to growing their influence there.
Billions of dollars of Chinese investment have been flooded
into Serbia in recent years in funding mines and factories
across the country, infrastructure, roads, bridges, new
facilities. The Serbian Government has also purchased drones
and missile defense system from China and brought thousands of
Huawei surveillance systems with facial recognition
capabilities. It is also growing in other ways. Serbian
universities have in cooperation agreements with their Chinese
counterparts to create two state-run Confucius institutes.
University of Nebraska, a couple of years ago, shut down
our Confucius institute, and we have seen those being used for
spying operations here in our country. The Serbian Government
also reached an agreement for direct flights to China.
China is opening a Chinese cultural center in Belgrade at
the site of the former embassy that was actually bombed by NATO
in the air campaign in 1989. We can see just a growing list of
places where the CCP is trying to extend its influence in
Serbia. Secretary Escobar, how does the CCP's increasing
influence with Serbia and the Balkans hurt U.S. efforts for
Serbia to pivot toward the West?
Mr. Escobar. Thank you very much for that question. I would
say that the threat of malign Chinese influence exists
throughout the region, not just in Serbia, but within Serbia,
it is very concerning.
We have cautioned Serbia about additional weapons purchases
from China. We have made it very clear that we believe that a
lot of the investments that have been made by China in Serbia
have been less than successful, and not just in Serbia, but
around the region.
We have encouraged them to look at alternatives, and many
of those alternatives are American and they are really good
alternatives. We are starting to see a greater penetration of
American companies in Serbia to displace that. Again, one of
the challenges is that China offers easy, available financing
for a lot of these projects.
Some of these projects are a big bite for small countries.
That seemingly attractive package is the toehold that gets
Chinese companies in there. Along with the companies comes
political influence.
We need to be more aggressive in promoting American
business throughout the region, particularly in energy and
infrastructure. We will continue to press all of the countries
of the region to align closer with European requirements, with
investment screening mechanisms, and to enter into any
agreements with China with their eyes wide open, because it has
not been a successful process in the Balkans.
Senator Ricketts. Is there anything this committee can be
doing, or the Senate could be doing to help facilitate that, or
there are other steps that we ought to be taking to combat the
CCP's influence in Serbia?
Mr. Escobar. Well, I think partially the support for DFC,
the support for additional private sector engagement, and just
direct engagement by this committee and by others in the Senate
with the leaders of these countries would be very helpful.
Senator Ricketts. Okay. Let us switch real quickly. I have
only got about a minute and a half here. Let us switch back
to--or switch over to Montenegro. Obviously, Vladimir Putin has
been working to extend Russian influence there.
Maybe you could just talk a little about what is your
initial take on President Milatovic--did I get that probably?
Mr. Chollet. Milatovic.
Senator Ricketts. Thank you very much. Just kind of, what
do you believe we need to do to push Montenegro more toward the
EU and away from Russia?
Mr. Chollet. Well, I think, again, Montenegro is a great
ally of NATO or an EU aspirant. Milatovic won a decisive
victory. His new party or new movement, ``Europe Now!,'' is
very vibrant.
They have parliamentary elections coming up in June that
will select a new government. They have maintained sanctions on
Russia since 2014, since Russia's initial invasion in Ukraine.
Milatovic, the new President has committed to continue to do
that and to keep pace with other EU sanctions.
They are actually hosting a NATO exercise as we speak. They
are a good partner. We see this new President and the new
movement that he is leading, it is representing generational
change in Montenegro.
We think it is very positive. It is important for us to
stay engaged and show up, and that is why Mr. Escobar is going
to be on an airplane tomorrow to fly out----
Mr. Escobar. Today.
Mr. Chollet. Sorry, tonight to fly out to the inauguration
of the new president.
Senator Ricketts. Great. Thanks very much.
Senator Cardin. Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you both for being here and
for all your efforts in the Western Balkans. I want to, DAS
Escobar, you pointed out that we have a number of young leaders
from Bosnia-Herzegovina here, and I just want to recognize the
Bosnian youth caucus who are here.
We are delighted to have you visiting with us and
appreciate your commitment to your country. When I was in
Bosnia-Herzegovina last year, one of the concerns that I heard
was about the reauthorization of the EUFOR-Althea Mandate,
which happened without incident at the UN, but I wanted to get
your assessment of whether we think that is going to get
renewed again this year.
Also, there was concern about the force level of troops who
were there as part of that EUFOR Mandate. I know they have
increased the numbers from 600 to 1,100, but is our assessment
that that--given the inflammatory rhetoric and what is
happening in the Republic of Srpska, is it our assessment that
that number is adequate, or do we need to encourage additional
troops?
Mr. Chollet. Thank you for the question, Senator Shaheen.
Thank you for your engagement on these issues. You are right,
we were able to get the EUFOR mandate renewed last year.
We believe that we are going to be able to do that again
with relative ease. We still have a few months to go, so I do
not want to get too ahead of things, but we will work hard on
that.
We do believe they have sufficient force now, but it is
something that we pay very, very close attention to, to fulfill
their mission, to maintain a safe and secure environment in
Bosnia. This is something we are in constant conversation with
our EU colleagues, as well as our military colleagues about the
composition and the force structure of EUFOR.
Senator Shaheen. DAS Escobar, you mentioned just now that
one of the answers is to encourage BIH into faster integration
with the rest of Europe.
How do we do that? Because that obviously requires reforms
in the country. It requires the people of the country to
embrace that. I know they want to do that, but their leaders so
far have not been willing to support those kinds of reforms.
Mr. Escobar. Well, I would say that the leaders who do not
support are doing it for their own narrow, corrupt interests.
Senator Shaheen. I do not disagree with that, but how do
we--how do we move the needle there?
Mr. Escobar. The first part is we have been very robust in
the use of sanctions against people who are blocking the
European path, but at the same time, we need to empower those
leaders who want to move the country forward in its Euro-
Atlantic path.
We can do that with our assistance programs, with our
capacity building. Then finally, what we need to do is we need
to start recognizing the new generation as the people who are
going to hold the mantle and move Bosnia-Herzegovina far faster
and far further than the three ethno-nationalist leaders have
in the past 20 years.
Senator Shaheen. You mentioned the sanctions. I introduced
legislation yesterday with Senator Wicker and a number of other
sponsors that would codify the two executive orders relative to
sanctions in the Western Balkans.
Can you talk a little bit more about what that allows us to
do and whether there is anything we can do in the Senate to
help move faster on getting some sanctions in place on those
who would disrupt what is happening in the region?
Mr. Chollet. Well, thanks, Senator. Again, I applaud the
reintroduction of that legislation. We would hope that the
Congress would be able to act on it because it will give us new
abilities to go after corruption, to go after malign influence.
We have used the new executive order, and if this
legislation is passed, we will use the authorities given to us
through that legislation to go after those who benefit from
corruption. We are constantly looking at targets, working with
our allies and partners, and coordinating also our sanctions
efforts.
This is something that we feel is an important tool. It is
not the only tool we have to fight corruption. Our new anti-
corruption envoy, Richard Nephew, was recently in Bosnia
meeting with all sorts of government and non-government folks,
to think about projects that his new office can work on to
fight corruption, but sanctions are going to be a critical
tool.
Senator Shaheen. I would like other members of the
subcommittee--I applaud the efforts to get the interim
agreement with Kosovo and Serbia, but having engaged with both
of those leaders, I have been very disappointed that they do
not seem to recognize the opportunity that that agreement gives
them to move their countries on a different path. What more can
we do to say to them, this is an opportunity that may not come
around again for decades?
Mr. Chollet. Well, I think they just need to continue to
hear that message in surround sound from us. I just spoke
yesterday again with President Vucic and Prime Minister Kurti,
making the case to both of them for their own reasons, and
their own interests, that they should come together and move
forward with the implementation of the normalization agreement.
The EU has held out a pretty significant carrot here and I
think we should acknowledge the EU's rejuvenated work on this
in recent months. They have been incredibly engaged on this,
and we have worked in lockstep with them. We just need to
continue to make the case. I think hearing from members of the
Congress on this is very important as well, so they know it is
not just us who care, and you do that.
There is no magic bullet here. As I said, it is going to
require political courage. It is a risk for both of these
leaders to move forward. We just are trying to give them that
courage and help them manage that risk.
Senator Shaheen. Well, you make an important point, and we
saw that in North Macedonia and their decision with Greece. I
appreciate that sometimes the future of the country is more
important than the individual futures of individual leaders.
Thank you.
The Chairman [presiding]. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you to the
witnesses. I want to talk about an issue that is related to my
work as chairman of the subcommittee on the Americas, and that
is in my travels in the Americas, I have been surprised to hear
again and again about very intense engagement by Albanian gangs
in narcotrafficking, including in the Americas.
These are Balkan gangs generally, but with a particular
focus on Albania. Can you talk about U.S. law enforcement
cooperation across the Balkans, particularly with Albania, on
this drug trafficking issue?
Mr. Escobar. Well, I agree it is a serious issue. It is not
limited to Albania. I would say that all the countries of the
region suffer from corruption, weak rule of law, and that
facilitates a lot of this illicit activity. I have to say that
we have very good cooperation with all of them. Part of it is a
capacity issue.
We have worked with them to strengthen their ability to
share information across borders to deal with complex crimes,
to use new virtual and internet tools to be able to enhance
their investigations. In Albania, in particular, we are very
pleased to see the formation of an independent anti-corruption
body that has already scored several successes.
We are also working with our European partners to
strengthen that capacity and the intelligence sharing, and also
to create opportunities for extraditions and witness sharing
information. We will continue to move that, but it is a
difficult challenge as it is not just in the Balkans, but
throughout the developing world as well.
Senator Kaine. Let me dig a little bit further with one
opportunity that has already been mentioned, this open Balkan
regional initiative announced by Albania, North Macedonia, and
Serbia. The initiative is to lift barriers to movement and
commerce. Given the prevalence of organized crime throughout
the region, are there opportunities in that framework to
promote more regional law enforcement cooperation?
Mr. Escobar. There is. Absolutely. We support every effort
to bring the countries closer together, as long as it is in
line with European standards and as long as it is open to all
of them as equal members.
We support the open Balkan. We support the common regional
market, and the Berlin Process. All of those will have
mechanisms to prevent a free trade zone from becoming a free
smuggling zone. We will continue to watch it very carefully.
Senator Kaine. Then talk about our EU allies as these
nations talk about EU accession, closer and closer relations in
the EU. Are our allies in the EU also promoting law enforcement
improvement, capacity building to try to deal with the
corruption and drug gang problems?
Mr. Escobar. Well, I would say that that is their main
concern. They are very much focused on chapters 23 and 24 of
the accession process, which is strengthening the rule of law
in law enforcement, and cutting down on not just state
corruption, but violent crime. They are very focused, and they
are very engaged, and they are by far the largest contributors
to this process.
Senator Kaine. Counselor Chollet, you want to add anything
to this?
Mr. Chollet. Just to underscore what Mr. Escobar said. I
mean, the EU accession process is not an easy one. It is not
one that goes quickly. They are quite rigorous in how they are
putting every country through their paces here, but just on the
open Balkans, I think it is important to step back.
I mean, what we are trying to achieve here, what we are
trying to help achieve, is to create an open market, a common
market, so they can trade and interact with one another more
effectively, so they can then plug into a much bigger common
market, which is Europe. There are so many practical benefits,
for example, with open Balkans.
I was told recently that trucks spend 80 percent of their
time waiting in line to get across borders. Just think of the
opportunity that can come if they can regularize their
interactions in some way, which initiatives like the Open
Balkans would help them do.
Senator Kaine. Right. Thank you. I yield back, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine. Let me ask you a
few other questions. I understand some members are coming, so I
am going to filibuster. I hope your--I hope their personal
representatives will tell them that I am filibustering for
them.
North Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, and Bosnia-
Herzegovina's EU accession process are in different places.
Tell me, what are we doing to provide them with concrete
incentives which will promote the difficult reforms needed for
EU entry, and to compete with the model that China and Russia
are offering?
How can we best, Congress, best work with you to ensure
their progress towards EU accession continues? I heard
something about DFC, supporting that. Private sector
investment. I do not know what we have in terms of using the
Commerce Department or others to engage in the region. Can you
give us any insights into that?
Mr. Escobar. Well, first of all, the incentives are built
into the accession process. As they move forward, they get
infrastructure support, they get capacity building support, and
in some cases even budgetary support. What we have done is we
have geared a substantial portion of our assistance to align
with European goals so that we are providing capacity building,
once they make the reforms.
We are helping them draft legislation and we are helping
train civil servants on how to incorporate their own systems
into the European process. That support that this Senate has
given in terms of assistance has been invaluable to the
process. In terms of attracting private sector, we have a very
good partner in the Department of Commerce.
They have recently done a trade mission to the region,
which opened the eyes of a lot of American companies about the
vast opportunities that exist in the Western Balkans. All of
that is crucial to underlining--and I have to say the vast
majority of the region sees European integration as their
highest aspiration.
They would much rather be in the European Union and be part
of that common market than to deal with China. We just need to
strengthen and support that aspiration that the young
generation of the region already has.
The Chairman. Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank
you for convening this hearing. Very conveniently timed for me
personally, because this weekend I will be heading to the
region, to most of the countries that we are discussing today
and looking forward to building on these efforts that we have
been discussing today to promote stability in the region. I
share the chairman's concerns about Serbia's pensions to make
commitments that often are not made good on.
I also share your sentiment, Mr. Chollet, that so far we
have not seen a lot of progress on either side, from Serbia or
from Kosovo in the commitments made in this most recent
agreement. I just wanted to dig into this question of the
Association of Serb Municipalities a bit more, and sort of have
two specific questions.
One, this has never seemed to me an outrageous ask, in part
because I agree with you, Mr. Escobar. This ultimately solves a
lot of problems for Kosovo. It has, I understand, corollaries
in Europe.
There are other instances where there are parts, regions of
countries that have a certain amount of devolved power, and it
is not inevitable that this becomes a Republic Srpska. Maybe
talk a little bit about how this looks familiar, and why this
does not automatically turn into what has happened inside
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Mr. Chollet. Sure. Thanks, Senator Murphy, and thanks in
advance for taking the trip next week, which I think it comes
at a very, very important moment in this dialog. First, just to
step back on the ASM, as Mr. Escobar has said, this is an
international commitment. It was enshrined in the 2013 Brussels
agreement, so it is about 10 years now.
In our view, it comports with the Kosovo constitution and
constitutional court decisions. The bottom line here is we want
all citizens of Kosovo to be able to receive equal services and
have their voices heard. The idea is for the Serbs in the North
of Kosovo to be less reliant on Belgrade.
It is focused on education and health care and economic,
local economic development, things like that. We have been
very, very clear that we will not accept, and nor we support,
anything that remotely resembles a Republika Srpska.
As you noted, the European Union has cited more than a
dozen examples within the EU of ASM-like structures, in
Northern Italy, in Switzerland, in Finland, where they have
these minority populations, where they have some degree of
local control over parts of their lives.
Mr. Escobar and I co-wrote an Op-Ed for Kosovo, in Kosovo
papers earlier this year, laying out in our mind what the ASM
is and what it is not, and that argument that we made has been
embraced by the leadership of Kosovo.
They are saying, they are using that as they are forming
their own thinking about what an ASM might look like. What we
would like to see is their view of what an ASM might look like
and how that could be acceptable.
Senator Murphy. Let me just turn to North Macedonia for a
moment. With respect to the question of the ASM, we are not
asking Kosovo to change their constitution, but let us be
clear, in other circumstances in the region, there are changes
in constitutions necessary to preserve peace.
One of those instances is in North Macedonia, where an
agreement has been reached to try to bring North Macedonia into
transatlantic institutions and into the European Union. That
would require them to change their constitution to recognize
the rights of minority groups inside the country.
Tell me a little bit about what the tangible benefits are
that North Macedonia would receive by joining the EU. Why is it
really important for them to move forward to sort of settle
their differences with Bulgaria in order to be able to get into
the European Union?
Mr. Chollet. Well, North Macedonia--and again, I am glad
you are going to be able to stop there next week. We hosted
here the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of North Macedonia
just a few weeks ago. I know that they were able to meet with
many of you. They are a terrific partner, they are a NATO ally.
They are a regional leader. Mr. Escobar has participated in
EU-led talks in Ohrid, which is a city in North Macedonia, on
Kosovo and Serbia. It is self-evident for a small country like
North Macedonia, with so much to offer, the benefits that would
be derived from them joining the European Union.
Now they have got to make some tough decisions in terms of
constitutional changes, which they are being asked to make.
They are willing to make those changes, but the politics are
tough.
What they need to hear from all of us is our support for
them making these changes, which would seem minor, but are
politically quite difficult. That will help unlock the next
phase of their EU accession process.
Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank both of you for your testimony. Like others, I am sort of
bouncing between hearings here, so I apologize if we have
covered some of this territory.
I do want to drill down a little bit with respect to
Bosnia, because as may have been mentioned earlier, we had a
meeting here, and it was a historic meeting. In fact, we had
the three Presidents who were here in Washington a number of
months ago. In response to questions, all three of them
indicated that they would like Bosnia to become a part of the
EU.
The point was also made--the EU has taken the position that
there would need to be reforms to the constitution, because of
the way the constitution identifies people much more based on
ethnicity than as individuals--than, as you know, members of
the state with equal rights.
That obviously has become problematic, I think, especially
among the Serbian group and the Serbian President. How do we
deal with this? Because, number one, first of all, it is the
fact, is not it, that the EU has taken that position? That is
just a factual question, yes or no?
Mr. Escobar. Well, I would say that our aspiration is for
Bosnia-Herzegovina to enter the European Union as a
multiethnic, peaceful state. We do support all of the
principles of democracy.
The interesting thing about it, though, is that there are
still some elements of Dayton and still some elements of the
country that are still based on the principle of three
constituent peoples and others.
It is there where I think that much of the attention has
been focused. The required changes that the European Union is
asking them to do are changes that would bring them closer to
that ideal of being a more democratic, more civic state.
It is those constitutional reforms that are needed for them
to get closer to the European Union. As they do, they are going
to become closer--they are going to move closer to a European
model.
Senator Van Hollen. Right. Let me ask you this, and you
alluded to it. My understanding is that those constitutional
provisions were embedded through the Dayton Accords.
Mr. Escobar. That is right, yes.
Senator Van Hollen. I saw Secretary Blinken's letter, I
think, a couple years ago, whereas I try to read it carefully,
it says we support some constitutional reforms. We do not want
to overhaul Dayton, but do we recognize the fact that some
changes, amendments to Dayton need to be made in order to make
the constitutional changes that would allow Bosnia to become
part of the EU?
Mr. Escobar. Yes.
Senator Van Hollen. We do?
Mr. Escobar. We do.
Senator Van Hollen. Okay.
Mr. Escobar. In line with Venice Commission proposals, in
line with European commitments, and in line with a vision of
Bosnia-Herzegovina remaining a multiethnic, democratic country
on an EU path.
Senator Van Hollen. Where do we stand now, as the country
that helped more than any other to negotiate the Dayton
Accords? Where are we today in terms of making the very narrow
and targeted changes that would be necessary in order to have
it flow through to--the constitutional changes that need to be
made in order for Bosnia to become part of the EU?
Mr. Escobar. Well, that is a constant conversation we have
with the leadership of the country. Now, I think that with a
new federation government, the first time in many years, and
the quickest formation of a state level government, we do have
the basis to start the discussions on what that would look
like. Now, the constitutional changes, however, have to be
embraced by the leadership of the country.
We are encouraging them to engage in internal discussions
on how they would implement those guidelines and those
recommendations from the Venice Commission and the European
Union.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate it. Have any of the
parties said that they will under no circumstances make any
changes to the constitution?
Mr. Escobar. Well, they have all claimed to be supportive
of Dayton, but they have their own interpretations of Dayton,
unfortunately. I would say that the path to constitutional
reform is going to be a rocky one.
Senator Van Hollen. Essential if they are going to become
part of the EU----
Mr. Escobar. Essential.
Senator Van Hollen. All right. Well, this is--I am just
hoping we are working, especially with the Serbs, who I
understand have concerns, but the answer from the President of
the--of Serbia area was that she also supported the entry into
the European Union. I know you are working this through, but I
want to continue to support your efforts and let me know what
we can do. Thank you.
Mr. Escobar. Thank you, Senator.
The Chairman. Thank you. I have some final set of questions
here. I am deeply concerned about reinforcing ethno-nationalism
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and I fear that the Office of the
High Representative's recent electoral reform may have done
just that.
I would like to see the United States work with Bosnia to
implement some of the European Court of Human Rights rulings
for the last two decades, including those requiring inclusion
of non-constituent groups. What are we doing to defuse ethno-
nationalism and support a pluralistic democracy in Bosnia?
Either one of you may answer.
Mr. Escobar. Okay. Well, as I mentioned, one of the things
is that we want the new governments to start an internal
discussion about how they would implement guidelines provided
by the Venice Commission and the European Union.
Also, to start the discussion about how they would modify
their electoral system to be able to make it more
representative, as well. A lot of the obstruction is the result
of corruption.
I have to say that overwhelmingly when people leave the
country, they do not leave because they do not want to live in
a multi-ethnic state. They leave because they cannot find jobs
without corrupt connections.
Part of the process will involve holding both corrupt and
obstructionist leaders to account for their failure to make the
reforms that the European Union says are absolutely critical.
The Chairman. Well, I think this is why Senator Cardin's
legislation on the global corruption issues is so critically
important, if we are to have a tool that actually engages in
this. Let me ask you finally, Serbia is also an EU candidate,
but from my perspective, it has not demonstrated a serious
desire to join the EU recently.
Nearly half of its population is against EU entry, favoring
closer relations with China and Russia, and it continues to
refuse to join sanctions against Russia for the invasion of
Ukraine. What, in your mind, can be done to change Serbia's
drift towards Russia and China? Particularly what sticks and
carrots are we contemplating?
Mr. Chollet. Sure. Thank you, Senator. We have been engaged
for the last several years in an effort to reduce Russian and
PRC influence in Serbia and to get Serbia closer to the West,
closer to Europe, closer to the United States.
There is a lot of challenges they face, whether it is the
reliance on Russian energy, the challenges of the rule of law,
and, of course, their differences with Kosovo. As long as those
challenges remain, it is just an opportunity for Russia and the
PRC. I mean, our argument is that normalization is going to be
good for business.
Now, businesses are not going to be able to thrive fully as
long as we have such a huge corruption problem there, but
nevertheless, I think it is in our strategic interest, as we
said, to move Serbia closer to us.
It is about roughly half the GDP of the entire region.
Although the accession talks have been underway for now nearly
a decade, they have not made a tremendous amount of progress.
Serbia, despite the fact that it has not joined with
sanctions, and we have made very clear to them that if they do
not align themselves with the EU sanctions, it is hard to see
how the integration process is going to move much further, they
have been aligned with us in terms of criticizing and
condemning Russia and its invasion of Ukraine through UN votes.
They have condemned the annexation of Crimea. They have
helped on refugees. They have helped Ukraine with critical
infrastructure. They have helped on humanitarian assistance,
but they still do need to align on sanctions.
The Chairman. Well, when we talk about regional economic
issues, I am concerned that Serbia continues to push a regional
economic format known as the Open Balkan Initiative. I am
totally for regional economic integration, but I am concerned
that a format, with Serbia as a dominant economy, is going to,
one, marginalize Kosovo.
Unless Serbia aligns itself with EU-led sanctions, it is
going to exacerbate Russia's sanctions evasion via the Western
Balkans. Are you seeing significant Russian sanction invasions
happening via the Western Balkans? Would further enlargement of
an Open Balkan exacerbate this issue?
Mr. Escobar. Well, I will start by saying that the European
Union, in its own report, has said that they see no significant
sanctions evasion in Serbia, or the region as a whole. That is
important.
The Chairman. What is our own assessment, though?
Mr. Escobar. Our assessment is very close to that. It is
not the place that the Russians are doing trade substitution.
It is other parts of the world. I would say that the Open
Balkan is just one of many economic integration opportunities.
What we are seeing right now is we are seeing a domestic
homegrown effort not just by Serbia, but by Albania and North
Macedonia, to try to move the integration faster than the
European Union has been able to achieve.
Now, our position on the open Balkan is it should be
complementary, not competitive with all the other initiatives
that are bringing it closer to Europe. Additionally, our
conditions for supporting the open Balkan as part of the other
initiatives is that it would be open to all of them, equally,
as full members, and it would require Serbia to accept Kosovo
as a full member. Unfortunately, a lot of the other
initiatives, including European initiatives, caveat Kosovo's
participation.
For us, this is an opportunity to create an even further
integration of Kosovo into the region, should this initiative
move forward. Otherwise, we will not support it.
The Chairman. I am glad to hear that. Lastly, and then I do
not know if Senator Risch has any additional questions.
This is a little off, but I--since I have the counselor
here. I understand that free and fair elections, including
independent judiciaries, are critical elements of a democracy.
I am concerned about Albanian police arresting a Greek
national, Dionysis-Fredi Beleri, 2 days before the election--2
days before the election.
While we see how the evidence emerges, the Greek Government
had made clear this is going to have a negative implication for
Albania's EU aspirations. What are we doing to ensure that
Albanian authorities are upholding the rule of law? What is the
path forward here?
Mr. Chollet. Thanks, Senator. I can start, and we heard
yesterday from the Greek Ambassador, both of us did, and Mr.
Escobar had a chance to connect with her. It is something I was
just made aware of yesterday, and we have communicated back to
our Embassy in Tehran as well to ensure that we are following-
up and fully understanding what happened here.
The Chairman. Yes. Well, I have been advocating with the
Hellenic Republic for Kosovo and others, but this exacerbates.
In my mind, I always question when something happens 2 days
before an election. Senator Risch, do you have any--?
Senator Risch. No, that is okay. Thank you.
The Chairman. All right. Well, with the thanks of the
committee for your testimony, this record of the hearing will
remain open until the close of business on Friday, May 19. We
appreciate your insights. This hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:03 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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