[Senate Hearing 118-]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]



 
       DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE APPROPRIATIONS FOR FISCAL YEAR 2024

                              ----------                              


                         THURSDAY, MAY 11, 2023

                                       U.S. Senate,
           Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The subcommittee met at 9 a.m. in room SD-124, Dirksen 
Senate Office Building, Hon. Jon Tester (chairman) presiding.
    Present: Senators Tester, Durbin, Murray, Reed, Schatz, 
Shaheen, Murphy, Collins, Murkowski, Graham, Moran, and 
Boozman.


                         DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

                   Office of the Secretary of Defense

STATEMENT OF HON. LLOYD J. AUSTIN III, SECRETARY
ACCOMPANIED BY HON. MICHAEL J. McCORD, UNDER SECRETARY OF DEFENSE 
            (COMPTROLLER)/CHIEF FINANCIAL OFFICER


                opening statement of senator jon tester


    Senator Tester. I want to call this hearing to order.
    Good morning. I want to begin by welcoming our witnesses, 
Secretary Austin and General Milley. We appreciate your 
willingness to be in front of this committee this morning.
    General Milley, this will be your last appearance before 
this subcommittee. I want to go off script here a little bit. 
You are the ultimate professional. You are somebody that has 
been very good for me and, I think I can say this for the whole 
committee, to work for with. You're a straight shooter and 
you've done a hell of a good job and I appreciate that and I 
just hope that the Senate will be able to find some common 
sense to be able to confirm your successor so that the 
department isn't forced to rely on an interim placeholder for 
your position because it's simply too important for that.
    This is an unprecedented indefinite hold on military 
promotions that has frozen over 60 nominations and can affect 
as many as 650 by the end of the year.
    I will tell you the people on this committee know what the 
threats are in this world, we need to be able to assist the 
military in being successful and this is not assisting the 
military to be successful. It is plain dangerous.
    We are meeting today to discuss an $842 billion budget 
request for next fiscal year. A few months ago, we passed the 
overdue budget for this fiscal year of $816 billion, which 
provided a $74 billion increase over fiscal year 2022.
    I bring up fiscal year 2022 because there are some who 
advocate for keeping all government spending at fiscal year 
2022 levels.
    In light of China's continued military aggression, that 
sounds plain irresponsible to me, but a majority in the other 
chamber proposes that.
    It is my hope that today you can detail for us what such a 
drastic funding reduction would mean to our national defense.
    Of course, all bets are off if we don't reach a bipartisan 
agreement on the debt soon. We have yet to deal with the debt 
in a responsible and a common sense way. I am hopeful that 
bipartisan talks can get going in earnest and that cooler heads 
will prevail before we come to a default.
    The challenges we face are numerous. We need to solve the 
debt. We need to agree upon a top line for government spending. 
We need to agree on a top line for defense. We need to get 
qualified people into their jobs.
    The risk of a government default is real. The risk of a 
government shutdown is real. The risk of a long-term CR 
(Continuing Resolution) is real, none which are good, by the 
way, and while we're busy fighting amongst ourselves, the 
Chinese continue their military buildup and aggressive 
behavior. The Russians continue their unjust war against 
Ukraine. Iran is continuing its malign influence in the Middle 
East and violent terrorist organizations plot to do us harm.
    We have to get the budget done so that the men and women in 
uniform supported by the tireless civilians at the Department 
of Defense can go about their business of keeping us safe.
    I support the ongoing efforts of Senators Murray and 
Collins who will work with anybody to get the job done. We will 
get to the specifics of your budget request here shortly, but 
my main question is are our troops getting what they need when 
they need it? Are we keeping up with our military 
modernization? Is industry spending taxpayer dollars wisely and 
delivering as promised because the truth is we can't afford to 
waste time and we can't afford to waste money.
    Once again, I want to thank the witnesses for their 
testimony today. Before you make your opening remarks, I would 
turn it over to Senator Collins for her statement.


                 statement of senator susan m. collins


    Senator Collins. Thank you very much, Chairman Tester, for 
holding this hearing on the fiscal year 2024 budget request for 
the Department of Defense.
    General Milley, let me echo the Chairman's thanks and 
praise of you as you approach your retirement. Thank you for 
your more than 40 years of service to our country.
    I am, however, not as confident as the Chairman that this 
is your last appearance before our subcommittee. So don't take 
any hope in that statement.
    The Administration's 2022 National Defense Strategy rightly 
captures the importance of deterring China. I strongly support 
that objective and know that you both, the Secretary and 
General Milley, have worked hard to develop a strategy-driven 
request within the top line that you were provided.
    I also agree with Chairman Milley's written testimony that 
completing appropriations bills on time is a necessary 
condition to credibly deter China.
    I would, however, suggest that it is not a sufficient 
condition and that the President's budget is inadequate to 
achieve this goal.
    No matter how talented, innovative, and hard working our 
Armed Forces are, no matter how good their leadership, the 
military must also have a sufficient budget top line, and I 
have serious doubts that the Administration's budget request 
provides all of the resources necessary to deter an aggressive 
China and to deal with other global threats.
    For example, the budget request would result in a smaller 
Navy, a fleet of 291 ships. This is five ships fewer than 
today's fleet of 296 ships and further from the Chief of Naval 
Operations' requirement which is informed by the INDOPACOM 
(Indo-Pacific Command) scenarios.
    Moreover, China has the largest Navy in the world and is 
growing to 400 ships in the next 2 years. The story is very 
similar for the Air Force.
    In the absence of a higher defense budget, this committee 
will have to fill in the gaps to deter China and to maintain 
readiness.
    Let me highlight a few examples of what from my perspective 
is missing from the budget request. $3.5 billion in INDOPACOM 
unfunded priorities, $266 million to fund NORTHCOM (Northern 
Command) unfunded priorities to detect airborne targets, such 
as Chinese spy balloons, funding to replenish $1 billion in 
presidential drawdown authority for Taiwan that Congress 
authorized last year.
    The costs to fully implement what the Administration's own 
zero trust architecture policy to protect against insider cyber 
threats, the costs for the deployment of 1,500 Active Duty 
troops sent to the Southwest borders just this week, security 
assistance for Ukraine beyond September, and $1.6 billion in 
under-budget fuel costs according to the Government 
Accountability Office analysis. That figure is 20 percent more 
than the budget request.
    I recognize that fuel cost assumptions are driven by the 
White House, but last years' experience is instructive. If 
Congress had funded the department at the level that was 
requested last year by the Administration, our troops housing, 
food, healthcare, fuel, and readiness would be facing an $8 
billion inflation hole. That hole does not exist today because 
Congress insisted upon a higher and more realistic funding.
    One final point on Ukraine about which I share the 
Chairman's commitment. It is critical that the Administration 
provide Ukraine with what it needs in time to defend and take 
back its sovereign territory. We expect the Administration not 
to wait until the 11th hour if the Ukrainians need more before 
the end of the fiscal year.
    There are many issues for us to discuss today. Again, I 
thank all three of your witnesses for their extraordinary 
service and I look forward to discussing these issues with 
them.
    Senator Tester. Thank you, Senator Collins, for your 
statement.
    Secretary Austin, you have the floor.


             summary statement of hon. lloyd j. austin iii


    Secretary Austin. Thank you, sir.
    Chairman Tester, Vice Chair Collins, and Distinguished 
Members of the Committee, I'm glad to be here with you to 
testify in support of the President's budget request for fiscal 
year 2024.
    I'm joined as always by General Milley, and I remain 
grateful for his leadership and I'm also glad to be joined by 
the department's Comptroller and CFO (Chief Financial Officer) 
Mike McCord.
    This is a strategy-driven budget and one driven by the 
seriousness of our strategic competition with the People's 
Republic of China.
    At $842 billion, it is 3.2 percent increase over fiscal 
year 2023-enacted and it is 13.4 percent higher than fiscal 
year 2022-enacted, and this budget will help us continue to 
implement our National Defense Strategy and the President's 
National Security Strategy.
    Now I have three key priorities at the Pentagon: to defend 
our Nation, to take care of our outstanding people, and to 
succeed through teamwork.
    The PRC (People's Republic of China) is our pacing 
challenge and we're driving hard to meet it. Our budget builds 
on our previous investments to deter aggression and we're 
investing in a more resilient force posture in the Indo-Pacific 
and increasing the scale and scope of our exercises with our 
partners.
    This budget includes a 40 percent increase over last year's 
request for the Pacific Deterrence Initiative and it's an all-
time high of $9.1 billion. That will fund a stronger force 
posture, better defenses for Hawaii and Guam, and deeper 
cooperation with our allies and partners.
    I look forward to being back next week before the full 
Senate Appropriations Committee to go into more depth on how 
we're working with our interagency partners to continue to 
outpace the PRC.
    Now this budget also makes the department's largest-ever 
investments in both R&D (Research & Development) and 
procurement. We're requesting more than $61 billion to sustain 
air dominance. That includes funding for fighters and 
extraordinary B-21 Strategic Bomber that I helped unveil last 
December.
    We're also seeking more than $48 billion for sea power, 
including new construction of nine battle force ships, and 
we're boosting capacity at America's shipyards to build the 
ships that our strategy demands.
    We're investing a total of $1.2 billion in the submarine 
industrial base and we're buying two Virginia Class attack 
submarines and one Columbia Class ballistic missile submarine.
    On land, we're investing in air and missile defense and 
defenses to counter unmanned aerial vehicles. We're also 
requesting $11 billion to deliver the right mix of long-range 
fires, including major investments in hypersonics. We'll also 
continue to modernize all three legs of our Nuclear Triad and 
bolster our strategic deterrence, and we put forward the 
largest space budget in Pentagon history. We've requested $33.3 
billion to improve our capabilities and our resilience in 
space.
    Now let me again thank Congress for providing the 
department with multiyear procurement authorities and 
appropriations for critical munitions.
    In this budget, we're requesting more multiyear procurement 
authorities and we're asking for more than $30 billion to 
further invest in the industrial base and to buy the maximum 
number of munitions that American industry can produce.
    This budget also moves us away from aging capabilities that 
aren't relevant to future conflicts so we can focus on the 
advances that our warfighters will need.
    Now our National Defense Strategy calls out Putin's highly-
aggressive Russia as an acute threat and under President 
Biden's leadership, the United States has rallied the world to 
help Ukraine fight Russia's indefensible invasion.
    We reinforced NATO's (North Atlantic Treaty Organization's) 
defense and deterrence on Eastern Flank and our allies and 
partners have provided crucial security assistance, coordinated 
through the Ukraine Defense Contact Group that I lead.
    We will support Ukraine's defense for as long as it takes 
and meanwhile the department remains vigilant against other 
persistent threats, including North Korea and Iran, and we will 
take all necessary measures to defend our troops and our 
interests overseas as seen from our air strikes in March 
against facilities linked to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary 
Guards Corps.
    We're also investing in over-the-horizon counter-terrorism 
capabilities. Now I know that you have been following the 
reports of unauthorized disclosure of sensitive and classified 
U.S. material.
    I take this issue very seriously and I've ordered a 
comprehensive review of the department's security programs, 
policies, and procedures for safeguarding classified 
information. I've also discussed this issue with our allies and 
partners around the world. I've been struck by their solidarity 
and their commitment to reject efforts to divide us and we will 
not let anything fracture our unity.
    Our Joint Force stands ready to meet any challenge. You 
could see the force's readiness after Russia's unprovoked 
invasion of Ukraine when we swiftly deployed elements of the 
3rd Infantry Division to Poland to show up on NATO's Eastern 
Flank.
    We closely monitor radios at the unit level and maintain 
response forces at our highest states of readiness while the 
rest of the force by design is preparing for future 
contingencies.
    So this budget will help us maintain our readiness with a 
$146 billion in funding for operations, training, and 
maintenance. This budget also invests in improving our 
readiness and resilience in the face of climate change and 
other 21st Century threats, and we are going to remain the 
strongest military in the world.
    As we mark the 50th Anniversary of our all-volunteer force, 
I am enormously proud of the brave men and women who choose to 
wear the cloth of our Nation. We owe it to them and to their 
families to take the best possible care of our people and over 
the past 2 years we've made moves easier. We've cut commissary 
prices. We've made childcare more affordable, and this budget 
funds other key steps to increase the quality of life of our 
teammates, including the largest military and civilian pay 
raises in decades.
    Now we're also pushing hard to eliminate suicide in our 
ranks, including immediate steps to hire more mental health 
professionals and improve access to mental healthcare.
    Meanwhile, we're working toward a military that's free of 
sexual assault and we work with Congress to improve the 
response to sexual assault and related crimes under the Uniform 
Code of Military Justice and those reforms will be fully 
implemented by the end of this year.
    And the department is also investing in a specialized 
workforce to combat sexual assault, harassment, suicide, and 
more.
    Now the department's third priority is succeeding through 
teamwork. Our unrivaled network of allies and partners 
magnifies our power and expands our security, and in recent 
months our friends in the Indo-Pacific have taken major steps 
forward.
    The Philippines has agreed to nearly double the number of 
sites where we cooperate together. Japan committed to double 
its defense spending and through the historic office 
partnership, we'll work with our Australian and British allies 
to build game-changing defense advantages that will deter 
aggression and boost our defense industrial capacity.
    In sum, this is the budget that will meet this moment and I 
respectfully ask for your support and the single most effective 
way that this committee can support the department and our 
outstanding troops is with an on-time full year appropriation.
    So I look forward to working with all of you so that we can 
continue to defend our democracy and support the forces of 
freedom in this hour of challenge.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    [The statement follows:]
               Prepared Statement of Lloyd J. Austin III
    Chairman Tester, Ranking Member Collins, distinguished members of 
the committee: thank you for the opportunity to testify in support of 
the President's budget request for Fiscal Year (FY) 2024.
    On behalf of Deputy Secretary Hicks, the leadership of the 
Department of Defense, and our Service members, civilian workforce, and 
their families, let me also thank you for your continued support and 
partnership as we work to defend the United States. I also want to 
thank the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Mark Milley, 
and the Department's Comptroller, Mike McCord, who are both testifying 
with me and are vital partners in realizing the Department's 
priorities.
    The President's $842 billion defense budget request for FY 2024 
provides us with the capabilities and investments to advance our three 
key priorities: defending the nation, taking care of our people, and 
succeeding through teamwork.
    This is a strategy-driven budget that provides the resources to 
continue to implement our 2022 National Defense Strategy (NDS) and the 
President's National Security Strategy. This budget will also enable us 
to strengthen our deterrent and defensive capabilities across domains, 
informed by our 2022 Nuclear Posture Review and our 2022 Missile 
Defense Review.
    As President Biden has said, we are in a ``decisive decade,'' and 
the choices that we make today will set our course for generations to 
come--not just for the United States but for the world. So the 
Department is rising to meet this moment, seizing on opportunities to 
outpace our competitors, strengthen our security, and move our world 
toward a more secure future.
    As our National Defense Strategy makes clear, the People's Republic 
of China (PRC) is the Department's pacing challenge. To meet this 
challenge, the Department is honing new operational concepts, deploying 
cutting-edge capabilities, and making essential investments for the 
long term. This budget request shows it, including requests for the 
Department's largest procurement and R&D budgets ever--$170 billion and 
$145 billion respectively. And our budget request will also help us 
meet the acute threat from Russia, as Russia's unprovoked war of choice 
against Ukraine is now in its second year.
    To maintain our edge, this budget will invest in vital 
technological advancements for the Joint Force, while also reflecting 
the need to eliminate capabilities that no longer best serve our 
national defense. Such decisions can be difficult, but they will enable 
us to invest in the advanced programs that our security demands.
    The Department is also intensely focused on taking care of our 
people, who remain our greatest asset. This budget invests in 
significant quality-of-life improvements, including the largest 
military pay raise in 22 years and the largest civilian pay raise in 43 
years. We remain focused on continuing to recruit, retain, and develop 
the best talent from across the country to serve in both uniformed and 
civilian roles.
    We owe it to our outstanding Service members, civilian employees, 
and their families to provide the support that they need to thrive. We 
also owe them environments that reward excellence, promote teamwork, 
and are free from harassment and abuse. So, we are implementing 
military justice reforms, fighting sexual assault, and redoubling our 
efforts to end suicide in our ranks. These challenges are personal 
priorities for me, and this budget paves the way for even more 
progress.
    We rely on teamwork within our Department and beyond it--including 
with our interagency colleagues, Congress, the defense industrial base, 
and our peerless network of Allies and Partners worldwide. That network 
is a strategic advantage that no competitor can match. From rallying 
the world to support Ukraine's fight for freedom to conducting joint 
exercises in the Indo-Pacific with like-minded countries, our Allies 
and Partners are a huge force multiplier. They magnify our power, 
advance our shared security interests, and help uphold a world that is 
free, open, prosperous, and secure, and this budget will support the 
security partnerships that make America even stronger.
    I have never been more confident in the power of our fighting force 
and the talents of our civilian workforce. The FY 2024 budget request 
will help ensure that we meet America's national security challenges 
and use this decisive decade to defend our democracy and forge a world 
of greater security, prosperity, and liberty. I therefore ask for your 
support of our budget and our mission as Congress writes authorizing 
and appropriations bills in the months ahead.
                          defending the nation
    We are deeply aware of our responsibility to be responsible 
stewards of taxpayer dollars. This budget request has been carefully 
prepared to provide the resources for the objectives laid out in our 
2022 NDS, Nuclear Posture Review, and Missile Defense Review.
    The NDS directs the Department to act urgently to sustain and 
strengthen U.S. deterrence, with the PRC as our pacing challenge. The 
NDS also directs the Department to tackle the acute threat of Russia, 
as well as the persistent threats from Iran, the Democratic People's 
Republic of Korea (DPRK), and global terrorist groups.
    The NDS clearly articulates our priorities: defend the homeland 
from the growing, multi-domain challenge posed by the PRC; deter 
strategic attacks against the United States, our Allies, and our 
Partners; deter aggression, while preparing to prevail in conflict if 
necessary, by prioritizing the PRC challenge in the Indo-Pacific, 
followed by the Russian challenge in Europe; and build a resilient 
Joint Force and defense ecosystem.
    Within the Department, the NDS is our North Star, and we have 
aligned our processes, policies, and plans to implement it. The FY 2024 
budget is the latest concrete manifestation of our strategy--and its 
deep recognition that the PRC presents a challenge now and in the years 
to come.
Prioritizing the PRC as Our Pacing Challenge
    In recent decades, the PRC has demonstrated both the will and, 
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological 
power to reshape its region and the international order to suit its 
preferences. The United States will not let that happen. This budget 
will enable us to continue executing our strategy and outpacing the 
PRC, across all timeframes and domains.
    Through the FY 2024 budget, we will strengthen U.S. deterrence and 
continue advancing new operational concepts, deploying cutting-edge 
capabilities across all domains, and investing in the innovations that 
we will need in the future. Through a $9.1 billion request for the 
Pacific Deterrence Initiative, the largest ever, the Department is 
expanding the scope and scale of our activities to reinforce security 
and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, strengthen deterrence, and 
bolster our advantages and those of our Allies and Partners.
    The Department is also investing in a more resilient posture across 
the Indo-Pacific region. For example, in Japan, Australia, Guam, and 
the Compact of Free Association States, we are forward-stationing and 
deploying more capable forces even as we make major infrastructure 
investments in airfields, logistics, domain awareness, and resilience. 
In addition, throughout Southeast Asia, we are executing rotational 
deployments, logistics cooperation, and targeted security assistance to 
strengthen our partnerships, deepen our interoperability, and enhance 
our collective readiness. This budget allows us to continue to support 
Taiwan's self-defense, consistent with our longstanding commitments 
enumerated in the Taiwan Relations Act, the three U.S.-PRC Joint 
Communiques, and the Six Assurances.
    Across the Indo-Pacific region, we have increased the complexity 
and scale of our exercises and operations. In addition to building 
interoperability with our Allies and Partners, we are experimenting to 
build our warfighting advantages, which will help us further refine our 
operating concepts and investments. This budget request will enable us 
to continue that crucial work.
Meeting the Acute Threat of Russian Aggression
    Russia's unprovoked further invasion of Ukraine poses a historic 
challenge to European and global security. Russia's campaign of 
conquest is also an attack on the rules-based international order that 
has helped to make the world safer and more secure since its creation 
in the aftermath of World War II. If Russia succeeds, it would send a 
message to other aggressor nations that they can attack and conquer 
their neighbors. With U.S. leadership, a broad coalition of Allies and 
Partners have rallied to help support Ukraine's defense of its 
sovereignty.
    Over the past year, the United States has committed more than $32 
billion in game-changing security assistance to support Ukraine's fight 
against Russian aggression. This has helped meet Ukraine's most urgent 
needs--including for air defense, artillery systems, tanks and other 
armored vehicles, and other crucial capabilities--and it has translated 
to tangible gains on the battlefield. In the year since Russia's unjust 
war of aggression began, Ukraine's military forces have won the battles 
of Kyiv, Kharkiv, and Kherson--and they have inspired the world with 
their courage and resilience.
    We will continue to support Ukraine's fight for freedom for as long 
as it takes. To keep pace with Ukraine's urgent security needs even as 
we maintain our own readiness, we are pushing to expand production from 
the defense industrial base. We are focused on increasing the 
resiliency of supply chains that are critical for national security. 
And we are focused on accountability of the security assistance that we 
have provided.
    Our NATO Allies face a historic challenge from Putin's aggressive 
Russia, and we are making significant investments in bolstering 
European security. Those build on foundational investments in posture 
and presence that we have made in Europe since Russia's 2014 invasion 
of Ukraine and seizure of the Crimea region. These investments paid 
dividends in 2022 when we rapidly surged an additional 20,000 U.S. 
forces into the European theater to deter Russian aggression and 
reassure our NATO Allies. With little advance notice, the United States 
deployed additional combat power, repositioned U.S. forces already in 
Europe, and integrated deploying forces with prepositioned stocks of 
munitions and supplies. Our continued investments in posture and 
presence in Europe help deter Russian aggression against NATO--now and 
in the future.
Tackling Advanced and Persistent Threats
    We remain vigilant against the advanced and persistent threats from 
the DPRK, Iran, and global terrorist organizations.
    We continue to shore up security on the Korean Peninsula despite 
the DPRK's provocations, including through bilateral and trilateral 
cooperation. We will continue to stand with our Allies, the Republic of 
Korea (ROK) and Japan. We remain steadfast and ironclad in our extended 
deterrence commitments to the ROK and Japan, and we continue to 
demonstrate our ability to respond rapidly and firmly to any DPRK 
provocation. We are working to strengthen and modernize our alliances 
with the ROK and Japan and will continue to ensure that our forces in 
and around the Korean Peninsula are ready to ``Fight Tonight'' in the 
event of DPRK aggression.
    Iran's nuclear program, its dangerous proxies, its support for 
terrorism, its cyber threats, and its proliferation of one-way attack 
unmanned aerial systems (UAS) all undermine Middle East security and 
threaten U.S. forces and Partners. We have acted decisively when Iran-
backed militia groups have attacked U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria. As 
Iran deepens its partnership with Russia, including Russian military 
support to Tehran in return for Iranian one-way attack UAS to deploy in 
Ukraine, we are developing and fielding effective approaches to counter 
the proliferating threats from Iran's UAS. This budget request seeks to 
tackle these persistent challenges through investments in integrated 
air and missile defense, maritime domain awareness, and counter-UAS 
systems. We have repeatedly demonstrated our ability to deploy combat-
credible forces into the region to deter potential Iranian aggression, 
and we will continue to take necessary and proportionate military 
action to defend U.S. forces and facilities from attack, or threat of 
attack, from Iran or Iran-backed proxies. The United States will 
support and strengthen partnerships with countries that subscribe to 
the rules-based international order, and we will make sure those 
countries can defend themselves against foreign threats. These actions 
have the added benefit of demonstrating our commitment to the region's 
security that will offset the efforts by external powers to reshape the 
region in their interest and to our detriment.
    Meanwhile, ISIS, al-Qa'ida, and other terrorist groups continue to 
threaten the security of the United States, our citizens, and our 
Partners in the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. We are investing 
in a modernized, over-the-horizon counterterrorism architecture to 
prevent future attacks on our citizens and the U.S. homeland, and we 
have proven our continued ability to remove the most threatening al-
Qa'ida and ISIS operatives from the battlefield.
    One legislative authority that is key to our ability to tackle 
these advanced and persistent threats--Section 702 of the Foreign 
Intelligence Surveillance Act--expires at the end of this year. Section 
702 provides essential, irreplaceable insights on the activities of 
critical foreign targets. The loss of this authority, or its renewal in 
diminished or unusable form, would profoundly damage the Department's 
ability to see and mitigate some of the most profound threats against 
the United States as well as its Allies and Partners. Reauthorization 
is therefore a matter of utmost priority. Along with our colleagues in 
the Intelligence Community and the Department of Justice, we look 
forward to working with this Committee and others, in order to secure 
Section 702's extension.
Innovating and Modernizing
    The FY 2024 budget request will enable the Department to develop, 
acquire, and modernize across all domains to address all the above 
challenges, especially our competition with the PRC.
    To maintain and expand our advantage over the PRC, we need to 
modernize not just our weapons systems but also our operational 
concepts and the ways that we do business. To operate effectively in a 
dynamic security environment, the Department is prioritizing 
investments to maintain a ready warfighting capability, build a skilled 
defense workforce, and work more effectively with our Allies and 
Partners.
    A safe, secure, and effective U.S. nuclear deterrent is the 
ultimate backstop to deter strategic attacks on our country and our 
allies. The Department is committed to maintaining and modernizing our 
nuclear triad, while seeking to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in 
U.S. national strategy. The FY 2024 budget request, including an 
investment of $37.7 billion in FY 2024, fully funds the nuclear triad 
and nuclear command, control, and communications, demonstrating our 
commitment to maintain reliable and effective legacy systems while 
pursuing their timely replacements.
    The Department is also accelerating investments in cutting-edge 
defense capabilities, such as uncrewed systems that can operate on the 
water, underwater, in the air, and on land. Integrating human-machine 
teaming, autonomous systems, and resilient networks will make our 
operations significantly faster, more lethal, and more survivable.
    The FY 2024 budget request includes $30.6 billion specifically for 
our munitions enterprise. It invests in modernizing and growing our 
munitions industrial base and expanding production capacity and 
procurement quantities. The Department is seeking to use the 
unprecedented multiyear procurement authorities provided by Congress to 
affordably acquire critical munitions, while bolstering our inventories 
and providing our industry partners with a more predictable ``demand 
signal.''
    The FY 2024 budget request makes long-term investments of $33.3 
billion in the resilience of our space architecture in the event of an 
attack. These investments will further expand and diversify 
constellations for space sensing and communications resilience, as well 
as augmenting our space warfighting capabilities. These steps will 
drive even deeper cooperation with the robust American commercial space 
sector.
    In the cyberspace domain, this budget request makes targeted 
investments to speed the development and management of new cyber tools. 
This will help us integrate our sequentially developed Cyber Mission 
Force capabilities. It will also aid our transition to, and sustainment 
of, advanced cyber capabilities from the Department's Science and 
Technology (S&T) activities. These efforts will enhance the 
interoperability and effectiveness of our Joint Cyberspace Warfighting 
Architecture and maintain an efficient pipeline from America's world-
class cyber- innovation workforce into the Department's cyberspace 
operations forces.
    The Department is also adapting to America's changing labor market 
to ensure that we have the right team to execute the NDS. This budget 
funds a new civilian cyber workforce-incentive program to target skill 
gaps, and it develops a curriculum of advanced cyber training for our 
military. We are also increasing investments in international research 
partnerships on critical technologies with our Allies and Partners.
    Our technological superiority is not a given; we have to work for 
it every day. That includes rapid prototyping and commercial 
integration. So, the Department is investing in tomorrow's technology, 
such as responsible cutting-edge artificial intelligence, enhancing our 
critical supply chains, and modernizing our testing and training 
capabilities.
    The Department continues to vigorously develop and test advanced 
weapons prototypes. Against the backdrop of our recent successful 
flight tests, the FY 2024 budget request expands the development of 
several hypersonic weapons programs, as well as demonstration and 
testing activities. This budget will also improve our subsonic cruise 
missiles to ensure their effectiveness against rapidly changing threats 
and targets.
    The Department is pursuing a range of initiatives to harden U.S. 
basing and ensure that it is resilient against air and missile attacks. 
For example, we have made major investments in missile defenses for 
Guam and Hawaii, as well as infrastructure improvements across the 
entire Indo-Pacific region.
    This budget request also funds the advancement of our joint 
warfighting concepts and the rapid experimentation and fielding of 
emerging capabilities across all domains. Ultimately, these initiatives 
will ensure a Joint Force that is increasingly agile, innovative, 
interoperable with allies and partners, and resilient.
    After decades of combat and coalition experience for our Special 
Operations Forces (SOF) in recent conflicts, we are pioneering new SOF 
approaches to help meet today's primary challenges. This budget enables 
our SOF enterprise to continue to modernize its crisis-response 
capabilities, while developing creative, adaptable, and asymmetric 
options that ensure our Joint Force will present a range of dilemmas to 
our adversaries.
    The Department will also expand the Pacific Multi-Domain Training 
and Experimentation Capability, which will help our forces train in the 
ways and places they may be called upon to fight. These investments 
boost our readiness and lay the foundation for advances in sensor-to- 
shooter networks that will multiply our forces' lethality. To improve 
the speed and global integration of our operational decisionmaking, we 
will deliver proven Joint All Domain Command and Control enhancements 
to our warfighters by 2027.
    The FY 2024 budget is rooted in the recognition that our 
competitors and adversaries are not standing still, and we must make 
the right investments now to retain our technological advantages in the 
decades to come.
    The Department will continue to draw on America's longstanding 
strategic advantages by investing in critical innovations--such as 
quantum computing, advanced materials, renewable energy projects, 
integrated networks, and future-generation wireless technology. To 
maintain the United States' position as the global leader in research 
and development, we are cultivating a strong, adaptive, and highly 
skilled workforce of scientists and engineers through programs like the 
Science, Mathematics, and Research for Transformation scholarship-for-
service program.
Investing to Win Across All Domains
    On land, the FY 2024 budget continues to build a combat-credible, 
ready, and lethal Army that can tackle challenges around the world. Our 
budget request seeks to strengthen Army capabilities in the Indo-
Pacific region, with significant investments in our air and missile 
defenses as well as land-based long-range fires. We are also 
revitalizing and strengthening the Army's Organic Industrial Base by 
modernizing the Army's arsenals, maintenance depots, and ammunition 
facilities.
    The FY 2024 budget builds on past investments in the Marine Corps 
Force Design 2030 concept, which focused on fielding capabilities and 
updating the Corps' force structure in the Indo-Pacific region. It also 
makes important new investments in electronic-warfare capabilities, 
command and control systems, air and missile defenses, and ground-force 
survivability, as well as in training and exercises.
    At sea, this request helps deliver a ready and formidable naval 
force focused on deterring potential aggression from the PRC. The 
budget request continues the transition of our naval force to 
Distributed Maritime Operations, with an increased focus on uncrewed 
surface and underwater vehicles. Our request expands investments in 
long-range fires, more advanced weapons systems, and next-generation 
platforms, including development of the COLUMBIA-class submarine. The 
Department also continues its critical investments in the submarine- 
construction industrial base; we will begin investing in better 
submarine-maintenance capacities, and we will increase our investments 
in the optimization of our shipyard infrastructure to make our 
industrial base healthier and more capable of meeting future needs. The 
budget request continues to move the Navy away from systems that are 
ill-suited for operations in highly contested environments.
    In the air domain, the FY 2024 budget request makes significant 
investments to ensure air dominance in future conflicts. This includes 
F-35 and F-22 aircraft modernization, next-generation fighter 
development, and autonomous combat collaborative aircraft. These 
investments complement global strike capabilities such as the B-21 
family of systems. The budget request invests in the development of 
strategic nuclear capabilities, such as Sentinel and the Long-Range 
Stand Off weapon. It also prioritizes long-range fires like hypersonic 
weapons, as well as a modern air command-and-control framework, rapid 
global mobility, and improved electronic warfare capabilities. To fully 
realize the tremendous advantages offered by our next-generation 
fighter and bomber platforms, we are investing in air-launched weapons 
that offer greater range, speed, precision, flexibility, and lethality. 
We are also closing shortfalls in supplying critical munitions by 
accelerating procurement where feasible, as well as expanding and 
procuring additional production capacity for our top-priority air-
launched weapons. Moreover, this budget request continues to 
responsibly make the transition away from air- weapons systems that do 
not support our strategy, even as we invest in the maintenance and 
development of more advanced systems.
    In the space domain, we continue to build our advantages over our 
competitors by investing in missile warning and tracking, data 
transport, communications, and space sensing. This budget request also 
funds upgrades to our launch infrastructure to support more government 
and commercial launches. Consistent with our recently completed Space 
Strategic Review, additional investments will deter hostile uses of 
space, and if deterrence fails, ensure that we can prevail in conflict 
in this domain, too.
    This budget also strengthens our cyberspace operations force, which 
persistently engages both state and non-state cyber actors seeking to 
harm the United States, its interests, and its Allies. It upgrades our 
cyber operations training platform, accelerates the use of cloud-based 
capabilities, and invests in rapidly modernizing the software and 
hardware needed to further fortify our cyber posture.
    Finally, over the past 3 years of the COVID-19 pandemic, we have 
seen the massive impact that biological threats can inflict on our 
country. Accordingly, the President's FY 2024 budget will enhance our 
ability to address any future pandemics or other biological threats.
Meeting the Climate Crisis
    As the NDS makes clear, climate change is increasingly shaping the 
context in which the Department operates. That places new demands on 
the Joint Force, with implications for our readiness. Climate change is 
also creating new potential points of friction in places such as the 
Arctic, while affecting security relationships with Allies and Partners 
around the world. We are determined to ensure that the United States 
can meet and deal with these challenges.
    This budget therefore invests in enhancing operational capability, 
mission resilience, and readiness. This includes programs that mitigate 
the risk of energy supply disruptions to critical military facilities--
whether caused by extreme weather, cyber operations, or kinetic attack. 
The budget request also includes funding to improve the energy 
efficiency of combat operations and platforms while deploying new 
technology to improve lethality and mitigate logistics risk in 
contested environments. Throughout, our focus is on building our 
operational advantages. These are not only essential steps for the 
climate of the world that we share, but also strategic moves to defend 
our country and strengthen our military.
                       taking care of our people
    The U.S. military is without a doubt the strongest fighting force 
in human history, and we remain determined to keep it that way. The 
foundation of that strength is our people. The Department is deeply 
committed to taking care of our total workforce by growing our talent, 
building resilience and readiness in the force, ensuring accountable 
leadership, and tackling even the most difficult workforce challenges.
    This budget prioritizes our ongoing actions to take care of our 
outstanding Service members, and their families, including by 
increasing Service member and civilian employee compensation, raising 
housing allowance, and improving military housing. The budget also 
helps make quality childcare more accessible and affordable, including 
through the launch of universal pre-kindergarten at all Department of 
Defense Education Activity schools. We are also making investments to 
fight a range of problematic and harmful behaviors. That includes 
continued efforts to combat sexual assault and sexual harassment, 
reform the military justice system, and prevent suicide in the Force.
Growing Our Talent
    To defend our Nation's security, we must tap into the talent that 
exists all across our Nation. We must recruit and retain the best of 
America, building pathways of opportunity for all qualified patriots 
who seek to serve. In this budget, we continue to provide our force 
with exceptional opportunities for service and professional 
development. This means being the employer of choice for personnel with 
technological skills, mastery of foreign languages, and more. We are 
also investing in training and education, as well as creating 
scholarships for science, technology, engineering, and math. We will 
continue to deepen the Department's partnerships with America's best 
universities, paving the way for the next generation of leaders. I am 
proud that the Department recently established its first university-
affiliated research center at an Historically Black College and 
University--just one of the many ways that we are building new ways for 
talented Americans to join our team.
Building Resilience and Readiness
    Ensuring the safety, health, and well-being of our Service members 
is a sacred trust--and a matter of readiness. We know that when 
economic challenges hit our teammates where they live, it can make it 
even harder to serve. However, we also know that when we take care of 
our Service members and ensure they are well trained and well equipped, 
they continue to serve.
    So, in addition to robustly funding the factors that immediately 
contribute to readiness--training, equipping, and maintaining--we have 
made continued investments to support our Service members and their 
families, launching targeted initiatives to bring down daily costs for 
Service members. Those efforts have made childcare more accessible and 
affordable, lowered prices in the commissary system and made access to 
affordable food easier through online ordering, eased moving costs, and 
increased opportunities for spousal employment and career mobility 
including through the launch of the Military Spouse Career Accelerator 
Pilot, a paid fellowship for military spouses that allows employers to 
connect with this diverse and talented pool of talent. We have also 
raised pay and allowances across the board. The FY 2024 budget will 
support a 5.2% pay raise for our Service members and our civilian 
employee workforce--the largest pay raise in decades. The FY 2024 
budget also invests in full day pre-kindergarten at all Department of 
Defense Education Activity schools, providing our military children an 
essential head start on their education. There is no greater testament 
to the resilience and readiness of our force than the historically high 
retention rates across the Services.
Ensuring Accountability
    The Department of Defense is committed to the health, safety, and 
well-being of our Service members and will not tolerate prohibited 
harmful behavior. This is a leadership issue, and we will lead. In 
February 2021, I ordered the creation of a 90-day independent review 
commission (IRC) on sexual assault in the military. The Department, 
including the Military Services, are now implementing the IRC 
recommendations that I approved.
    The Department also worked with the President and Congress to enact 
historic legislation improving the response to sexual assault, domestic 
violence, and related crimes under the Uniform Code of Military 
Justice. The Offices of Special Trial Counsel, newly established to 
prosecute these crimes with independence and specialized expertise, 
will reach full operating capability in December 2023.
    We will continue to work relentlessly to end sexual assault and 
related crimes, including through investments in a specialized 
prevention workforce and through important tools like the On-Site 
Installation Evaluations, which help us identify where our efforts are 
working and where more support is urgently needed.
    The Department remains focused on efforts to eliminate suicide in 
the ranks and to respond better when these tragedies occur. This budget 
makes a significant investment in suicide prevention, and we are 
accelerating efforts to expand and increase access to mental 
healthcare, to including increased hiring and training of mental health 
professionals, to ensure that our Service members can access the help 
they need when they need it.
                      succeeding through teamwork
    Our world is increasingly defined by strategic competition, 
profound technological change, and 21st century challenges that pay no 
heed to borders. In this changing strategic environment, the United 
States is far stronger because of the power of our like-minded Allies 
and Partners, the improvements in industrial exchanges with our 
friends, the integration and development of innovation, and the 
interoperability of our forces. Our cooperation with Allies and 
Partners is central to co-developing advanced capabilities and rushing 
tangible improvements to our warfighters. These are strategic 
advantages that no rival can match. The Department is deeply committed 
to further strengthening our work with the Allies and Partners who 
magnify our might.
The AUKUS Partnership
    The historic AUKUS partnership breaks new ground in working with 
two of our closest Allies--Australia and the United Kingdom--to take on 
the threats of the 21st century, just as we did together in the 20th 
century. As the President outlined in his State of the Union address, 
we are building bridges between Partners in the Pacific and those in 
the Atlantic, and AUKUS is a generational opportunity at the center of 
this change. This initiative translates our strategy into action, and 
it helps to forge a more advantageous balance of power in the Indo-
Pacific, where the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom are 
actively strengthening deterrence across the region. AUKUS will enhance 
our collective military capabilities, especially in the advanced 
technologies that we believe will be critical for security and 
stability in the future.
    On March 13, 2023, the President announced our plans for the first 
major initiative of AUKUS: providing Australia with a conventionally 
armed, nuclear powered submarine capability. This phased approach will 
allow us provide this capability on the fastest possible timeline, 
while upholding the highest standards for nuclear stewardship and 
setting a precedent that strengthens the nonproliferation regime. As 
the President made clear, our three nations are making concrete 
commitments to each other, and we are backing these commitments up with 
significant investments to strengthen the industrial bases of each of 
our nations.
Allies and Partners in the Indo-Pacific Region
    In the Indo-Pacific region, we continue to build and strengthen our 
peerless network of alliances and partnerships. Recent progress only 
underscores the enormous value of our Allies and Partners in the 
region.
    For example, we are working closely with Japan to expand the roles 
and missions of our alliance. We are forward-deploying more versatile, 
resilient, and mobile U.S. capabilities even as we enhance Japan's 
capabilities, including in counterstrike, unmanned vehicles, and 
counter- hypersonic weapons. We are also increasing our trilateral 
cooperation among the United States, Japan, and Australia, further 
demonstrating regional commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific 
region.
    We are working with the ROK to ensure that our combined forces are 
able to deter the DPRK and help ensure peace and stability in Northeast 
Asia, including by returning our defensive exercises to historical 
norms.
    In Australia, we have built a deep partnership on technology and 
the development of advanced capabilities, including space cooperation 
and space domain awareness. We are continuing the rotational presence 
of U.S. capabilities through Australia, across the air, land, and 
maritime domains. Working alongside our ally, we are identifying 
locations to support enhanced U.S. presence with necessary 
infrastructure improvements. In 2022, we also announced that we will 
preposition munitions and fuel to support U.S. capabilities in 
Australia.
    In the Philippines, we are modernizing the U.S.-Philippine Alliance 
by enhancing maritime cooperation, improving interoperability and 
information sharing, and adding four important new locations under the 
Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement. These steps underscore our 
unwavering commitment to the Mutual Defense Treaty with the 
Philippines.
    In Thailand, we are continuing to strengthen the long-standing 
U.S.-Thai alliance. Our annual Cobra Gold exercise, for example, 
contributes immeasurably to peace, security, and stability in the Indo-
Pacific, while ensuring we are prepared to respond rapidly and 
effectively to a humanitarian disaster.
    Meanwhile, with India, we are advancing our Major Defense 
Partnership and launching a new chapter in U.S.-India ties. The 
Department is bolstering the Indian military's deterrent capabilities 
to ensure that India remains the preeminent power in the Indian Ocean 
and can help uphold a favorable balance of power across the wider Indo-
Pacific region. We are committed to working closely with India on 
technology cooperation; deepening our interoperability across key 
defense and security domains, including space and cyberspace; and 
ensuring that the U.S.-India partnership supports the efforts of our 
broader network of like-minded Allies and Partners, especially the 
Quad.
European Security Cooperation and Support to Ukraine
    Under President Biden's leadership, the United States has changed 
the course of history by surging critical security assistance to 
Ukraine over the past year. With the support of Congress, our response 
to Russia's full-scale reprehensible assault on its peaceful and 
democratic neighbor has provided historic levels of security assistance 
to Ukraine through a combination of Presidential Drawdown Authority and 
the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative. The United States has also 
rallied like-minded countries around the world to support Ukraine's 
brave defenders. The engine of our efforts is the Ukraine Defense 
Contact Group, the coalition of some 50 countries that I convene 
regularly to spur and coordinate support to Ukraine. Our Allies and 
Partners have collectively committed approximately $20 billion in 
security assistance to Ukraine, including hundreds of tanks, thousands 
of other armored vehicles, vital air-defense systems, hundreds of 
artillery systems, and other crucial capabilities.
    In the face of the biggest threat to European security since the 
height of the Cold War, the NATO Alliance is more united than ever. We 
have moved urgently with our Allies to further fortify NATO and bolster 
its defenses on its eastern flank. Our commitment to Article Five of 
the North Atlantic Treaty remains ironclad. We will not be dragged into 
Putin's war of choice, but we will stand with Ukraine as it fights to 
defend itself, and we will continue to strengthen NATO's collective 
defense and deterrence.
Building Teamwork at Home
    Our partners at the Federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial 
levels provide essential support for our Service members and their 
families, caregivers, and survivors at military installations and 
communities around the country. The Department is committed to working 
even more closely with these vital partners. Meanwhile, our Service 
members continue to proudly support our fellow Americans in times of 
crisis, as they have this year during natural disasters and amidst the 
lingering COVID-19 pandemic.
    At the same time, we are supporting our Federal, state, local, 
tribal, and territorial partners' efforts to become more resilient and 
less reliant on Department of Defense support. Increased national 
resilience will ensure that America stands ready should an adversary 
choose to test our will with cyber or kinetic attacks on the U.S. 
homeland.
    In addition, our partners in industry remain an engine of 
innovation--one that ensures that our warfighters remain ready to 
tackle the security challenges of this century. Our budget request will 
shore up our defense industrial base, strengthen its ability to produce 
the capabilities that we need, and develop critical technologies for 
the future.
    It is the honor of my lifetime to lead our exceptional and dynamic 
team at the Department of Defense. We continue to strengthen our 
internal processes to ensure that we make timely decisions based on 
rigorous cooperation among civilian and military teams across the 
Department and with our interagency partners. We will demonstrate that 
spirit of partnership at the highest levels, and we will expect it from 
every person in the Department.
                               conclusion
    The way that we respond to today's challenges will help determine 
America's course for generations to come. The Department is seizing 
this inflection point in history. We will never flinch in the defense 
of the democracy that we have vowed to protect, and we will take care 
of all of the extraordinary patriots who comprise the world's strongest 
fighting force.
    The FY 2024 budget enables us to deliver on these priorities, and 
we ask for your support as we build the Department of the future. We 
remain deeply committed to working with Congress on oversight and 
appropriations to ensure that we have the resources that our Total 
Force needs and deserves--today, tomorrow, and in the future.
    We will be good stewards of those resources, for both warfighters 
and taxpayers. Defense reform will ensure that we use taxpayer dollars 
efficiently by modernizing our business processes, improving our 
financial and contract management, and completing the Department's 
audit. Above all, our accountability to both our own forces and the 
American public is core to our democracy and sets us apart from our 
competitors on the world stage.
    Finally, we are grateful for our extraordinary Soldiers, Sailors, 
Airmen, Marines, Guardians, their families, caregivers, and survivors, 
and civilian employees. They are the foundation of America's strength, 
and we are honored to serve alongside them. Thank you.

    Senator Tester. Thank you, Secretary Austin.
    General Milley, you have the floor.
STATEMENT OF GENERAL MARK A. MILLEY, CHAIRMAN OF THE 
            JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF
    General Milley. Chairman Tester and Vice Chair Collins, and 
Distinguished Members of the Committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to testify before you today.
    I've been privileged to defend this country for 43 years in 
uniform and next month I'll start by 44th year and hopefully, 
Senator Collins, this is my last posture hearing.
    I thank Congress for your support to our military for the 
last four decades, not just for this budget but for four 
consecutive decades you've given great support to our military 
and I thank you all for that.
    We could not be the military we are today without the 
support of the American people and the American people's 
representatives.
    So what I ask for you today is that once again you approve 
an on-time budget.
    I'm honored to represent the Joint Force and their families 
alongside the leadership of Secretary Austin and Under 
Secretary McCord both. I've been working with them both for 
many, many years and their leadership has been superlative.
    Our Joint Force today is the most lethal and capable 
military in the world because of your support. The military's 
purpose is simple. It's to defend the United States against all 
enemies foreign and domestic and there is no other purpose for 
our military.
    Fundamental to this is deterrence. More specifically, to 
deter great power war. To do this, our Number 1 priority is 
readiness now and readiness in the future and there is no other 
Number 1 priority.
    The Joint Force will accomplish this with the fiscal year 
2024 budget request of $842 billion. Right now, the 
international system is under increasing stress. Both China and 
Russia have the means to threaten our interests and our way of 
life but war with China or Russia is neither imminent nor 
inevitable.
    The PRC remains our Number 1 long-term geostrategic 
security challenge and it's been pointed out in our National 
Defense Strategy as the pacing challenge. The PRC has publicly 
stated that it intends to be the regional hegemon in Asia 
within the next 10 years and to exceed the United States 
overall military capability by mid-century.
    Chinese actions are moving it on a path toward potential 
confrontation with its neighbors or the United States, but 
again war with China is neither inevitable nor imminent.
    Additionally, Russia is an acute threat and remains very 
dangerous, especially under current conditions. Over a year 
ago, Russia undertook a war against Ukraine, threatening peace 
on the European Continent and global stability for the first 
time since the end of World War II.
    We are supporting Ukraine to protect its sovereignty and 
supporting NATO with a force presence in every single nation on 
NATO's Eastern Flank.
    Iran threatens to push the Middle East yet again into 
instability by supporting terrorists and proxy forces and they 
continue to improve their capability to produce a nuclear 
weapon.
    From the time of Iranian decision by the Supreme Leader 
Iran could produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon 
in less than 2 weeks from time of decision and it would only 
take several more months to produce an actual nuclear weapon.
    The United States policy remains the same and the United 
States remains committed that Iran will not have a nuclear 
weapon.
    North Korea's continued ballistic missile testing and 
nuclear weapons development also pose threats to our homeland 
and our allies and partners, but we stand with the Republic of 
Korea shoulder to shoulder to deter North Korean aggression as 
we have for 70 years.
    Terrorists continue to operate around the globe, 
threatening fear, destruction, and destabilization.
    In short, the United States military stands ready to 
protect our Nation's interests and the American people.
    We are currently standing watch on freedom's frontier with 
nearly a quarter of a million, 250,000, deployed troops around 
the world today, 5,000 sorties of United States Air Force and 
Naval and Marine aircraft and Army aircraft per day, a hundred 
ships at sea on a given day, and we never fight alone.
    A key source of our strength is our large network of 
alliance and partnerships, and lastly our operational readiness 
rates are higher now than they've been in many, many years.
    Currently, 60 percent of our Active force is the highest 
states of readiness and could deploy to combat in less than 30 
days, well exceeding the minimum one-third standard we 
established many years ago.
    Ten percent of our force, 10 percent of the United States 
military could deploy to combat in less than 96 hours. Examples 
of that, the President of the United States a year ago ordered 
the United States military to react to the unprovoked 
aggression by Russia. We deployed one core, two divisions, 
three brigade combat teams under the Army. We doubled the 
amount of fighter squadrons, and we doubled the amount of ships 
and submarines in the European theater of operations and we did 
that in 35 days. That doesn't happen by accident.
    Another example just a few weeks ago, the President ordered 
the United States military to evacuate more than 70 governing 
personnel from Khartoum in a joint operation and so far the 
United States along with our allies and partners have 
facilitated the departure of more than 1,300 American citizens 
out of Sudan. That operation put Naval Special Operations 
forces on the ground, delivered by Army Special Operations 
aircraft, with U.S. Air Force support above with fixed wing 
fighter bombers, Army Rangers and a Quick Reaction Force, 
United States Marine Corps, and Vertical Lift and Reserve, and 
five U.S. Naval vessels off the coast along with National Guard 
in Djibouti ready to go.
    That was a joint operation in support of 18th Airborne 
Corps and the AFRICOM (Africa Command) Headquarters as part of 
a whole of government effort to support the Department of State 
alongside many of our allies.
    All of that was planned, coordinated, synchronized, and 
executed from a cold start. Our force can rapidly project 
flexible, responsive power anywhere around the globe and no 
adversary should ever doubt that.
    Your military, the United States military, is ready. 
However, the Joint Forces are at an inflection point and we 
must balance operations, readiness, and modernization. We must 
not allow ourselves to create the false trap that we can either 
modernize or focus only on today. We must do both. We must 
integrate advanced technologies, including precision long-range 
fires, hypersonic weapons, quantum computing, artificial 
intelligence, robotics, and all the main sensors.
    The time is now. We have very little margin to wait and the 
common thread critical to all of this is our people. We must 
continue investing in their training, their education, and 
their talent management.
    I urge Congress to support this budget significant pay 
raise, healthcare, housing, and childcare initiatives.
    The only thing more expensive than preparing for war is 
actually fighting a war. It is much cheaper to prevent war. 
This budget will significantly improve our military's current 
and future readiness in order to prevent war. We must act with 
a sense of urgency to deter war.
    Thank you and I look forward to your questions.
    [The statement follows:]
              Prepared Statement of General Mark A. Milley
    After 43 years in uniformed service, 4 years as Chief of Staff of 
the Army, and 3.5 years as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, this 
will be my last set of posture hearings. I want to thank the Congress 
up front for your continued support to our military, not only this year 
but every year for the last 4 decades. We would not have a military 
without the generous support of the American people and their elected 
representatives. Thank you for what you have done and, yet again, I ask 
that you support this year's request with an on-time budget approval.
    I am honored to represent the Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, 
Guardians, and their families of the United States Joint Force. They 
are the most lethal and capable military in the world. Our troops are 
the best led, best equipped, and best trained force anywhere because of 
your support. Side by side with our allies and partners, 250,000 
American Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, and Guardians are standing 
watch on land, sea, air, and space in 158 countries and conducting 
operations every day of the year to keep Americans safe.
    The United States military is a key component of our national 
power. In concert with our diplomatic corps, economic organizations, 
and democratic institutions, we support efforts to sustain a stable and 
open international system. This hard and soft power provides a range of 
options to this legislative body and the Commander-in-Chief. Our 
strength deters adversaries and preserves peace. Although, if 
deterrence fails, the United States military is prepared to fight and 
win against those who attack the United States or our vital interests.
    The Joint Force appreciates the work that our elected 
representatives do to ensure that we have the resources needed to 
train, equip, and man the force in order to be ready. The increased 
level of military funding beyond last fiscal year will ensure we 
continue future modernization while simultaneously meeting the national 
security readiness requirements of today.
    The Joint Force will deliver modernization of our armed forces and 
security to the people of the United States at the FY 2024 budget 
request of $842 billion. The people of the United States, through this 
body, have committed significant funding and we will work diligently to 
ensure it is spent prudently in the best interest of this Nation. This 
budget will enable the investments and transformations necessary to 
build the Joint Force of 2030 and beyond.
    In alignment with the National Defense Strategy (NDS) and National 
Military Strategy (NMS), this budget delivers a ready, agile, and 
capable Joint Force that will defend the Nation, while taking care of 
our people, and working with our partners and allies. There are direct 
linkages from the NDS and NMS to the Joint Warfighting Concept (JWC) 
which describes how we will employ and succeed as a Joint Force. The 
JWC is threat informed and fully integrated into our resourcing and 
requirements processes to build the force required for the future.
    Stable, predictable, and timely budgets are critical for this 
Nation's defense. The passage of these budgets enables proper planning, 
prioritization, and programmatic investments necessary for continued 
progress. Continuing resolutions risk future modernization and impair 
our ability to meet our missions.
    Preventing great power war through readiness and deterrence is very 
expensive but not as expensive as fighting a war and the only thing 
more expensive than fighting a war is losing a war. This budget is a 
significant step in the right direction to ensure that the United 
States military maintains the current readiness and develops the future 
modernization necessary to deter war and, if deterrence fails, to fight 
and win.
                         strategic environment
    The People's Republic of China (PRC): War with the PRC is neither 
imminent nor inevitable, however the potential for armed conflict is 
growing. The PRC remains our #1 long-term geostrategic security 
challenge. Since the reforms of Deng Xiaoping in 1979, the world has 
witnessed the greatest geopolitical shift in economic power in over 100 
years. In the wake of the PRC's economic growth has come a rapidly 
increasing PRC military capability. Using economic and military hard 
power, the PRC's goal is to revise the global international order by 
midcentury, and it intends to be the regional hegemon in Asia within 
the next 10 years. Its intention is to exceed the United States' 
military capability within the Western Pacific in the next decade and 
to exceed the United States' global military capability by 2049.
    The PRC continues to take increasingly aggressive actions to 
reshape the Indo-Pacific region and revise the global order. It is 
making significant economic investments in its military to improve 
technology and modernize its military forces. The PRC continues to 
challenge the stability and security in the Pacific as well as across 
the globe. Through economic coercion, the PRC is expanding its global 
footprint and increasing its ability to project military power at range 
and scale. It is aggressively modernizing its military in order to 
protect its authoritarian interests and are prepared to use force if 
required. The PRC seeks to strengthen its hard power enabling the PRC 
to coerce others with militarily might. These PRC actions continue to 
move it down the path towards confrontation and potential conflict.
    The PRC remains focused on revising the global international order 
by midcentury. In short, the PRC continues to develop significant 
nuclear, space, cyber, land, sea, and air capabilities. It is working 
every day to close the technology gap with the United States and our 
allies. We must maintain our military superiority over the PRC in all 
the domains of war if we are to preserve the great power peace of the 
last 80 years. The PRC represents a real and growing national security 
challenge. This is a matter of national urgency.
    History is not deterministic and war with the PRC is not 
inevitable. While the PRC is clearly an increasingly capable strategic 
competitor, it is imperative that we keep our relationship in 
competition and not in conflict. By maintaining a strong military with 
overmatch against the PRC, we are postured to deter conflict with the 
PRC. Through integrated deterrence, we will raise perceived costs to 
the PRC and deter aggression. If deterrence fails, then we will end the 
conflict on terms favorable to the United States.
    Russia: Over 1 year ago, Russia undertook an illegal and unprovoked 
war against Ukraine threatening peace and stability on the European 
continent--a peace that ensures global stability and an international 
order where all nations can prosper. Russia's invasion of Ukraine is in 
complete contradiction to the basic rules that underline the United 
Nations Charter established at the end of World War II. Russia's war is 
a brazen assault against the free people of Ukraine and threatens to 
destabilize all of Europe and beyond.
    In response to this Russian war of choice, we are supporting 
Ukraine as it fights to protect its sovereignty and supporting our NATO 
allies with a United States force presence in every single nation on 
NATO's eastern flank. Putin's war of choice has caused untold human 
suffering and terrorized a free country and its people. Putin attempted 
to seize Kyiv, overthrow its government, and fracture the NATO 
alliance. NATO remains more unified than ever, and Ukraine remains free 
and independent.
    The Ukrainian people have demonstrated immense bravery and 
resilience and inspired the world. The international community has come 
together to ensure that this unambiguous act of aggression by Russia 
does not go unanswered. This fight is not just in Ukraine's interests, 
it is in the global interest to protect the system and rules that have 
prevented great power war since the conclusion of World War II.
    With the backing of the United States Congress, the United States 
is determined to continue to support Ukraine with the means to defend 
themselves. The United States has committed to provide Ukraine 160 
155mm Howitzers, over 1,000,000 155mm artillery rounds, 38 High 
Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS), a Patriot air defense 
battery, 8 National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems (NASAMS), 
31 Abrams tanks, and 109 Bradley Infantry Fighting Vehicles.
    A broad mix of air defense systems protect the skies over Kyiv and 
the cities of Ukraine. Armor systems strengthen Ukrainian front lines 
enabling offensive and defense operations. Ukrainians employ long range 
fires to challenge Russian command and control and its ability to 
sustain Russian aggression. These systems will enable Ukraine to ensure 
that Russia does not achieve its strategic objectives. Russia failed in 
its initial war aims and continues to revise its strategic goals due to 
its sustained operational failures. Russia continues to pay extremely 
heavy costs on the battlefield.
    Last year, in Poland, we established the first permanent United 
States installation on NATO's eastern flank. The United States 
maintains significant numbers of combat capable forces in Europe to 
deter aggression and to stand shoulder to shoulder with our allies and 
partners.
    Russia retains a large nuclear capability to threaten the United 
States, Europe, and the globe. Vladimir Putin and his regime continue 
to use irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and posturing. Russia has 
repeatedly demonstrated its capability and will to conduct complex 
malicious cyber activities targeting American digital infrastructure, 
both military and commercial.
    Through private military companies, Russia continues to undermine 
other nations' sovereignty and create unstable security situations. 
Aside from its brutal war in Ukraine, Moscow's actions in Africa and 
the Middle East demonstrate its aggressiveness, resourcefulness, and 
opportunism. Russia is an immediate acute and very dangerous challenge 
to the United States' national security.
    North Korea: Its continued weapons testing and development pose 
real threats to our homeland as well as allies and partners in the 
Indo-Pacific. North Korea's rhetoric is becoming increasingly 
aggressive as it is growing more confrontational and continues to 
enhance its ballistic missile capability and capacity. Pyongyang shows 
no signs of relenting in its focus on its Weapons of Mass Destruction 
(WMD) program at the expense of its citizens and the peace of the 
Korean Peninsula as well as the entire region. Readiness of United 
States military forces on the Korean Peninsula and our ability to 
rapidly respond to provocation ensure stability and prevent war.
    Iran: Iran's support for and involvement in conflicts in the region 
and its neighbors threaten to push the Middle East into broader 
regional instability and chaos. Through its funding of terrorist 
activities and support to partner and proxy forces inside the borders 
of its neighbors, along with its ballistic missile programs, Iran seeks 
to revise the regional order and balance of power in its favor. Iran's 
proliferation of UAVs across the region and into Russia pose critical 
security challenges for the United States and our partners. Iran is 
taking actions to improve its capabilities to produce a nuclear weapon, 
should it make the decision to do so, while continuing to build its 
missile forces. From the time of a national decision, Iran could 
produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon in approximately 
10-15 days and it would only take several months to produce an actual 
nuclear weapon. The United States remains committed, as a matter of 
policy, that Iran will not have a nuclear weapon. The United States 
military has developed multiple options for our national leadership to 
consider, if or when Iran decides to develop a nuclear weapon.
    Violent extremist organizations: Terrorist organizations such as 
Al-Qaeda, ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and others continue to export terror, 
destruction, and destabilization. Unless the root causes of instability 
that give rise to these types of groups are resolved, terrorists will 
continue to take root around the globe, threaten others with attacks, 
and undermine legitimate governments. The root causes can only be 
effectively addressed by including governments of the region and we can 
best influence outcomes with diplomatic, economic, information, 
stability, and counterterrorism efforts. Through coalition efforts to 
train, advise, and assist partners and allies as well as intelligence 
sharing, we will continue to ensure that terrorists do not possess the 
capacity and capability to exert their will. Our counterterrorism 
strategy is to work by, with, and through our regional allies and 
partners and to conduct direct action counterterrorism strikes when 
necessary to protect the United States or our interests.
    Allies and partners: Our alliances and partnerships are key to 
maintaining the rules based international order and a stable and open 
international system promoting peace and prosperity. This budget allows 
us to build our partners' and allies' capabilities, foster 
interoperability, and strengthen relationships. Doing so allows us, our 
allies, and our partners to counter the coercion of our strategic 
competitors, oppose the malign activity of regional threats, and meet 
the varied security challenges posed by state and non-state actors. We 
are stronger when we operate closely with our allies and partners.
                      readiness and modernization
    Right now, we are experiencing a fundamental change in the 
character of war. The character of war--how, where, and with what 
weapons and technologies wars are fought--is changing significantly. We 
must fully integrate developing technologies including precision long 
range fires, hypersonic weapons, quantum computing, artificial 
intelligence, robotics, and pervasive all-domain sensors.
    The current rapidly changing technology will provide decisive 
advantage to the nations that can integrate and optimize the 
capabilities into military weaponry, doctrine, training, organization, 
and professional development. The future operating environment will be 
highly lethal and will be characterized by the ability to see and sense 
the environment like never before. The attributes of the future Joint 
Force will be characterized by stealth, resilience, and speed with 
agile, adaptive units operating in a constant state of motion. Most 
importantly, the Joint Force will be highly lethal. Our leaders and 
forces will operate independently and distributed in degraded 
communication environments with mission type orders and austere 
logistics.
    Continued modernization is imperative for the Joint Force. Building 
the Joint Force required to implement our National Defense Strategy 
demands modernizing our capabilities, design, and employment. We must 
not allow ourselves to create the false trap that we can either 
modernize or focus only on today. We must do both. The United States 
has always had the advantage of time to conduct a long build up prior 
to the beginning of hostilities. Our fortunate geography with oceans on 
our east and west borders and friendly neighbors to our north and south 
have given us the strategic advantage of buffer zones to threats. With 
advances in technology and a growing global interconnectedness, we will 
no longer have the luxury of a long protected buildup prior to 
conflict. It is imperative that we have a modern advanced force in 
sufficient size and readiness to enable sustained deterrence and, if 
required, to be able to fight and win. We must make some fundamental 
changes to our Joint Force in order to leverage our military overmatch 
to deter conflict in a future operating environment.
    Our strategic competitors are modernizing their militaries, 
weapons, and capability. We must continue to modernize ours; we have no 
choice. We must divest legacy systems to enable our modernization.
    In the fall of 2019, the Secretary of Defense tasked the Joint 
Staff to develop the Joint Warfighting Concept (JWC) to address 
strategic conflict. This year, after extensive wargaming, the Joint 
Staff published the third iteration of JWC and will integrate the ideas 
into new joint doctrine, Joint Publication 1 to be published this 
summer. Today, JWC is the unifying vision to guide future force design, 
force development, and force employment to ensure we have the right 
people, equipment, training, roles, and doctrine. It will continue to 
incorporate evolving threats to help us shape our strategic environment 
and future operations. JWC 3.0 contains an updated description of the 
overarching military challenges facing the Joint Force, a refined 
explanation of the military solution--expanded maneuver--and a detailed 
description of how the Joint Force will apply this solution. This 
version of the JWC includes greater fidelity on key warfighting 
concepts and more precision on the operational approaches that will 
enable the Joint Force to gain positions of advantage against peer 
adversaries.
    Joint All Domain Command and Control (JADC2) is a warfighting 
capability to sense, make sense, and act at all levels and phases of 
war, across all domains, and with partners, to deliver information 
advantage at speed to our forces and decision makers.
    We are revising our leader development Joint Professional Military 
Education (JPME) to support the JWC. We are modernizing our JPME 
curriculum to develop strategically minded joint warfighters, who think 
critically and can creatively apply military power. Our focus remains 
on instructing mission command, operational agility, and ethics to 
ensure our military leaders can effectively employ forces at all levels 
of warfare and respond to a dynamic battlefield. Additionally, we are 
increasing the amount of JPME devoted to the study of the changing 
character of war and Great Power Competition.
    We are focused on building a more lethal Joint Force by ensuring 
that we continue to modernize our concepts, doctrine, training, and 
military education. We must continue to invest in capabilities that 
sustain our military overmatch, while strengthening alliances and 
attracting new partners. Investments in this budget ensure the Joint 
Force can execute all requirements leveed by our Nation. The 
investments made in this budget will ensure that we remain a capable 
and ready force while funding our priorities of nuclear modernization, 
long range fires, hypersonic technology, artificial intelligence, 
robotics, shipbuilding, space, and cyber.
    Nuclear modernization: The nuclear triad is the foundation of our 
strategic deterrent. Our adversaries are improving their nuclear 
posture and potential nuclear threats continue to emerge. It remains 
critical that all three legs of the triad--bombers, intercontinental 
ballistic missiles, and submarines--remain a viable deterrent and allow 
us to hedge against geopolitical, technological, operational, and 
programmatic risks. Our legacy systems have been extended well beyond 
their original service lives and we must recapitalize our nuclear 
enterprise. Modernizing the nuclear triad will cost 3.7% of the Defense 
budget at its peak not including DOE/NNSA warhead modernization. Costs 
will be significant but relatively less burdensome on the overall 
Defense budget relative to previous recapitalization efforts. 
Modernization of our nuclear forces, weapons complexes, and requisite 
nuclear command, control, and communications (NC3) capabilities are a 
high priority.
    Long range fires: The war in Ukraine highlights the strategic and 
devastating effect provided by long range fires. The Joint Force must 
have a long range strike capability without having to also maintain air 
superiority. Long range fires provide significant offensive 
capabilities that are both cost-effective and cost-imposing means of 
improving deterrence. By enabling power projection from standoff 
ranges, the risk to critical United States assets decreases while the 
defensive burden imposed upon the enemy increases. These fires 
challenge an adversary's logistics, command and control, and basing 
forcing them to choose between increased risk or decreased 
effectiveness. The PRC has thousands of ground-launched theater-range 
missiles in its arsenal that would be difficult for the United States 
to counter given its current inventories. Investments in long range and 
hypersonic missiles launched from ground, sea, and air platforms are a 
cost-effective strategy that improves our ability to compete with the 
PRC. Recent budget requests have enhanced the lethality and resilience 
of the Joint Force by developing and expanding the long-range fires 
portfolio.
    Hypersonic technology: Our adversaries are undertaking hypersonic 
weapons testing and development from a variety of delivery platforms. 
These weapons operate at speeds greater than Mach 5 and are 
maneuverable, which make the weapons challenging to detect and defeat. 
Weapons operating at these speeds will provide significant offensive 
capability that will challenge an opponent's decision timelines. We 
must invest in this technology to provide a suite of capabilities that 
provide transformational warfighting capability to our Joint Force.
    Artificial intelligence and robotics: Decision making in warfare is 
fundamental to the outcome. Militaries must be able to collect, 
analyze, and assess vast quantities of data in order to make effective 
decisions. The military that can iterate through the decisionmaking 
framework fastest will have decisive advantage. Artificial intelligence 
has the potential to reform military decisionmaking processes at the 
tactical, operational, and strategic levels of war to enable rapid 
assessments and decisions that outpace human abilities. Additionally, 
artificial intelligence combined with new military platforms could 
enable the proliferation of robots across the battlefield. Robots in 
the land, sea, and air domains could provide significant quantities of 
firepower, logistics, and communications capabilities while decreasing 
risks to our military forces. Through human-machine teaming, each human 
warfighter would have exponentially increased abilities to shoot, move, 
and communicate in battle to prevail over the enemy.
    Legacy platform divestment: Maintaining and operating weapons that 
are not relevant in the future fight and whose capabilities are matched 
by superior technology need to be divested. Continuing to purchase and 
maintain legacy equipment takes needed Defense dollars away from the 
acquisition of higher priority systems necessary for modernization. I 
strongly urge Congress to enact legislation that authorizes the 
Department to divest select legacy platforms to ensure that every 
Defense dollar spent on programs and equipment is relevant for the next 
fight. We must not be influenced by a sunk cost bias, and we cannot 
continue to mortgage our future by being wedded to technology of the 
past.
    Shipbuilding: The United States Navy must always be the world's 
most powerful naval force in capacity and capability. We must never 
accept 2nd place in naval power. We are a maritime nation and the vast 
majority of international trade moves across the world's oceans. The 
United States is committed to a free and open global maritime common. 
Manufacturing our warships overseas is a strategic risk and is not in 
our national interest. Our shipbuilding and supporting industrial base 
are a national security capability that needs support to grow and 
maintain a skilled workforce. The FY 2024 President's Budget reflects 
the Administration's strong commitment to continued American naval 
dominance, including improvements to our industrial base to meet the 
demands of our current and future defense needs. This Nation must have 
the right ships, with the right crews, and the right capabilities on 
the right timelines in the theaters where they matter. This budget 
specifically procures warships and submarines with credible combat 
power to deter the PRC. We must continue to invest in the industrial 
base to support remotely operated ship development, fleet 
modernization, on time delivery of the COLUMBIA class submarine, and to 
accelerate production and maintenance of VIRGINIA class submarines to 
support both the United States and AUKUS needs.
    Recapitalization of the sealift fleet is necessary to enable joint 
power projection. Sealift ships transport 90% of war material and 
supplies in support of major combat operations. The DoD sealift fleet 
is approaching the end of its useful life with an average age of 48 
years. Our overall sealift readiness rate is consistently below our 
stated requirements. I urge Congress to remove all limitations on the 
Department's ability to procure additional used vessels to replace 
these aging ships.
    Space: Space is essential to our way of life. Space capabilities 
are vital to our economy, quality of life, exploration initiatives, and 
national security. Every year we see additional commercial space 
launches and increased competition for lower earth orbit.
    Our adversaries view space as a warfighting domain and believe that 
achieving supremacy in this arena will be a decisive factor in winning 
future conflicts. The exosphere is already contested as Russia has 
tested both a ground-based anti-satellite missile and an on-orbit anti-
satellite weapon prototype, which threaten our space capabilities. Both 
the PRC and Russia view counterspace capabilities as a means to reduce 
United States and allied military effectiveness. Additionally, our 
adversaries have demonstrated space-jamming capabilities and maintain 
independent launch capabilities. Left unsecured, our capabilities in 
space will become strategic vulnerabilities. I urge Congress to support 
the significant increase in this budget for United States space 
capabilities.
    Cyber: Adversaries continue to use operations in the cyber domain 
to compete with the United States and attempt to gain an information 
advantage. Malign cyber actors exploit commercial software 
vulnerabilities to gain network access and conduct cyber operations 
against United States citizens, organizations, and institutions. The 
low-cost barrier to entry and attribution deniability make this a 
priority method for adversaries to compete below the level of armed 
conflict while minimizing risk of escalation. The PRC, Russia, Iran, 
and North Korea use a range of cyber capabilities from information 
operations (IO) to cyber-attacks to collect intelligence, position for 
future operations, impose costs, and signal to the United States and 
adversaries.
    Therefore, we must increase our ability to compete and prevail in 
cyberspace while ensuring all elements of informational power are 
integrated into operations, activities, and efforts to deter our 
adversaries and protect the United States homeland. This requires 
investments in technology, building and maturing cyber readiness and 
operations, reducing risk to weapon systems and critical 
infrastructure, strengthening cybersecurity, and improving network 
resiliency.
    Advanced Capabilities: The changing character of war necessitates 
that we continue to modernize and innovate our technology, 
capabilities, and training. Data and communication networks are 
fundamental to how the United States trains, plans, and employs force. 
We must have rapid and robust linkages from sensors to shooters in a 
networked information environment. This will require investments in 
microelectronics and quantum computing to ensure we maintain a 
technological edge over our adversaries. The current globally 
distributed supply chains as well as access to critical materials and 
rare earth metals present vulnerabilities to the Joint Force's ability 
to acquire necessary parts and technology in the event of crisis. We 
must also find ways to deepen collaboration on advanced capabilities 
with our closest allies and partners, such as our trilateral 
cooperation under AUKUS.
                       taking care of our people
    People are our most important resource in the Joint Force. We must 
ensure that we are doing all that we can to take care of and guard our 
most critical resource. Taking care of people is a critical readiness 
issue and it decisively impacts unit cohesion, recruitment, retention, 
and confidence in leadership.
    To attract, grow, and retain the best talent in the world, we must 
ensure that we are always taking care of our people. I urge Congress to 
support this budget's significant pay raise, healthcare, and housing 
initiatives. Additionally, this budget strengthens our accountability 
and prevention measures for sexual harassment and sexual assault. 
Finally, this budget supports improving our mental health and suicide 
prevention programs. Each of these initiatives is fundamental to taking 
care of our troops and their families.
    We are ensuring that the military departments increase their 
childcare capacity, and the DoD system remains the gold standard of 
childcare. The DoD operates the country's largest employer-sponsored 
childcare program, with over 27,000 staff members providing daily care 
for more than 160,000 children from infancy up to age 12. This fiscal 
year, the DoD is making a significant investment in constructing new 
child development centers as well as repairing, renovating, and 
maintaining existing child development centers to ensure our children 
are in safe and well-maintained facilities. Funding support from 
Congress is vital for fully staffed military childcare, and to support 
efforts to expand capacity in the community. Childcare is key to 
keeping working families working, reducing the high unemployment faced 
by military spouses, and ensuring the safety of our military children. 
Despite the childcare capacity and quality provided by the DoD there 
are still challenges for military families to access that care or 
quality care in the community.
    This budget equips our service members and families with the tools, 
skills, and resources necessary to ensure their health and well-being. 
The health and wellness of our force is a readiness, retention, and 
recruitment issue.
    The Joint Force is committed to growing our talent and ensuring 
that all who meet the requirements to serve are able to serve. The 
Joint Force competes for the talent of America's youth along with every 
other business and organization who seeks our Nation's best and 
brightest. The Joint Force's objective is to field the most lethal and 
combat effective fighting force in the world. We will continue to 
support the accessions of all qualified people to all jobs and 
positions within the Joint Force.
                               conclusion
    The United States Joint Force is a flexible and adaptable force 
ready to deter, fight, and win our Nation's wars. Significant threats 
exist across the globe and the United States is ready to respond to 
these challenges. The PRC continues its aggressive attempts to revise 
the global order for its own benefits. It is building up its military 
might to achieve its goals through the use of force. With its illegal 
and unprovoked war in Ukraine, Russia attempted to overturn the rules 
based international order and fracture NATO. Russia's war of aggression 
and nuclear rhetoric is irresponsible and risks miscalculation and 
escalation.
    International aggression, where large countries use military force 
to attack smaller countries and change recognized borders, cannot be 
allowed to stand. The Joint Force will continue to work with the 
interagency and in cooperation with our allies and partners to deter 
aggression and threats to the free world. America's network of allies 
and partners is a strategic source of strength. It is this robust 
network, this team of teams, that stands against those autocratic, 
revanchist, and revisionist regimes that are uninterested in a 
connected and prosperous world.
    It is within this framework that it is imperative we modernize our 
force, training, and doctrine to remain the most capable and ready 
force on the planet. The United States has been challenged before by 
many other adversaries. Yet, conflict is not inevitable--our military 
might makes war less likely by allowing us to deter across the spectrum 
of conflict. Our contract with the American people is that we, the 
United States military, will always be ready to protect the 
Constitution and the fundamental principles of what it means to be 
American. We will always protect and defend this experiment in liberty, 
to deter our enemies, and, if deterrence fails, then to fight and win.

    Senator Tester. Thank you, General Milley.
    To the members of the committee, everybody, almost 
everybody on this committee is going to participate today. So 
there will be 5-minute rounds. I would ask you to keep it as 
close to 5 minutes as you can.
    I would ask the distinguished panelists to be as thorough 
and succinct with your answers as possible.
    I'm going to start talking about continuing resolutions and 
their ineffectiveness. No corporation in the world would 
restrict their cash flow for the development or production of 
programs at the start of a fiscal year. Yet, in the business of 
national security some would say for our most important 
business we do just that.
    So, Secretary Austin, if another CR is enacted for this 
fiscal year 2024, what programs are you most concerned about?
    Secretary Austin. Well, certainly I'm concerned about all 
of the new starts that we won't be able to perfect because of a 
CR.
    You lose time, Chairman, under CRs and you can't--no amount 
of money can buy back time. Again, you can't start new 
programs.
    I would point out that the PRC is not waiting. They will 
execute on their own timeline. I pointed out earlier, Chairman, 
that our budget is directly linked to our strategy and, of 
course, if we don't have a budget, we can't effectively execute 
that strategy.
    So if we look at the investments that we're looking to make 
in fighter aircraft, you know, I mentioned earlier there's the 
$61 billion in our investment in our Air Force, what we're 
asking for $48 billion in our Naval Forces, those kinds of 
things we won't be able to get after because of continuing 
resolution.
    So I think the best way that the Congress can support us in 
our efforts to execute our strategy is an on-time 
appropriations.
    Senator Tester. Inflation is real and it's a concern. This 
is an $842 billion budget.
    Have you guys been able to put any sort of numbers to 
determine how much a CR would cost us?
    Secretary Austin. Certainly, it would depend on how long 
that CR is in effect, Chairman, and I defer to Mike McCord 
there for any concrete numbers, but this is something that 
we'll continue to evaluate on a daily, weekly, monthly basis if 
we have to go to a CR, but it will cost us money.
    Senator Tester. Okay. Mike, would you like to comment to 
that?
    Mr. McCord. Chairman, we've built significant funding into 
this budget to account for the inflation we project, including 
the pay raises the Secretary described, and that approach is 
$40 billion. A CR, by definition, doesn't give us any of that, 
right. It keeps our top line where it was last year which is 
about a $25 billion reduction and inflation is a significant 
hit there as are things like the Columbia and all three legs of 
the Triad.
    Senator Tester. Secretary Austin, I want you to talk about 
how a potential government default would impact your ongoing 
efforts.
    Secretary Austin. Well, certainly it would impact our 
reputation worldwide. You know, we are known for being very 
dependable, paying our bills on time, and a source of stability 
globally.
    What it would mean realistically for us is that we won't in 
some cases be able to pay our troops with any degree of 
predictability and that predictability is really, really 
important for us.
    But this would have a real impact on the pockets of our 
troops and our civilians.
    Senator Tester. General Milley, some would say that the 
department has gotten used to dealing with CRs, so they're no 
big deal. How do you respond to that?
    General Milley. Thanks, Chairman. There's several key 
things to that. First is current operations and readiness. I 
think you'd see it and we've done this drill many times, run 
the numbers, you'd see a significant degradation in the 
readiness of the force. The force that I just rattled off to 
you that's ready today, you'd see that depreciate over time. So 
your numbers of rotations at the CTCs (Combat Training Center), 
for example, for the Army here in D.C., the number of Red 
Flags, the number of Top Guns, all of those events would start 
being attrited over time.
    You'd start seeing the number of flying hours, the 5,000 
sorties I mentioned upfront per day, that would be cut down by 
a certain percentage, depends on how long the CR went. So you'd 
see flying hours for both rotor wing and fixed wing helicopters 
go down.
    You'd see sailing time, those hundred ships that I said are 
sailing the seven seas right now, you'd have to cut that back 
because of fuel costs. So there'd be significant current 
operations and then for future readiness, future modernization, 
the Secretary mentioned the new starts. You'd also probably see 
some delays in some of the nuclear recapitalization. The 
Columbia could be at risk a little bit, I think.
    You could see that B-21 that was just rolled out in 
California not too long ago, things like that would be 
stretched out long-term. So it's a terrible way to do business. 
I'm not a businessman, but it's a terrible way to run a 
business when you're doing basically budgets for 9 months at a 
time if you do a CR for 3 months.
    So it would have, I think, very, very significant negative 
impact on the readiness and then, of course, future readiness 
but also there's the imponderable, the immeasurable one, which 
is morale. It sends a terrible signal to our soldiers, our 
sailors, airmen, Marines around the world when we do these CRs.
    So it always leaves people in a sense of uncertainty and 
then it sends a terrible message to our allies and partners and 
our adversaries around the world. So I think it's significant.
    Senator Tester. Thank you.
    Senator Collins.
    Senator Collins. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Let's assume that we do achieve our goal of enacting the 
DoD (Department of Defense) appropriations bill on time. If we 
use the Administration's estimate for fuel costs, which the 
Government Accountability Office underestimates costs by 20 
percent, General Milley, absent some relief from Congress, how 
would military readiness be affected in terms of the 
department's flying hours, training exercises, and other 
activities needed to stay within the 20 percent shortfall?
    General Milley. Well, I think there's a direct relation. If 
it's 20 percent shortfall in fuel, you're going to have 20 
percent less flying hours because all these aircraft, ships, as 
well, and ground vehicles, tanks and much infantry fighting 
vehicles. They all rely on fuel.
    The Department of Defense is the biggest fuel consumer in 
the United States. So we would end up reducing the amount of 
operational tempo of our vehicle fleets, whether ground or air, 
and the specific number of hours, we've done the math, and I'd 
have to get back to you for the record on the specific number 
of hours they would have. It would depend on how long and how 
deep the CR was, but it would have significant impact on flying 
hours, driving miles per vehicle, and the sailing of the ships.
    Senator Collins. Thank you.
    Secretary Austin, General Milley correctly noted in his 
statement when he was discussing Iran that Iran would only take 
several more months to produce an actual nuclear weapon and he 
goes on to say that the United States remains committed as a 
matter of policy that Iran will not have a nuclear weapon.
    What are some of the policies that the Administration is 
pursuing to prevent Iran from developing very quickly a nuclear 
weapon?
    Secretary Austin. Well, from a military perspective, you 
know, my responsibility is to make sure that is our policy. 
Iran will not have a nuclear weapon.
    My responsibility is to make sure that the President has 
options available to him to enforce that policy and so we 
remain focused on making sure that those options remain 
available and they are.
    Senator Collins. All right. I'll move on to a different 
issue.
    In January, the department announced that 31 Abrams tanks 
would be delivered to Ukraine. The latest information I have is 
that that will not occur until this fall, is that accurate? 
Could you update us on what the current delivery schedule is 
and whether there's any way to accelerate the delivery of these 
tanks to Ukraine?
    Secretary Austin. Thanks, Vice Chair. We are doing 
everything possible to accelerate the delivery of these tanks 
and early fall is a projection.
    In the meantime, we've moved a number of tanks over into 
theater so that the Ukrainians can begin training on this 
capability and when they complete that--by the time they 
complete that training, the tanks will be available for them to 
use.
    We're putting in the infrastructure to be able to sustain 
and support this capability, as well. As you know, this is a 
different capability, turbine engine, and a number of pretty 
sophisticated systems. We're moving as fast as possible to get 
the capability in the hands of the Ukrainians and will 
certainly have that available by early fall.
    Senator Collins. Another threat to the United States is a 
terrorist attack. I think with our focus on China and Russia 
and Iran, North Korea, we can't lose sight of the fact that 
Afghanistan is once again a safe haven for many terrorist 
groups.
    General Kurilla testified before the Armed Services 
Committee that ISIS-K will likely be capable of conducting 
operations outside of Afghanistan within 6 months and that that 
would come with little or no warning.
    I know that the United States military made an effort to 
take most of its weapons and ammunition out of Afghanistan when 
our troops left, but the fact is that approximately $7 billion 
worth of valuable useful military equipment provided to the 
Afghan Security Forces by the United States remains in that 
country.
    Are you concerned about the fact that the weapons that the 
Americans gave to the Security Forces could now be turned 
against us and our Western allies in a terrorist attack?
    Secretary Austin. Vice Chair, you accurately described what 
we're looking at in terms of that equipment. The equipment that 
the United States troops were using was retrograded by General 
Miller and his staff when the decision was made to retrograde 
our troops out of Afghanistan. So we closed 11 bases, brought 
out thousands of tons of equipment that we were using that was 
equipment for our forces, and that retrograde was done very 
successfully.
    As you know, over 20 years we did a lot to provide 
capability to the Afghan military and that over time turned out 
to be quite a bit of equipment.
    Now when that government collapsed and when the Security 
Forces laid down their arms, then that material became 
available to the Taliban. So, yes, that equipment is still in 
Afghanistan, but again its equipment that we had provided to 
their forces, their Security Forces, and not the equipment that 
we left behind because we couldn't retrograde it.
    Senator Collins. Thank you.
    Senator Tester. Thank you, Senator Collins.
    Senator Murray.
    Senator Murray. Well, thank you very much, Chair Tester, 
Vice Chairman Collins.
    I'm really glad that we are continuing to hold these really 
important hearings and move closer to finally getting the 
committee back to regular order. So I appreciate it.
    We've made good progress, but we have to stay the course if 
we're going to pass our Nation's funding bills in a timely 
manner. We know that our competitors, like the Chinese 
Government, are doing everything they can to gain ground. So we 
cannot afford to let our efforts get sidetracked and our 
investments fall behind.
    Our military needs the certainty of a regular and smooth 
appropriations process that they can depend on. So I'm really 
glad to have this opportunity to hear from Secretary Austin 
about the resources needed to support our service members and 
keep our Nation safe, including support for our military 
families, like good housing and schools, mental healthcare, 
childcare, and a lot more, because, as I have said, our most 
important military asset isn't our weapons or our equipment, it 
is the brave and talented women and men who are willing to put 
their lives on the line to keep our country safe.
    So we owe it to them to work together across the aisle, get 
our job done, get our government funded without drama, and get 
them the support they need.
    So, Mr. Secretary, thank you for being here today. Let me 
start with a really important topic. Our Nation's suicide 
crisis is devastating and we see serious risk among our 
servicemembers. The latest report on suicide in the military 
shows a steady increase over the past decade and we finally saw 
a small decrease in 2021 but there's still a lot of work to be 
done.
    Secretary Austin, you have previously noted how the stress 
caused by the unpredictability of life in the military, the 
demand for troops to confront so many threats abroad, real 
challenges accessing counseling, all contribute to this 
problem.
    I understand the department is facing challenges hiring 
enough specialists to provide servicemembers with access to 
mental healthcare and counseling.
    Can you tell us what steps you are taking to increase 
hiring so servicemembers have access to mental healthcare?
    Secretary Austin. This is something that's very, very 
important to me. You've heard me talk about this. This is 
something that remains very important to me. You've heard me 
talk about this a number of times.
    Mental health is health, period, and I think we have to 
continue to maintain that outlook towards taking care of our 
troops.
    I just had all our senior leaders, both uniform and 
civilian, in for a senior leader session, and this was one 
topic that was prominent in that session.
    I'm asking you for $200 million in this budget plus to 
devote to suicide prevention which includes increasing access 
to mental healthcare and I am really emphasizing to leadership 
that we need to do everything possible to make sure that we're 
working with, you know, the civilian capabilities in our 
communities to make sure that we have access to those, to 
increase the capacity that's available to us.
    But we will remain sited on this and you're right, we did 
see an improvement in 2021. We're going to work hard to see if 
we can continue to improve, but this remains a challenge and 
access to mental healthcare is fundamental to this challenge.
    Senator Murray. Thank you and we need to follow up on that. 
I appreciate it.
    Let me change the topic. As you know, the Navy is sending a 
nuclear-armed submarine to South Korea for the first time since 
the 1980s and the USS George Washington will replace the USS 
Ronald Reagan in Japan so it can head to Bremerton, Washington, 
for maintenance.
    These naval assets will only become more important as the 
U.S. works to strengthen our partnerships and support allies 
throughout the Indo-Pacific.
    Maintaining this fleet is really paramount to our success 
and the Puget Sound Naval Shipyard is really vital, as you 
know, to the maintenance work.
    PSNS (Puget Sound Naval Shipyard) is the only shipyard on 
the West Coast with Nimitz and Ford Class capable of dry dock 
and it's responsible for the maintenance of the majority of the 
West Coast-based attack submarines. Those dry docks are 
currently vulnerable to seismic activity.
    Secretary Austin, I am disappointed that despite knowing 
about the need to address those seismic issues, it was left out 
of the budget request this year.
    How is the department ensuring this multiyear project is 
and will continue to be a top priority for the Navy?
    Secretary Austin. Well, thanks and thanks for your 
continued support on this issue.
    First of all, let me emphasize that the safety of our 
personnel and the protection of our assets is very important to 
the department.
    When we experienced a challenge with the--because of the 
seismic activity recently, as you know, we rapidly deployed 
assessment teams to assess damage and also to outline steps 
that are necessary to get our capability back up and running. 
We have a high standard for safety and we have done that work 
and we are bringing those assets back online.
    In this budget, Chair, I'm asking you for $2.7 billion to 
continue to invest in our infrastructure. That's in the SIOP 
(Shipyard Infrastructure Optimization Program) Program and we 
will continue to invest in this in future budget requests, as 
well.
    Senator Murray. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester. Senator Moran.
    Senator Moran. Chairman, thank you, Chairman.
    Secretary, thank you for your presence and your service.
    Mr. Secretary, what's your explanation? How do we solve the 
problem with recruitment? What's the cause for the failure for 
young men and women to sign up? It strikes me that it's 
something that needs to be defined. I know at Fort Riley, we 
have the greatest level of retention of any military 
installation but recruitment is down.
    So retention is there but not recruitment. What's your 
story?
    Secretary Austin. There are a number of challenges that 
have come together, Senator, to create headwinds. Foremost 
among those challenges is 2 years of COVID.
    As you well know, sir, recruiters spend a lot of time 
interacting with prospective recruits at schools and so their 
access to schools is pretty important. If they don't have that 
access for 2 years, then it certainly creates a challenge for 
us.
    You add that to the fact that we've seen the lowest 
unemployment rate in decades and so there are a number of 
things that have combined to create the challenge.
    It's not the first time that we've seen challenges in 
recruiting, as you know. When I was in the military, I was a 
recruiter for a period of time and I know that the things that 
you have to do to improve, Number 1, you have to increase 
contact with your prospect, you have to invest in advertising 
and marketing, you have to have the right quality of recruiters 
out engaging the public, you have to engage centers of 
influence, like yourself and other key leaders in the 
community, and all of those things our services are working to 
up their activity in all of those areas and I'm optimistic 
that, you know, this trough that we entered because of the 
effects of COVID and other things we'll climb out of and we're 
seeing some positive trends and we'll continue to do the right 
things and invest in the right things to make sure that gets 
turned around.
    Senator Moran. Well, as you know, our capabilities of 
defending our country rest solely with the men and women who 
serve in uniform. I wish you well in those efforts and any way 
that I and I'm sure my colleagues can be of help to get folks 
to sign up, please include me. Please ask.
    Secretary Austin. I would ask--make one strong request and 
that is that we all emphasize the value of service and whether 
or not you serve in the military or whether or not you serve 
your community or you serve as a member of the Federal 
Government, service is really important, but certainly hearing 
that from key leadership in the country I think would help this 
overall effort.
    Senator Moran. Thank you, sir.
    Let me ask you about the National Guard. We've seen how 
important the National Guard is, what role they play in 
defending our Nation. The National Guard makes up 20 percent of 
the Joint Force, but the National Guard Vice Chief is the only 
vice chief that's a three star.
    Thoughts about if that's appropriate or is there a plan to 
remedy that circumstance.
    Secretary Austin. I agree with you, Senator, that the 
National Guard is critical to our overall department, to the 
Department of Defense.
    I can't overemphasize, you know, the capability that they 
bring to the force. This is something--you know, our structure 
and the number of billets that we have is something that we 
continue to evaluate.
    I have all the authorities that I need. I don't need any 
authority, additional authorities or help, but that's something 
we'll continue to look at as we go from year to year into the 
future and right now I don't see the need to effect any 
changes.
    Senator Moran. Well, thank you for your consideration.
    Finally, Secretary Austin, my time is about to expire. 
Congress last year--so I'll just make this point. Congress 
passed the PACT (Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics) Act 
dealing with toxic exposure by our service men and women. We 
have significant challenges of families and servicemembers who 
are impacted by contaminated drinking water at Red Hill and if 
the department has not established an exposure registry, I 
encourage you to do so and I hope that this budget has the 
resources necessary to care for those servicemembers and their 
families.
    Secretary Austin. We have established a registry and so 
thank you, Senator.
    Senator Moran. You're welcome. General Milley, thank you 
for your service, appreciate you very much.
    Senator Tester. Senator Durbin.
    Senator Durbin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    General Milley, you've served our Nation well and when the 
history is written of your service, it will clearly recognize 
that America was safer under your watch and the troops you led 
had an effective and caring leader under your command, but this 
history may not tell the whole story unless you write it of 
your fidelity to our Constitution when there were serious 
questions of the peaceful transition of power which is 
essential to the preservation of our democracy.
    Because of you, our Constitution and our Union survived and 
we are stronger today. Thank you.
    Secretary Austin, yesterday I had a meeting in my office of 
several Senators with a man named Kareem Khan. He is the chief 
prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. He recently 
charged Vladimir Putin with war crimes. We know what he's 
basing that on, the unspeakable atrocities caused by the 
Russian forces in Ukraine, stealing, kidnapping hundreds, if 
not thousands of children, rape, beheadings, torture, mass 
executions, and targeting individual private citizens for his 
bombardment.
    Ukraine's Prosecutor general has documented more than 
77,000 war crimes and crimes against humanity. Sadly, the 
number continues to grow.
    When I met with Kareem Khan I asked him if there was more 
the United States could do to help him gather the evidence and 
documents necessary to prosecute Vladimir Putin for these awful 
war crimes. He said three was cooperation from the Department 
of State, the Department of Justice, but he did not include the 
Secretary of Defense and your department.
    Khan's efforts regarding war crimes are so important that 
Congress last year passed additional authority allowing the 
U.S. to share critical war crimes evidence and intelligence 
with the International Court of Criminal Justice.
    We have one president, we have one commander-in-chief, but 
I'm not certain that we have one policy when it comes to the 
War Criminal Vladimir Putin.
    I'd like to ask you directly. Why are you reluctant to 
share the evidence that we have gathered in the United States 
through the Department of Defense from those who are holding 
Vladimir Putin accountable for his war crimes?
    Secretary Austin. Thank you, Senator.
    I absolutely agree with what you said in terms of the 
atrocities that we've witnessed throughout. It's been 
absolutely despicable and we continue to see evidence of Putin 
deliberately targeting civilians, hospitals, and apartment 
buildings and you name it.
    The department firmly supports the goal of holding Russia 
accountable for its violations in Ukraine. There are multiple 
ways to promote accountability, including the domestic 
Ukrainian efforts that you mentioned, and I believe in a 
principled approach to promoting accountability.
    I will always prioritize the protection of U.S. military 
personnel in anything that we do.
    Senator Durbin. So why is your department not sharing 
evidence that we have gathered to help that effort? The 
Department of State is. The Department of Justice is. Why is 
the Department of Defense not doing so?
    Secretary Austin. Senator, I will just tell you that, you 
know, it's important to us to make sure that Russia is held 
accountable and we support the goal of holding him accountable, 
but again I do have concerns about reciprocity going forward 
and so we will continue to look for ways to support the effort 
of holding Russia accountable.
    Senator Durbin. Are you aware of the additional authorities 
we created by law that allow your department and the others of 
this government to cooperate with the ICC (International 
Criminal Court)?
    Secretary Austin. I am aware of the legislation, Senator.
    Senator Durbin. Do you feel there is a deficiency in that 
legislation that would hold you back from helping the 
prosecution of Vladimir Putin?
    Secretary Austin. I see no deficiencies in your 
legislation, no.
    Senator Durbin. Then what is the explanation? There's got 
to be a bottom line here. Why is it when these prosecutors come 
and meet with us they list the cooperating agencies of our 
government and specifically don't list the Department of 
Defense? Why?
    Secretary Austin. Again, Senator, we'll do everything 
within our power to make sure that we support efforts to hold 
Russia accountable, but again I remain concerned about the 
protection of U.S. military personnel----
    Senator Durbin. I've got to ask for more--General, I 
respect you and I voted for you and I'd do it again, but I got 
to ask for more.
    Your personal feelings about whether you do it or not 
should be second to the law, should it not?
    Secretary Austin. It is. They are, Senator.
    Senator Durbin. Well, if the law says cooperate and you 
refuse, what am I--what conclusion am I supposed to draw?
    Secretary Austin. Senator, we have not refused any--to 
abide by any law. So there could be some confusion here, but 
again we support the goal of holding Russia accountable.
    Senator Durbin. I have to ask you to prove it by doing so 
and I have to ask you why the people who have observed the 
conduct and policy of the agency think you're falling short and 
you're holding back.
    Why we would hold back evidence against this War Criminal 
Vladimir Putin and the terrible things he's doing? I don't 
understand at all. You say you don't think the law is 
deficient, but you have a feeling.
    Mr. Secretary, give me more than that. Tell me why. You 
must have a compelling reason for not cooperating. What is it?
    Secretary Austin. Again, I will always prioritize 
protection of our military personnel. That's my concern.
    Senator Durbin. And you don't think the law that we've 
passed does that?
    Secretary Austin. I didn't make a comment on the law, 
Senator. I think again the law is sufficient obviously. It's 
been established by Congress and we are compelled to respect 
the law.
    Senator Durbin. Well, I would never jeopardized our troops 
and I know Senator Graham feels the same. We both worked on 
crafting this law so it would necessarily protect our troops. 
You've drawn a personal opposite conclusion and I think it is 
frankly hurting the efforts to hold Putin accountable.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield.
    Senator Tester. Senator Graham.
    Senator Graham. Rather than beating this horse, I would 
recommend that we probably have a meeting, Secretary Austin, if 
that's okay with you.
    Listen. I've been a judge advocate most of my adult life 
and we've written this law in a way to make sure it applies to 
foreign nationals, Russians, involved in war crimes in Ukraine 
to help hold Putin accountable.
    Mr. Khan says we have a lot of valuable information that 
could accelerate his prosecution not only of Putin but of 
others.
    Are you familiar with the Wagner Group, Mr. Secretary?
    Secretary Austin. I am.
    Senator Graham. Do you think they're a terrorist 
organization?
    Secretary Austin. I think they are a horrible terrorist 
organization.
    Senator Graham. Well, I'd like to prosecute them, too. So 
what I would like to do is meet with you and your team to make 
sure that not only you follow the law but you understand the 
benefit of this legislation to help this war effort.
    So, General Milley, what do all those stripes on your arm 
mean on your right shoulder, right arm there, those white 
stripes?
    General Milley. Each one represents 6 months in combat.
    Senator Graham. Okay. Since 9/11 how many years have you 
been away from your family?
    General Milley. Seven, eight, nine, probably about half the 
time.
    Senator Graham. Is that more typical than not for people in 
the military?
    General Milley. No, it's actually very typical. I think my 
peers and those probably NCOs (Non-commissioned officers) at 
this point that have been in this thing since 9/11 have 
probably spent year-on/year-off for, you know, half the time 
basically deployed in Iraq or Afghanistan in combat.
    Senator Graham. Well, I hope you get some time with your 
family and thank your family for their service to our country.
    Let's go to Afghanistan right quick. Based on the 
withdrawal of Afghanistan, our withdrawal from Afghanistan, 
General Kurilla said that, as Senator Collins indicated, 6 
months we could be attacked without warning. Is that a fairly 
accurate statement from your point of view?
    General Milley. 11 months ago I actually testified and said 
12-18-24-36, I rounded it like that. So what Kurilla had said 
in his testimony, that's within the ranges that I had 
mentioned, as well. So absolutely. I mean, look at our ability 
to monitor and track terrorists in Afghanistan is less than it 
was with boots on the ground, true, but we still have the 
ability to monitor.
    Senator Graham. I know, I know, but let me ask this right 
quick. Are we less safe than we were before?
    General Milley. I would just say that the United States 
military is committed to continuing to monitor, track, and, if 
necessary, take action----
    Senator Graham. Okay. All right.
    Senator Milley [continuing]. Against any terrorist threat.
    Senator Graham. All right. I would just say we're less 
safe.
    So Putin, if he wins, perceived at winning, what does that 
mean for the world? If he's perceived as having lost, what does 
that mean for the world? Is there a correlation in your view 
between success of Putin or failure of Putin and China's 
likelihood to invade Taiwan?
    General Milley. I think that the Chinese are watching the 
war between Russia and Ukraine very carefully and I think for 
Ukraine obviously it's an existential threat for their very 
existence, but for Europe, for the United States, I think the 
issue is about a rules-based international order and I think 
that what Putin has done is an illegal direct assault on that 
order and if he's allowed to succeed in that, China will learn 
certain lessons and it may not be the single decisive point but 
I think it will calculate into their decisionmaking process as 
to whether or not they attack and seize Taiwan.
    So I think the outcome of Ukraine is critical to much 
broader issues than just Ukraine.
    Senator Graham. And if Putin is seen as having lost, does 
that make America safer?
    General Milley. I think it does because I think that what 
loss being defined as Ukraine remains a free independent 
sovereign country with its territory intact. If that is the end 
result of this war, then I think Putin will have failed in his 
attempts to take Ukraine and undermine that rules-based order 
and I really think that that order, which has been in existence 
for eight decades now, since the end of World War II, that's 
critical to global stability and world peace.
    Senator Graham. Okay. Mr. McCord, in 2033 under this 
budget, how much will we be spending on defense in terms of GDP 
(Gross Domestic Product)?
    Mr. McCord. Senator, we have been in the three range for 
quite a while and we'll probably be right around three at the 
end of the process.
    Senator Graham. Well, my information says 2.5. So check 
that one out, see who's right. Okay?
    The Navy real quickly thinks they need 370 ships, 373, and 
to get there, they have to spend 5 percent above inflation.
    Do you agree this budget will not allow the Navy to get to 
373 ships?
    Mr. McCord. Within the FY DP (Future Years Defense 
Program), we will not be at that number.
    Senator Graham. Yes. Cause we're spending under inflation.
    So real quickly, Mr. Chairman, there's a bunch of 
scenarios. None of them are really good. The House budget, 2022 
plus one, is about a 14 percent cut, is that right, Mr. McCord?
    Mr. McCord. I'm sorry. The House----
    Senator Graham. The House proposal, the 2022 plus one 
percent, what would that mean to the military? How many dollars 
would be lost?
    Mr. McCord. In this year, it would be about a hundred 
billion below our request. Over----
    Senator Graham. Okay.
    Mr. McCord [continuing]. Five years it would be about $600 
billion.
    Senator Graham. Okay. So a CR is a loss to the military, 
right, General--Secretary Austin?
    Secretary Austin. That's right, Senator.
    Senator Graham. Okay. This budget puts you below inflation. 
So the committee's task is to reject all of this stuff and come 
up with a number that keeps us safe.
    Senator Schatz [presiding]. Thank you very much.
    Secretary Austin, General Milley, thank you for being here.
    I want to start in Hawaii the people of Oahu have suffered 
tremendously with the biggest pollution event in the State of 
Hawaii at Red Hill bulk Fuel Storage Facility and the defueling 
and closure of Red Hill must continue to stay on schedule.
    I want to submit for the record a Unified Statement from 
Hawaii State Leaders about the importance of pure water and the 
remediation of the lands impacted by the Red Hill Fuel Spill.
    Without objection.

    [The information follows:]

    
    

    Senator Schatz. Secretary Austin, can you reassure the 
people of Hawaii that Red Hill will never be used for fuel 
storage or fuel operations once it is emptied?
    Secretary Austin. Yes, when I made that decision, that was 
my intent, Senator, and also thank you for everything that you 
and the delegation have done to help us move forward.
    Senator Schatz. Are you on track to send your certification 
to Congress that our Indo-Pacific fuel needs won't be adversely 
impacted by the closure?
    Secretary Austin. Yes, we are on track and this is 
something that we work routinely. I just met with my leadership 
on Red Hill here last week to check to see where we are and, 
yes, we are.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    As General Milley said, war with China is not inevitable. 
To avoid conflict, the department must use all tools available 
to it, new capabilities, alliances, partnerships and facilities 
in the AOR (Area of Responsibility).
    Secretary Austin, the budget includes $9.1 billion for the 
PDI (Pacific Deterrence Initiative). How are you going to 
ensure that these funds improve readiness and bolster 
deterrence without falling into the trap of fancy expensive 
gold-plated weapon systems?
    Secretary Austin. Well, this is something that, as you 
know, Senator, that we track very closely as the Indo-Pacific 
Command commander develops his requests. We work through each 
request with him and we're investing in those things that will 
provide us the ability to further forward station our troops 
and capability and so infrastructure is really, really 
important to us and you'll see that reflected in the PDI.
    Senator Schatz. I think it's really important that we 
understand how achieved partnerships are compared to these 
weapon systems. Obviously we need a balance of both, but I 
think it's important for the Defense Appropriations Committee 
to make it clear to you that these partnerships are highly 
leveraged.
    I mean, I think about Pacific Pathways with the Army. This 
is really small money and an enormous impact. Whenever I'm 
talking to INDOPACOM or in the Asia Pacific Region, they don't 
talk about the weapon systems. They talk about Pacific 
Pathways. I think Incas another example of a pretty highly 
leveraged partnership. It's not zero dollars but it's not 
nearly as expensive as the other stuff.
    Commanders are preoccupied with failing sewer systems, 
fragile electrical grids, and deteriorating barracks. Dealing 
with these issues have real opportunity costs and take away 
from our readiness.
    General Milley, the Active Army, Navy, and Air Force have 
requested over $14 billion for FSRM (Facilities Sustainment, 
and Restoration and Modernization), a $470 million increase 
over last year.
    How are services ensuring that they'll make meaningful 
progress on improving the most critical aging infrastructure?
    General Milley. Thanks, Senator, for that. Each of the 
services have very, very deliberate inspection programs. They 
have readiness calculations for all of their infrastructure. 
They go through a very rigorous process to ensure that their 
infrastructure remains modernized and up to date both from an 
operational standpoint for training but also for taking care of 
the families and the troops.
    So they've got very rigorous processes to do that. Each one 
is slightly different, but I can come back to you with the 
exacts for each of the services if you'd like, but I've looked 
at those processes when I was Chief Staff of the Army. They're 
all very rigorous in each of those services.
    Senator Schatz. Please. Thank you.
    Last question for Secretary Austin. Last year I stressed 
the importance of interagency coordination and the COFA 
(Compact of Free Association) negotiations and DoD's role as a 
silent but very important partner in the process.
    Negotiations are ongoing, but I think they're going 
reasonably well and the strategic importance of these 
relationships with the Freely Associated States continue to 
grow.
    Can you just talk about how important it is that the United 
States successfully renew the COFA Agreements on time?
    Secretary Austin. It's critical, Senator. These are 
partners that have--we have a long history with. They're 
incredibly helpful, incredibly patriotic, as you know. A large 
percentage of their population serve in our military and as you 
pointed out, State has the lead for this, but DoD is certainly 
a player and we will continue to contribute and hopefully help 
move things forward in a meaningful way.
    Senator Schatz. As does VA (Veterans Affairs). I just 
wanted to quickly point out this. You know, we are talking 
about relatively small money, for instance, to make sure that 
veterans who are residing in COFA States get the VA services 
that they deserve, but we need a statutory change for that.
    There's some resistance as if it's some big budget pressure 
item. It's not. But as you deal with Pacific Island leaders, 
you know, I would say thank God for small favors. These are the 
kinds of things that define our relationship with these Pacific 
Island leaders, whether we respect them, whether we respect 
their citizens, whether Secretary Blinken's slogan of friends, 
allies, partners is real to them, and so these big investments 
are important but it's the taking care of the people as though 
they are true partners that I think makes the difference.
    Senator Murkowski.
    Senator Murkowski. Thank you.
    Gentlemen, thank you. Chairman Milley, I know in your 
written testimony you acknowledged that this is your last set 
of posture hearings. So I don't know whether you're celebrating 
after this morning's hearing, but thank you. Thank you for your 
years of service and all you have provided us.
    Today is kind of a significant day. We're all looking at 
the southern border with regards to Title 42 and all the 
implication there. The 11th of May is also a significant day 
far from the South in the Arctic. Today is the day that Russia 
is transferring the chair-ship of the Arctic Council to Norway. 
Hopefully all is going to be quiet and smooth and without a 
bump there and the governing body in the Arctic, the Arctic 
Council, will be moving forward, but it's something that I'm 
paying attention to cause both of you well know we're paying 
attention to the Arctic.
    We appreciate the fact that all five services have updated 
their Arctic Strategy. We've come a long, long way as an Arctic 
nation and being able to focus clearly and with intent and so I 
was curious as I read through in full both of your statements 
this morning and I am concerned because in neither of your 
statements is there acknowledgment or recognition of the 
Arctic.
    Secretary Austin, you do use the word ``Arctic'' once in 
connection with the issue of climate, but I think we know that 
it is broader than just climate and certainly from a security 
perspective you've indicated that the budget is linked to 
strategy. It absolutely positively has to be and so the 
question to you this morning is whether or not you think the 
budget that we have in front of us is sufficient to implement 
these Arctic strategies?
    Given the significance of the Arctic geopolitically, given 
what we're seeing out of Russia, given what we've just seen in 
the past couple weeks with a very clear intention from Russia 
to be cooperating on bilateral perspective with China with 
regards to the Arctic, this should send signals to us that the 
partnering up there is changing, that peaceful multilateral 
cooperation that we have seen historically is changing in a 
dynamic way as a consequence of what we've seen with Putin's 
aggressive and awful war in Ukraine.
    But the question, I guess I'll start with you, Chairman 
Milley, is whether or not you think that this budget is 
sufficient in regards to our priorities in the Arctic?
    General Milley. Thanks, Senator, appreciate that.
    I do think that because our forces are general purpose 
forces and they can be applied in the Arctic or they can be 
applied anywhere, and I personally think the Arctic is a 
critical geographic region of geostrategic importance and it's 
increasing in its importance over time. That's clear.
    I'm attending the Arctic Chiefs Conference here shortly in 
the next couple weeks which I do every 6 months or so and that 
has all the chiefs of defense, Military Uniform Chiefs of 
Arctic Nations, not including Russia, by the way, and we get 
together to discuss the security issues with Norway and Canada 
and the other Scandinavian countries, etcetera. So we recognize 
the importance of the Arctic.
    As you mentioned, all the services and all the commands 
have updated their programs, their strategies. In addition, we 
run a whole series of exercises and we've increased our 
capabilities. The 111th Airborne Division, for example, up in 
Alaska. So the Arctic is clearly recognized within the 
Department of Defense, within the Joint Force, as having a 
critical geostrategic importance and we have forces that are 
able to operate in the Arctic right now.
    Senator Murkowski. I think we recognize, though, that the 
training to the Arctic is perhaps a little more unique and this 
is why----
    General Milley. Very unique.
    Senator Murkowski. This is why the 111th is so important 
with that focus.
    Secretary Austin, in last year's NDAA (National Defense 
Authorization Act), Section 603 authorized several policies 
that will improve the quality of life. We've been concerned 
about the issue of suicide, particularly up north, but we had 
included provisions related to special cold weather pay as well 
as an opportunity for the Secretary to reimburse eligible 
servicemembers for the cost of airfare, travel home to their 
home of record--well, their assigned on duty location. All 
these designed to help offset some of the challenges that come 
when you are in a remote and expensive area.
    I had asked earlier for some updates on when the soldiers 
might be able to expect receiving the cold weather duty pay as 
well as beginning receivements for the eligible travel and have 
not gotten responses that have clarified that.
    So if you can help us with that?
    Secretary Austin. Certainly. We'll get you a response right 
away in terms of where we are in the process there in complying 
with the directive there.
    Senator Murkowski. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester [presiding]. Senator Reed.
    Senator Reed. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    First let me thank and commend General Milley for his 
extraordinary service. I first had the opportunity to meet the 
General when he was Assistant Commander of the 101st Airborne 
Division along with General McConnellville and since that time 
and before that you've been a remarkable soldier. Thank you, 
sir.
    Mr. Secretary, you indicated to the Chairman that a default 
on our debt would have profound repercussions in the Department 
of Defense and that also tracks with the testimony of Avril 
Haynes, the Director of National Intelligence, before the Armed 
Services Committee.
    But there's another aspect to this, too, and that would, I 
think, give China an opportunity to exploit this dramatically.
    Do you have any concept of the strategic competition with 
China if we default?
    Secretary Austin. There is substantial risk to our 
reputation, Senator. Again, we are viewed as being a source of 
stability globally and we always pay our debts and there's just 
a number of things that we're working with allies and partners 
on that would come into question as to whether or not we'll be 
able to execute programs, but most important, this will affect 
the livelihood of our troops and our civilians. We won't be 
able to pay people like we should and I think that's something 
that China and everybody else can exploit.
    Senator Reed. Yes. Given the disposition of China, they 
would like to exploit every opportunity and this would present 
them a huge opportunity to provide disinformation to American 
citizens, to confuse them, and also in the world community, as 
you point out, to suddenly and miraculously look like the 
stable adult in the room and that would be--it's interesting 
we're all talking about strategic platforms and how do we, you 
know, operate vis-a-vis China.
    This could be one of the greatest strategic eras vis-a-vis 
China in history, is that fair?
    Secretary Austin. I think that's an accurate statement 
there, Senator.
    Senator Reed. Thank you very much.
    The Chairman also brought up the issue, which is, I found, 
profoundly disturbing of the inability to routinely confirm 
general officers and I know seven former Secretaries of Defense 
wrote a letter actually deploring this as a gross 
politicization of the military. You yourself wrote a letter to 
Senator Warren.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to include both these letters in 
the record.
    Senator Tester. Without objection.
    Senator Reed. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    [The information follows:]

    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    

    Senator Reed. General Milley, we talked conceptually about 
this issue. Can you give us an idea of the impacts that are 
beginning to happen and that will accelerate?
    General Milley. Again, Senator, thanks. Let me make one 
comment on the default piece, though.
    Senator Reed. Yes, sir.
    General Milley. China right now describes us in their open 
speeches, etcetera, as a declining power. Defaulting on the 
debt will only reinforce that thought and embolden China and 
increase risk to the United States.
    With respect to the general officers, there's about 650 
that are on various lists throughout the services that are up 
for nomination, confirmation, and they're all going to go 
replace someone and they're going to be replaced. So it's 650 
really times three. So you're looking at 1,800, maybe almost 
2,000 officers. Probably all of them, I don't know for sure, 
but probably most of them are married. They probably have some 
kids. So you're probably looking at 3,000 to 4,000 lives that 
are directly impacted in my view. So that will have significant 
personal impact.
    Then from a readiness standpoint, these are flag officers. 
So they're in charge of very large complex organizations and 
this is unsettling for the institution and it will have over 
time, I think, a significant degradation in readiness and 
capability, morale.
    I think the impact is pretty significant on that whole--and 
I understand I'm going to stay out of the whole issue of why 
it's being held, but I think holding up commissioned officers' 
confirmations on anything other than their own personal talent 
and skills further politicizes the military and if the intent 
is to not politicize the military, I think it has the opposite 
effect. It drags the uniformed military right in the middle of 
a political argument.
    Senator Reed. I think you're exactly right and that's why 
we'll do our best to reverse this. Again, I think the 
cumulative effect is very, very dangerous to both readiness and 
certainly to the families of these officers.
    A final point. I'm running out of time, but we talk a lot 
about the number of platforms you're going to have and 
etcetera. My recollection that has to be checked by the 
historians is that the French Army had many more tanks than the 
Wehrmacht in 1940, but what they didn't have is the combined 
arms teams, the communications, etcetera, and one of the areas 
we're trying to do is to get JADC2 (Joint All-Domain Command 
and Control) in place so that we can communicate which will 
multiply our power so that, you know, X number of platforms can 
be more effective even if our opponents have a lot more 
platforms.
    Is that accurate or fair?
    General Milley. It is, Senator. JADC2 is a critical 
component of the modernization of the Warfighting concept. It 
is the command and control section that brings it all together 
in a combined arms way. It involves software, hardware, 
procedures, etcetera. It's a key piece of the way the United 
States military intends to operate in the future operating 
environment and without it, you won't be able to execute 
combined arms operations. The JADC2 is critical.
    Senator Reed. And multiply the number of platforms we have 
effectively.
    General Milley. Absolutely.
    Senator Reed. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester. Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Secretary Austin, General Milley, Deputy Secretary McCord, 
thank you all for being here and, General Milley, let me echo 
all of the thanks from other members of the subcommittee for 
your long service to this country.
    I would like to follow up on Senator Reed's comments and 
I'm disappointed that more of the members of the subcommittee 
aren't here because I'm not sure that everyone understands what 
the impact of holding these general officer nominations are on 
the military and I think Senator Reed and I are the only ones 
on this subcommittee on Armed Services who have had a chance to 
see this play out.
    And while you may not want to get into the reason why these 
officers are being held up, I'm going to ask you, Secretary 
Austin, to explain the policy that you put in place that is the 
reason why our colleague from Alabama says he is holding these 
nominees.
    Secretary Austin. You're speaking of our policy on 
reproductive healthcare.
    Senator Shaheen. Absolutely.
    Secretary Austin. Thank you, Senator. As you well know, 
Senator, about 18 percent of our force is female.
    Senator Shaheen. That's right, and can you speak to how 
important it is to be able to recruit those women into the 
military, especially given that recruitment is down right now?
    Secretary Austin. I think it's critical that people be 
assured that if they join the force they will continue to have 
access to reproductive healthcare and currently we have about 
80,000 of our women that are stationed in those areas where 
they don't have ready access to reproductive healthcare and 
they don't get a chance to pick where they live and where 
they're stationed.
    And so, you know, what this policy does is ensure that that 
access exists, that they have the means to access reproductive 
healthcare, especially those things that are non-covered 
reproductive healthcare, and again this policy is firmly rooted 
in law. We've talked about the fact that the DOJ (Department of 
Justice) has provided an opinion. That opinion is posted on 
their website and so this is important for our force and again 
we have a young force and about one in five of our troop's area 
women and I think it's critical that they be assured that 
they'll have access.
    I want them focused on the mission and not worried about 
whether or not they're going to have access to reproductive 
healthcare.
    Senator Shaheen. And I would just add that we know that 
women serving in the military have a higher rate of unintended 
pregnancies than the general population in this country. So 
that's another reason why this is so important, but can you 
also address whether we would be making our recruitment numbers 
that we need to make for the military if we were not able to 
recruit women?
    Secretary Austin. Well, certainly that problem would be 
compounded by an order of magnitude. Again, our women do 
incredible work for us, Senator, and we are all very proud of 
them and they continue to amaze us each and every day and we 
would not be the force that we are without the contribution 
that they bring to the table and again it's throughout DoD. 
I'll make that comment.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much. I appreciate it 
as I do so many people the policy that you've put in place and 
I think it's absolutely critical and I hope that we are going 
to see this body address those holes that are being placed on 
our general officers.
    I talked to one of them yesterday who's waiting to be sent 
out to another posting and he doesn't have his new title. He's 
basically in a holding pattern while he waits for that.
    Secretary Austin. It would be tragic if that kind of talent 
began to vote with their feet and because of the 
unpredictability leave our service and go do something else.
    These people have earned the right to be promoted and their 
families deserve what comes with that, as well, and so we 
certainly don't want to begin losing people because we can't 
promote them.
    Senator Shaheen. Absolutely. Mr. Secretary, you were asked, 
I think by Senator Moran, about the registry for those people 
at Red Hill and you said that that is in fact in place which I 
appreciate. I think that's important.
    But DoD has not sought to set up a registry for military 
members who have been exposed to PFAS (Per- and Polyfluoroalkyl 
Substances). Can you speak to why that is?
    Secretary Austin. You're right. Obviously we have not done 
that and certainly PFAS is a national challenge and DoD 
continues to do everything that we can to help address this 
issue.
    We recognize the importance of it and so we'll take a look 
at whether or not we can and should do that. We've increased 
our testing across the board and so I'll have our staff provide 
some recommendations to me and we'll come back to you and 
discuss this with you.
    Senator Shaheen. I appreciate that. I've introduced an 
amendment in the last three NDAAs to try and set up a registry. 
We have a health study that the Agency for Toxic Substances and 
Disease Registry is about to complete at eight sites around 
this country with the health impacts of PFAS that will give us 
that real health data on which to base the impact of PFAS, but 
it's clear we know or we're pretty sure it's a carcinogen and 
so I hope that you will in fact take this seriously and I stand 
ready to be helpful in any way that I can.
    Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester. Senator Murphy.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank 
you all for being here and for your service.
    As the new member of this subcommittee, General Milley, 
I've not had the pleasure to work with you through the 
appropriations process, but I am deeply grateful for your 
service and your willingness to continue to work with this 
committee.
    I wanted to speak with you for a moment about information 
warfare. Our National Defense Strategy today has a robust 
information component. Today, the amount of money that Russia 
and China are spending on propaganda unfortunately dwarfs the 
amount that we are allocating to fight misinformation.
    Obviously this has to be a component of your strategy, but 
you're partnered often with the State Department. There are 
certain things you can do that the State Department cannot. For 
instance, the Global Engagement Center at the State Department 
funds not-for-profits and fact-checkers on China and Russia's 
periphery that are trying to set the record straight.
    So I want to just to ask you about why that partnership is 
important. I think we have to a whole of government approach to 
fighting misinformation that involves making sure that your 
commanders have the ability to be nimble in fighting back 
against narratives that are endangering our Nation's security 
and endangering their security, but also it means making sure 
the State Department has resources to do the same.
    General Milley. So, thanks, Senator, for the opportunity to 
comment.
    Information has always been critical to the conduct of war. 
Throughout history and it's probably never more important than 
it is today, we're in the Information Age. We've got a wide 
variety of information tools. We've got the explosion of social 
media. You've got all kinds of tools that literally you can 
walk around with, iPhones, for example, and these are very, 
very powerful tools.
    Now we're in the age of artificial intelligence algorithms. 
You've got the ability to do deep fake stories out there with 
people or store other things. So this is an area in which we 
need to get better and we need to get more coordinated.
    Information oftentimes can be a decisive factor in the 
conduct of war. We've got a lot of really good programs inside 
the military and we know that we work well with intelligence 
agencies, for example, and the State Department, but this 
effort needs to be more coordinated and I think advanced to a 
greater level, given the capabilities of not only Russia but 
China. They have very significant information capabilities in 
cyber, very significant electronic warfare capabilities, and 
very significant disinformation capabilities, and they're 
active every single day.
    So this is an area of real importance and we need to 
improve ourselves.
    Senator Murphy. Well, thank you for challenging this 
committee to step up on that effort.
    General, Secretary Austin, there's reports that the 
Pentagon has sought a high level meeting with your counterparts 
in China and obviously we have been missing high level dialogue 
with the Chinese since the flying of the Chinese balloons over 
U.S. air space. There's no excuse for the provocative actions 
of the Chinese Government, but at the same time it's not good 
when we're not talking to each other at a high level and so my 
question is this.
    My belief is that there's no choice to be made between 
having an effective China policy to try to make sure that their 
power does not expand in a way that hurts the United States and 
continuing a dialogue about the things where we can work 
together and the ways in which we address our challenges.
    Can you just talk about the state of the mil-to-mil 
dialogue with China and your views on whether it's important to 
keep those channels open?
    Secretary Austin. I think it's critical, Senator. Thanks 
for bringing this topic up.
    I have reached out to my counterpart on a number of 
occasions. I have conducted face-to-face meetings with the 
former Minister of Defense. There's a new Minister of Defense 
in the seat now. I've reached out to him. I've sent him a 
letter and offered to talk, as well. I'll continue to do that. 
I think that's critical.
    You know, when you have two countries with this kind of 
capability and we're operating, you know, globally, I think we 
have to have the ability to manage potential crises and really 
there are things that we will have to address from time to time 
and we really need to be able to pick up the phone and talk 
directly to senior people.
    So I'll continue to work this. I think it's really 
important. We'll probably have another opportunity as we go out 
to Singapore for a conference in Singapore and if the 
opportunity presents itself, I'll look to engage my 
counterpart.
    I think that we need to open that door and continue to 
engage each other.
    Senator Murphy. Well, I appreciate your public statements 
to that effect and the outreach that you're doing. Agree that 
these are not mutually exclusive goals to keep that dialogue 
open to avoid conflict, but also to make sure that we are 
plusing up resources both at DoD and at State to make sure that 
we are ready.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester. Senator Boozman.
    Senator Boozman. Thank you, Madam Chairman, and -- I'm 
sorry. Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester. Thank you for that.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Boozman. I was just with Senator Murray at another 
meeting. So I've got my Chairmen's mixed up.
    I just want to say I agree with the point that Senator 
Murphy was trying to make that the communication really is real 
important. We've seen that in other areas when we've had 
situations like our situation with China and I know that you're 
working really hard to do that.
    Congratulations to all of you for your great careers. We're 
going to miss you, General Milley. Who would have thought that 
the young hockey player would have all the stars and have such 
a tremendous career? So again congratulations.
    Secretary Austin, you mentioned in your testimony that our 
cooperation with our allies and partners is central to co-
developing best capabilities for our warfighters.
    Recently, the record of decision was signed by Secretary 
Kendall that will make Ebbing airfield in Fort Smith, Arkansas, 
the future home for F-35 U.S. allied pilot training.
    I continue to work with the Air Force to make having a 
premier pilot training center and ensure it's ready for time to 
train our ally and partner pilots.
    Secretary Austin, can you briefly speak to how important 
this mission in Arkansas is to our national security?
    Secretary Austin. It's critical as our allies and partners 
invest in the kinds of capability that we have. F-35s are a 
great example.
    We need to make sure that we're working together to 
increase interoperability and we do that, you know, by not only 
making sure that we have the policies and procedures in the 
right place but there's frequent contact. This working together 
with each other is--you know, you can't replace that. Also 
builds trust.
    We know that when you need trust, you can't surge it. It 
has to be there. It's something you've got to work on each and 
every day and so the capability that you're speaking of in 
Arkansas I think is critical and I know that we have some 
allies and partners that are really looking forward to using 
that capability.
    So thanks for what you're doing to broaden our capacity 
here.
    Senator Boozman. Okay. Thank you. In regard to the foreign 
military sales, there's all kinds of benefits. We've seen that 
as stimulating the economy in our country and again just in 
providing the protection that we desperately need.
    Unfortunately, this system is overburdened with regulation, 
bureaucratic logjams, and according to Mr. Eric Fanning's 
recent testimony in the Armed Services Committee it's resulted 
in an average delay of over 18 months to get on contract.
    This leaves our allies vulnerable and turning to other 
countries to buy military capabilities.
    Secretary Austin, how does FMS (Foreign Military Sales) 
contribute to the department's strategy of deterrence and what 
specific processes contribute to the unacceptable delay for 
getting capabilities on contract?
    Secretary Austin. Well, certainly FMS helps us to magnify 
our capability because if our allies and partners are working 
with the same kinds of equipment and are skilled on that and 
using that equipment, then it's really helpful in terms of 
expanding our footprint, our capability.
    In terms of the kinds of things that contribute to lags, 
there are a number of things that come together. One, industry 
owns a piece of that and we would hope that, you know, as the 
contracts are inactive that they're able to meet the timelines 
and so coming out of a period of 2 years of COVID, that's had 
an impact on a number of things.
    But there are also to your point bureaucratic issues that 
often get in the way. Now what we did, what I did early on 2 
years ago was I put together a group of our senior people to 
really focus on the FMS process and to identify those 
bureaucratic issues and roadblocks that we could knock down and 
so that body continues its work and it's hard work, but we're 
going to do everything possible on our end to make sure that 
bureaucratic issues in the Pentagon are not solely holding 
things up, but again there are a number of things that come 
together to make this process more complicated than it should 
be.
    Senator Boozman. Right. I know sometimes we make that more 
difficult. So I think I can speak for the committee if there's 
anything we can do legislatively or, you know, be sure and let 
us know. That's so very important.
    So thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Tester. Thank you, Senator Boozman, and I'm going 
to dovetail on to what you just said.
    I can tell you what Congress can do to make things easier, 
not default on our debt like the House of Representatives wants 
us to do. Get a budget done on time so these guys don't have to 
deal with this uncertainty of a CR. Take the holds off the 
military promotions because, quite frankly, it's flat stupid 
and politicizing our military. That's what we can do and I 
know, Senator Boozman, you're a good man and I don't think 
you'd disagree with me. So thank you.
    But the truth is, is this, Congress needs to step up and do 
their job. If we want to hold you guys accountable, if we want 
to hold the contractors that supply us with our military 
equipment accountable, we need to do our job and part of that 
job is making sure that we get a budget that keeps this country 
safe, and the other part of it is just not do stupid things 
like CRs and defaults and holding military promotions.
    I just want to say thank you. Thank you for what you do 
every single day to keep this country safe, to lead some of the 
finest people on earth in our military. We appreciate your 
testimony here today.

                     ADDITIONAL COMMITTEE QUESTIONS

    Senators may ask additional questions. I would ask that you 
get back to them as quickly as you possibly can with a 
response.
    [The following questions were not asked at the hearing, but 
were submitted to the Department for response subsequent to the 
hearing:]
               Questions Submitted to Lloyd J. Austin III
               Questions Submitted by Senator Jon Tester
    Question. The budget request assumes an inflation rate of 2.4 
percent. However, yesterday's Consumer Price Index is now at 4.9 
percent--lower than last year's peak, but still higher than your 
budget.
    Secretary Austin, have you re-reviewed your budget request to 
account for price increases? Have you identified specific programs 
where you're going to be short of what's required to buy what you need?
    If yes, can you please provide that data to the Committee?
    Answer. This is a strategy-driven budget designed to implement the 
2022 National Defense Strategy and the budget incorporates the 
Administration's FY 24 inflation projections. The Department thanks 
Congress for the additional funding and authorities provided in FY 2023 
to help us on key areas like fuel, housing, and subsistence allowances.
    The Department is working to counter the impacts of inflation and 
looks forward to working with Congress on this important matter. Our 
budget request uses inflation estimates provided by OMB, which are 
similar to those recently released by Congressional Budget Office. If 
those estimates do not prove to be on target, that will stress our 
ability to execute our budget.
    The Department continues to assess the impacts of inflation and 
will continue to work with both the Administration and Congress to 
address resource implications. I can assure you that I will never 
hesitate to ask the President for the resources I believe we need to 
execute the mission.
    Question. Based on current trends, are you comfortable with DoD's 
2.4 percent estimate for next year?
    Answer. The 2.4 percent estimate for FY24 is OMB's government-wide 
inflation projection, which the Department is required to use. It is 
very similar to the most recent estimate of 2.7 percent from the 
Congressional Budget Office. However, if the inflation estimates once 
again undershoot the real inflation rate, it may stress our ability to 
get all of our programs on contract and delivered in full on time. 
Similar to prior years, we may have to reprogram funds, such as for 
utilities, to address emergent requirements.
    Question. For good reason, when we talk about China, we spend a lot 
of our time talking about its bad behavior in the Taiwan Strait.
    However, we can't overlook the fact that China's global ambitions 
are presenting problems for every Combatant Command, including in 
Africa and Latin America. If we only prepare for a high-end Indo-
Pacific fight, we will come up short worldwide.
    Secretary Austin, these Combatant Commands aren't afforded 
significant force structure. Are they sufficiently resourced to ensure 
we remain the preferred partner of these regions? It seems to me that 
for relatively minor investments, we could make major headway here.
    Answer. In FY 2023, the Department allocated more than $130 million 
in appropriated funds for security cooperation programs to build the 
capacity of foreign partner national security forces in Central 
America, the Caribbean, and South America, and also $175 million for 
such programs for foreign partner national security forces in Africa. 
These investments are in addition to the up to $200 million 
appropriated under section 8068 of the Department of Defense 
Appropriations Act, 2023, for USAFRICOM or USSOUTHCOM to expand 
cooperation or improve the capabilities of allies and foreign partners 
in their areas of responsibility. This totals over a half a billion 
dollars in FY 2023 spending to expand cooperation and build partner 
capacity.
    With the concurrence of the Secretary of State, the Department will 
continue to prioritize smart, targeted investments in and with these 
partners to deepen our shared security and build real capability in a 
way that strengthens security sector governance and enhances strategic 
resilience, within a global prioritization of security cooperation 
efforts.
    Question. The War in Ukraine is now entering its second year, and 
both sides are gearing up for a spring offensive.
    There are some who argue that given the threat from China, we can't 
afford to invest in Ukraine. I strongly disagree but defer to our 
military experts.
    Mr. Secretary, to date, over $60 billion has been appropriated for 
Ukraine's defense needs. Do you have the resources you need to continue 
supporting Ukraine?
    Answer. Ukraine's battlefield requirements have evolved over time 
since Russia's unprovoked full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022. The 
security assistance we provide Ukraine is based on a collective 
assessment of the capability needed for success on the battlefield. 
Shifting dynamics on the ground necessitate agility in our security 
assistance efforts. The consistent and strong bipartisan support from 
Congress continues to help Ukraine make key gains, and we will continue 
evaluating the need for additional funding as the situation on the 
ground evolves.
    Question. Last year, Congress accelerated investments in weapons to 
load up our weapons magazines for future contingencies.
    In this year's budget, the Department is proposing multi-year 
procurement agreements for 9 different munitions. This would provide 
significant predictability and stability to the industrial base.
    Secretary Austin, what is the industry feedback to these proposed 
contracts?
    Answer. First, let me thank Congress for supporting our multi-year 
procurement authorities request in FY 2023. These authorities will help 
us send a clear demand signal to industry as we work to build our 
munitions stockpile to be read to fight and win in any contest if 
called upon.
    Industry feedback on our request for multi-year procurement 
authorities has generally been positive. Industry leaders see the 
advantages of increased predictability of demand from the Department. 
This persistent demand provides a signal to the industrial base, and it 
helps provide stability for sub-tier suppliers. Department and Service 
leadership are currently meeting with industry to map out the multi-
year plans to increase inventory, reduce cost, and improve industrial 
base resilience. Multi-year procurement contracts remain a valuable 
tool for the Department to procure the munitions needed to support 
national defense. Moving forward, we will continue to advocate for ways 
to increase long-term flexibility for critical munitions to ensure that 
we have the rounds that we need.
    Question. Secretary Austin, have you mapped-out the supply chains 
for each of these contracts to ensure that there won't be bottlenecks 
as quantities increase?
    Answer. That work is currently underway. There are multiple, 
critical components with long lead times across the Department's 
programs, and several are common to multiple systems for which we are 
pursuing multi-year procurement. We are examining approaches for 
enabling those suppliers to meet the necessary ramp-up. Industry is 
also looking across its portfolios to identify commonality of critical 
components with long lead times and broadcast these demand signals 
across the industrial base.
    Question. Shortages in our supply chain are delaying major programs 
across every military Service, hampering our ability to field new 
capabilities to the warfighter on cost and on time.
    Secretary Austin, when the Department makes a contract award, how 
does it track the performance of suppliers? It seems we often rely on 
the prime contractor instead of identifying and managing key suppliers 
ourselves. The results have been mixed.
    Answer. The Department tracks performance of its suppliers via the 
Federal-wide Contractor Performance Assessment Reporting System to 
measure the quality and timely reporting of past performance 
information. The prime contractor is held responsible for managing 
their supply chains, including tracking sub-supplier performance. The 
Department is currently evaluating other methods and approaches to 
engage with sub-suppliers on a more regular basis.
    Question. Secretary Austin, this budget request includes billions 
of dollars of direct spending to suppliers in the industrial base. If 
we don't have the data to track what they're providing--and to whom--
how are we ensuring that this investment is paying dividends and 
accelerating weapons deliveries?
    Answer. I agree that the Department needs data to track whether or 
not we are getting equipment into the hands of warfighters as soon as 
possible, an effort that is ongoing in the Department. We have also 
worked with industry to identify steps it can take to accelerate 
production, such as workforce initiatives and advance procurement of 
long lead time items. We have also leveraged authorities such as the 
Defense Priorities and Allocations System under DPA title I to help 
accelerate deliveries.
    The accelerated deliveries we are seeing from these engagements and 
investments show that these efforts are paying dividends, especially in 
Ukraine. For instance, these efforts have enabled production of 155mm 
artillery projectiles at a higher monthly throughput and did so 6 
months earlier than were originally projected. Similarly, suppliers in 
the GMLRS supply chain have been able to increase production rates 
ahead of schedule, increasing overall deliveries compared to last year. 
These multi-pronged efforts are building enduring industrial capacity, 
both to support Ukraine and potential conflict with peer adversaries 
and to ensure the security of the United States, our partners, and our 
allies.
    Question. The Department of Defense spends roughly $40 billion a 
year on Information Technology systems.
    However, instead of delivering modernized and transformational IT 
systems, the end product is often behind schedule and over budget. This 
is not just a DoD problem, the VA struggles with the exact same issue.
    For example, the Navy's new pay and personnel system has disrupted 
pay and benefits for thousands of sailors and veterans in recent years. 
This is unacceptable.
    Secretary Austin, how can we close the gap between what we need 
these IT systems to do for us and what is actually delivered in a 
timely and cost-effective manner?
    Answer. DoD recognizes the imperative of improved software to 
enable defense operations using modern development approaches. 
Following the publication of the DoD Software Modernization Strategy in 
2022, the Department is transitioning to an agile approach to buy, 
develop, and deliver secure software at the speed of relevance, while 
adapting DoD culture to embrace modernization. Further, the Department 
has implemented the Software Acquisition pathway under the Adaptive 
Acquisition system to support this approach. By adopting this strategy, 
software is being delivered more consistently, faster, and more 
securely than ever before.
    Question. Secretary Austin, what processes do you have in place to 
ensure we are getting what we pay for?
    Answer. DoD has several procedures in place to ensure that it is 
receiving the Information Technology (IT) systems for which it paid. 
These include management of requirements, procurement, development, 
testing, deployment, operation, maintenance, and oversight. The 
complexity, speed, and cost of IT systems are some of the issues DoD 
must overcome to maintain the effectiveness and efficiency of its IT 
systems. Despite these obstacles, DoD is dedicated to making sure it 
receives value for the money spent on IT systems.
    Question. This budget request is again proposing record investments 
in research and development. You are asking for $145 billion dollars in 
R&D spending, which is more than $5.2 billion over the fiscal year 2023 
enacted amount.
    Mr. Secretary for years, R&D has been used to mature and prototype 
technologies like hypersonic weapons and artificial intelligence. These 
technologies will give us decisive capabilities in a near-peer 
competition with China, so when will they become real programs that are 
fielded at scale? My concern is that we are at risk of falling into the 
trap of `perennial prototyping', and not actually delivering capability 
in relevant numbers to our troops by increasing procurement. This 
budget does not transition prototypes to procurement in significant 
numbers.
    Answer. The Department is in a period of modernization that will 
ensure our ability to deter and, if necessary, defeat any potential 
adversary. This necessitates that the Department experiment with new 
capabilities and invest in inserting new technology into our systems to 
provide our warfighters with the capabilities they need to meet the 
pacing challenge.
    The Department is constantly working to improve existing tools and 
pathways to transition technology. The Middle Tier of Acquisition opens 
new opportunities for program offices to prototype and/or field new 
capability while developing the documentation for a formal program of 
record. The Department's Competitive Advantage Pathfinders initiative 
is identifying bureaucratic gaps in our system and working with the 
Services to develop or inform new processes in the Defense Acquisition 
System.
    Through the Rapid Defense Experimentation Reserve program, we are 
also developing the capacity for rapid prototyping, to deliver game-
changing capabilities to the battlefield quickly. We are focused on 
getting the right capabilities as fast as possible to the warfighter.
    Finally, the Department has stood up a new Acquisition Integration 
and Interoperability office to address the challenges in acquiring and 
managing joint capabilities, including transitioning new technology.
    Question. Congress has established a Commission to review the 
Department's budget process and make recommendations to speed up the 
process of getting stuff to the warfighter. Often, these Commissions 
point the finger at Congress (in some cases, rightfully so!) without 
addressing barriers inside the Department that you could fix yourself.
    Secretary Austin, where do you feel the primary pitfalls are in 
DoD's current budget process, and what is the Department doing 
internally to improve its processes?
    Answer. Delivering state-of-the-art capabilities at speed and scale 
is critical to ensuring that we maintain our enduring military 
advantage. The Department regularly reviews obstacles across the 
acquisition, requirements, and resourcing systems to maximize critical 
capability delivery. Any discussion regarding speeding up acquisition 
must also account for the considerable effort required leading up to 
the initiation of procurement processes, namely the identifying 
military requirements and securing resources. For that reason, the 
Department works collaboratively between program and acquisition 
workforces to improve our policies and processes to get the right 
capabilities to the warfighter as fast as possible.
    Question. Mr. Secretary, Congress has already provided authorities 
to reduce paperwork and speed up acquisitions. Yet we continue to hear 
about internal roadblocks, such as long contracting times. How are you 
addressing this?
    Answer. Maintaining focused alignment to the strategy while 
balancing limited resources across the Department's many competing 
missions, priorities, and constituencies is always the primary 
challenge throughout the programming and budgeting process. Over the 
last several cycles, the Department has made significant progress 
toward implementing the 2022 National Defense Strategy by actively 
shaping our internal review processes to ensure that senior 
leadership's program and budget deliberations are tightly scoped to the 
most compelling challenges facing the Department. By streamlining the 
avenues for the submission of issues utilizing both top-down and 
bottom-up processes and emphasizing the analytic and programmatic links 
to the strategic priorities and focus areas, the Department continues 
to substantively improve the budget-to-strategy alignment.
    Delivering state-of-the-art capabilities at speed and scale is 
critical to ensuring that we maintain our military advantage. The 
Department brought together a team that is actively identifying 
obstacles across the acquisition, requirements, and resourcing systems, 
and working to deliver critical capability faster. We are also 
implementing organizational improvements, coordinating with allies and 
partners and industry, and using lessons learned from our Foreign 
Military Sales tiger team to ensure that acquisitions can rapidly 
support the joint force and our allies and partners. Through the Rapid 
Defense Experimentation Reserve program, we are also developing the 
capacity for rapid prototyping, to deliver game-changing capabilities 
to the battlefield quickly. We are focused on getting the right 
capabilities to the warfighter as fast as possible.
                                 ______
                                 
            Questions Submitted by Senator Richard J. Durbin
    Question. Can the Department describe how it will engage with EPA 
to establish robust, safe, and science-based clean-up standards to 
protect communities and to continuing to update these standards with 
EPA as science and technology on PFAS contamination evolve?
    Answer. There is nothing I take more seriously than the safety, 
health, and well-being of the force, of our military families, and of 
the communities around our installations. The Department has taken a 
number of actions over the last few years to remove PFAS from things we 
currently use--like firefighting foam--to strengthen our drinking water 
monitoring efforts, and to provide support to Service members who have 
healthcare concerns about past PFAS exposure. PFAS are a national 
challenge, and the Department is committed to doing our part. We 
continue to work with the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to 
understand the potential health impacts from PFAS-impacted drinking 
water, and support EPA efforts to finalize a safe drinking water 
standard for PFAS to also be used in our PFAS cleanups nationwide.
    Question. Please detail the Department's research and development 
of PFAS alternatives in critical uses in national security including 
but not limited to microelectronics and weapons systems, and non-
incineration PFAS destruction technologies, including but not limited 
to: electrochemical oxidation, SCWO, and other thermal treatment 
processes?
    Answer. The Department is currently assessing the mission and 
readiness risks associated with emerging constraints in the PFAS supply 
chain. Currently, PFAS are enablers of critical defense technologies 
and have essential application to our critical infrastructure. PFAS 
also have essential uses in microelectronics, semiconductors, energy 
storage, and batteries.
    To fully address PFAS in our systems and to develop and scale 
alternatives, we have a long road of research and development ahead of 
us. We will work with suppliers to rapidly assess and adopt 
alternatives currently under development that meet performance 
specifications. The Department's research and development officials are 
working with our best scientists across the interagency to develop a 
long-term plan for replacements. We estimate that it may be between six 
to 10 years before viable alternatives can be developed and 
demonstrated, with the potential for significant associated costs.
    Question. How does the Department plan on coordinating with 
relevant agencies, industry, and academia to research alternatives to 
these critical PFAS in both?
    Answer. We must be deliberate in taking a nationwide, cross 
government approach to ensure research investments are efficient and 
complementary as we jointly seek to determine the viability and 
scalability of alternatives to PFAS. The Department's Emerging 
Chemicals Governance Council oversees coordinated lines of effort to 
identify essential uses of PFAS and prioritize actions according to 
vulnerabilities to national security. The Department is also expanding 
resources, as well as working within the Strategic Environmental 
Research Development Program, an interagency group established in 
statute to review development needs. In addition, the Department 
coordinates with industry and the interagency through routine 
engagement meetings to discuss obsolescence risks and possible PFAS 
alternatives.
    Question. As the Department advances in destruction technologies, 
can you work to assure that these alternatives do not release PFAS or 
products of their incomplete destruction into the air, water, or other 
environmental media?
    Answer. DoD is committed to using and advancing the best available 
science and treatment technologies to treat, destroy, and dispose of 
PFAS. The Department currently uses disposal options with the most 
stringent controls where an environmental regulator has issued a permit 
for the facility. The Department is engaging in robust efforts to 
advance our knowledge on destruction removal efficiencies, potential 
releases of products of incomplete destruction, and effective emission 
control devices. This year, the Department's Environmental Security 
Technology Certification Program will award over $40 million to 16 
projects focused on improving the effectiveness and reducing the 
implementation costs of advanced destruction technologies.
    Question. Can the Department achieve a broader phase-out of non-
essential, or non-critical, PFAS uses and procurement in the next 10 
years?
    Answer. We are rapidly and deliberately assessing uses of PFAS in 
the Department's supply chain. However, it is difficult to determine a 
timeline for completion. We are phasing out non- essential and non-
critical uses of PFAS where there is no mission impact such as in food 
packaging, cookware, furniture, and personal protective firefighting 
equipment in accordance with requirements. However, the PFAS supply 
chain is not transparent, and it will require multiple government 
agencies working together to phase out non-essential or non-critical 
PFAS uses and procurement. We will continue to keep the Congress 
informed on this issue.
    Question. If not, can you put a timeline on how long such a phase 
out may take?
    Answer. It is difficult to establish a timeline for completion. We 
are challenged by the need for transparency in the supply chain, the 
complexity of dissecting the defense industrial base value chain, 
anticipating market dynamics, identifying the number and specificity of 
products requiring alternatives, related requalification requirements, 
and the complexity of the supply chain dependencies. Nevertheless, the 
Department is committed to addressing this important issue deliberately 
and expeditiously, and keeping the Congress informed as we work through 
this process.
                                 ______
                                 
              Questions Submitted by Senator Brian Schatz
Existing Red Hill Health Registry
    Question. During the May 11 hearing, Secretary Austin confirmed 
that DoD established a registry of potentially exposed individuals to 
the Red Hill fuel spill.
    Is this registry synonymous with the DOEHRS Red Hill incident 
report?
    Answer. Yes, this registry is synonymous with the Red Hill Defense 
Occupational and Environmental Health Readiness System (DOEHRS) 
Incident Report.
    Question. What population is included in the registry? Are non-DoD 
affiliated individuals included?
    Answer. DoD-affiliated individuals potentially exposed to the JP-5 
fuel release in November 2021 are included in the registry. Non-DoD-
affiliated individuals are not eligible to be included in the Red Hill 
DOEHRS Incident Report.
    Question. Are individualized health data captured within this 
registry?
    Answer. No. Individual health data for TRICARE beneficiaries is 
maintained in the DoD electronic health record system, which can be 
linked to the Red Hill DOEHRS Incident Report by DoD Identification 
Number.
    Question. How will DoD utilize these data to track long-term health 
effects?
    Answer. DoD will analyze healthcare encounter data to determine 
whether there is any presence of health conditions which occur at a 
greater frequency than would otherwise be expected in the general 
population.
Future Red Hill Health Registry Options
    Question. There is limited data on the long-term health effects of 
exposure to jet fuel, particularly for vulnerable populations like 
pregnant people and young children. This lack of data means that it is 
essential to take up ATSDR's recommendation to launch a third-party 
registry and conduct long-term epidemiological studies of the exposed 
population. DHA has indicated that it is exploring potential avenues, 
including a third-party registry. Time is of the essence as the longer 
DHA delays, the harder it will be to ensure a comprehensive account of 
all who were exposed.
    How many individuals have been added to the Red Hill incident 
report through the hotline?
    Answer. 446 out of 28,626 individuals in the Red Hill DOEHRS 
Incident Report were added through the call center.
    Question. A critical function of an effective registry is as a 
communications tool, including sharing resources and new data as it 
becomes available. Beyond the initial outreach to housing sponsors to 
inform them that they and their dependents were included in the Red 
Hill incident report, how has DHA used this tool to share information 
with individuals included?
    Answer. DoD publicly presented an interim update on registry 
planning at the last Hawaii Fuel Tank Advisory Committee in November 
2022 and will do so again in June 2023. We are also actively engaged in 
communication with the surrounding and affected community. Once Joint 
Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam workers are added to the Red Hill DOEHRS 
Incident Report, which we expect to be within the next month, DoD will 
update all sponsors in the Red Hill DOEHRS Incident Report by email.
    Question. If DHA adopts a third-party registry: Would the registry 
be procured and administered by DoD or HHS?
    Answer. The registry will be funded by DoD. A third party will 
independently administer the registry via a DoD grant.
    Question. How does DHA intend to consult with subject matter 
experts on the design and operation of the registry, including ATSDR?
    Answer. DoD has been regularly consulting with exposure registry 
subject matter experts at the Centers for Disease Control and 
Prevention's Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry and the 
Department of Veterans Affairs.
    Question. How will DHA ensure it is managed and maintained 
independently?
    Answer. DHA is committed to a fully independent Red Hill registry 
through awarding a grant to a qualified third partner.
    Question. What is DHA's plan to collaborate with trusted community 
partners on this effort?
    Answer. DHA expects that the selected registry partner will 
actively engage with the Red Hill community and consider their needs, 
values, and preferences in the design and conduct of the Red Hill 
registry. This will be written into the grant requirements.
    Question. Does DHA have authorities necessary to transfer data from 
DOEHRS to ATSDR/its contracted grantee? If not, what authorities are 
required?
    Answer. Yes, DHA generally has the authority to enter into a data 
use agreement.
    Question. What steps will DHA take to ensure effective recruitment 
of civilians?
    Answer. DHA will work with the third-party registry partner, the 
Hawaii Department of Health, Centers for Disease Control and 
Prevention's Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, the EPA, 
and other partners to ensure individuals potentially exposed to the 
fuel release are educated and encouraged to enroll in the registry.
    Question. How long would DHA intend to maintain the registry?
    Answer. DHA does not have a registry end date at this time. DHA 
will support the registry as long as it maintains value to the Red Hill 
community, stakeholders, public health authorities, and researchers.
    Question. What factors would DHA weigh to decide whether to 
maintain or suspend the registry?
    Answer. DHA will support the registry as long as it maintains value 
to the Red Hill community, stakeholders, public health authorities, and 
researchers.
                                 ______
                                 
              Questions Submitted by Senator Tammy Baldwin
Building and Maintaining the Defense Industrial Base
    Question. One takeaway military leaders mention regarding 
institutional lessons learned from our support for Ukraine is the 
importance of the domestic defense industrial base and the ability to 
quickly ramp-up production to meet replenishment requirements. The U.S. 
is currently struggling to replenish munitions stockpiles as the war 
with Ukraine continues--just one example why not just building a strong 
and enduring defense industrial base is critical to meet today's 
challenges and future threats.
    What is the Department of Defense's current assessment of the 
domestic defense industrial base's ability to meet sudden increases in 
demand, particularly with regards to munitions production, in the wake 
of unexpected geopolitical developments such as the 2022 Russian 
invasion of Ukraine?
    Answer. America's defense industrial base (DIB) is one of our core 
strategic assets, and the Department is focused on shoring up this 
advantage. Decades of under-investment in critical munitions and an 
uneven message to the DIB have resulted in some challenges to its 
ability to quickly respond to demand. However, we have seen significant 
improvement over the past 2 years, particularly as the DIB has moved to 
support Ukraine's self-defense and maintain U.S. readiness.
    We are sending steady and certain demand signals to industry, in 
particular through a $170 billion FY24 President's budget (PB) request 
for procurement--the largest ever--and seeking multi-year procurement 
authorities for critical munitions.
    I am regularly briefed on the status of our munition stocks given 
the ongoing need to provide weapons to Ukraine, backfill stocks for the 
United States, and support our allies and partners. Securing 
investments in munitions to meet the quantities necessary today and 
tomorrow is critical to our ability to deter and, if necessary, defeat 
any would-be challenger.
    Question. Does the President's proposed defense budget provide 
sufficient predictability and support for the defense industrial base, 
particularly in capital and labor-intensive areas such as shipbuilding, 
vehicle maintenance, and other related sectors?
    Answer. Yes. The Department is making major investments to shore up 
shipbuilding, including in the FY24 PB request: $2.7 billion for the 
Shipyard Infrastructure Optimization Plan, and $1.2 billion for the 
submarine industrial base. We are also working to on-shore defense 
supply chains, including FY24 budget request investments of $2.6 
billion in microelectronics, $177 million in forging and casting, and 
more than $250 million in critical materials. This budget request also 
includes $48.1 billion for modernization of our naval forces, and you 
will see us deliver nine battle force ships this year.
    Question. What is the status of the Department's implementation of 
Executive Order 14005?
    Answer. The Department is committed to maximizing the use of goods, 
products, and materials produced in, and services offered in, the 
United States, consistent with Made in America laws and regulations.
    The Department plays an instrumental role with other Federal 
agencies to implement Executive Order 14005, Ensuring the Future is 
Made in All of America by All of America's Workers. The Department is 
supporting the implementation of the order in the Federal Acquisition 
Regulation (FAR) rule (FAR Case 2021--008), effective October 25, 2022, 
that executes an initial increase of the domestic content threshold 
from 55% to 60% and then a phased, multi-year increase to 75% by 
calendar year 2029.
    The Executive Order also requires the Department to submit bi-
annual reports to the Office of Management and Budget/Made in America 
Office describing progress toward the implementation of and compliance 
with Made in America laws and the Department's use of waivers or 
exceptions. The most recent report submitted in February 2023 included 
a Build America, Buy America Act Implementation Plan. The Department is 
currently supporting the development of further implementing guidance 
in the FAR and Defense FAR Supplement.
Clean-up parity between Active Duty and National Guard locations
    Question. I am committed to ensuring that the Defense Environmental 
Restoration Program successfully cleans up all toxic elements in 
impacted areas, to include National Guard locations. In previous years 
there was a discrepancy between access to funding between active 
component and National Guard installations. Due to a policy change in 
2017, the National Guard was removed from the Defense Environmental 
Restoration Program and no longer had the same access to funds as 
active duty locations. My colleagues and I secured a reversal of this 
policy to place National Guard installations back into the program.
    How does the program currently prioritize sites for clean-up of 
hazardous substances?
    Answer. The Department shares your concern about hazardous 
substances and the safety, health, and welfare of all personnel on DoD 
bases as well as members of the surrounding communities in and around 
our facilities. The Department prioritizes sites based on risk, by 
evaluating the relative risk to human health and the environment and 
addressing the highest risk sites first across all installations, 
including National Guard installations.
    Question. Do National Guard installations currently have access to 
clean-up funds through the Defense Environmental Restoration Program?
    Answer. Yes. National Guard installations that meet the 
requirements for the Defense Environmental Restoration Program (DERP), 
as updated by the FY 2023 NDAA, have access to clean-up funds under 
that program. Each Military Department prioritizes the cleanup of its 
DERP sites based on risk. The Air Force and Army prioritize their sites 
and DERP-eligible National Guard sites together and address the highest 
risk sites first.
    Question. What was the impact of being removed from the program for 
National Guard installations and what is being done to address any 
backlog that National Guard installations may have experienced when 
they were excluded from the program?
    Answer. The Department is committed to addressing releases at 
National Guard installations. National Guard sites impacted with 
certain per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, had full access to Defense 
Environmental Restoration Program funds during the time period covered 
in the FY23 NDAA provision, and the Department will continue to ensure 
that all facilities, including National Guard installations have access 
to clean-up funds.
Noise Mitigation
    Question. The Office of Local Defense Community Cooperation 
provides critical assistance to counties and municipalities to both 
foster cooperation with military installations as well as to address 
any concerns or challenges communities encounter as neighbors to 
military installations.
    This office has provided critical assistance to Wisconsin in the 
form of a planning and outreach grant as the state starts to receive 
the F-35 aircraft at Truax Airfield in Madison.
    I've noticed a trend over the last few years in which the budget 
request for OLDCC falls well below what many deem necessary to 
accomplish its increasing program demands.
    What are you doing to support OLDCC as it expands in both staffing 
levels and in demand for its programs?
    Answer. The Department recognizes that defense communities provide 
indispensable support to our installations, our Service members, and 
their families, and that it is imperative that we be conscientious and 
committed partners with those communities. The Office of Local Defense 
Community Cooperation (OLDCC) staff and programs are a critical 
component of that partnership, and the Department remains committed to 
community outreach programs that improve community infrastructure and 
improve installation resilience.
    Question. Does the current budget for this program support this 
critical community outreach program?
    Answer. Yes, it does. The FY24 budget request for OLDCC is $118.2 
million. The Department appreciates the work the OLDCC does with states 
and communities to respond to defense activities and actions and will 
continue to ensure they have the resources necessary to fully carry out 
their programs of assistance.
                                 ______
                                 
             Question Submitted by Senator Susan M. Collins
    Question. Budget Top-line: Today, China already has the largest 
Navy and Army in the world. Its Navy and Air Force will continue to 
grow and modernize while this budget request proposes to shrink our 
Navy and the Air Force. I am having trouble squaring the 
Administration's national security strategy with a budget request that 
proposes to increase non-defense spending by 8.5 percent, while defense 
spending would increase at a rate of 3.3 percent, which is less than 
half the rate of growth for non-defense spending.
    Does the budget request include only those China-related 
investments that fit within external constraints (e.g. topline from 
OMB)?
    Answer. The President's FY 2024 Defense budget request is a 
strategy-driven budget which aims to fund the right mix of capabilities 
necessary to deter and, if necessary, fight to win in any contingency. 
The 2022 National Defense Strategy (NDS) makes clear that the People's 
Republic of China (PRC) is our pacing challenge and we have crafted a 
budget that addresses that challenge.
    As the PRC races to modernize its military, this budget makes major 
investments in our dominance in all warfighting domains, including 
space and cyber, and invests in integrated air and missile defenses and 
operational energy efficiency. The budget also invests in critical 
munitions, including hypersonic and sub-sonic weapons, to sustain our 
military advantage. The FY 2024 budget request includes $9.1 billion 
for the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, an increase of more than 40% 
over the FY 2023 enacted level. These funds will support the 
development of advanced capabilities, new operational concepts, and a 
more resilient force posture in the Indo- Pacific region as we continue 
to work to build the Joint Force necessary to maintain dominance and 
have a distributed and resilient security architecture in the region.
                                 ______
                                 
             Questions Submitted by Senator Lisa Murkowski
    Question. Secretary Austin, thousands of U.S. service members, five 
ships and more than 150 aircraft are participating in Northern Edge 
2023 (NE23-1), a joint field training exercise at various locations in 
and around Alaska, which began 4 May 2023. Preliminary reports state 
there have been challenges with the coordination of Link16 between the 
DoD and FAA.
    Are these challenges having a tangible impact on our military 
competitiveness both in the ability to execute training and to 
modernize our weapon systems?
    Answer. The Northern Edge joint training exercise is an important 
opportunity for the Department to learn about our capabilities in a 
high-end conflict, and to identify challenges that we must address to 
remain dominant on the battlefield.
    Link 16 is critical for coordinating joint fires between our 
partner nations and ourselves and providing essential situational 
awareness to protect Allied forces from hostile and friendly fire 
threats during this exercise. The spectrum employed by Link 16 in CONUS 
is allocated to the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and used for 
radio navigation aids utilized in the national airspace, so we must 
strike a balance between our needs for operational training and the 
FAA's requirement to prevent interference with navigation radars and 
collision avoidance systems.
    From a military competitiveness perspective, there have been no 
significant impacts to modernization efforts. However, DoD is currently 
working with FAA to develop new certification and deconfliction 
procedures to expedite the approval of Link 16 systems to permit 
unconstrained operations in the national airspace.
    Question. Can you discuss some of the current impacts experienced?
    Answer. There have been some challenges to exercises and training 
due to this current restriction of requiring FAA approval within 200 
nautical miles of the United States. My staff is engaged with the FAA 
to resolve this issue in a way that supports DoD use of the National 
Airspace System while ensuring safe and efficient use by commercial and 
general aviation. We also continue to work with the Services to ensure 
these impacts are minimal by initiating requests as early as possible 
and ensuring that FAA coordination is present during all exercise and 
event planning.
    Question. Were there difficulties getting Link16 approval from the 
FAA for NE23-1 and if the approval hadn't gone through last minute what 
would the impacts have been to this exercise?
    Answer. While there were some challenges, FAA collaborated with DoD 
extensively to facilitate the objectives of the Northern Edge exercise. 
Without the approval of the FAA, our exercise would not have delivered 
a realistic training environment for our warfighters, and we would have 
lacked the interoperability we seek with joint counterparts and allies.
    Question. Secretary Austin, recently I was on a CODEL to Ukraine, 
and I continue to be awe-inspired by the resilience of the Ukrainian 
people and the leadership of President Zelenskyy in the face of the 
unspeakable atrocities unleashed against them by Vladimir Putin. More 
than ever, I am fully committed to ensuring that Congress provides the 
assistance that Ukraine needs. This assistance is not a waste and is 
vital to their success. We recently saw the Ukrainians use their 
Patriot Battery to shoot down an inbound Russian ballistic missile. I 
want to thank you, Mr. Secretary and Chairman Miley, for your 
unwavering support of Ukraine and for the assistance you provided them. 
However, for all this success, there are areas in which they need 
greater assistance. For example, Russia's electronic warfare 
capabilities have been taking a significant toll on Ukraine's forces.
    Mr. Secretary, can you explain what the DoD has done to bolster 
Ukraine's electronic warfare capabilities?
    Answer. The Department provides Ukraine with equipment based on a 
collective assessment of the capabilities Ukraine needs to be 
successful on the battlefield, while balancing U.S. readiness 
requirements, required training, sustainability, and other factors. Our 
assistance to Ukraine has included defense articles to support 
Ukraine's electronic warfare capabilities such as electronic jamming 
equipment and detection equipment. This equipment, combined with all 
the other security assistance we have provided, has helped the 
Ukrainians to achieve success on the battlefield.
    Question. What are we doing to bolster our own electronic warfare 
capabilities?
    Answer. The Department is taking actions to bolster our 
capabilities to fight in a contested and congested electromagnetic 
spectrum. We are investing in advanced technologies and fielding 
electromagnetic warfare capabilities with intelligent analytics to 
address the sophisticated near-peer threat. We continue to invest in 
offensive electromagnetic attack capabilities and pathfinder 
initiatives which leverage Service-specific electronic warfare 
investments and rapidly transition them to other Services. In addition, 
we have increased manning and resourcing at USSTRATCOM to expand 
training and exercising, which enable an assessment of the performance 
of our operational forces and systems in a contested and congested 
electromagnetic spectrum.
    Question. Secretary Austin, in the FY2023 NDAA, Section 603 
authorized several policies that will drastically improve the quality 
of life of soldiers stationed in Alaska. After making inquiries with 
leadership in the state, I understand there has been no guidance 
released for how these new policies should be implemented. 
Servicemembers are missing out on time-limited incentives to help 
alleviate the unique hardships of serving in Alaska, as well as improve 
recruitment and retention in the state. This is not AIP (Assignment 
Incentive Pay) from the Army programmed budget, which includes all AIP 
programs (Korea, USASOC, CYBER, Operational Deployments, etc.) whereas 
when soldiers arrive in Alaska and signs a written agreement to serve 
the prescribed tour. Congressional intent is for this to be in addition 
to what the Army is currently providing service members through AIP.
    What is the status on implementation of Section 603(a) of P. L. No. 
117-263 regarding cold weather special duty pay?
    Answer. The Department thanks Congress for enacting laws that allow 
the Department to assign incentive pay and special duty pay to members 
serving in cold-weather locations. Implementation of policies 
pertaining to cold weather special duty pay is on track.
    The Military Departments have the necessary flexibility to offer 
the monetary incentives Congress envisioned to Service members assigned 
to cold weather locations. Monetary incentives in these locations are 
dependent on and driven by the needs of the individual Services. The 
Secretaries of the Military Departments have sufficient authority to 
establish or abolish assignment incentive pay or special duty pay for 
cold weather and to increase or decrease the amounts payable for any 
assignment, location, or unit at any time as necessitated by mission 
requirements. These incentives are currently being implemented within 
existing restrictions and limitations in accordance with the needs of 
the individual Services. In addition to the one-time, lump-sum 
assignment incentive pay the Army pays to Soldiers accepting 
assignments to Alaska, members of all Services serving in Alaska 
receive an overseas cost-of-living allowance to compensate them for the 
increased costs of non-housing goods and services. Furthermore, members 
assigned to installations above the Arctic Circle receive $150 per 
month in hardship duty pay.
    Question. When should servicemembers expect to begin to receive a 
cold weather duty pay?
    Answer. Service members can expect to receive cold weather duty pay 
if the Secretary of the Military Department concerned determines such 
pay is required to meet and/or maintain mission requirements.
    Question. Secretary Austin, in response to Executive Order 14017, 
the DoD drafted a report titled Review of Critical Minerals and 
Materials--Department of Defense. This report highlights the challenges 
that DoD faces in their efforts to maintain secure supply chains and 
reduce net import reliance on necessary strategic and critical 
minerals. For many who have been following critical minerals, this 
report looks a lot like the reports that came before it. It screams out 
loud that we have a problem. It highlights the current vulnerabilities 
we face with our high levels of import reliance for some of these 
minerals and it highlights the potential dangers that reliance poses 
for the United States.
    Given that this report is nearly 2 years old, please explain what 
progress the department has made in addressing the key concerns?
    Answer. America's defense industrial base is one of our core 
strategic assets and we are focused on shoring up this advantage, 
including by on-shoring several defense supply chains and mineral 
production. The Department's FY24 budget request invests more than $250 
million in critical materials. We are also deploying several tools to 
mitigate reliance on foreign produced critical minerals. This includes 
increasing our stockpiles and investing domestic capability under the 
Defense Production Act, where practicable.
    Question. Are we more or less import reliant on these minerals now 
than we were 2 years ago?
    Answer. On balance, the Department's net import reliance for 2023 
is approximately the same compared to 2021. Reducing the Department's 
reliance on imports will occur over the long-term. DoD has made key 
investments over the last 2 years to reduce import reliance for 
strategic and critical materials to safeguard supply chains and 
preserve national security. The DoD has awarded and is continuing to 
evaluate awards for Defense Production Act title III investment funds 
to build domestic mining and processing capacity for a range of 
critical materials, including rare earth elements, battery storage 
minerals, and more.
    Question. How has the war in Ukraine changed the DoD's priority of 
addressing the vulnerabilities in this report?
    Answer. The war in Ukraine has reinforced the urgent need to secure 
supply chains for critical materials necessary for key DoD systems. The 
recent Presidential Waiver authorizing the use of the Defense 
Production Act to bolster domestic capacity for materials and systems 
demonstrates the Administration's and DoD's commitment to this effort. 
The waiver allows DoD to expand domestic production capabilities for 
key minerals to help secure munitions supply chains. The war in Ukraine 
has provided real-world data on supply chain dynamics in times of 
crisis, information which is informing analysis to model DoD materials 
stockpiling needs.
    Question. Congress supported the recommendation to open title III 
DPA funds for EV mineral projects. Can you please provide information 
into what projects have been funded, how much funding has been awarded 
to date, and the number of applications DoD has received for funding?
    Answer. The Department is grateful for Congressional support in our 
efforts to secure the battery supply chain. Batteries are a vital 
component in weapon systems, including missiles and munitions. The 
Inflation Reduction Act provided DoD's DPA fund with $250 million to 
address sourcing for these vital raw materials. Currently, DoD is 
evaluating various proposals to resolve gaps in this supply chain. 
These potential projects range from feasibility studies to 
modernization and construction of production facilities. Planned 
investments in battery materials include graphite, lithium, manganese, 
nickel, and cobalt with an average project value of $28 million. The 
Department anticipates announcing awards in the next few months.
    Question. What additional authorities or resources does the DoD 
require to reduce the overall level of vulnerability that this report 
laid out?
    Answer. DoD's continued efforts to secure critical and strategic 
materials require Congressional support of the Department's FY24 budget 
request. DoD has several key methods for investing in the industrial 
base, including the DPA's title III program and the Industrial Base 
Analysis and Sustainment (IBAS) program. Our budget request includes 
$968.6 million in DPA and $1 billion in IBAS funding to continue the 
Department's commitment to strengthening the domestic industrial base 
essential to national defense.
    The Department also submitted a legislative proposal that, among 
other things, would expand the definition of the ``domestic industrial 
base'' within the DPA to include our AUKUS partners Australia and the 
United Kingdom. Expanding the definition of ``domestic industrial 
base'' would strengthen DoD's ability to secure critical materials, 
establish robust secondary markets, and leverage allied nations to 
enrich U.S. manufacturing and industrial base capabilities, increasing 
the nation's advantage in a competitive environment.
    In addition, the National Defense Stockpile program is key to 
reducing U.S. vulnerability to near-term supply disruptions. The 
current stockpile inventory is insufficient to meet projected U.S. 
materials needs in the event of a national emergency. Appropriations 
would enable the National Defense Stockpile to acquire materials 
critical to preparedness, readiness, and national security.
                                 ______
                                 
              Question Submitted by Senator Lindsey Graham
    Question. Section 1204 of the FY23 NDAA modified the authorities 
for the Irregular Warfare Center that was first authorized in the FY21 
NDAA. It requires you to submit to the Senate and House Armed Services 
Committees, within 180 days, a plan for establishing the Center, 
including a determination as to the desirability of establishing it at 
a university through a partnership like a UARC.
    I would like to note, first, that the 180-day deadline for that 
plan is fast approaching--June 21 will be 180 days since the President 
signed the NDAA on December 23. That's a little less than six weeks 
from now.
    I am aware that last July you directed an ``expedited'' basing 
analysis to find the permanent home for the Center. But that was more 
than 9 months ago now, and you have not even taken the first step of 
submitting to Congress the criteria by which a site will be selected. 
So, as far as we know, you have made zero progress in selecting a site.
    I will further note that the strategic basing analysis was your 
idea--it is not mandated by statute, nor directed by either the FY21 or 
the FY23 authorization. In fact, Congress has repeatedly signaled its 
intent to have the center located at and operated as a partnership with 
a civilian research university, and the NDAA also expressed the sense 
of Congress that the center should be named in honor of our late 
colleague, Senator John McCain. The preferred path here is clear.
    It has been more than 28 months since Congress gave you the 
authority and the resources to establish the center in accordance with 
this vision. Congress has renewed the appropriation three times now, 
and we have essentially nothing to show for it. Meanwhile, the 
challenges the center is meant to address are only growing more acute. 
Frankly, our adversaries are unmoved by your commitment to this 
protracted bureaucratic process.
    Can I have your commitment to delivering by June 21 a plan to 
establish the center in accordance with congressional intent?
    Answer. Yes, the Irregular Warfare Center (IWC) report will be 
provided in June 2023. The Department has determined that the final 
location for the IWC will be at a DoD installation in order to address 
the IWC's inherently governmental tasks and will note this 
determination in the report. However, the Department will contract for 
irregular warfare (IW) research, curriculum development, and teaching 
support with a civilian institution of higher education--including by 
establishing a Center of Excellence or University Affiliated Research 
Center. The Department has identified several DoD installations as 
potential locations for the Center and approved a set of criteria for 
evaluating those options. While the Department is still identifying the 
optimal arrangement for the civilian institution partnership, the 
priority of the Department is to identify an arrangement through a 
robust competition that optimally supports the IWC's prescribed mission 
areas and can be completed expeditiously. The IWC reached initial 
operating capability in October 2022 and is conducting IW programs in 
accordance with section 345 of title 10, United States Code, as we 
identify a final location. The Department is committed to keeping 
Congress informed on this issue.
                                 ______
                                 
          Questions Submitted by Senator Shelley Moore Capito
    Question. What specific steps is the Department of Defense taking 
to analyze production constraints, and to expand capacity, at 
facilities within the (1) organic defense industrial base and (2) U.S. 
energetics industrial base?
    Answer. The Department is laser-focused on ensuring that our 
defense industrial base is resilient, and we appreciate the support 
from Congress as we work together to re-invigorate its capacity. In 
particular, our depots help ensure that our weapons systems are well-
maintained, which is critical to maintaining readiness and is at the 
core of our strength as a Department.
    Over the past 2 years, the Department established organic 
industrial base (OIB) goals that define priorities, constraints, risks, 
and opportunities within the OIB to meet current and future readiness 
objectives. In addition, the Department created an ammunition capacity 
framework assessment to facilitate production requirements to meet war 
munitions readiness levels.
    Our energetics base is also essential to generate new and 
innovative technologies. The Department is investing directly in the 
energetics industrial base, including over $200 million in onshoring 
energetics production that are high risk due to foreign-sourced or 
single-sourced materials.
    Question. What mechanisms are currently available to the Department 
of Defense to provide support or capacity expansion for the organic 
industrial base?
    Answer. The Military Services provide direct investments to the OIB 
through the regular appropriations process, as well as Ukraine 
supplementals and replenishment funding. The Department also can 
utilize the Defense Production Act to expedite and expand the OIB to 
promote the national defense.
    The Department also exercises existing authorities to designate 
depot-level activities and military arsenals as Centers of Industrial 
and Technical Excellence. This encourages the use of Public- Private 
Partnerships to maximize the use of OIB capacity, reduce cost of 
ownership of industrial facilities, and leverage private sector 
investment to accelerate efforts like plant and equipment 
recapitalization.
    Question. Understanding the recent adjustment making the organic 
industrial base newly eligible for Defense Production Act funding, is 
the Department currently lacking any other authorities that would help 
provide support for the organic industrial base? If so, what are those 
authorities?
    Answer. The Department does not lack any authorities to provide 
necessary support to the OIB.
                                 ______
                                 
             Questions Submitted to General Mark A. Milley
               Questions Submitted by Senator Jon Tester
    Question. For good reason, when we talk about China, we spend a lot 
of our time talking about its bad behavior in the Taiwan Strait.
    However, we can't overlook the fact that China's global ambitions 
are presenting problems for every Combatant Command, including in 
Africa and Latin America. If we only prepare for a high-end Indo-
Pacific fight, we will come up short worldwide.
    Chairman Milley, how are Combatant Commanders in AFRICOM and 
SOUTHCOM adjusting and planning for increased PRC activities within 
their areas of operation?
    Answer. The Joint Staff provides each Combatant Commander with 
campaign and posture planning guidance to ensure their strategies are 
globally integrated and support our National Security priorities.
    In line with this guidance, AFRICOM has developed a strategic 
competition framework that takes into account the PRC's activities in 
Africa, and which is designed to adapt as required with dynamic 
conditions. Their plans are fully nested within global priorities, and 
synchronized with other Combatant Commands, the interagency, and select 
partners and allies to ensure unity of effort.
    Key efforts include monitoring PRC basing activity, countering 
Illegal Unreported Unregulated (IUU) fishing through increased maritime 
domain awareness, intelligence sharing with partner nations to expose 
illicit or malign activity, and security sector cooperation/capacity 
building to help African partner states to resist coercion and conduct 
independent security activities.
    AFRICOM continues to see tangible results from their activities, as 
many of our African partners continue to request increased U.S. 
security sector cooperation, and training.
    The Joint Force participates in a globally integrated approach to 
deterrence that seeks to deny the PRC the perceived benefits of 
aggression, while strengthening partnerships with, and the capabilities 
of, states across the SOUTHCOM AOR. By closely monitoring China's 
military and dual-use activities in the region while supporting our 
regional partners, we aim to mitigate Beijing's malign influence and 
maintain our position as the partner of choice.
    To do this, SOUTHCOM is extensively engaged in security cooperation 
efforts that train partner nation personnel and modernize equipment. 
Through Foreign Military Sales, Foreign Military Financing, the 
transfer of Excess Defense Articles, Joint Exercises, the National 
Guard's State Partnership Program, and the International Military 
Training and Education Program, we help our partners meet shared 
threats to regional security, while demonstrating U.S. values and 
commitment.
    The Joint Force also counters China's influence by supporting the 
people of Latin America and the Caribbean in ways that highlight shared 
American values. In 2022, for example, the USNS COMFORT hospital ship 
deployed to five countries in the region, treating over 30,000 
patients. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) also works with 
SOUTHCOM and regional partners on infrastructure development projects 
that advance U.S. security interests. In Peru, USACE is helping the 
Peruvian Navy to build port facilities, and in Ecuador, USACE is 
mitigating the negative effects of a substandard PRC construction 
project at the Coca Coda Dam. Activities like these, and many others, 
build good will and enhance our readiness and posture to operate in the 
region. Together, SOUTHCOM's efforts help limit China's ability to 
expand its military influence in the region.
    Question. The War in Ukraine is now entering its second year, and 
both sides are gearing up for a spring offensive.
    There are some who argue that given the threat from China, we can't 
afford to invest in Ukraine. I strongly disagree, but defer to our 
military experts.
    General Milley, simply put, why is our continued support of, and 
investment in, Ukraine critical to our own national security?
    Answer. Russia poses an immediate and persistent threat to 
international peace and stability. Providing security assistance to 
Ukraine, coupled with Ukraine's battlefield success against Russian 
aggression, sends a deterrent signal to our potential adversaries. 
Alongside our allies and partners, America is helping to make Russia's 
war on Ukraine a strategic failure. The overwhelming multinational 
response to Russia's unprovoked and unlawful war against Ukraine to 
restore international order is unprecedented and vital to the security 
of sovereign nations across the globe.
    Question. Last year, Congress accelerated investments in weapons to 
load up our weapons magazines for future contingencies.
    In this year's budget, the Department is proposing multi-year 
procurement agreements for 9 different munitions. This would provide 
significant predictability and stability to the industrial base.
    Chairman Milley, are these planned procurement quantities enough to 
fund our munitions requirements for potential future conflicts and 
rebuild our stockpile?
    Answer. We thank Congress for the multi-year procurement and other 
flexible acquisition authorities granted in recent legislation. Multi-
Year Procurement (MYP) authorities will improve taxpayer buying power, 
bolster inventory, and provide a more stable and predictable demand 
signal to industry.
    Following 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq to combat 
terrorism, the Department is shifting its focus to near-peer conflict. 
The Department is constantly evaluating its munitions inventories and 
munitions procurement strategies, and this realignment of the munitions 
ecosystem will take time. Our PB24 request includes plans to pursue MYP 
for five munitions and will continue to identify additional 
opportunities to leverage existing MYP authorities, and recommend 
additional authorities. We will continue to work closely with industry 
to expand production capacity and deliver the needed quantities of 
munitions, while being good stewards of the capital provided by the 
American taxpayer.
    Question. This budget request is again proposing record investments 
in research and development. You are asking for $145 billion dollars in 
R&D spending, which is more than $5.2 billion over the fiscal year 2023 
enacted amount.
    General Milley, for years, R&D has been used to mature and 
prototype technologies like hypersonic weapons and artificial 
intelligence. These technologies will give us decisive capabilities in 
a near-peer competition with China, so when will they become real 
programs that are fielded at scale? My concern is that we are at risk 
of falling into the trap of `perennial prototyping', and not actually 
delivering capability in relevant numbers to our troops by increasing 
procurement. This budget does not transition prototypes to procurement 
in significant numbers.
    Answer. The Joint Staff continues to work with Combatant Commands, 
leveraging a portfolio management approach, to highlight our capability 
gaps, requirements, and prototyping opportunities. Further, the Joint 
Force is continually experimenting with new technologies to identify 
those capabilities most needed by the warfighter. While not every 
effort matures into a game changing capability, those that do 
transition often face challenges in crossing the ``valley of death'' 
from R&D to procurement. To facilitate technological transition the 
department has established new prototype pathways such as the Rapid 
Defense Experimentation Reserve (RDER) and the Accelerate the 
Procurement and Fielding of Innovative Technologies (APFIT) pilot. We 
have organizations such as the Strategic Capabilities Office (SCO) and 
Defense Innovation Unit (DIU) to help guide promising technologies to 
programs. And the department is leveraging acquisition authorities such 
as Middle Tier-Acquisitions (MTA) to speed the delivery of innovation 
to our warfighters.
    For example, our first land battery of the Army's Long Range 
Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW) will achieve its initial operational 
capability in FY23 thanks to the MTA pathway. In FY25 this hypersonic 
capability will expand to the sea as the Navy's Conventional Prompt 
Strike (CPS) program achieves initial operational capability using the 
same missile as the LRHW. CPS will also deploy in the payload modules 
of VIRGINIA class SSNs currently under construction.
    We will endeavor to prioritize initiatives that enable R&D projects 
to deliver results in operationally-relevant timelines to allow us to 
deter and, if necessary, prevail against threats.
    Question. Congress has established a Commission to review the 
Department's budget process and make recommendations to speed up the 
process of getting stuff to the warfighter. Often, these Commissions 
point the finger at Congress (in some cases, rightfully so!) without 
addressing barriers inside the Department that you could fix yourself.
    Chairman Milley, do you feel the warfighter is getting a fair shake 
in articulating their needs?
    Answer. In terms of addressing warfighter needs, I believe the 
Joint Capabilities Integration and Development System (JCIDS) offers 
our individual Services and Combatant Commands the venue necessary to 
identify requirements and inform our acquisition enterprise. The Joint 
Requirements Oversight Council provides necessary strategic guidance 
while facilitating warfighter need identification from the Combatant 
Commands to ensure that our capability development efforts are concept-
driven and threat-informed. We will continue to work with Congress and 
across the Department to align requirements, resourcing, and 
acquisition activities to accelerate the fielding of capabilities to 
the warfighter.

                          SUBCOMMITTEE RECESS

    Senator Tester. Thank you for what you do. General Milley, 
your record speaks for itself. Thank you very much.
    This Defense Committee will reconvene on Tuesday, May 16, 
at 10 a.m., in a classified session to hear from the Director 
of Military Defense Agency and the Commander of U.S. Northern 
Command on the Budget Request for Hypersonic Threats, Missile 
Defense, and the Protection of the U.S. Homeland.
    With that, we stand in recess.
    [Whereupon, at 11:26 a.m., Thursday, May 11, the 
subcommittee was recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m., Tuesday, 
May 16.]