[Joint House and Senate Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
PUTIN'S SYRIAN PUPPET: WAR CRIMES AND
COMPLICITY FROM SYRIA TO UKRAINE
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JULY 10, 2024
__________
Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe
[CSCE118-6]
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via www.csce.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
56-242 WASHINGTON : 2024
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COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION
U.S. HOUSE U.S SENATE
JOE WILSON, South Carolina Chairman BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland Co-
Chairman
STEVE COHEN, Tennessee Ranking ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi
Member Ranking Member
ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, Alabama RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut
EMANUEL CLEAVER II, Missouri JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas
RUBEN GALLEGO, Arizona TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
RICHARD HUDSON, North Carolina JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York TINA SMITH, Minnesota
VICTORIA SPARTZ, Indiana THOM TILLIS, North Carolina
MARC A. VEASEY, Texas SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island
EXECUTIVE BRANCH
Department of State - Erin Barclay
Department of Defense - Celeste Wallander
Department of Commerce - Don Graves
C O N T E N T S
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Page
COMMISSIONERS
Hon. Joe Wilson, Chairman, from South Carolina................... 1
Hon. Steve Cohen, Ranking Member, from Tennessee................. 3
Hon. Michael Lawler, from New York............................... 17
Hon. Emanuel Cleaver II, from Missouri........................... 18
Hon. Victoria Spartz, from Indiana............................... 21
Hon. Marc A. Veasey, from Texas.................................. 23
Hon. Richard Blumenthal, from Connecticut........................ 25
WITNESSES
Mohammed Alaa Ghanem, Syrian Civil Society Leader and Human
Rights Activist................................................ 4
M. Night Shyamalan, Co-Founder and President of The M. Night
Shyamalan Foundation, Film Director, Producer, and Screenwriter 8
Mouaz Moustafa, Executive Director of the Syrian Emergency Task
Force.......................................................... 11
PUTIN'S SYRIAN PUPPET: WAR CRIMES AND COMPLICITY FROM SYRIA TO UKRAINE
----------
COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN
EUROPE,
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Wednesday, July 10, 2024.
The hearing was held from 2:01 a.m. to 3:27 p.m., Room
2247, Rayburn House Office Building, Representative Joe Wilson
[R-SC], Chairman, Commission for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, presiding.
Committee Members Present: Representative Joe Wilson [R-
SC], Chairman; Representative Steve Cohen [D-TN], Ranking
Member; Representative Mike Lawler [R-NY]; Representative
Emanuel Cleaver II, [D-MO]; Representative Victoria Spartz [R-
IN]; Representative Marc Veasey [D-TX]; Senator Richard
Blumenthal [D-CT].
Witnesses: M. Night Shyamalan, Co-Founder and President of
The M. Night Shyamalan Foundation, Film Director, Producer, and
Screenwriter; Mohammed Alaa Ghanem, Syrian Civil Society Leader
and Human Rights Activist; Mouaz Moustafa, Executive Director
of the Syrian Emergency Task Force.
OPENING STATEMENT OF JOE WILSON, CHAIRMAN, U.S. HOUSE, FROM
SOUTH CAROLINA
Chairman Wilson: [Sounds gavel.] Ladies and gentlemen,
friends of freedom and democracy for the people of Syria, as we
begin today, I would like to come to order. As a reminder, if
there are any disruption of the proceedings, it will result in
immediate removal and potential arrest. But we would proceed
immediately, too.
I want to thank you for being here today as we address a
matter of grave concern and moral urgency. For more than 10
years, the murderous regime of Bashar al-Assad, backed by war
criminal Vladimir Putin, has perpetrated unspeakable atrocities
against the people of Syria.
Following peaceful demands for democracy and a stop to the
brutal corruption of the narco-trafficking Assad crime family,
protestors were met with unimaginable atrocities that continue
today. Over half of the population of Syria, with more than 14
million people, have been forced to flee their homes, schools,
forums, religious institutions, and businesses. The United
Nations said they have stopped counting the number of those
murdered at the hands of the regime at half a million. We know,
sadly, approximately one million people, including women and
children, have been murdered by the Assad regime.
The ability of Bashar al-Assad to brutally quash opposition
was due to immediate and ongoing support for the Assad regime
from war criminal Putin. Bashar al-Assad has given war criminal
Putin free rein in the country of Syria.
The same tactics and atrocities we witnessed on Monday--the
bombing of a children's hospital in Kyiv that we saw,
residential buildings, all began, sadly, in Syria with the
murderous leveling of Aleppo, then the murderous leveling of
the city of Mariupol in Ukraine. Now we see that Kharkiv is
under attack, with 1.3 million people, with these same tactics
of total destruction, which is gruesomely reminiscent of what
Hitler was trying to do to London.
Now, in Kyiv, as we saw with the country's largest
children's hospital bombed, the images of bloody Ukrainian
children, who have just had surgery or received chemotherapy
infusion, outside of the bombed hospital, sadly evoke images of
Syrian children being buried in rubble caused by the Assad and
Putin bombs. Brutal tactics, chemical weapons, attacks on
children, indiscriminate bombings, and this systematic
targeting of civilians constitute war crimes that cannot go
unanswered.
Sadly, the complete lack of response and accountability for
the crimes against humanity in Syria has laid the groundwork
for the invasion of Ukraine. The scale of suffering inflicted
upon innocent men, women and children is a stain on humanity
itself. Particularly heinous are the double-tap strikes where
the first responders are bombed as they are responding to the
initial strike.
The involvement of Moscow in Syria is not an isolated
incident. It is part of a broader pattern of aggression and
impunity that Putin has promoted because he knows the unfounded
fears of escalation will ensure his atrocities continue. Just
this morning, Assad and war criminal Putin bombarded the
countryside and villages around Aleppo and Idlib with missiles
and bombs. How many more Syrians and Ukrainians have to die
before the world takes action?
There is a direct link between what Russia has done in
Syria and its actions in Ukraine. In both instances, we see
disrespect for sovereignty, human rights, and the rule of law.
We are in a conflict we did not choose, worldwide, of dictators
with the rule of gun invading democracies with the rule of law.
Justice and accountability are not abstract ideals; they are
the foundations upon which a just and peaceful world is built.
We must ensure that those responsible for these heinous
acts are brought to justice, that the victims are remembered,
and that the international community stands united in
condemning such barbarity. Those who attempt to normalize
unrepentant mass murderer Bashar al-Assad are doing business
with death itself. The forcible repatriation of Syrians under
this maniacal regime is murder. As soon as they set foot in
Syria, they are rounded up by the regime henchmen, and never
seen again.
There can be no peace for Syrians in the region while Assad
remains in power. Let us honor the memory of those who have
suffered and perished by committing ourselves to the cause of
justice, human rights, and enduring quest for peace.
Today we will hear from an extraordinary, outstanding panel
of witnesses.
First, we will hear from M. Night Shyamalan, who is so
appreciated worldwide. He is best known for his outstanding
career as a film director, screenwriter, and producer, but is
here today in the capacity of the co-founder and president of
the M. Night Shyamalan Foundation.
We will then hear from Mohammed Ghanem Ranem [sic; Mohammed
Alaa Ghanem], a Syrian civil society leader and human rights
activist.
Finally, we will hear from Mouaz Moustafa, the executive
director of the Syrian Emergency Task Force, who came by
Chinook helicopter to get here, I believe, who has just
returned from U.S. Forces, from delivering critical aid to the
Rukban refugee camp in southeast Syria where humanitarian and
medical aid has been blocked for more than a year due to war
criminal Putin and the dictator Assad.
I am grateful that the House overwhelmingly passed
bipartisan legislation--Democrats and Republicans--House
Resolution 3203, The Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act, and I
urge the Senate to pass this bill and save lives.
Thank you for your time here today, and now I yield to the
ranking member, Steve Cohen, for his remarks.
STATEMENT OF STEVE COHEN, RANKING MEMBER, U.S. HOUSE, FROM
TENNESSEE
Representative Cohen: Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Mr.
Chair, and I thank the witnesses for being here today.
The Syrian people have been plagued by civil war now for
about 13 years--violence and starvation, and murders--it has
gone on and on, so it is a humanitarian crisis that continues
to exact a devastating toll on innocent civilians. The Assad
regime, with its blatant disregard for human life and dignity,
has perpetrated unspeakable acts of violence against its own
people. From the onset of this conflict, we have witnessed
scenes of indiscriminate bombings, chemical weapon attacks, and
torture. The Syrian people have endured unimaginable suffering,
forced to live in constant fear and uncertainty as their homes,
schools, and hospitals have been destroyed.
The responsibility for these crimes lies squarely with the
Assad regime, and that is the reason they are having a civil
war, because the Assad regime has been bad for a long time, and
people know it. The regime shows no remorse for its actions, no
willingness to negotiate peace, and no respect for
international law.
He is not acting alone; he has got allies that are just as
villainous as he, including Putin, who provides military
support and diplomatic cover for Assad's atrocities. Putin's
unwavering support for Assad has not only prolonged the
conflict, but escalated the violence, and what Mr. Wilson said,
what Putin has been doing in Ukraine--Mariupol--and what he has
done--what he did in Aleppo is part of his tactics, and Hitler
did the same thing in Warsaw to try to level the city and
destroy the populace, and they have no concern about civilian
populations.
However, Putin is helping Assad, and it has only prolonged
the conflict. Russian airstrikes have targeted civilian
infrastructure as he has done in Ukraine, and has done it under
fighting terrorism--under that guise, but it has led to
deterioration and killing of innocent lives.
Moscow's vetoes of the United Nations Security Council have
thwarted efforts to hold the Assad regime accountable and
deliver humanitarian aid to those in desperate need. Assad and
Russia's collaboration is a stark reminder of the lengths that
authoritarian regimes will go to maintain their grip on power.
There are quite a few authoritarian regimes around, but Putin
is the worst. Xi in China--authoritarian regime; Assad; and
Hamas is an authoritarian regime--another one.
Assad has been torturing his people for too long and should
stop. We need to continue providing humanitarian aid for
diplomatic and a military solution, hopefully, and assure those
responsible for war crimes face justice.
I look forward to hearing from the witnesses and how we can
best support the Syrian people. With that, I would like to ask
the chairman a question.
Chairman Wilson: Yes?
Representative Cohen: My father was a psychiatrist. I
learned a little bit from him. Do you think that when Mrs.
Putin named her son War Criminal Putin, that that might have
been some foreshadowing? [Laughter.] I yield back.
Chairman Wilson: Ladies and gentlemen, again, you can tell
that we work together, Democrats and Republicans, okay?
[Laughter.] I have to take abuse from him sometimes.
[Laughter.]
Representative Cohen: He is my straight man.
Chairman Wilson: No, no, hey--but very seriously, the
ranking member and I--and the format today, we have so many
multiple hearings, markups going on that we have got members of
the House and bicameral members of the Senate who, based on how
they can get away, will be bouncing back and forth. The format
is that each of you would like to have five minutes of
presentation, and then we would have questions from the members
as they come and go.
However, we will begin indeed with Mr. Shyamalan, and we
just appreciate him so much.
TESTIMONY OF MOHAMMED ALAA GHANEM, SYRIAN CIVIL SOCIETY LEADER
AND HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST
Mr. Ghanem: Thank you.
Chairman Wilson, Ranking Member Cohen, and esteemed staff
members of the Helsinki Commission, I am grateful for the
opportunity to appear before you today as a witness to the
tragic consequences of Russia's intervention in Syria.
My testimony is drawn from my firsthand experiences on the
frontlines of the Syrian conflict. Born and raised in Damascus,
I lived in Syria for nearly three decades. My first direct
encounter with the Assad regime occurred during my college
years when I was unjustly detained and tried in a military
court, despite being a civilian. Since 2011, I have been deeply
involved in addressing the Syrian conflict, engaging in the
process with three different U.S. administrations at the
highest levels.
Russia's military intervention in Syria has wrought
devastating consequences. Russia has committed extensive war
crimes, killing thousands of Syrian civilians, and obliterating
hospitals, schools, mosques, marketplaces, and churches--
marketplaces and residential neighborhoods.
Alongside my written testimony, I am submitting two reports
from credible Syrian human rights organizations that chronicle
the mass slaughter of thousands of Syrian civilians by Russian
forces in over 360 documented massacres. This intervention
triggered the worst refugee crisis since World War II. Only
after Russia intervened in Syria did the refugee crisis reach
unprecedented levels, with Russian forces getting involved, and
the Obama administration's refusal to provide effective support
to the Syrian opposition or enact a no-fly zone to help
civilians stay in their homes. Millions were forced to seek
safety in Europe. Putin and Assad strategically weaponized
these refugee flows to destabilize domestic European politics.
It must also be noted that the unholy alliance between Iran
and Russia, which is currently manifesting in Ukraine with Iran
supplying lethal drones to Russia, has its roots in Syria.
Russia's intervention in Syria was initiated, in fact,
following a covert plea by Iranian general, Qasem Soleimani, to
President Putin, for help in preserving Assad's regime.
Additionally, Russia's provision of crucial air cover to the
IRGC, Hezbollah, and other terrorist groups, significantly
enhanced their operations on the ground in Syria.
This support comes as Russia's military intervention
predominately targeted moderate Syrian opposition groups that
were actively fighting ISIS and al-Qaida. Recent leaks have
also revealed joint planning by Russia, Iran, and Assad to
precipitate an American withdrawal from Syria by intensifying
assaults on U.S. troops stationed in Syria.
Russia has also sabotaged the political process using its
veto power at the U.N. Security Council, as many as 18 times,
to politically shield Assad and block initiatives aimed at
holding him accountable. Most egregiously, Russia used its veto
to terminate the U.N. humanitarian cross-border aid mechanism
in Syria, a crucial lifeline that sustained millions for nine
years. This move, which mirrors Moscow's withdrawal from the
Black Sea grain agreement, not only exacerbates the
humanitarian crisis but also consolidates Assad's control by
handing him the reins to distribute U.N. aid to the very
population he persecutes, all while the U.S. appears to tacitly
consent.
Yet, despite all this, Russia got away with it all, a
lesson that Putin noted and replicated again in Ukraine.
Policymakers who deem confronting Russia and Syria too costly
or misaligned with U.S. interests now have to contend with the
far greater costs of dealing with terrorism, deepening refugee
crises, and an emboldened Putin, who has not only invaded
Ukraine but also threatened further expansion into Europe.
Amidst this turmoil, the Biden administration, much like
its Republican and Democratic predecessors, clings to a failed
notion that dialogue with Putin could somehow bring resolution
to the Syrian conflict. Time and again this approach has proven
ineffectual, provoking further aggression instead of fostering
peace. The continued reliance on this strategy, despite its
chronic failures, represents a profound misjudgment, a tragic
error that continues to exact a heavy toll on lives and
regional stability.
Chairman Wilson and Ranking Member Cohen, long before
Russia's military intervention in Syria and its invasion of
Ukraine, my staff and I had engaged with senior U.S. officials
across various agencies, advocating for basic support to
protect Syrian civilians. During trips to Syria, I was alarmed
to see the dire lack of resources available to the moderate
opposition. Upon returning, I conveyed my concerns to officials
at the State Department and the National Security Council at
the White House, warning that, without support, extremists
could hijack the Syrian revolution. Instead of providing
meaningful military aid, the U.S. offered soon-to-expire MREs--
Meals Ready to Eat.
Long before the annexation of Crimea, we approached senior
U.S. officials, emphasizing that failing to curb Putin's
actions in Syria could have repercussions beyond Syria's
borders, potentially threatening Europe, as well. However,
these warnings were dismissed. The Obama administration
believed that the conflict could be contained within Syria's
border. At the time, the Obama administration was engaged in
the so-called Russia Reset policy, which viewed Putin as a
pragmatic leader with whom deals could be made. Additionally,
the administration was pursuing a nuclear deal with Iran, a key
patron of Assad.
Repeatedly, when we urged the Obama administration to adopt
basic measures to protect civilians in Syria, officials would
rhetorically ask if we wanted to trigger World War III. This
narrative was debunked twice when the Trump administration
conducted targeted air strikes on Wagner mercenaries in Deir
Ezzor, and also military facilities of the Assad regime in
response to chemical attacks. Those strikes, though limited,
managed to establish limited deterrence without spiraling into
a global conflict, proving that the previous administration's
justification for its inaction was less fact and more fiction.
In fact, even after Russia intervened militarily, former
general, Petraeus, repeatedly informed us that there were still
viable methods to implement a no-fly zone without engaging in
direct conflict, such as through conducting targeted airstrikes
against Assad's forces that were actively targeting civilians.
Far from securing cooperation, however, this appeasement
strategy only emboldened Putin, culminating in the bold and
illegal annexation of Crimea. When President Putin observed
that he could flout international norms without significant
repercussions, he saw an opportunity to extend such tactics
into Europe, where the stakes for Russia were even higher.
I am convinced that, if Putin had been decisively
challenged in Syria, neither the annexation of Crimea nor the
invasion of Ukraine would have occurred. I applaud the U.S.
Congress for acting against Russian intervention in Ukraine.
However, I contend that, with less than 5 percent of the amount
of money appropriated, we could have effectively countered
Putin, Iran, and their influence in Syria, potentially averting
Russia's and Putin's more destructive actions.
This leads us to a fundamental flaw in U.S. policy towards
Russia: The bifurcation in our approach to Putin's aggression
in Syria and Ukraine. It is imperative that U.S. policy erases
this imaginary line, challenging Putin uniformly across both
theaters. While U.S. policy has been resolute against Putin's
aggression in Ukraine, it paradoxically allows him free rein in
Syria, an arena of immense strategic and propaganda value to
him.
A stark illustration of this has been seen over the past
couple of years during which the Biden administration has
greenlit the rehabilitation and normalization of Bashar al-
Assad. It has also intervened to block a bipartisan Senate
bill, developed with input from the Syrian American community,
that seeks to counter Assad's rehabilitation, a principal
policy objective of Putin. Additionally, the administration has
conceded to Russia by endorsing the so-called, "Early Recovery"
projects in regions under Assad's control, a term both Assad
and Russia use synonymously with reconstruction. This has long
been a strategic objective of Russia and Assad, to have the
West ultimately finance the reconstruction of the very same
devastation that they themselves have wrought.
To counter this, pushing Bashar al-Assad out of power is
essential. By turning Syria over to Putin and Khamenei, Assad
has been pivotal in upholding Iranian and Russian interests in
Syria, acting as a lynchpin for their strategies in the region.
Additionally, the U.S. should reconsider initiatives like
Timber Sycamore, the program that was designed to arm carefully
vetted elements of the Syrian opposition. This program was
disastrously terminated during the Trump administration in a
bid to signal to Putin that the administration wants to improve
ties to Russia, as verbatim--as stated by--as stated by U.S.
officials verbatim. The cessation of this program undermined
the Southern Front, a key moderate opposition coalition that
had been effective in maintaining order and curbing the
activities of Iranian militias in southern Syria.
As a result, Hezbollah and other Iranian militias have had
free rein to launch attacks from southwest Syria on neighboring
countries. Furthermore, since Assad regained control of the
south, he has turned it into a hub for flooding the region with
Captagon drugs, exacerbating what Jordanian officials describe
as a war on their northern borders.
Congress, particularly the Senate, should also pass HR
3202, the bipartisan Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act
introduced by Chairman Wilson, with wide support. This
legislation aims to prevent the rehabilitation of Bashar al-
Assad, a top objective of both Russia and Iran.
Congress should also pass S.4625, bipartisan legislation
introduced by Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal,
that would provide for the designation of the Russian
Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
In conclusion, U.S. policy has made critical errors by
accommodating Russian objectives in Syria, which conflict with
U.S. interests and global peace. By treating Russia as a
partner in Syria and disregarding its actions that destabilize
the region and contravene U.S. interests, this approach has led
to the rise of transnational terrorism, and a massive refugee
crisis, and emboldened Putin to expand his aggression by
projecting U.S. weakness.
It was precisely in Syria that Putin found the audacity to
extend his aggression to Crimea and Ukraine. Confronting Putin
must, therefore, encompass a unified strategy that addresses
both Syria and Ukraine.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today,
and I am ready to answer any questions you may have.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Mr. Ghanem.
I now proceed to Mr. M. Night Shyamalan.
TESTIMONY OF M. NIGHT SHYAMALAN, CO-FOUNDER AND PRESIDENT OF
THE M. NIGHT SHYAMALAN FOUNDATION, FILM DIRECTOR, PRODUCER, AND
SCREENWRITER
Mr. Shyamalan: Thank you for having me here. This is a
wonderful opportunity.
You know, I kind of represent a different aspect of all
this. I guess I would represent the--kind of the novice, the
American--just the American who--where I started and where I am
now that--kind of the movement from that, you know, and how I
perceive this.
My wife and I have a foundation, the M. Night Shyamalan
Foundation, and we support leaders--domestically and around the
world. Mouaz Moustafa is one of those leaders. We currently
represent 12 of them, and he is one of them, and so we are here
in support of that.
However, it was an interesting journey that I took, just as
kind of a normal American hearing about this, even with the
interest that I had to help everyone, or my wife's kind of
intense interest to help the world. When she came back and
said, hey, let us support this person in Syria, my initial
reaction was no way are we doing that. I had--I was very
negative on it because I was like, ah, there is a civil war
and, you know--and to be honest, I had a lot of probably
prejudices underneath that of my beliefs about the violence
over there, and, well, there is no way to fix that, and that is
just the way they are, and those are--that is how we feel about
those subjects. Ah, it just makes you feel too tight, and you
turn away from it.
What I did not realize at that moment was that I had been
told a story, and I brought into the story, and it was working
on me. As I got to know everyone and started to talk to
everyone, I asked the question, who is telling the story? I
ultimately learned that Assad was the one that was telling this
story, and I bought into it.
Therefore, you know, I am a filmmaker. I make movies and,
you know, what we do from the beginning when I am making
movies, so when I am writing it, so we are selling it, our job
is to take a storyline and pull it out and make you guys hear
it. Then you guys get so invested in that story that you cannot
wait to see how it ends, so you are invested, and you come to
the movie theater. Therefore, my job--and every other
storyteller's job is to make you really invested.
Well, this is the opposite of the story that is being told
to us. The storyteller here, Assad, is trying to de-invest us
from this story, to have the exact reaction that I had, which
was, ah, that is a mess; I do not want to deal with that. There
is no way to get involved. It is too messy--all of that stuff,
you know. It makes me uncomfortable. He is honestly playing on
our prejudices about Muslims and Muslim countries, and it
worked.
Therefore, I did not put any effort in, and I did not want
to get involved, and I--you know, and that is where we started.
But as I got to know everyone, there is a very, very different
story and actually quite a beautiful one. Therefore, I wanted
to talk to you about that a little bit in the hopes of, like,
changing interest in what is happening here rather than feeling
hopelessness--you know, bringing back agency to each of us to
advocate on behalf of these wonderful people.
Therefore, the story that I learned was kind of an amazing
one--that America kind of inspired all of this, that democracy
and it is the joy of it, and the wonderful existence of it
inspired the youth of Syria. They went out, and they went out
and they protested--amongst many other countries that were at
that time, you know, fighting for and advocating for democracy.
Therefore, they went out, and they--and the kids went out, and
they spray painted on the walls, you know, democracy, and you
are next, doctor. Assad took these individuals, these children,
and killed them. More people came up, and city after city
started to rise up in peaceful protest, just the way we taught
them, to fight for this. It went on like this, and it grew and
grew and grew, and public opinion started to turn on Assad, and
it was inevitably going to topple. That is when he changed the
story and started telling the story I referenced, which was,
hey, these are Muslim radicals--and as soon as he says that we
are out. We are all out, right? The whole Western world is
gone, right, and he knows it, and he said it, and rather than,
hey, they want democracy and I am going to kill them all. This
is kind of the pattern that we will see in the world, I think,
over and over and over, right--this inflection moment, the
storytelling change that keeps us away.
Therefore, as you all know here, but I will reference some
of it, what happened from that point on was he started to kill
all the opposition, and then Russia got involved for many of
the reasons that we have already heard here. But they are
supporting the ideologies of authoritarian and dictatorships,
and that is important, you know. The last thing that Russia
wants is a democracy in Syria, so he comes in right at that
moment and supports it, and Iran did the same thing and came in
and supported, so--Russia with their air force and Iran with
their ground. Here we are. They labeled it a civil war, and
that is a wonderful way for us to stay out of it because it is
someone else's family's problem. But that is not what is
happening here.
It is been--you know, for me, learning--I have been
incredibly fortunate to be able to learn from Moustafa and many
of the players in this crisis that have been involved. I got to
spend, you know, intimate time with a man named Caesar--I think
he spoke to all of you guys--and he was the photographer for
Assad, and he would--Assad, for whatever reason, wanted to
photograph all of his victims. Therefore, he photographed the
children, and the women, and the men--everyone that was
tortured, and then Mouaz and others got him out of Syria with
all the photos.
Therefore, he came to our house, actually, and we got to
spend time with him and I--you know, I saw the photos and--
50,000--50,000 children, women. This is not a civil war. There
is nothing--that is not what is happening here.
I keep thinking on the car ride here what the word is--
genocide is the wiping out of a people, but there is--we might
need to unfortunately have a term for when a dictator just
wipes out his opposition in his own country and just wipes it
out because he is not--you know, as you referenced, the lengths
they will go to hold on--there is no lengths. They will go all
the way to the end and burn the whole country down.
Therefore, I got to know Caesar, and what was really
beautiful is they are just regular people. This is just a
father, and he would cry and just tell me stories of the
courage it took--because on their side there is no--there is no
other group that is fighting the people for freedom. They are
also being held. You know, if he did not do what Assad said,
his family would be killed, so that is just the playbook, and
so that group is in fear, as well. They are all in prison, as
well.
I got to meet the gravedigger who was a person that would
make the mass graves, and I think he spoke to you, as well, and
he was quite shattered--he and his brother came, and he had
told me that he had buried 500,000 people so, you know, these
were directly the individuals that were right there and seeing
things that we cannot even comprehend.
Therefore, as I learned about everything, I wanted to just
help with telling the story again. That is what I do, and I
just wanted to make sure that everybody was hearing it
properly. Then I always ask, you know, what can we do, and what
are the possibilities here and, you know, why is it in our best
interest--America--to get involved emotionally and then in
other ways here. You know, we feel--all of us feel that when
others are inspired by our value system and spread it around
the world, we are--it is an extension of our family, and so we
are--in that way, we need to be responsible and support them in
the right ways.
Therefore, I do feel it is important, and I agree with
everything that is been said, that this was a blueprint for
Ukraine and the future. Therefore, it was tried, and he pushed,
and he saw, and not only the weapons that he tested on them or
the tactics that he used, the exact pilots, the exact planes
are being used in Ukraine that were used in Syria. This is part
two, you know, and there will be part three and part four.
There is a balancing act here of how to get involved, but
avoiding and looking away from the story will end up with a--we
all can see what is going to happen. One day we are going to
have to send our brothers and sisters over there to do
something, and that is what we are trying to avoid.
You know, I ask this question, and over the years now
having worked with these guys, and talking to the people that
are doing it on the ground, I sense an opportunity. This is
just me, the uninformed American listening to the people on the
ground, but I do think there is a moment here. I do not think
he is strong. I do not think he is strong. He cannot--he is not
gaining, and the people have a lot of power there right now,
and they are gaining.
What they need is our support, and so it can be a different
kind of support than sending military troops there into a war.
I was asking Mouaz, and I was saying, you know, do you think
that is enough--you know, the support of, you know, keeping the
sanctions against the countries, and the anti-normalization,
and maybe an envoy to Syria--these kind of things, and helping
them, and training them--the Syrian Free Army--and helping with
them, you know, giving them intel--all the things that we can
do to support--is that enough?
You know, what we believe in--my wife and I--we believe in
that, you know, any child that is in a tough situation, they
just need one person to see them, one person to believe in
them, and they can themselves come out of that situation. That
is actually proven in psychological terms, and we believe that
as an organization to another organization--if we just see him,
you know, that Mouaz who is out there fighting for 14 years,
and I say that to him all the time, Assad has no chance against
you. He does not. Then he is on the ground, and he believes,
and he can do extraordinary things. I believe that is on a
country-to-country level, as well; that if we see them, we see
the Syrian people, the children--my family has gone to Syria
there under protection and, you know, just being seen, that we
are here talking about them is giving them strength and is
demoralizing the other side. Therefore, I do believe in
igniting the human spirit, and they can do extraordinary
things.
Therefore, thank you so much for having me here.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you so much, Mr. Shyamalan.
We have been joined by Congressman Michael Lawler of New
York.
We now proceed to Mouaz Moustafa.
TESTIMONY OF MOUAZ MOUSTAFA, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE SYRIAN
EMERGENCY TASK FORCE
Mr. Moustafa: Thank you, Chairman. Thank you, members, for
giving me this opportunity. It is a real honor to be sharing
the panel with these two amazing people. I am so grateful for
Dr. Bhavna Shyamalan and M. Night Shyamalan for what they have
done for the Syrian people. His wife and daughters went to
liberated northern Syria when so many people were afraid to go
and gave and empowered these people on the ground by just being
there.
I am going to start--before I start my testimony, I have
just come back from the 55-kilometer deconfliction zone in the
Syrian desert alongside the border with Jordan and Iraq. There
is the U.S. Al Tanf garrison where the commander of Task Force
Armadillo and its U.S. servicemen and women support and train
the Syria Free Army that continues the fight against ISIS and
protects civilians.
I have a letter here from the commander of the Syria Free
Army I would like to read to you.
"In the name of freedom, justice, liberty, and democracy,
in the name of humanity, I begin my message. From here, where
the sun rises; from here, a small area lost in the midst of a
desert; a place you may not know where it lies on a map, I send
all of you a greeting from the partners of your great military.
I send you the best regards from your partner force and ally
that has fought and continues to fight the powers of evil and
darkness on behalf of world civilization and light.
"I send you this message with my utmost respect and
admiration to the people of the United States of America and
the Armed Forces of the United States. I send to you my deepest
thanks and gratitude for all of the support that you have
provided us.
"I send to you a small token in the hand of the man
carrying my letter. It is a coin minted by ISIS, but more
importantly, it is the only trace remaining from the empire of
evil that your military, alongside its partners, has destroyed.
It is our partnership and your limited presence in the 55-
kilometer deconfliction zone that keeps the evil state from
reestablishing itself, ensures the security of the world and
protects democratic values everywhere.
"Lieutenant Colonel Salem al-Antari, leader of the Syria
Free Army, a U.S. partner force also referred to as SFA."
Now I begin my testimony. The Assad regime has displaced 14
million civilians and, by many estimates has killed a million,
and countless civilians--men, women, children, and elderly--
remain in Assad's dungeons as we sit here right now, including
American citizens and citizens of other nationalities. If it
was not for Putin and Iran keeping the genocidal, narco-
trafficking animal Assad in power, Syria would be an emerging
democracy today. It allowed Russia to test over 400 types of
weapons on civilians and occupy Syria which allowed them to
invade Ukraine and perfect the killing of innocent babies.
If we leave Assad in power by turning a blind eye to his
atrocities and not supporting the free Syrian people, no
refugees will ever voluntarily return. That is Putin's dream:
To increase refugees in Europe, allowing the rise of extreme
right-wing parties in the disillusionment of the European
Union. If we leave Assad in power if we do not support Ukraine
and Syrians against Putin, we will not--he will not stop there.
He will attack NATO allies, and in his pursuit of an evil
authoritarian empire, we must support Ukrainians and Syrians in
their pursuit of freedom, democracy, and dignity, and in their
fight against our shared adversaries.
I just came back from the liberated areas of southern
Syria, as I mentioned, where Putin, Assad, and Iran are
besieging and starving thousands of innocent civilians in the
Rukban camp. It is our inspirational servicemen and women who
train and support our SFA partners to protect these civilians
and keep ISIS defeated. It is U.S. military planes that have
helped my small non-governmental NGO--a non-profit organization
to provide medical and humanitarian aid to babies that have
literally nothing--not a single doctor, not a single anything.
If it was not for U.S. military flights, there would not be a
single book for kids that have been stuck out there for nine
years with no school. The service and sacrifice of our military
at Al Tanf garrison truly fills me with American pride.
ISIS will always have hope of reestablishing itself if
Assad, alongside Putin's Russia and Iran, occupy Syria. ISIS
will be completely defeated only when Assad goes. Refugees will
return home voluntarily only when Assad goes, and the world
will be a safer place, and democracy will take root in Syria
when Assad goes. Iran will be defeated in the region if Assad
goes.
We are not asking for the deployment of a single U.S.
soldier or any direct military intervention. We merely ask that
you give the Syrians and the Ukrainians the minimum tools to
defeat Assad, Putin, and Iran for us so that we are not forced
to go to war with them later.
Assad, Russia, and Iran are unable and unwilling to defeat
ISIS. We must continue to sanction Assad, Putin, and Khamenei
and their war-criminal gangs. We must continue to support our
Syrian and Ukrainian allies. We must pass the Assad Anti-
Normalization Act, and unfortunately, Senator Cardin is not
here today. I want to say, Chairman Cardin, you have been at
every event that we have held in Congress alongside our
partners, the Holocaust Memorial Museum. You have had an
amazing history of supporting the Syrian people. Do not tarnish
it by not allowing markup and vote on the Anti-Normalization
Act before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
We must appoint an official envoy on the ambassadorial
level from the United States of America to show the world that
we are serious about a political transition in Syria in line
with U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254, and we must not
allow nations--allies nor enemies alike--to normalize with the
genocidal dictator.
Long live the Syrian Revolution and Slava, Ukraine [Glory
to Ukraine].
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, and indeed, hey, each
of you is so inspiring. My inspiration has been--has come from
the Syrian Lebanese community of my home community of South
Carolina. We were blessed with people from the Lebanese Syrian
communities in the early 1900s, coming to South Carolina. They
immediately assimilated and have become business leaders and
become very valued members of society, and so I know of the
capabilities and talents of the people of Syria.
Therefore, with that, however, we can be helpful--and very
grateful that we have Congressman Cleaver from Missouri who is
here, has joined us. Therefore--and we will be having others
come and go.
But indeed, now we are on the five-minute rule, and so the
staff is going to be very brutal reminding me five minutes is
up. No, but very seriously, each of you--it is so sad. The
first victims of the current situation with Putin were the
Russian people themselves. I have been to Russia a number of
times. I thought it was going to be a modern country, and I did
not realize that an authoritarian dictator would try to
recreate the failed Soviet Union. However, the failed Soviet
Union can be very beneficial for oligarchs who benefit just as
the communist system was to the benefit of the elite. Here we
go again. Therefore--and then now to spread it, as we have
seen, by maintaining troops in Moldova, by invading Georgia, by
invading Ukraine, by threatening Armenia, by threatening
Estonia, by threatening Poland. It comes together that he is
trying to create the failed Soviet empire, and so all
democracies need to be working together.
Just to Mr. Shyamalan, the inspiration, again, of the
Syrian American community, how important that is. Each of you
bring a perspective, too, of something that is really
concerning, and that is Syrian refugees. I visited refugee
camps; I was really startled. I have been to a lot of refugee
camps of refugees from war-torn countries, from natural
disasters, but the refugee camps I have been to with Syrians
they are so extraordinarily organized, everything about it.
They have little shops set up. I mean, you do not do that at a
refugee camp, but they do. Sadly, they may perceive they are
going to be there a while, too, but in the meantime, it shows
enterprising people and it is inspiring.
Therefore, with that beginning here what is this--what is
the consequence of refugees being returned?
Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, we actually know. I do not have to
hypothesize about this, Chairman Wilson. We actually know that
few--the small number of refugees who have been forced to
return to Syria--for example, Lebanon forcibly return--has been
forcibly, unfortunately, returning Syrians--Syrian refugees to
Syria, particularly political prisoners in the Roumieh prison--
notorious Roumieh prison in Lebanon. We know that they have
been killed. We know that they have been tortured to death.
Therefore, that is just the fact that is staring us in the
face. Syria is not safe for the return of refugees. It is just
not. Therefore, long as Assad remains in power Syria will never
be safe for the return of refugees.
However, Assad/Putin would--are--have been using the
refugee crisis as leverage against European countries.
European--I was recently in Europe, and I observed how some
European countries were contending with this issue. Some, out
of frustration, are thinking that maybe we should talk to
Assad.
That would be misguided. That would be misguided. That
would backfire. Those people do not want to go back because
they know they will be killed.
Chairman Wilson: Mr. Shyamalan?
Mr. Shyamalan: You know, as we move around, as I go country
to country and visit for my--you know, my work I--you know, I
see the unease of this burden that comes as they are seeing at
each country, and we spoke a little bit about it, of, you know,
hey, that is their--that country's burden and we are taking it
on, which then starts to shift everything into a different
balance of plates, as we are seeing.
You know, it is, again, storytelling that--you know,
although that is a hopeless situation and hopeless people and
look at them, they cannot even take care of them. They fight
each other, so violently. This is what I shamefully had in my
heart and my thoughts before--you know, years before, and
having now seen those people they are--they are strangely
beautiful and innocent on a way that I cannot believe in the
face of what is happening to them.
The family--I mean, every single one that we have
encountered, and they have met, and my family has gone and
spent time with them--they just have love in their heart. They
are just incredibly beautiful people.
Therefore, I--you know, Assad is not winning on that front
at all. Their love is really, really bright and the best of
us--the best of humanity. Therefore, I am sure anybody that is
encountered them has felt that as well.
Mr. Moustafa: Chairman, it is simple. If anyone is returned
from anywhere to Syria there is a very, very high likelihood of
them not just being killed, of being tortured to death. Even if
you are a loyalist of the Assad regime all it takes is you get
stopped at a checkpoint and the guy does not like your name or
where you were born, or maybe he fought with his or her spouse
in the morning and that is good enough to be disappeared
forever as the Caesar photos and the Gravedigger have taught
us.
Chairman Wilson: Indeed, we will proceed. But I have hope
and faith in the people of the region and I will tell you,
again, because of the Syrian Lebanese community that I have
seen but also, I have been to Beirut, okay, and so I saw what
the Paris of the Middle East has been.
Therefore, we know what it can be. We know--I have not
been, obviously, to Damascus but we know what can be achieved
there. Therefore, I am just so hopeful for the region and just
in any way that we can possibly do--address it and, remarkably
enough, it is going to be bipartisan beginning with the ranking
member Steve Cohen.
Representative Cohen: Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Let me ask you first, sir, you mentioned that Putin kind of
planned the idea of immigration to Europe to disturb the--in
Europe and cause--has there been any--what is the proof of
that?
Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, the proof of that, first of all--
first and foremost, is that Russia and Syria has systematically
and deliberately targeted civilian infrastructure in Syria so
that people simply cannot stay in their homes and will have to
leave.
Speaking with a former rebel commander while I was
preparing my testimony the rebel commander shared with me--and,
of course, this stuff I know but it is different when you hear
it from people who were there on the ground when it happened--
during the span of 15 months during the onslaught on Aleppo
2015, end of 2016, Russia dropped tens of thousands of tons of
munitions on residential areas in Syria including cluster
bombs, cluster--sorry, including bunker buster bombs.
Bunker buster bombs are designed to go after those who are
taking shelter in underground shelters. Therefore, Putin did
not even want people in underground shelters to feel safe so
those people had no option but to leave.
Now, after they left Putin realized that there is great
potential for using these massive refugee flows to destabilize
domestic European politics, especially with the--fueling the
rise of the far right.
Therefore, now Putin has been telling European countries
that if you would like those refugees to go back you have to
underwrite the reconstruction of Syria. You have to finance the
destruction that Putin, Assad, and Iran have wrought, and they
use that as leverage. Therefore, so long as Europe says no to
footing this bill those refugees, according to--Assad will not
welcome them back.
Representative Cohen: How many people have left Syria?
Mr. Ghanem: Half the population has been displaced
internally and externally and so we have--you have at least 7
million people seeking shelter in neighboring countries and in
Europe.
Representative Cohen: Where are most of them?
Mr. Ghanem: Millions are in Turkey. Turkey has at least
over 3 million Syrian refugees. Lebanon also has over a million
Syrian refugees. Jordan has over a million Syrian refugees, and
then there are also millions in Europe.
Representative Cohen: What is Turkey's role been in this?
Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, Turkey early on--I can speak from my
own direct experiences. I have engaged with the Turkish
officials at the highest levels including the president and the
prime minister and the foreign minister.
Turkey early on got on board with the policy of--there was
talk at the time of establishing a no-fly zone in Syria.
Therefore, Turkish officials at the level of the prime minister
and the president came out and said that Turkey would be
willing to assist with that.
When Mr. Obama also talked about a red line to be enforced
in the case of the use of chemical weapons in Syria and that
red line was crossed, Turkey also came out at the highest
levels and said they would be willing to be a part of this
operation to hold Assad accountable.
However, then after a while they realized, according to a
very senior Turkish official I spoke with years ago, that,
quote, "they were left holding the baby." Therefore, now,
unfortunately, Turkish officials, also at the highest levels,
are seeking rapprochement with Assad and talking about
normalizing ties with Assad, something that is profoundly
disturbing to our community.
However, when we reach out to U.S. officials, too American,
and to Turkish officials, they counter by saying that while the
United States has abdicated its leadership role in Syria we
have a problem. We have terrorism on our southern border. We
have millions of refugees.
The opposition is campaigning on a platform of sending
refugees back to Syria if they are voted into office, so we
have no option but to do this.
That is why it is imperative for the United States to play
or restore its leadership role in the Syrian conflict. It would
stabilize Syria, stabilize Turkey, and stabilize the whole
region.
Representative Cohen: There is a fighting force that came
and helped, I think, America in fighting ISIS and Turkey is not
too fond of them.
Mr. Ghanem: Yes.
Representative Cohen: They analogize them to the [PKK]
Kurdistan Workers' Party.
Mr. Ghanem: Correct.
Representative Cohen: What do they call them, the YPG--
Mr. Ghanem: The [YPG] People's Defense Units. They call
them YPG militias.
Representative Cohen: Yes. Where are they settled right
now?
Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, that is mostly in northeastern
Syria. That is where the Syrian Democratic Forces--American
partners--work with American forces to combat ISIS. They are
stationed in northeastern Syria.
Representative Cohen: They are still active?
Mr. Ghanem: They are still very active, yes.
Representative Cohen: I know they were good allies of ours.
Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, they have fought alongside American
troops to fight ISIS, alongside the Syria Free Army. However,--
the YPG--the original militia that was transformed eventually
into the SDF was called the YPG.
That is the name they chose for themselves, and they do
have links to it--it is just well-documented. They do have
links to the PKK and that is why it is been a very thorny issue
between Turkey and the United States.
Representative Cohen: Thank you. Thank you. Yield back.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Ranking Member Steve
Cohen.
We now proceed to Congressman Michael Lawler of New York.
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL LAWLER, U.S. HOUSE, FROM NEW YORK
Representative Lawler: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to pick up kind of right where you left off. I do
not think there is any question the lack of a response after
the, "red line" was crossed created the kind of situation we
see but also, I think, emboldened and empowered Putin to act
with respect to Ukraine because I think the lack of a
coordinated response by the free world after that red line was
crossed I think gave Putin maybe a false sense of security in
one respect but I think it opened the door for him to do what
he is done in Ukraine.
Therefore, you know, you said before that this was a
blueprint for Ukraine and I think that is right. What is it
that you believe Putin learned from this situation in Syria and
how he applied that to Ukraine?
Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, after--would you like to--
Representative Lawler: You can both--you can both, yes.
Mr. Ghanem: Okay. Therefore, Putin first perfected the
attacks--the deliberate indiscriminate attacks against civilian
population centers and hospitals and schools, places of worship
like churches and mosques, in Syria.
They honed those tactics in Syria, including a very cruel
tactic called double tap strikes where they also target first
responders that rush to the scene of an attack. This tactic as
we speak is being replicated now in Ukraine, unfortunately.
Therefore, when Putin realized--and this is what my
testimony was about--when Putin realized that he got away
with--all without any serious repercussions he was emboldened.
He found the audacity to extend those tactics into Europe.
That is when the illegal annexation of Crimea happened and
that is when we approached senior U.S. officials and said
Putin's actions in Syria must be curbed, otherwise there would
be further expansion into Europe. Sadly, those warnings were
dismissed.
The Obama administration at the time was pursuing something
called the Russia reset policy which viewed Putin as a
pragmatic leader to cut--that you can cut deals with. They were
also pursuing the Iran nuclear deal with Iran and that is a key
patron with Assad.
During one senior-level meeting with Mr. Rob Malley, who
was at the time Mr. Obama's Middle East czar, after I made a
plea for modest measures to protect the--to aid the Syrian
opposition he made it very clear to me that even striking ISIS
in areas where ISIS was clashing with the Syrian opposition was
off the table because, quote that would--and I am just
quoting--that would, "piss off Assad and the Iranians."
Therefore, clearly, that was the priority at the time.
Therefore, when that projected--Congressman Lawler, that
projected American weakness and that emboldened Putin to take
this aggression to Ukraine.
Representative Lawler: That therein lies the fundamental
problem here. Okay. When you take a macro look at the world
right now you have a coordinated effort between Russia, China,
and Iran. Okay.
China, the biggest purchaser of Iranian petroleum, 90
percent of it, and since Joe Biden took office over a hundred
billion dollar increase in the sale of Iranian petroleum. That
is what is funding Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and other
terrorist networks in the region.
Therefore, you look at what has been allowed to occur
because of weakness with respect to American leadership and
these are the consequences of it. These are the real-life
consequences of a failure to act against aggression, against
tyranny, against dictators and despots.
Vladimir Putin has committed numerous genocides both in
Syria, and in Ukraine, and should be held accountable, period.
The Iranian regime should be held accountable, period.
President Xi should be held accountable, period.
They snuff out the opposition within their own countries.
They murder them, straight up, because they know if the people
actually had a voice they would be out. They would be done and
they would be held accountable.
Therefore, it is incumbent upon the United States and the
president of the United States and Congress to act, period. I
yield back.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congressman Lawler,
and actually he--all of us are affected. His family is
impacted. His wife's family lives in Moldova, which is a target
of war criminal Putin.
Therefore, over and over again it is amazing how members of
Congress actually, as you are going to be seeing because we
have got some leaders here with Emmanuel Cleaver coming up next
and then we also have Congressman Marc Veasey who is joined us
from Texas, and Congresswoman Victoria Spartz who has joined us
from Indiana by way of the Soviet Union. She was born in
Ukraine.
Therefore, we now proceed with Congressman Cleaver.
STATEMENT OF EMANUEL CLEAVER II, U.S. HOUSE, FROM MISSOURI
Representative Cleaver: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Can any of--either of you, any of you, speak to the
earthquake? Well, I guess maybe there were two earthquakes in
the northwest section. Let me explain why I am interested in
it.
It would seem to me, you know, we may not have accurate
reports on what happened. I think I saw one report that 6,000
people may have died. But my interest is who comes to their aid
now because that--I mean, those people are going to be
responsive to, I think, whoever came--whoever comes to their
aid.
Mr. Moustafa: Thank you, Congressman, for that question. I
was there right after that earthquake, days after that
earthquake. Between Turkey and Syria, a hundred thousand people
died. It was a horrible disaster no matter where it would have
fallen. It looked like there were literally nuclear bombs that
were dropped on entire cities and--but what is the most
heartbreaking thing in all of this is also what Assad and
Russia had done to those victims.
Number one, the Assad regime did not even declare it an
emergency situation. Imagine. Imagine. Imagine a horrible
hurricane like Katrina or a horrible earthquake, God forbid,
that happens in the U.S. We did not even declare it an
emergency situation, and he did that in order to make sure aid
did not get in.
Number two, according to the United Nations, Assad is
pretty much the secretary general of the U.N. He gets the final
call of what United Nations aid comes in or out, although it is
our money--it is taxpayer dollars that are paying for aid that
goes to the U.N. to Syria. He blocked the border off, and it
was so horrible that people started assuming that the roads did
not exist, that somehow the highways were not there. They kept
saying the borders were closed.
Well, the borders were closed by a decree of Bashar al-
Assad and his supporter Putin, who is on the Security Council.
Therefore we went over there and we took over 35 media outlets
including "60 Minutes," which is a really powerful story and I
recommend everyone watch that piece.
The reason I took all these media outlets including The New
York Times, the Washington Post, and others is to show that the
roads were not closed. They were perfectly paved. There were so
many aid trucks just waiting there. The only things that were
allowed in were the ambulances bringing back Syrians who died
on the Turkish side so that they may be buried back home.
The Assad regime then said that it was the sanctions by the
United States that somehow were preventing the aid to the
people there, which is an utter lie. Even the aid that made it
to Damascus did not even make it to regime-held areas that
suffered from the earthquake.
However, the suffering came mostly in Jindires. The
epicenter on the Syrian side was in northern Aleppo
countryside, and I sat and listened to people under rubble
yearning, pleading. Imagine, sir, your daughter or your mother
under rubble. You can hear her for the first hour. You can hear
her on the first day. You hear her into the second night, and
all you can do is try to lift rocks.
But the bulldozers that would have saved her were six
kilometers away--that is less than five miles away--but would
not be allowed in without Assad's green light, and after
vindictively waiting for nine days did, he say the first--some
of the aid may be allowed in.
People died in that earthquake, sir, they did not have to,
and it was because Bashar al-Assad continues to have full reign
and sovereignty in the United Nations.
Representative Cleaver: Were they Druze?
Mr. Moustafa: In terms of--the Druze community?
Representative Cleaver: Uh-huh.
Mr. Moustafa: Well, right--no, in the north it was
everyone--Druze, Christians, Muslims, the whole--because a lot
of people had run out, run away from Assad's killing. You know,
14 million displaced--7 million outside, 7 million internally
displaced, mostly in the area where the earthquake happened.
However, you mentioned the Druze and we should mention
them. Sheikh al-Hajri, the spiritual leader of the Druze, has
spoken to Chairman Wilson and I recommend sir, I am happy to
follow up and have you talk to him.
He not only represents the Druze community in Syria but the
Druze community all over, and the fact is right now the Assad
regime cuts off electricity and water and detains people from
the Druze community because they have liberated themselves
without firing a single bullet. They have been protesting now
day after day for, like, a year of nonstop protests while the
world has not looked towards them.
The Druze right now is an example of the flame that was
ignited 14 years ago in Syria and the Syrian revolution
continues to live in the north and in the south thanks to the
Druze community.
Mr. Ghanem: Thank you. Mr. Cleaver, if I may add, to
exacerbate the humanitarian crisis after the earthquake Russia
used its veto at the Security Council to terminate, to shut
down, a crucial lifeline called a cross-border aid mechanism
into northern Syria.
Just for context, Assad has no control--has had no control
in northern Syria for over a decade now. Assad does not control
the borders with Turkey. Nonetheless, the U.N. insisted that
they needed Assad's okay.
Therefore, there was a mechanism--a U.N. mechanism called a
cross-border aid mechanism, a lifeline that sustained millions
of people in northern Syria for nine years. After the
earthquake Russia used its veto to terminate it, to shut it
down, and instead, the U.N. had to negotiate a deal directly
with Assad.
Russia effectively handed the reins of aid distribution to
Assad so that Assad now is in charge of distributing aid to the
same population he has bombed for 10 years. Therefore, that is
in the north.
In the south, as my colleague mentioned, people in--the
Druze are a minority in southern Syria, mostly in the Suwayda
province but there are also Druze--there are also Druze
villages in northern Syria as well but mainly located in the
south. They have been protesting day in, day out, for almost a
year now because they realize Assad is bankrupt. Assad cannot
stabilize the country.
Unfortunately, there used to be a program supported by the
United States called Sycamore Timber that supported the largest
moderate rebel coalition in the south. That coalition
stabilized the south, protected the Druze minority, protected
the borders with Jordan, and kept Hezbollah and Iranian-aligned
militias away.
This program was disastrously terminated under the Trump
administration and now Assad is back in control. Assad uses the
south to flood the region with Captagon drugs, and Hezbollah
and Iranian militias also use the south to attack the Druze
minority and to launch attacks against neighboring countries.
Representative Cleaver: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congressman Cleaver.
We now proceed with Congresswoman Victoria Spartz
STATEMENT OF VICTORIA SPARTZ , U.S. HOUSE, FROM INDIANA
Representative Spartz: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you
for being here.
I actually never thought that you know, I would be involved
in some issues being a congresswoman as I did. But being
involved in some issues with Afghanistan, the Middle East, and
Israel, I have spent some time and visited some countries in
the region, and you know, I feel so sorry for the people of
your country. I truly do. It is a very, very serious situation.
I think you people have been abandoned by many governments
and I think it is very brutal. I actually saw some Syrians and
actually visited some refugee camps too in one of the
countries, and I did not even--though the Syrian government
condemned me--you know, Congressman Wilson and Congressman Dean
Phillips crossing the border. I did not get a chance but
someday we might, you know. But they condemn it already, so I
probably need to make it happen, just make sure that their
condemnation, you know, in the newspapers was not just for
nothing, you know. But I am used to media writing a lot of crap
so it is okay.
You know, what my question is really for you, you know,
what is really--and I think you know and I--you might not know
but I am not a huge fan of U.N., and they do a lot of
resolutions, but I have not seen them on the ground on the
very, very, very bad regions and situations.
Therefore, I have a challenge with us giving so much money
to them because I have seen suffering, and deaths, and we still
directly help countries and I have not seen that. Therefore I
have, like, two questions. One of them--maybe, you know, I have
not been directly into Syria so you might give me--maybe they
have done great things there.
I would like to know. Maybe, you know, since--you know, I
cannot claim. On some places I have been on the ground, so I
can have--I have been witness of what they are not doing. But I
have not been there, regardless of what they say, just--
[laughs]--to clarify.
Then the second: What is, you know, really, we need to do
as the United States and maybe have some international
community really--to really get back attention to--it was
very--I mean, there was a lot of huge loss of human lives and
war crimes were done. It is really sad what is really happening
with the country. I feel very bad and sorry that it is really
happened to a lot of people in your country.
Mr. Moustafa: Congresswoman, I remember exactly when that
article came out. Therefore, Chairman Wilson, yourself, and
Congressman Dean Phillips were visiting Turkey and you were
visiting Syrians. I know you met with the White Helmets.
I was with Congressman French Hill, Congressman
Fitzpatrick, and Congressman Ben Cline and we were actually
going into Syria. I think it was one of my staff members who
resembles you and they mixed up the two. But we need to get you
to Syria and my recommendation, ma'am, is for you to visit the
55-kilometer deconfliction zone.
Number one, it is safer than northwest Syria. It is under
the United States military protection. I know that the
commander out there--I know that the partner force out there
would brief you fully and I think you will see there the major
failure of the United Nations.
At camp alongside the border in the middle of the desert,
there is not a single teacher, not a single school, not a
single--but we have established some--not a single hospital. No
doctors. We just brought in five doctors on U.S. military
aircraft who are now treating people as we speak.
However, you will see how the U.N. has miserably failed for
nine years. I think one convoy that was nine months late, came
in from the Damascus office filled with intelligence officers
of the Assad regime threatening these civilians.
However, today and for the last 12 months under the Denton
program the Syrian Emergency Task Force was able to bring in
food and aid on available space on ongoing operations, taking
no, you know, money or diverting no resources from Operation
Inherent Resolve.
However, I do know, Congresswoman, it would be safe, and it
would be very, very important for you and other members of
Congress or your staff to visit the 10th Garrison and I am
happy to work with your staff on making that happen alongside
U.S. forces.
Mr. Ghanem: May I add just quickly, yes, regarding the--
thank you.
Representative Spartz: Yes. Please, if you can add on, yes,
how we can be helpful.
Mr. Ghanem: Yes, regarding the U.N. role in Syria.
Therefore, the United Nations, after--when the earthquake
happened last year, the devastating earthquakes that struck
southern Turkey and northern Syria, for the first eight
critical days after the earthquake when lives could have been
saved the U.N. was nowhere to be seen on the ground.
Actually, it was Syrian and Syrian American organizations
that deployed on the ground to help people. But you needed
heavy equipment and, you know, the U.N. had that and, sadly,
that was not forthcoming.
Because why? Because the U.N. was waiting for the green
light from the Assad regime. That is on the first hand--on the
one hand.
On the other hand, generally speaking, in terms of their
conduct over the past 13 years the U.N. has been very
accommodating of Assad. The U.N. does not--for example, the
U.N. does not push back against the diversion--significant,
substantial diversion of U.N. humanitarian assistance into
Syria. Therefore, it gets pilfered by the Assad regime.
The U.N. does not push back. They believe their
methodology, or their modus operandi is we have to work through
the state; we have to work through the Assad regime. In fact, a
couple of months ago we were very disturbed to see some U.N.
officials come to this very Congress and lobby against the
Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act that Chairman Wilson
introduced with bipartisan support.
Therefore, the U.N. role has been very, very problematic,
to say the least, in Syria.
Mr. Moustafa: Sorry, just to follow up one more time.
Therefore, I have had the pleasure of taking Dr. Bhavna
Shyamalan, M. Night Shyamalan's wife, and his daughters to
northwest Syria and I know they would wish to also come to the
south. Therefore maybe it could be a trip together.
However, one more thing in terms of what we can do. What we
can do is we can just support the Ukrainians and the Syrians to
fight their war and our war for us, and when you go, hopefully,
to the 55-kilometer deconfliction zone you will see an amazing
partner force, the Syria Free Army that has destroyed ISIS.
They even gave me an ISIS coin to show that it was the last
trace of ISIS in the area, and you could see the work that they
are doing now protecting our doctors--American doctors--who are
on the ground training people. I hope you can see it in person
alongside Mrs. Shyamalan.
Representative Spartz: Thank you.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congresswoman Spartz.
We have been joined by Senator Richard Blumenthal of
Connecticut, and that shows how important what you are doing
here today. It is quite rare to have members of the Senate come
all the way over here to the House side, okay? [Laughter.] It
is even--it is even humbling--[laughter]--but no matter. No, it
really is serious. You have got Republicans and Democrats, you
have got Senate and House,
Therefore, that he can get his breath, then we will--we
need to proceed with Congressman Marc Veasey, all the way from
Texas.
STATEMENT OF MARC A. VEASEY, U.S. HOUSE, FROM TEXAS
Representative Veasey: Thank you very much. I appreciate
that. It is hot right now in Texas, so we need as much breath
as we can get.
I wanted to ask Mr. Moustafa, you know that, when you think
of all the discord that the Russians have sowed, and they are
continuing to sow around the world so they can disrupt
everything that has been created since the post-World-War II
order, I wanted to ask--from your perspective, particularly
since you have been on the ground--how has Russia exacerbated
the humanitarian crisis in Syria by their involvement there?
Mr. Moustafa: Where do I start? Therefore, sir, first of
all, I was on--I was in the 55-kilometer deconfliction zone--I
arrived this morning--and the Russians overflew us like 10
times in one single day. The reason they are doing it is to
pull information, to intimidate us, to have us scatter or go
hide in bunkers, to stop the provision of humanitarian aid, to
stop doctors--who, for the first time in nine years, showed up.
Imagine nine years--people would call me and say, I do not know
why my child died. I want to know why--what the diagnosis is so
the other one does not die. It is that level of desperation.
Therefore, you have the intimidation of the Russians there.
The Russians, alongside the Assad regime, have a complete
besiegement and starvation campaign around the 55-K. They do
not allow anything in. For example, when I go there, I have to
bring everything that I need with me the entire time. Imagine
kids that have never seen a toy or have never had cake.
Imagine--just imagine the worst camp in the world. I do not
know a camp worse than the situation at Rukban camp. But what
is amazing is, if we are handing out some baby formula or if we
have doctors, the discipline they have--in another place,
people would be clamoring to eat something because they are
starving, but I think being amazing people, standing up to
these evil forces, has been quite inspirational.
In terms of vetoes in the Security Council for the opening
of borders--which is really amazing--like, what we--it is our
money that we give the U.N. to give to the Syrian people, yet
we have to negotiate and give concessions, so Russia allows us
to bring in our aid through borders that neither Russia nor the
Assad regime control. We clap and claim victory for getting six
more months of an open border. Every border between the north
and any border between the south should be open for the
provision of aid. It should not be simply in the hands of
Russia and the Assad regime. I can go on, sir, but the Russians
have done everything they can to make the humanitarian
situation horrible, and everything they can to make sure that
as many Syrian refugees go to Europe because they know that
destabilizing the European Union is a major goal of theirs, and
they are happy to use Syrian civilians to do so.
Representative Veasey: I wanted to ask you, too--if you
were comparing Russia's military strategy in Syria versus what
they are doing in Ukraine, what sort of lessons do you think
can be learned from that? Then also, you touched on something a
second ago that I think is important; that when--the Russians,
they have--they just have no scruples at all when they fight
these conflicts and these wars, and people need to know that--
that what they are doing is far worse than anything that we are
seeing in any theater that is happening around the world, and
that we need to shed light on that because it is bad, and it is
terrible, and it makes everything in these regions even much
worse.
Mr. Moustafa: Sir--
Representative Veasey: Could you talk about that?
Mr. Moustafa: Yes, sir, the Russians are brutal. One of the
things that they did to prepare for Ukraine was to test over
400 different types of weapons, both internationally utilized
and internationally banned weapons on Syrian civilians. They
perfected the double-tap attack, which is you hit a place, wait
for the first responders to show up, then you hit it again.
They use the same airplanes, as Night mentioned a little bit
earlier. The same planes that are being used to bomb Ukrainian
cities were used to bomb Syrian cities. The same pilots that
trained on killing babies in Syria--and continue to--are
killing babies with that same training in Ukraine today.
Therefore, it was literally a training ground.
Not only that, it was our lack of action, it was our lack
of doing anything--I am not talking about direct military
intervention--but that allowed them to know that, hey, it is
okay to this in Syria, it is okay to do it in Ukraine. If we do
not help Ukraine win-win the war completely and totally, they
will go to another place. When they come to a NATO ally and
Article 6 is invoked, then the United States is pulled into a
war. All we are asking for is for the United States to stay out
of war, and you only do that through the military and political
support of both revolutionaries in Syria and the Ukrainian
military.
Representative Veasey: Yes, well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.I
am almost out of time; I yield back. Thank you.
Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congressman Veasey.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, U.S. SENATE, FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Blumenthal: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you
for your kind words about my coming over for the Senate. It is
always an honor to be in meetings of the Helsinki Commission.
Thank you for the great work that this commission is doing with
bipartisan support. I hope that you and all who are attending
have noted that this is a very bipartisan effort, and I am
particularly honored and grateful to be with these three
excellent, courageous, and strong champions of freedom and
human rights.
What you just said, Mr. Moustafa, I think rings
particularly true. Syria has been a testing ground and a
training ground, not only for the military weapons that Russia
has used in Ukraine and the tactics--the inhumane and criminal
tactics that it has used but also for the human rights abuses
and the humanitarian injuries that it has inflicted in Ukraine.
The two fit together seamlessly in implicating Russia in crimes
against humanity--very simply, war crimes, human rights abuses
of the most atrocious kind; perhaps the worst in recent
history.
The United States needs to do more in Ukraine. I have
advocated that there be more military long-range artillery, air
defenses, F-16s, and the panoply of weapons that are necessary
to disable the Russian invasion behind the lines, as well, as
stronger sanctions.
Therefore, my question to you today is: Russia, in effect,
was forced to abandon previously controlled areas in Syria and
transfer some personnel and equipment out of Syria to Ukraine.
As a result, to some extent, Russia's influence in Syria has
been reduced. But even with a limited presence and a strain on
their resources, Russia continues to conduct bombing strikes--
as you just observed--and harass not only forces there who are
fighting for freedom but also United States forces.
Would additional sanctions placed on Russia in response to
this engagement in human rights abuses have possible impacts on
Russia in their ability and their inclination to continue this
pattern of crimes against humanity, and aggression in Syria, as
well as in Ukraine?
Mr. Moustafa: Yes, I think that the more sanctions on war
criminals, the better, because they are already strained by the
war effort, and we need to make sure that they do not have the
money to use to kill Ukrainians and Syrians.
I do want to pass it over to Mr. Shyamalan to speak more to
what can we do to help Syrians and Ukrainians.
Mr. Shyamalan: You know, I have just been listening and
taking notes about, you know, what I can offer from my
experience. These guys are obviously, day in and day out, with
it, and when I spoke earlier, I was saying I was kind of
representing the uninformed American, and how my journey to
coming here has happened, and where I started in my thinking of
it all.
However, it just is--this is maybe helpful or not but, you
know, having spoken to, let us say, the prisoners that have
been taken and been in the prisons there and tortured, when I
hear the specifics from them about how they are tortured, it is
kind of a classic playbook of emotional torture. You have your
cousin across from you, and they hurt your cousin if you do not
say that you were doing something bad, and you can write it
down, so now they can kill you; otherwise, I will hurt your--
and they break something on your cousin. Then you say--then you
jump to another version of that where I spoke with one of the
police of Assad who escaped and was--and saying what they would
do and, you know, I will kill your family if you do not do
this, so you have to do this--or you have to do this awful
thing or I will kill your family.
I remember Caesar telling me that he had two IDs in his
pocket, and every corner he was stopped, he had to gauge which
side was stopping the car and pull-out whichever ID, or he
would be dead if he pulled the wrong one. His family was there,
and he kept thinking about his family. Luckily Caesar is out.
Then when you think about the emotional thing that they are
doing by the playbook that they are learning, which is this a
war of emotion as much as physicality--maybe more emotion--and
by attacking a school and attacking a hospital, you are
breaking the will, you are breaking the emotion, the ability
for a human being to continue to fight. You lose hope. There is
a randomness to it, a godlessness to it, and that is how they
try to break the spirit. It is a playbook of emotion that they
are repeating in the Ukraine.
Now you see it on a kind of a country-to-country level in
the things you were talking about in the U.N.--oh, we will play
well, you know, talk to us. No, no, no, I think you are right.
Let us see, maybe we can get some aid in--and all of that
emotional warfare that is going on from the prisoner level,
each level up, to the countries talking themselves. You see it
repeated in Ukraine and starting all over again, and they are
going to do it over and over.
Senator Blumenthal: That is such an important observation
and, obviously, you have been the face, and the voice, and the
eyes and ears of this kind of torturous criminal conduct by the
Russians, and they have practiced this kind of atrocity
continuously in Syria and then in Ukraine. What you have just
described is very graphic and dramatic, and I know you have
done it even more so in your films, so thank you for that, sir.
Mr. Shyamalan: Yes, they almost count on our value system
to not act, you know. They are playing our own value system
against us--they will not do anything because they are very
polite. We have a value system, so they are playing that
against us.
Mr. Ghanem: Senator, if I may add, I would say yes, but
those additional sanctions would have to be smarter sanctions.
Current American sanctions against Russia are replete with
loopholes, general licenses, and exemptions. Therefore, what is
needed right now in terms of sanctions is secondary sanctions
against Russia's oil, gas, and timber resources. That is first
and foremost. In addition to that, I actually--in my
testimony--called for Congress to pass the bill that you
introduced with Senator Lindsey Graham to designate the Russian
Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
However, overall the big picture, the fundamental issue,
the fundamental flaw in American policy towards Russia is this
bifurcation towards Russia's actions in Russia--in Syria versus
Ukraine. In Ukraine, we say Russia is not a partner, and we
need to stand up to Russia. In Syria, we give Putin a free
hand, as much latitude as his heart desires, even though
Putin's actions--military actions in Syria clearly align with
his overall geopolitical goals, and even though it was in Syria
where Putin first had the audacity to extend his aggression
into Europe. Therefore, we need a unified strategy to challenge
Putin across both theaters.
Senator Blumenthal: Thank you. Thank you to all three of
you.
My time has expired, but I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Wilson: Hear, hear, and thank you. As we conclude,
we will want to get a picture with our three witnesses in just
a second, but I want to thank the senator and Mr. Shyamalan.
Indeed, it is hard for people of Western civilizations to
conceive of the levels of barbarity, and then I--Moustafa, you
brought up something that people need to know, and that is the
double-tap attack. Western minds cannot comprehend what that
means. It means that it is an attack on a civilian target in
Ukraine--a couple of months ago is where I first saw it--to
kill as many people in an apartment complex as you could, and
then that is not the real attack. They wait for the EMS
personnel--the emergency medical services, they wait for the
fire service to come, they wait for the police to come. That is
when the attack comes.
Then--again, we just cannot fathom the barbarity of this,
but it is well-planned, and that is it intimidates people that
aid is not coming, and then it intimidates the aid workers--the
police, EMS, and fire--that they will come--they will die if
they come.
This is the 21st century. All of us can do better, and I
just--it is bicameral, bipartisan. We will be working, and the
secondary sanctions--I cannot wait to work with the senator on
that because that is so serious.
With this, if there is no further, we shall be adjourned.
[Sounds gavel.]
[Whereupon, at 3:27 p.m., the hearing ended.]
ADDITIONAL STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD
statement of dr. muhammad bakr ghbeis, immediate past president and
board member citizens for a secure and safe america
Chairman Wilson and Co-Chair Cardin,
Thank you so much for holding today's hearing. I greatly appreciate
the opportunity to submit this statement on behalf of Citizens for a
Secure and Safe America [C4SSA].
The last decade has seen extraordinary devastation across Syria
with hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced at the hands of
the Assad regime. But today's hearing is so important because none of
the murders, none of the disappearances, none of the brutality would
have been possible without the support of Vladimir Putin and his war
machine. Russian weapons are fueling the conflict while Moscow's
political backing protects Damascus in the United Nations and around
the world.
It would be bad enough if Russia's cruel approach to Syria stopped
there, but unfortunately that is not the case. Putin has applied so
many of the ruthless strategies he employed in Syria to his ferocious
assault on Ukraine. Just yesterday, that attack took on a new and
horrific face when Russian cruise missiles destroyed a Kyiv children's
hospital, killing dozens.
Clearly, Bashar Assad and his henchmen must be held accountable for
their campaign of terror in Syria. But Vladimir Putin must be brought
to justice as well. Murderous schemes are murderous schemes regardless
of where they occur, and the perpetrators must be held to account.
Some senior Assad officials have been indicted and convicted in
courts across Europe, and the wheels of justice have begun to turn in
other places. But more must be done. I am pleased to inform the
Commission that C4SSA, in partnership with the Public and International
Law and Policy Group, has written a groundbreaking report entitled
``Fighting 13 Years of Impunity: Accountability Opportunities for
United States Leadership in Responding to Mass Atrocities in Syria.''
The report details progress in the effort to advance accountability for
the terrible crimes committed in the Syrian Civil War and proposals
more that must be done.
Chairman Wilson and Co-Chairman Cardin, I am writing this statement
as I visit the Rukban refugee camp in southern Syria, near the border
with Jordan. I am joining the Syrian Emergency Task Force as a guest of
this community of 8,000 Syrians receiving vital lifesaving supplies. It
is an honor to witness the conditions on the ground with the help of
the U.S. military. Please know that Syrians everywhere appreciate the
generosity of the people of the United States and the steadfast support
of America's service personnel. Our presence in Syria is extremely
important and must continue.
Again, I thank the Commission for holding this important hearing
and greatly appreciate the opportunity to submit this statement. I look
forward to working with Senators and members of the House on both sides
of the aisle in the days ahead to support the Syrian people in their
quest for human rights, justice, and democracy and in critical efforts
to push back against the Assad regime.
TALKING POINTS
Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished colleagues, we are here today
to call attention to a matter of profound moral urgency: The ongoing
atrocities committed by the Assad regime in Syria, with the active
support of Russia.
For over a decade, the Syrian people have endured a systematic
campaign of oppression, brutality and terror. Though Russia has turned
its focus to Ukraine, expanding the scope of its murderous foreign
policy, it is imperative that we continue to unequivocally condemn its
crimes elsewhere and call for those complicit to be held accountable.
The Assad regime wages a war not only against armed opposition and
advocates for democracy, but against its own civilian population. The
evidence is overwhelming and harrowing: Systematic torture,
indiscriminate bombings, chemical weapons attacks, and the deliberate
targeting of hospitals and schools. These actions are some of the most
egregious violations of international law and human rights commitments
in the world today. They are stark reminders of man's capacity for evil
and offend the conscience of the world.
The magnitude of the suffering of the Syrian people is hard to
overState. Millions have been displaced and forced into exile; entire
communities have been decimated; and hundreds of thousands of lives
lost. Families are torn apart, children orphaned, and survivors carry
the physical and psychological trauma of war forever.
Russia's enabling role in these atrocities is visible for all who
have eyes to see and underscores Putin's sense of impunity. Since 2015,
Russian military intervention salvaged Assad's slipping grip on power,
after peaceful advocates for democracy and respect for human rights
were obliged to resort to armed insurrection in the face of a brutal
campaign of repression. Russian airstrikes have targeted civilian
infrastructure, caused mass casualties and exacerbating the
humanitarian crisis.
The need for accountability is paramount. Assad and his enablers,
including Russian officials and military personnel, must face justice
for their crimes. The international community must pursue all available
avenues, including international courts and sanctions, to hold these
perpetrators accountable. We owe it to the victims and to the
principles of justice and human rights that we uphold to ensure that
these crimes do not go unpunished.
Finally, we all recognize the connection between Russia's actions
in Syria and its aggression in Ukraine. The same disregard for
international law, human rights, and national sovereignty that we see
in Syria is evident in Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
This pattern of behavior threatens stability and security globally.
Holding Russia accountable for its crimes in Syria and elsewhere can
potentially have a deterrent effect on similar conduct by Russia or any
other State anywhere. We stand united in bipartisan, bicameral unity in
ensuring that human rights, the rule of law, and accountability remain
cornerstones of American policy in Europe, in the Middle East, and
globally.
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