[Joint House and Senate Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                PUTIN'S SYRIAN PUPPET: WAR CRIMES AND 
                   COMPLICITY FROM SYRIA TO UKRAINE

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

            COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE

                        U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION

                     U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               __________

                             JULY 10, 2024

                               __________

 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in 
                                 Europe

                              [CSCE118-6]
                              
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                       Available via www.csce.gov                       

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                   U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
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            COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE

                        U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION

             U.S. HOUSE                           U.S SENATE

JOE WILSON, South Carolina Chairman	BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland Co-	
						Chairman
STEVE COHEN, Tennessee Ranking 		ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi
    Member					Ranking Member
ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, Alabama		RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut
EMANUEL CLEAVER II, Missouri		JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas
RUBEN GALLEGO, Arizona			TIM SCOTT, South Carolina
RICHARD HUDSON, North Carolina		JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York		TINA SMITH, Minnesota
VICTORIA SPARTZ, Indiana		THOM TILLIS, North Carolina
MARC A. VEASEY, Texas			SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island

 
                            EXECUTIVE BRANCH
                   Department of State - Erin Barclay
               Department of Defense - Celeste Wallander
                  Department of Commerce - Don Graves
                        
                        
                        C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

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                                                                   Page

                             COMMISSIONERS

Hon. Joe Wilson, Chairman, from South Carolina...................     1

Hon. Steve Cohen, Ranking Member, from Tennessee.................     3

Hon. Michael Lawler, from New York...............................    17

Hon. Emanuel Cleaver II, from Missouri...........................    18

Hon. Victoria Spartz, from Indiana...............................    21

Hon. Marc A. Veasey, from Texas..................................    23

Hon. Richard Blumenthal, from Connecticut........................    25


                               WITNESSES

Mohammed Alaa Ghanem, Syrian Civil Society Leader and Human 
  Rights Activist................................................     4

M. Night Shyamalan, Co-Founder and President of The M. Night 
  Shyamalan Foundation, Film Director, Producer, and Screenwriter     8

Mouaz Moustafa, Executive Director of the Syrian Emergency Task 
  Force..........................................................    11


 
 PUTIN'S SYRIAN PUPPET: WAR CRIMES AND COMPLICITY FROM SYRIA TO UKRAINE

                              ----------                              

 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN 
                                    EUROPE,
                          U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION,
                                  HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
                                          Wednesday, July 10, 2024.

    The hearing was held from 2:01 a.m. to 3:27 p.m., Room 
2247, Rayburn House Office Building, Representative Joe Wilson 
[R-SC], Chairman, Commission for Security and Cooperation in 
Europe, presiding.

    Committee Members Present: Representative Joe Wilson [R-
SC], Chairman; Representative Steve Cohen [D-TN], Ranking 
Member; Representative Mike Lawler [R-NY]; Representative 
Emanuel Cleaver II, [D-MO]; Representative Victoria Spartz [R-
IN]; Representative Marc Veasey [D-TX]; Senator Richard 
Blumenthal [D-CT].
    Witnesses: M. Night Shyamalan, Co-Founder and President of 
The M. Night Shyamalan Foundation, Film Director, Producer, and 
Screenwriter; Mohammed Alaa Ghanem, Syrian Civil Society Leader 
and Human Rights Activist; Mouaz Moustafa, Executive Director 
of the Syrian Emergency Task Force.

  OPENING STATEMENT OF JOE WILSON, CHAIRMAN, U.S. HOUSE, FROM 
                         SOUTH CAROLINA

    Chairman Wilson: [Sounds gavel.] Ladies and gentlemen, 
friends of freedom and democracy for the people of Syria, as we 
begin today, I would like to come to order. As a reminder, if 
there are any disruption of the proceedings, it will result in 
immediate removal and potential arrest. But we would proceed 
immediately, too.
    I want to thank you for being here today as we address a 
matter of grave concern and moral urgency. For more than 10 
years, the murderous regime of Bashar al-Assad, backed by war 
criminal Vladimir Putin, has perpetrated unspeakable atrocities 
against the people of Syria.
    Following peaceful demands for democracy and a stop to the 
brutal corruption of the narco-trafficking Assad crime family, 
protestors were met with unimaginable atrocities that continue 
today. Over half of the population of Syria, with more than 14 
million people, have been forced to flee their homes, schools, 
forums, religious institutions, and businesses. The United 
Nations said they have stopped counting the number of those 
murdered at the hands of the regime at half a million. We know, 
sadly, approximately one million people, including women and 
children, have been murdered by the Assad regime.
    The ability of Bashar al-Assad to brutally quash opposition 
was due to immediate and ongoing support for the Assad regime 
from war criminal Putin. Bashar al-Assad has given war criminal 
Putin free rein in the country of Syria.
    The same tactics and atrocities we witnessed on Monday--the 
bombing of a children's hospital in Kyiv that we saw, 
residential buildings, all began, sadly, in Syria with the 
murderous leveling of Aleppo, then the murderous leveling of 
the city of Mariupol in Ukraine. Now we see that Kharkiv is 
under attack, with 1.3 million people, with these same tactics 
of total destruction, which is gruesomely reminiscent of what 
Hitler was trying to do to London.
    Now, in Kyiv, as we saw with the country's largest 
children's hospital bombed, the images of bloody Ukrainian 
children, who have just had surgery or received chemotherapy 
infusion, outside of the bombed hospital, sadly evoke images of 
Syrian children being buried in rubble caused by the Assad and 
Putin bombs. Brutal tactics, chemical weapons, attacks on 
children, indiscriminate bombings, and this systematic 
targeting of civilians constitute war crimes that cannot go 
unanswered.
    Sadly, the complete lack of response and accountability for 
the crimes against humanity in Syria has laid the groundwork 
for the invasion of Ukraine. The scale of suffering inflicted 
upon innocent men, women and children is a stain on humanity 
itself. Particularly heinous are the double-tap strikes where 
the first responders are bombed as they are responding to the 
initial strike.
    The involvement of Moscow in Syria is not an isolated 
incident. It is part of a broader pattern of aggression and 
impunity that Putin has promoted because he knows the unfounded 
fears of escalation will ensure his atrocities continue. Just 
this morning, Assad and war criminal Putin bombarded the 
countryside and villages around Aleppo and Idlib with missiles 
and bombs. How many more Syrians and Ukrainians have to die 
before the world takes action?
    There is a direct link between what Russia has done in 
Syria and its actions in Ukraine. In both instances, we see 
disrespect for sovereignty, human rights, and the rule of law. 
We are in a conflict we did not choose, worldwide, of dictators 
with the rule of gun invading democracies with the rule of law. 
Justice and accountability are not abstract ideals; they are 
the foundations upon which a just and peaceful world is built.
    We must ensure that those responsible for these heinous 
acts are brought to justice, that the victims are remembered, 
and that the international community stands united in 
condemning such barbarity. Those who attempt to normalize 
unrepentant mass murderer Bashar al-Assad are doing business 
with death itself. The forcible repatriation of Syrians under 
this maniacal regime is murder. As soon as they set foot in 
Syria, they are rounded up by the regime henchmen, and never 
seen again.
    There can be no peace for Syrians in the region while Assad 
remains in power. Let us honor the memory of those who have 
suffered and perished by committing ourselves to the cause of 
justice, human rights, and enduring quest for peace.
    Today we will hear from an extraordinary, outstanding panel 
of witnesses.
    First, we will hear from M. Night Shyamalan, who is so 
appreciated worldwide. He is best known for his outstanding 
career as a film director, screenwriter, and producer, but is 
here today in the capacity of the co-founder and president of 
the M. Night Shyamalan Foundation.
    We will then hear from Mohammed Ghanem Ranem [sic; Mohammed 
Alaa Ghanem], a Syrian civil society leader and human rights 
activist.
    Finally, we will hear from Mouaz Moustafa, the executive 
director of the Syrian Emergency Task Force, who came by 
Chinook helicopter to get here, I believe, who has just 
returned from U.S. Forces, from delivering critical aid to the 
Rukban refugee camp in southeast Syria where humanitarian and 
medical aid has been blocked for more than a year due to war 
criminal Putin and the dictator Assad.
    I am grateful that the House overwhelmingly passed 
bipartisan legislation--Democrats and Republicans--House 
Resolution 3203, The Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act, and I 
urge the Senate to pass this bill and save lives.
    Thank you for your time here today, and now I yield to the 
ranking member, Steve Cohen, for his remarks.

  STATEMENT OF STEVE COHEN, RANKING MEMBER, U.S. HOUSE, FROM 
                           TENNESSEE

    Representative Cohen: Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Mr. 
Chair, and I thank the witnesses for being here today.
    The Syrian people have been plagued by civil war now for 
about 13 years--violence and starvation, and murders--it has 
gone on and on, so it is a humanitarian crisis that continues 
to exact a devastating toll on innocent civilians. The Assad 
regime, with its blatant disregard for human life and dignity, 
has perpetrated unspeakable acts of violence against its own 
people. From the onset of this conflict, we have witnessed 
scenes of indiscriminate bombings, chemical weapon attacks, and 
torture. The Syrian people have endured unimaginable suffering, 
forced to live in constant fear and uncertainty as their homes, 
schools, and hospitals have been destroyed.
    The responsibility for these crimes lies squarely with the 
Assad regime, and that is the reason they are having a civil 
war, because the Assad regime has been bad for a long time, and 
people know it. The regime shows no remorse for its actions, no 
willingness to negotiate peace, and no respect for 
international law.
    He is not acting alone; he has got allies that are just as 
villainous as he, including Putin, who provides military 
support and diplomatic cover for Assad's atrocities. Putin's 
unwavering support for Assad has not only prolonged the 
conflict, but escalated the violence, and what Mr. Wilson said, 
what Putin has been doing in Ukraine--Mariupol--and what he has 
done--what he did in Aleppo is part of his tactics, and Hitler 
did the same thing in Warsaw to try to level the city and 
destroy the populace, and they have no concern about civilian 
populations.
    However, Putin is helping Assad, and it has only prolonged 
the conflict. Russian airstrikes have targeted civilian 
infrastructure as he has done in Ukraine, and has done it under 
fighting terrorism--under that guise, but it has led to 
deterioration and killing of innocent lives.
    Moscow's vetoes of the United Nations Security Council have 
thwarted efforts to hold the Assad regime accountable and 
deliver humanitarian aid to those in desperate need. Assad and 
Russia's collaboration is a stark reminder of the lengths that 
authoritarian regimes will go to maintain their grip on power. 
There are quite a few authoritarian regimes around, but Putin 
is the worst. Xi in China--authoritarian regime; Assad; and 
Hamas is an authoritarian regime--another one.
    Assad has been torturing his people for too long and should 
stop. We need to continue providing humanitarian aid for 
diplomatic and a military solution, hopefully, and assure those 
responsible for war crimes face justice.
    I look forward to hearing from the witnesses and how we can 
best support the Syrian people. With that, I would like to ask 
the chairman a question.
    Chairman Wilson: Yes?
    Representative Cohen: My father was a psychiatrist. I 
learned a little bit from him. Do you think that when Mrs. 
Putin named her son War Criminal Putin, that that might have 
been some foreshadowing? [Laughter.] I yield back.
    Chairman Wilson: Ladies and gentlemen, again, you can tell 
that we work together, Democrats and Republicans, okay? 
[Laughter.] I have to take abuse from him sometimes. 
[Laughter.]
    Representative Cohen: He is my straight man.
    Chairman Wilson: No, no, hey--but very seriously, the 
ranking member and I--and the format today, we have so many 
multiple hearings, markups going on that we have got members of 
the House and bicameral members of the Senate who, based on how 
they can get away, will be bouncing back and forth. The format 
is that each of you would like to have five minutes of 
presentation, and then we would have questions from the members 
as they come and go.
    However, we will begin indeed with Mr. Shyamalan, and we 
just appreciate him so much.

TESTIMONY OF MOHAMMED ALAA GHANEM, SYRIAN CIVIL SOCIETY LEADER 
                   AND HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST

    Mr. Ghanem: Thank you.
    Chairman Wilson, Ranking Member Cohen, and esteemed staff 
members of the Helsinki Commission, I am grateful for the 
opportunity to appear before you today as a witness to the 
tragic consequences of Russia's intervention in Syria.
    My testimony is drawn from my firsthand experiences on the 
frontlines of the Syrian conflict. Born and raised in Damascus, 
I lived in Syria for nearly three decades. My first direct 
encounter with the Assad regime occurred during my college 
years when I was unjustly detained and tried in a military 
court, despite being a civilian. Since 2011, I have been deeply 
involved in addressing the Syrian conflict, engaging in the 
process with three different U.S. administrations at the 
highest levels.
    Russia's military intervention in Syria has wrought 
devastating consequences. Russia has committed extensive war 
crimes, killing thousands of Syrian civilians, and obliterating 
hospitals, schools, mosques, marketplaces, and churches--
marketplaces and residential neighborhoods.
    Alongside my written testimony, I am submitting two reports 
from credible Syrian human rights organizations that chronicle 
the mass slaughter of thousands of Syrian civilians by Russian 
forces in over 360 documented massacres. This intervention 
triggered the worst refugee crisis since World War II. Only 
after Russia intervened in Syria did the refugee crisis reach 
unprecedented levels, with Russian forces getting involved, and 
the Obama administration's refusal to provide effective support 
to the Syrian opposition or enact a no-fly zone to help 
civilians stay in their homes. Millions were forced to seek 
safety in Europe. Putin and Assad strategically weaponized 
these refugee flows to destabilize domestic European politics.
    It must also be noted that the unholy alliance between Iran 
and Russia, which is currently manifesting in Ukraine with Iran 
supplying lethal drones to Russia, has its roots in Syria. 
Russia's intervention in Syria was initiated, in fact, 
following a covert plea by Iranian general, Qasem Soleimani, to 
President Putin, for help in preserving Assad's regime. 
Additionally, Russia's provision of crucial air cover to the 
IRGC, Hezbollah, and other terrorist groups, significantly 
enhanced their operations on the ground in Syria.
    This support comes as Russia's military intervention 
predominately targeted moderate Syrian opposition groups that 
were actively fighting ISIS and al-Qaida. Recent leaks have 
also revealed joint planning by Russia, Iran, and Assad to 
precipitate an American withdrawal from Syria by intensifying 
assaults on U.S. troops stationed in Syria.
    Russia has also sabotaged the political process using its 
veto power at the U.N. Security Council, as many as 18 times, 
to politically shield Assad and block initiatives aimed at 
holding him accountable. Most egregiously, Russia used its veto 
to terminate the U.N. humanitarian cross-border aid mechanism 
in Syria, a crucial lifeline that sustained millions for nine 
years. This move, which mirrors Moscow's withdrawal from the 
Black Sea grain agreement, not only exacerbates the 
humanitarian crisis but also consolidates Assad's control by 
handing him the reins to distribute U.N. aid to the very 
population he persecutes, all while the U.S. appears to tacitly 
consent.
    Yet, despite all this, Russia got away with it all, a 
lesson that Putin noted and replicated again in Ukraine. 
Policymakers who deem confronting Russia and Syria too costly 
or misaligned with U.S. interests now have to contend with the 
far greater costs of dealing with terrorism, deepening refugee 
crises, and an emboldened Putin, who has not only invaded 
Ukraine but also threatened further expansion into Europe.
    Amidst this turmoil, the Biden administration, much like 
its Republican and Democratic predecessors, clings to a failed 
notion that dialogue with Putin could somehow bring resolution 
to the Syrian conflict. Time and again this approach has proven 
ineffectual, provoking further aggression instead of fostering 
peace. The continued reliance on this strategy, despite its 
chronic failures, represents a profound misjudgment, a tragic 
error that continues to exact a heavy toll on lives and 
regional stability.
    Chairman Wilson and Ranking Member Cohen, long before 
Russia's military intervention in Syria and its invasion of 
Ukraine, my staff and I had engaged with senior U.S. officials 
across various agencies, advocating for basic support to 
protect Syrian civilians. During trips to Syria, I was alarmed 
to see the dire lack of resources available to the moderate 
opposition. Upon returning, I conveyed my concerns to officials 
at the State Department and the National Security Council at 
the White House, warning that, without support, extremists 
could hijack the Syrian revolution. Instead of providing 
meaningful military aid, the U.S. offered soon-to-expire MREs--
Meals Ready to Eat.
    Long before the annexation of Crimea, we approached senior 
U.S. officials, emphasizing that failing to curb Putin's 
actions in Syria could have repercussions beyond Syria's 
borders, potentially threatening Europe, as well. However, 
these warnings were dismissed. The Obama administration 
believed that the conflict could be contained within Syria's 
border. At the time, the Obama administration was engaged in 
the so-called Russia Reset policy, which viewed Putin as a 
pragmatic leader with whom deals could be made. Additionally, 
the administration was pursuing a nuclear deal with Iran, a key 
patron of Assad.
    Repeatedly, when we urged the Obama administration to adopt 
basic measures to protect civilians in Syria, officials would 
rhetorically ask if we wanted to trigger World War III. This 
narrative was debunked twice when the Trump administration 
conducted targeted air strikes on Wagner mercenaries in Deir 
Ezzor, and also military facilities of the Assad regime in 
response to chemical attacks. Those strikes, though limited, 
managed to establish limited deterrence without spiraling into 
a global conflict, proving that the previous administration's 
justification for its inaction was less fact and more fiction. 
In fact, even after Russia intervened militarily, former 
general, Petraeus, repeatedly informed us that there were still 
viable methods to implement a no-fly zone without engaging in 
direct conflict, such as through conducting targeted airstrikes 
against Assad's forces that were actively targeting civilians.
    Far from securing cooperation, however, this appeasement 
strategy only emboldened Putin, culminating in the bold and 
illegal annexation of Crimea. When President Putin observed 
that he could flout international norms without significant 
repercussions, he saw an opportunity to extend such tactics 
into Europe, where the stakes for Russia were even higher.
    I am convinced that, if Putin had been decisively 
challenged in Syria, neither the annexation of Crimea nor the 
invasion of Ukraine would have occurred. I applaud the U.S. 
Congress for acting against Russian intervention in Ukraine. 
However, I contend that, with less than 5 percent of the amount 
of money appropriated, we could have effectively countered 
Putin, Iran, and their influence in Syria, potentially averting 
Russia's and Putin's more destructive actions.
    This leads us to a fundamental flaw in U.S. policy towards 
Russia: The bifurcation in our approach to Putin's aggression 
in Syria and Ukraine. It is imperative that U.S. policy erases 
this imaginary line, challenging Putin uniformly across both 
theaters. While U.S. policy has been resolute against Putin's 
aggression in Ukraine, it paradoxically allows him free rein in 
Syria, an arena of immense strategic and propaganda value to 
him.
    A stark illustration of this has been seen over the past 
couple of years during which the Biden administration has 
greenlit the rehabilitation and normalization of Bashar al-
Assad. It has also intervened to block a bipartisan Senate 
bill, developed with input from the Syrian American community, 
that seeks to counter Assad's rehabilitation, a principal 
policy objective of Putin. Additionally, the administration has 
conceded to Russia by endorsing the so-called, "Early Recovery" 
projects in regions under Assad's control, a term both Assad 
and Russia use synonymously with reconstruction. This has long 
been a strategic objective of Russia and Assad, to have the 
West ultimately finance the reconstruction of the very same 
devastation that they themselves have wrought.
    To counter this, pushing Bashar al-Assad out of power is 
essential. By turning Syria over to Putin and Khamenei, Assad 
has been pivotal in upholding Iranian and Russian interests in 
Syria, acting as a lynchpin for their strategies in the region.
    Additionally, the U.S. should reconsider initiatives like 
Timber Sycamore, the program that was designed to arm carefully 
vetted elements of the Syrian opposition. This program was 
disastrously terminated during the Trump administration in a 
bid to signal to Putin that the administration wants to improve 
ties to Russia, as verbatim--as stated by--as stated by U.S. 
officials verbatim. The cessation of this program undermined 
the Southern Front, a key moderate opposition coalition that 
had been effective in maintaining order and curbing the 
activities of Iranian militias in southern Syria.
    As a result, Hezbollah and other Iranian militias have had 
free rein to launch attacks from southwest Syria on neighboring 
countries. Furthermore, since Assad regained control of the 
south, he has turned it into a hub for flooding the region with 
Captagon drugs, exacerbating what Jordanian officials describe 
as a war on their northern borders.
    Congress, particularly the Senate, should also pass HR 
3202, the bipartisan Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act 
introduced by Chairman Wilson, with wide support. This 
legislation aims to prevent the rehabilitation of Bashar al-
Assad, a top objective of both Russia and Iran.
    Congress should also pass S.4625, bipartisan legislation 
introduced by Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal, 
that would provide for the designation of the Russian 
Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
    In conclusion, U.S. policy has made critical errors by 
accommodating Russian objectives in Syria, which conflict with 
U.S. interests and global peace. By treating Russia as a 
partner in Syria and disregarding its actions that destabilize 
the region and contravene U.S. interests, this approach has led 
to the rise of transnational terrorism, and a massive refugee 
crisis, and emboldened Putin to expand his aggression by 
projecting U.S. weakness.
    It was precisely in Syria that Putin found the audacity to 
extend his aggression to Crimea and Ukraine. Confronting Putin 
must, therefore, encompass a unified strategy that addresses 
both Syria and Ukraine.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, 
and I am ready to answer any questions you may have.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Mr. Ghanem.
    I now proceed to Mr. M. Night Shyamalan.

 TESTIMONY OF M. NIGHT SHYAMALAN, CO-FOUNDER AND PRESIDENT OF 
THE M. NIGHT SHYAMALAN FOUNDATION, FILM DIRECTOR, PRODUCER, AND 
                          SCREENWRITER

    Mr. Shyamalan: Thank you for having me here. This is a 
wonderful opportunity.
    You know, I kind of represent a different aspect of all 
this. I guess I would represent the--kind of the novice, the 
American--just the American who--where I started and where I am 
now that--kind of the movement from that, you know, and how I 
perceive this.
    My wife and I have a foundation, the M. Night Shyamalan 
Foundation, and we support leaders--domestically and around the 
world. Mouaz Moustafa is one of those leaders. We currently 
represent 12 of them, and he is one of them, and so we are here 
in support of that.
    However, it was an interesting journey that I took, just as 
kind of a normal American hearing about this, even with the 
interest that I had to help everyone, or my wife's kind of 
intense interest to help the world. When she came back and 
said, hey, let us support this person in Syria, my initial 
reaction was no way are we doing that. I had--I was very 
negative on it because I was like, ah, there is a civil war 
and, you know--and to be honest, I had a lot of probably 
prejudices underneath that of my beliefs about the violence 
over there, and, well, there is no way to fix that, and that is 
just the way they are, and those are--that is how we feel about 
those subjects. Ah, it just makes you feel too tight, and you 
turn away from it.
    What I did not realize at that moment was that I had been 
told a story, and I brought into the story, and it was working 
on me. As I got to know everyone and started to talk to 
everyone, I asked the question, who is telling the story? I 
ultimately learned that Assad was the one that was telling this 
story, and I bought into it.
    Therefore, you know, I am a filmmaker. I make movies and, 
you know, what we do from the beginning when I am making 
movies, so when I am writing it, so we are selling it, our job 
is to take a storyline and pull it out and make you guys hear 
it. Then you guys get so invested in that story that you cannot 
wait to see how it ends, so you are invested, and you come to 
the movie theater. Therefore, my job--and every other 
storyteller's job is to make you really invested.
    Well, this is the opposite of the story that is being told 
to us. The storyteller here, Assad, is trying to de-invest us 
from this story, to have the exact reaction that I had, which 
was, ah, that is a mess; I do not want to deal with that. There 
is no way to get involved. It is too messy--all of that stuff, 
you know. It makes me uncomfortable. He is honestly playing on 
our prejudices about Muslims and Muslim countries, and it 
worked.
    Therefore, I did not put any effort in, and I did not want 
to get involved, and I--you know, and that is where we started. 
But as I got to know everyone, there is a very, very different 
story and actually quite a beautiful one. Therefore, I wanted 
to talk to you about that a little bit in the hopes of, like, 
changing interest in what is happening here rather than feeling 
hopelessness--you know, bringing back agency to each of us to 
advocate on behalf of these wonderful people.
    Therefore, the story that I learned was kind of an amazing 
one--that America kind of inspired all of this, that democracy 
and it is the joy of it, and the wonderful existence of it 
inspired the youth of Syria. They went out, and they went out 
and they protested--amongst many other countries that were at 
that time, you know, fighting for and advocating for democracy. 
Therefore, they went out, and they--and the kids went out, and 
they spray painted on the walls, you know, democracy, and you 
are next, doctor. Assad took these individuals, these children, 
and killed them. More people came up, and city after city 
started to rise up in peaceful protest, just the way we taught 
them, to fight for this. It went on like this, and it grew and 
grew and grew, and public opinion started to turn on Assad, and 
it was inevitably going to topple. That is when he changed the 
story and started telling the story I referenced, which was, 
hey, these are Muslim radicals--and as soon as he says that we 
are out. We are all out, right? The whole Western world is 
gone, right, and he knows it, and he said it, and rather than, 
hey, they want democracy and I am going to kill them all. This 
is kind of the pattern that we will see in the world, I think, 
over and over and over, right--this inflection moment, the 
storytelling change that keeps us away.
    Therefore, as you all know here, but I will reference some 
of it, what happened from that point on was he started to kill 
all the opposition, and then Russia got involved for many of 
the reasons that we have already heard here. But they are 
supporting the ideologies of authoritarian and dictatorships, 
and that is important, you know. The last thing that Russia 
wants is a democracy in Syria, so he comes in right at that 
moment and supports it, and Iran did the same thing and came in 
and supported, so--Russia with their air force and Iran with 
their ground. Here we are. They labeled it a civil war, and 
that is a wonderful way for us to stay out of it because it is 
someone else's family's problem. But that is not what is 
happening here.
    It is been--you know, for me, learning--I have been 
incredibly fortunate to be able to learn from Moustafa and many 
of the players in this crisis that have been involved. I got to 
spend, you know, intimate time with a man named Caesar--I think 
he spoke to all of you guys--and he was the photographer for 
Assad, and he would--Assad, for whatever reason, wanted to 
photograph all of his victims. Therefore, he photographed the 
children, and the women, and the men--everyone that was 
tortured, and then Mouaz and others got him out of Syria with 
all the photos.
    Therefore, he came to our house, actually, and we got to 
spend time with him and I--you know, I saw the photos and--
50,000--50,000 children, women. This is not a civil war. There 
is nothing--that is not what is happening here.
    I keep thinking on the car ride here what the word is--
genocide is the wiping out of a people, but there is--we might 
need to unfortunately have a term for when a dictator just 
wipes out his opposition in his own country and just wipes it 
out because he is not--you know, as you referenced, the lengths 
they will go to hold on--there is no lengths. They will go all 
the way to the end and burn the whole country down.
    Therefore, I got to know Caesar, and what was really 
beautiful is they are just regular people. This is just a 
father, and he would cry and just tell me stories of the 
courage it took--because on their side there is no--there is no 
other group that is fighting the people for freedom. They are 
also being held. You know, if he did not do what Assad said, 
his family would be killed, so that is just the playbook, and 
so that group is in fear, as well. They are all in prison, as 
well.
    I got to meet the gravedigger who was a person that would 
make the mass graves, and I think he spoke to you, as well, and 
he was quite shattered--he and his brother came, and he had 
told me that he had buried 500,000 people so, you know, these 
were directly the individuals that were right there and seeing 
things that we cannot even comprehend.
    Therefore, as I learned about everything, I wanted to just 
help with telling the story again. That is what I do, and I 
just wanted to make sure that everybody was hearing it 
properly. Then I always ask, you know, what can we do, and what 
are the possibilities here and, you know, why is it in our best 
interest--America--to get involved emotionally and then in 
other ways here. You know, we feel--all of us feel that when 
others are inspired by our value system and spread it around 
the world, we are--it is an extension of our family, and so we 
are--in that way, we need to be responsible and support them in 
the right ways.
    Therefore, I do feel it is important, and I agree with 
everything that is been said, that this was a blueprint for 
Ukraine and the future. Therefore, it was tried, and he pushed, 
and he saw, and not only the weapons that he tested on them or 
the tactics that he used, the exact pilots, the exact planes 
are being used in Ukraine that were used in Syria. This is part 
two, you know, and there will be part three and part four.
    There is a balancing act here of how to get involved, but 
avoiding and looking away from the story will end up with a--we 
all can see what is going to happen. One day we are going to 
have to send our brothers and sisters over there to do 
something, and that is what we are trying to avoid.
    You know, I ask this question, and over the years now 
having worked with these guys, and talking to the people that 
are doing it on the ground, I sense an opportunity. This is 
just me, the uninformed American listening to the people on the 
ground, but I do think there is a moment here. I do not think 
he is strong. I do not think he is strong. He cannot--he is not 
gaining, and the people have a lot of power there right now, 
and they are gaining.
    What they need is our support, and so it can be a different 
kind of support than sending military troops there into a war. 
I was asking Mouaz, and I was saying, you know, do you think 
that is enough--you know, the support of, you know, keeping the 
sanctions against the countries, and the anti-normalization, 
and maybe an envoy to Syria--these kind of things, and helping 
them, and training them--the Syrian Free Army--and helping with 
them, you know, giving them intel--all the things that we can 
do to support--is that enough?
    You know, what we believe in--my wife and I--we believe in 
that, you know, any child that is in a tough situation, they 
just need one person to see them, one person to believe in 
them, and they can themselves come out of that situation. That 
is actually proven in psychological terms, and we believe that 
as an organization to another organization--if we just see him, 
you know, that Mouaz who is out there fighting for 14 years, 
and I say that to him all the time, Assad has no chance against 
you. He does not. Then he is on the ground, and he believes, 
and he can do extraordinary things. I believe that is on a 
country-to-country level, as well; that if we see them, we see 
the Syrian people, the children--my family has gone to Syria 
there under protection and, you know, just being seen, that we 
are here talking about them is giving them strength and is 
demoralizing the other side. Therefore, I do believe in 
igniting the human spirit, and they can do extraordinary 
things.
    Therefore, thank you so much for having me here.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you so much, Mr. Shyamalan.
    We have been joined by Congressman Michael Lawler of New 
York.
    We now proceed to Mouaz Moustafa.

 TESTIMONY OF MOUAZ MOUSTAFA, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE SYRIAN 
                      EMERGENCY TASK FORCE

    Mr. Moustafa: Thank you, Chairman. Thank you, members, for 
giving me this opportunity. It is a real honor to be sharing 
the panel with these two amazing people. I am so grateful for 
Dr. Bhavna Shyamalan and M. Night Shyamalan for what they have 
done for the Syrian people. His wife and daughters went to 
liberated northern Syria when so many people were afraid to go 
and gave and empowered these people on the ground by just being 
there.
    I am going to start--before I start my testimony, I have 
just come back from the 55-kilometer deconfliction zone in the 
Syrian desert alongside the border with Jordan and Iraq. There 
is the U.S. Al Tanf garrison where the commander of Task Force 
Armadillo and its U.S. servicemen and women support and train 
the Syria Free Army that continues the fight against ISIS and 
protects civilians.
    I have a letter here from the commander of the Syria Free 
Army I would like to read to you.
    "In the name of freedom, justice, liberty, and democracy, 
in the name of humanity, I begin my message. From here, where 
the sun rises; from here, a small area lost in the midst of a 
desert; a place you may not know where it lies on a map, I send 
all of you a greeting from the partners of your great military. 
I send you the best regards from your partner force and ally 
that has fought and continues to fight the powers of evil and 
darkness on behalf of world civilization and light.
    "I send you this message with my utmost respect and 
admiration to the people of the United States of America and 
the Armed Forces of the United States. I send to you my deepest 
thanks and gratitude for all of the support that you have 
provided us.
    "I send to you a small token in the hand of the man 
carrying my letter. It is a coin minted by ISIS, but more 
importantly, it is the only trace remaining from the empire of 
evil that your military, alongside its partners, has destroyed. 
It is our partnership and your limited presence in the 55-
kilometer deconfliction zone that keeps the evil state from 
reestablishing itself, ensures the security of the world and 
protects democratic values everywhere.
    "Lieutenant Colonel Salem al-Antari, leader of the Syria 
Free Army, a U.S. partner force also referred to as SFA."
    Now I begin my testimony. The Assad regime has displaced 14 
million civilians and, by many estimates has killed a million, 
and countless civilians--men, women, children, and elderly--
remain in Assad's dungeons as we sit here right now, including 
American citizens and citizens of other nationalities. If it 
was not for Putin and Iran keeping the genocidal, narco-
trafficking animal Assad in power, Syria would be an emerging 
democracy today. It allowed Russia to test over 400 types of 
weapons on civilians and occupy Syria which allowed them to 
invade Ukraine and perfect the killing of innocent babies.
    If we leave Assad in power by turning a blind eye to his 
atrocities and not supporting the free Syrian people, no 
refugees will ever voluntarily return. That is Putin's dream: 
To increase refugees in Europe, allowing the rise of extreme 
right-wing parties in the disillusionment of the European 
Union. If we leave Assad in power if we do not support Ukraine 
and Syrians against Putin, we will not--he will not stop there. 
He will attack NATO allies, and in his pursuit of an evil 
authoritarian empire, we must support Ukrainians and Syrians in 
their pursuit of freedom, democracy, and dignity, and in their 
fight against our shared adversaries.
    I just came back from the liberated areas of southern 
Syria, as I mentioned, where Putin, Assad, and Iran are 
besieging and starving thousands of innocent civilians in the 
Rukban camp. It is our inspirational servicemen and women who 
train and support our SFA partners to protect these civilians 
and keep ISIS defeated. It is U.S. military planes that have 
helped my small non-governmental NGO--a non-profit organization 
to provide medical and humanitarian aid to babies that have 
literally nothing--not a single doctor, not a single anything. 
If it was not for U.S. military flights, there would not be a 
single book for kids that have been stuck out there for nine 
years with no school. The service and sacrifice of our military 
at Al Tanf garrison truly fills me with American pride.
    ISIS will always have hope of reestablishing itself if 
Assad, alongside Putin's Russia and Iran, occupy Syria. ISIS 
will be completely defeated only when Assad goes. Refugees will 
return home voluntarily only when Assad goes, and the world 
will be a safer place, and democracy will take root in Syria 
when Assad goes. Iran will be defeated in the region if Assad 
goes.
    We are not asking for the deployment of a single U.S. 
soldier or any direct military intervention. We merely ask that 
you give the Syrians and the Ukrainians the minimum tools to 
defeat Assad, Putin, and Iran for us so that we are not forced 
to go to war with them later.
    Assad, Russia, and Iran are unable and unwilling to defeat 
ISIS. We must continue to sanction Assad, Putin, and Khamenei 
and their war-criminal gangs. We must continue to support our 
Syrian and Ukrainian allies. We must pass the Assad Anti-
Normalization Act, and unfortunately, Senator Cardin is not 
here today. I want to say, Chairman Cardin, you have been at 
every event that we have held in Congress alongside our 
partners, the Holocaust Memorial Museum. You have had an 
amazing history of supporting the Syrian people. Do not tarnish 
it by not allowing markup and vote on the Anti-Normalization 
Act before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
    We must appoint an official envoy on the ambassadorial 
level from the United States of America to show the world that 
we are serious about a political transition in Syria in line 
with U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254, and we must not 
allow nations--allies nor enemies alike--to normalize with the 
genocidal dictator.
    Long live the Syrian Revolution and Slava, Ukraine [Glory 
to Ukraine].
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, and indeed, hey, each 
of you is so inspiring. My inspiration has been--has come from 
the Syrian Lebanese community of my home community of South 
Carolina. We were blessed with people from the Lebanese Syrian 
communities in the early 1900s, coming to South Carolina. They 
immediately assimilated and have become business leaders and 
become very valued members of society, and so I know of the 
capabilities and talents of the people of Syria.
    Therefore, with that, however, we can be helpful--and very 
grateful that we have Congressman Cleaver from Missouri who is 
here, has joined us. Therefore--and we will be having others 
come and go.
    But indeed, now we are on the five-minute rule, and so the 
staff is going to be very brutal reminding me five minutes is 
up. No, but very seriously, each of you--it is so sad. The 
first victims of the current situation with Putin were the 
Russian people themselves. I have been to Russia a number of 
times. I thought it was going to be a modern country, and I did 
not realize that an authoritarian dictator would try to 
recreate the failed Soviet Union. However, the failed Soviet 
Union can be very beneficial for oligarchs who benefit just as 
the communist system was to the benefit of the elite. Here we 
go again. Therefore--and then now to spread it, as we have 
seen, by maintaining troops in Moldova, by invading Georgia, by 
invading Ukraine, by threatening Armenia, by threatening 
Estonia, by threatening Poland. It comes together that he is 
trying to create the failed Soviet empire, and so all 
democracies need to be working together.
    Just to Mr. Shyamalan, the inspiration, again, of the 
Syrian American community, how important that is. Each of you 
bring a perspective, too, of something that is really 
concerning, and that is Syrian refugees. I visited refugee 
camps; I was really startled. I have been to a lot of refugee 
camps of refugees from war-torn countries, from natural 
disasters, but the refugee camps I have been to with Syrians 
they are so extraordinarily organized, everything about it. 
They have little shops set up. I mean, you do not do that at a 
refugee camp, but they do. Sadly, they may perceive they are 
going to be there a while, too, but in the meantime, it shows 
enterprising people and it is inspiring.
    Therefore, with that beginning here what is this--what is 
the consequence of refugees being returned?
    Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, we actually know. I do not have to 
hypothesize about this, Chairman Wilson. We actually know that 
few--the small number of refugees who have been forced to 
return to Syria--for example, Lebanon forcibly return--has been 
forcibly, unfortunately, returning Syrians--Syrian refugees to 
Syria, particularly political prisoners in the Roumieh prison--
notorious Roumieh prison in Lebanon. We know that they have 
been killed. We know that they have been tortured to death.
    Therefore, that is just the fact that is staring us in the 
face. Syria is not safe for the return of refugees. It is just 
not. Therefore, long as Assad remains in power Syria will never 
be safe for the return of refugees.
    However, Assad/Putin would--are--have been using the 
refugee crisis as leverage against European countries. 
European--I was recently in Europe, and I observed how some 
European countries were contending with this issue. Some, out 
of frustration, are thinking that maybe we should talk to 
Assad.
    That would be misguided. That would be misguided. That 
would backfire. Those people do not want to go back because 
they know they will be killed.
    Chairman Wilson: Mr. Shyamalan?
    Mr. Shyamalan: You know, as we move around, as I go country 
to country and visit for my--you know, my work I--you know, I 
see the unease of this burden that comes as they are seeing at 
each country, and we spoke a little bit about it, of, you know, 
hey, that is their--that country's burden and we are taking it 
on, which then starts to shift everything into a different 
balance of plates, as we are seeing.
    You know, it is, again, storytelling that--you know, 
although that is a hopeless situation and hopeless people and 
look at them, they cannot even take care of them. They fight 
each other, so violently. This is what I shamefully had in my 
heart and my thoughts before--you know, years before, and 
having now seen those people they are--they are strangely 
beautiful and innocent on a way that I cannot believe in the 
face of what is happening to them.
    The family--I mean, every single one that we have 
encountered, and they have met, and my family has gone and 
spent time with them--they just have love in their heart. They 
are just incredibly beautiful people.
    Therefore, I--you know, Assad is not winning on that front 
at all. Their love is really, really bright and the best of 
us--the best of humanity. Therefore, I am sure anybody that is 
encountered them has felt that as well.
    Mr. Moustafa: Chairman, it is simple. If anyone is returned 
from anywhere to Syria there is a very, very high likelihood of 
them not just being killed, of being tortured to death. Even if 
you are a loyalist of the Assad regime all it takes is you get 
stopped at a checkpoint and the guy does not like your name or 
where you were born, or maybe he fought with his or her spouse 
in the morning and that is good enough to be disappeared 
forever as the Caesar photos and the Gravedigger have taught 
us.
    Chairman Wilson: Indeed, we will proceed. But I have hope 
and faith in the people of the region and I will tell you, 
again, because of the Syrian Lebanese community that I have 
seen but also, I have been to Beirut, okay, and so I saw what 
the Paris of the Middle East has been.
    Therefore, we know what it can be. We know--I have not 
been, obviously, to Damascus but we know what can be achieved 
there. Therefore, I am just so hopeful for the region and just 
in any way that we can possibly do--address it and, remarkably 
enough, it is going to be bipartisan beginning with the ranking 
member Steve Cohen.
    Representative Cohen: Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Let me ask you first, sir, you mentioned that Putin kind of 
planned the idea of immigration to Europe to disturb the--in 
Europe and cause--has there been any--what is the proof of 
that?
    Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, the proof of that, first of all--
first and foremost, is that Russia and Syria has systematically 
and deliberately targeted civilian infrastructure in Syria so 
that people simply cannot stay in their homes and will have to 
leave.
    Speaking with a former rebel commander while I was 
preparing my testimony the rebel commander shared with me--and, 
of course, this stuff I know but it is different when you hear 
it from people who were there on the ground when it happened--
during the span of 15 months during the onslaught on Aleppo 
2015, end of 2016, Russia dropped tens of thousands of tons of 
munitions on residential areas in Syria including cluster 
bombs, cluster--sorry, including bunker buster bombs.
    Bunker buster bombs are designed to go after those who are 
taking shelter in underground shelters. Therefore, Putin did 
not even want people in underground shelters to feel safe so 
those people had no option but to leave.
    Now, after they left Putin realized that there is great 
potential for using these massive refugee flows to destabilize 
domestic European politics, especially with the--fueling the 
rise of the far right.
    Therefore, now Putin has been telling European countries 
that if you would like those refugees to go back you have to 
underwrite the reconstruction of Syria. You have to finance the 
destruction that Putin, Assad, and Iran have wrought, and they 
use that as leverage. Therefore, so long as Europe says no to 
footing this bill those refugees, according to--Assad will not 
welcome them back.
    Representative Cohen: How many people have left Syria?
    Mr. Ghanem: Half the population has been displaced 
internally and externally and so we have--you have at least 7 
million people seeking shelter in neighboring countries and in 
Europe.
    Representative Cohen: Where are most of them?
    Mr. Ghanem: Millions are in Turkey. Turkey has at least 
over 3 million Syrian refugees. Lebanon also has over a million 
Syrian refugees. Jordan has over a million Syrian refugees, and 
then there are also millions in Europe.
    Representative Cohen: What is Turkey's role been in this?
    Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, Turkey early on--I can speak from my 
own direct experiences. I have engaged with the Turkish 
officials at the highest levels including the president and the 
prime minister and the foreign minister.
    Turkey early on got on board with the policy of--there was 
talk at the time of establishing a no-fly zone in Syria. 
Therefore, Turkish officials at the level of the prime minister 
and the president came out and said that Turkey would be 
willing to assist with that.
    When Mr. Obama also talked about a red line to be enforced 
in the case of the use of chemical weapons in Syria and that 
red line was crossed, Turkey also came out at the highest 
levels and said they would be willing to be a part of this 
operation to hold Assad accountable.
    However, then after a while they realized, according to a 
very senior Turkish official I spoke with years ago, that, 
quote, "they were left holding the baby." Therefore, now, 
unfortunately, Turkish officials, also at the highest levels, 
are seeking rapprochement with Assad and talking about 
normalizing ties with Assad, something that is profoundly 
disturbing to our community.
    However, when we reach out to U.S. officials, too American, 
and to Turkish officials, they counter by saying that while the 
United States has abdicated its leadership role in Syria we 
have a problem. We have terrorism on our southern border. We 
have millions of refugees.
    The opposition is campaigning on a platform of sending 
refugees back to Syria if they are voted into office, so we 
have no option but to do this.
    That is why it is imperative for the United States to play 
or restore its leadership role in the Syrian conflict. It would 
stabilize Syria, stabilize Turkey, and stabilize the whole 
region.
    Representative Cohen: There is a fighting force that came 
and helped, I think, America in fighting ISIS and Turkey is not 
too fond of them.
    Mr. Ghanem: Yes.
    Representative Cohen: They analogize them to the [PKK] 
Kurdistan Workers' Party.
    Mr. Ghanem: Correct.
    Representative Cohen: What do they call them, the YPG--
    Mr. Ghanem: The [YPG] People's Defense Units. They call 
them YPG militias.
    Representative Cohen: Yes. Where are they settled right 
now?
    Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, that is mostly in northeastern 
Syria. That is where the Syrian Democratic Forces--American 
partners--work with American forces to combat ISIS. They are 
stationed in northeastern Syria.
    Representative Cohen: They are still active?
    Mr. Ghanem: They are still very active, yes.
    Representative Cohen: I know they were good allies of ours.
    Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, they have fought alongside American 
troops to fight ISIS, alongside the Syria Free Army. However,--
the YPG--the original militia that was transformed eventually 
into the SDF was called the YPG.
    That is the name they chose for themselves, and they do 
have links to it--it is just well-documented. They do have 
links to the PKK and that is why it is been a very thorny issue 
between Turkey and the United States.
    Representative Cohen: Thank you. Thank you. Yield back.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Ranking Member Steve 
Cohen.
    We now proceed to Congressman Michael Lawler of New York.

     STATEMENT OF MICHAEL LAWLER, U.S. HOUSE, FROM NEW YORK

    Representative Lawler: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to pick up kind of right where you left off. I do 
not think there is any question the lack of a response after 
the, "red line" was crossed created the kind of situation we 
see but also, I think, emboldened and empowered Putin to act 
with respect to Ukraine because I think the lack of a 
coordinated response by the free world after that red line was 
crossed I think gave Putin maybe a false sense of security in 
one respect but I think it opened the door for him to do what 
he is done in Ukraine.
    Therefore, you know, you said before that this was a 
blueprint for Ukraine and I think that is right. What is it 
that you believe Putin learned from this situation in Syria and 
how he applied that to Ukraine?
    Mr. Ghanem: Therefore, after--would you like to--
    Representative Lawler: You can both--you can both, yes.
    Mr. Ghanem: Okay. Therefore, Putin first perfected the 
attacks--the deliberate indiscriminate attacks against civilian 
population centers and hospitals and schools, places of worship 
like churches and mosques, in Syria.
    They honed those tactics in Syria, including a very cruel 
tactic called double tap strikes where they also target first 
responders that rush to the scene of an attack. This tactic as 
we speak is being replicated now in Ukraine, unfortunately.
    Therefore, when Putin realized--and this is what my 
testimony was about--when Putin realized that he got away 
with--all without any serious repercussions he was emboldened. 
He found the audacity to extend those tactics into Europe.
    That is when the illegal annexation of Crimea happened and 
that is when we approached senior U.S. officials and said 
Putin's actions in Syria must be curbed, otherwise there would 
be further expansion into Europe. Sadly, those warnings were 
dismissed.
    The Obama administration at the time was pursuing something 
called the Russia reset policy which viewed Putin as a 
pragmatic leader to cut--that you can cut deals with. They were 
also pursuing the Iran nuclear deal with Iran and that is a key 
patron with Assad.
    During one senior-level meeting with Mr. Rob Malley, who 
was at the time Mr. Obama's Middle East czar, after I made a 
plea for modest measures to protect the--to aid the Syrian 
opposition he made it very clear to me that even striking ISIS 
in areas where ISIS was clashing with the Syrian opposition was 
off the table because, quote that would--and I am just 
quoting--that would, "piss off Assad and the Iranians."
    Therefore, clearly, that was the priority at the time. 
Therefore, when that projected--Congressman Lawler, that 
projected American weakness and that emboldened Putin to take 
this aggression to Ukraine.
    Representative Lawler: That therein lies the fundamental 
problem here. Okay. When you take a macro look at the world 
right now you have a coordinated effort between Russia, China, 
and Iran. Okay.
    China, the biggest purchaser of Iranian petroleum, 90 
percent of it, and since Joe Biden took office over a hundred 
billion dollar increase in the sale of Iranian petroleum. That 
is what is funding Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and other 
terrorist networks in the region.
    Therefore, you look at what has been allowed to occur 
because of weakness with respect to American leadership and 
these are the consequences of it. These are the real-life 
consequences of a failure to act against aggression, against 
tyranny, against dictators and despots.
    Vladimir Putin has committed numerous genocides both in 
Syria, and in Ukraine, and should be held accountable, period. 
The Iranian regime should be held accountable, period. 
President Xi should be held accountable, period.
    They snuff out the opposition within their own countries. 
They murder them, straight up, because they know if the people 
actually had a voice they would be out. They would be done and 
they would be held accountable.
    Therefore, it is incumbent upon the United States and the 
president of the United States and Congress to act, period. I 
yield back.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congressman Lawler, 
and actually he--all of us are affected. His family is 
impacted. His wife's family lives in Moldova, which is a target 
of war criminal Putin.
    Therefore, over and over again it is amazing how members of 
Congress actually, as you are going to be seeing because we 
have got some leaders here with Emmanuel Cleaver coming up next 
and then we also have Congressman Marc Veasey who is joined us 
from Texas, and Congresswoman Victoria Spartz who has joined us 
from Indiana by way of the Soviet Union. She was born in 
Ukraine.
    Therefore, we now proceed with Congressman Cleaver.

   STATEMENT OF EMANUEL CLEAVER II, U.S. HOUSE, FROM MISSOURI

    Representative Cleaver: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Can any of--either of you, any of you, speak to the 
earthquake? Well, I guess maybe there were two earthquakes in 
the northwest section. Let me explain why I am interested in 
it.
    It would seem to me, you know, we may not have accurate 
reports on what happened. I think I saw one report that 6,000 
people may have died. But my interest is who comes to their aid 
now because that--I mean, those people are going to be 
responsive to, I think, whoever came--whoever comes to their 
aid.
    Mr. Moustafa: Thank you, Congressman, for that question. I 
was there right after that earthquake, days after that 
earthquake. Between Turkey and Syria, a hundred thousand people 
died. It was a horrible disaster no matter where it would have 
fallen. It looked like there were literally nuclear bombs that 
were dropped on entire cities and--but what is the most 
heartbreaking thing in all of this is also what Assad and 
Russia had done to those victims.
    Number one, the Assad regime did not even declare it an 
emergency situation. Imagine. Imagine. Imagine a horrible 
hurricane like Katrina or a horrible earthquake, God forbid, 
that happens in the U.S. We did not even declare it an 
emergency situation, and he did that in order to make sure aid 
did not get in.
    Number two, according to the United Nations, Assad is 
pretty much the secretary general of the U.N. He gets the final 
call of what United Nations aid comes in or out, although it is 
our money--it is taxpayer dollars that are paying for aid that 
goes to the U.N. to Syria. He blocked the border off, and it 
was so horrible that people started assuming that the roads did 
not exist, that somehow the highways were not there. They kept 
saying the borders were closed.
    Well, the borders were closed by a decree of Bashar al-
Assad and his supporter Putin, who is on the Security Council. 
Therefore we went over there and we took over 35 media outlets 
including "60 Minutes," which is a really powerful story and I 
recommend everyone watch that piece.
    The reason I took all these media outlets including The New 
York Times, the Washington Post, and others is to show that the 
roads were not closed. They were perfectly paved. There were so 
many aid trucks just waiting there. The only things that were 
allowed in were the ambulances bringing back Syrians who died 
on the Turkish side so that they may be buried back home.
    The Assad regime then said that it was the sanctions by the 
United States that somehow were preventing the aid to the 
people there, which is an utter lie. Even the aid that made it 
to Damascus did not even make it to regime-held areas that 
suffered from the earthquake.
    However, the suffering came mostly in Jindires. The 
epicenter on the Syrian side was in northern Aleppo 
countryside, and I sat and listened to people under rubble 
yearning, pleading. Imagine, sir, your daughter or your mother 
under rubble. You can hear her for the first hour. You can hear 
her on the first day. You hear her into the second night, and 
all you can do is try to lift rocks.
    But the bulldozers that would have saved her were six 
kilometers away--that is less than five miles away--but would 
not be allowed in without Assad's green light, and after 
vindictively waiting for nine days did, he say the first--some 
of the aid may be allowed in.
    People died in that earthquake, sir, they did not have to, 
and it was because Bashar al-Assad continues to have full reign 
and sovereignty in the United Nations.
    Representative Cleaver: Were they Druze?
    Mr. Moustafa: In terms of--the Druze community?
    Representative Cleaver: Uh-huh.
    Mr. Moustafa: Well, right--no, in the north it was 
everyone--Druze, Christians, Muslims, the whole--because a lot 
of people had run out, run away from Assad's killing. You know, 
14 million displaced--7 million outside, 7 million internally 
displaced, mostly in the area where the earthquake happened.
    However, you mentioned the Druze and we should mention 
them. Sheikh al-Hajri, the spiritual leader of the Druze, has 
spoken to Chairman Wilson and I recommend sir, I am happy to 
follow up and have you talk to him.
    He not only represents the Druze community in Syria but the 
Druze community all over, and the fact is right now the Assad 
regime cuts off electricity and water and detains people from 
the Druze community because they have liberated themselves 
without firing a single bullet. They have been protesting now 
day after day for, like, a year of nonstop protests while the 
world has not looked towards them.
    The Druze right now is an example of the flame that was 
ignited 14 years ago in Syria and the Syrian revolution 
continues to live in the north and in the south thanks to the 
Druze community.
    Mr. Ghanem: Thank you. Mr. Cleaver, if I may add, to 
exacerbate the humanitarian crisis after the earthquake Russia 
used its veto at the Security Council to terminate, to shut 
down, a crucial lifeline called a cross-border aid mechanism 
into northern Syria.
    Just for context, Assad has no control--has had no control 
in northern Syria for over a decade now. Assad does not control 
the borders with Turkey. Nonetheless, the U.N. insisted that 
they needed Assad's okay.
    Therefore, there was a mechanism--a U.N. mechanism called a 
cross-border aid mechanism, a lifeline that sustained millions 
of people in northern Syria for nine years. After the 
earthquake Russia used its veto to terminate it, to shut it 
down, and instead, the U.N. had to negotiate a deal directly 
with Assad.
    Russia effectively handed the reins of aid distribution to 
Assad so that Assad now is in charge of distributing aid to the 
same population he has bombed for 10 years. Therefore, that is 
in the north.
    In the south, as my colleague mentioned, people in--the 
Druze are a minority in southern Syria, mostly in the Suwayda 
province but there are also Druze--there are also Druze 
villages in northern Syria as well but mainly located in the 
south. They have been protesting day in, day out, for almost a 
year now because they realize Assad is bankrupt. Assad cannot 
stabilize the country.
    Unfortunately, there used to be a program supported by the 
United States called Sycamore Timber that supported the largest 
moderate rebel coalition in the south. That coalition 
stabilized the south, protected the Druze minority, protected 
the borders with Jordan, and kept Hezbollah and Iranian-aligned 
militias away.
    This program was disastrously terminated under the Trump 
administration and now Assad is back in control. Assad uses the 
south to flood the region with Captagon drugs, and Hezbollah 
and Iranian militias also use the south to attack the Druze 
minority and to launch attacks against neighboring countries.
    Representative Cleaver: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congressman Cleaver.
    We now proceed with Congresswoman Victoria Spartz

    STATEMENT OF VICTORIA SPARTZ , U.S. HOUSE, FROM INDIANA

    Representative Spartz: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you 
for being here.
    I actually never thought that you know, I would be involved 
in some issues being a congresswoman as I did. But being 
involved in some issues with Afghanistan, the Middle East, and 
Israel, I have spent some time and visited some countries in 
the region, and you know, I feel so sorry for the people of 
your country. I truly do. It is a very, very serious situation.
    I think you people have been abandoned by many governments 
and I think it is very brutal. I actually saw some Syrians and 
actually visited some refugee camps too in one of the 
countries, and I did not even--though the Syrian government 
condemned me--you know, Congressman Wilson and Congressman Dean 
Phillips crossing the border. I did not get a chance but 
someday we might, you know. But they condemn it already, so I 
probably need to make it happen, just make sure that their 
condemnation, you know, in the newspapers was not just for 
nothing, you know. But I am used to media writing a lot of crap 
so it is okay.
    You know, what my question is really for you, you know, 
what is really--and I think you know and I--you might not know 
but I am not a huge fan of U.N., and they do a lot of 
resolutions, but I have not seen them on the ground on the 
very, very, very bad regions and situations.
    Therefore, I have a challenge with us giving so much money 
to them because I have seen suffering, and deaths, and we still 
directly help countries and I have not seen that. Therefore I 
have, like, two questions. One of them--maybe, you know, I have 
not been directly into Syria so you might give me--maybe they 
have done great things there.
    I would like to know. Maybe, you know, since--you know, I 
cannot claim. On some places I have been on the ground, so I 
can have--I have been witness of what they are not doing. But I 
have not been there, regardless of what they say, just--
[laughs]--to clarify.
    Then the second: What is, you know, really, we need to do 
as the United States and maybe have some international 
community really--to really get back attention to--it was 
very--I mean, there was a lot of huge loss of human lives and 
war crimes were done. It is really sad what is really happening 
with the country. I feel very bad and sorry that it is really 
happened to a lot of people in your country.
    Mr. Moustafa: Congresswoman, I remember exactly when that 
article came out. Therefore, Chairman Wilson, yourself, and 
Congressman Dean Phillips were visiting Turkey and you were 
visiting Syrians. I know you met with the White Helmets.
    I was with Congressman French Hill, Congressman 
Fitzpatrick, and Congressman Ben Cline and we were actually 
going into Syria. I think it was one of my staff members who 
resembles you and they mixed up the two. But we need to get you 
to Syria and my recommendation, ma'am, is for you to visit the 
55-kilometer deconfliction zone.
    Number one, it is safer than northwest Syria. It is under 
the United States military protection. I know that the 
commander out there--I know that the partner force out there 
would brief you fully and I think you will see there the major 
failure of the United Nations.
    At camp alongside the border in the middle of the desert, 
there is not a single teacher, not a single school, not a 
single--but we have established some--not a single hospital. No 
doctors. We just brought in five doctors on U.S. military 
aircraft who are now treating people as we speak.
    However, you will see how the U.N. has miserably failed for 
nine years. I think one convoy that was nine months late, came 
in from the Damascus office filled with intelligence officers 
of the Assad regime threatening these civilians.
    However, today and for the last 12 months under the Denton 
program the Syrian Emergency Task Force was able to bring in 
food and aid on available space on ongoing operations, taking 
no, you know, money or diverting no resources from Operation 
Inherent Resolve.
    However, I do know, Congresswoman, it would be safe, and it 
would be very, very important for you and other members of 
Congress or your staff to visit the 10th Garrison and I am 
happy to work with your staff on making that happen alongside 
U.S. forces.
    Mr. Ghanem: May I add just quickly, yes, regarding the--
thank you.
    Representative Spartz: Yes. Please, if you can add on, yes, 
how we can be helpful.
    Mr. Ghanem: Yes, regarding the U.N. role in Syria. 
Therefore, the United Nations, after--when the earthquake 
happened last year, the devastating earthquakes that struck 
southern Turkey and northern Syria, for the first eight 
critical days after the earthquake when lives could have been 
saved the U.N. was nowhere to be seen on the ground.
    Actually, it was Syrian and Syrian American organizations 
that deployed on the ground to help people. But you needed 
heavy equipment and, you know, the U.N. had that and, sadly, 
that was not forthcoming.
    Because why? Because the U.N. was waiting for the green 
light from the Assad regime. That is on the first hand--on the 
one hand.
    On the other hand, generally speaking, in terms of their 
conduct over the past 13 years the U.N. has been very 
accommodating of Assad. The U.N. does not--for example, the 
U.N. does not push back against the diversion--significant, 
substantial diversion of U.N. humanitarian assistance into 
Syria. Therefore, it gets pilfered by the Assad regime.
    The U.N. does not push back. They believe their 
methodology, or their modus operandi is we have to work through 
the state; we have to work through the Assad regime. In fact, a 
couple of months ago we were very disturbed to see some U.N. 
officials come to this very Congress and lobby against the 
Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act that Chairman Wilson 
introduced with bipartisan support.
    Therefore, the U.N. role has been very, very problematic, 
to say the least, in Syria.
    Mr. Moustafa: Sorry, just to follow up one more time.
    Therefore, I have had the pleasure of taking Dr. Bhavna 
Shyamalan, M. Night Shyamalan's wife, and his daughters to 
northwest Syria and I know they would wish to also come to the 
south. Therefore maybe it could be a trip together.
    However, one more thing in terms of what we can do. What we 
can do is we can just support the Ukrainians and the Syrians to 
fight their war and our war for us, and when you go, hopefully, 
to the 55-kilometer deconfliction zone you will see an amazing 
partner force, the Syria Free Army that has destroyed ISIS.
    They even gave me an ISIS coin to show that it was the last 
trace of ISIS in the area, and you could see the work that they 
are doing now protecting our doctors--American doctors--who are 
on the ground training people. I hope you can see it in person 
alongside Mrs. Shyamalan.
    Representative Spartz: Thank you.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congresswoman Spartz.
    We have been joined by Senator Richard Blumenthal of 
Connecticut, and that shows how important what you are doing 
here today. It is quite rare to have members of the Senate come 
all the way over here to the House side, okay? [Laughter.] It 
is even--it is even humbling--[laughter]--but no matter. No, it 
really is serious. You have got Republicans and Democrats, you 
have got Senate and House,
    Therefore, that he can get his breath, then we will--we 
need to proceed with Congressman Marc Veasey, all the way from 
Texas.

      STATEMENT OF MARC A. VEASEY, U.S. HOUSE, FROM TEXAS

    Representative Veasey: Thank you very much. I appreciate 
that. It is hot right now in Texas, so we need as much breath 
as we can get.
    I wanted to ask Mr. Moustafa, you know that, when you think 
of all the discord that the Russians have sowed, and they are 
continuing to sow around the world so they can disrupt 
everything that has been created since the post-World-War II 
order, I wanted to ask--from your perspective, particularly 
since you have been on the ground--how has Russia exacerbated 
the humanitarian crisis in Syria by their involvement there?
    Mr. Moustafa: Where do I start? Therefore, sir, first of 
all, I was on--I was in the 55-kilometer deconfliction zone--I 
arrived this morning--and the Russians overflew us like 10 
times in one single day. The reason they are doing it is to 
pull information, to intimidate us, to have us scatter or go 
hide in bunkers, to stop the provision of humanitarian aid, to 
stop doctors--who, for the first time in nine years, showed up. 
Imagine nine years--people would call me and say, I do not know 
why my child died. I want to know why--what the diagnosis is so 
the other one does not die. It is that level of desperation. 
Therefore, you have the intimidation of the Russians there.
    The Russians, alongside the Assad regime, have a complete 
besiegement and starvation campaign around the 55-K. They do 
not allow anything in. For example, when I go there, I have to 
bring everything that I need with me the entire time. Imagine 
kids that have never seen a toy or have never had cake. 
Imagine--just imagine the worst camp in the world. I do not 
know a camp worse than the situation at Rukban camp. But what 
is amazing is, if we are handing out some baby formula or if we 
have doctors, the discipline they have--in another place, 
people would be clamoring to eat something because they are 
starving, but I think being amazing people, standing up to 
these evil forces, has been quite inspirational.
    In terms of vetoes in the Security Council for the opening 
of borders--which is really amazing--like, what we--it is our 
money that we give the U.N. to give to the Syrian people, yet 
we have to negotiate and give concessions, so Russia allows us 
to bring in our aid through borders that neither Russia nor the 
Assad regime control. We clap and claim victory for getting six 
more months of an open border. Every border between the north 
and any border between the south should be open for the 
provision of aid. It should not be simply in the hands of 
Russia and the Assad regime. I can go on, sir, but the Russians 
have done everything they can to make the humanitarian 
situation horrible, and everything they can to make sure that 
as many Syrian refugees go to Europe because they know that 
destabilizing the European Union is a major goal of theirs, and 
they are happy to use Syrian civilians to do so.
    Representative Veasey: I wanted to ask you, too--if you 
were comparing Russia's military strategy in Syria versus what 
they are doing in Ukraine, what sort of lessons do you think 
can be learned from that? Then also, you touched on something a 
second ago that I think is important; that when--the Russians, 
they have--they just have no scruples at all when they fight 
these conflicts and these wars, and people need to know that--
that what they are doing is far worse than anything that we are 
seeing in any theater that is happening around the world, and 
that we need to shed light on that because it is bad, and it is 
terrible, and it makes everything in these regions even much 
worse.
    Mr. Moustafa: Sir--
    Representative Veasey: Could you talk about that?
    Mr. Moustafa: Yes, sir, the Russians are brutal. One of the 
things that they did to prepare for Ukraine was to test over 
400 different types of weapons, both internationally utilized 
and internationally banned weapons on Syrian civilians. They 
perfected the double-tap attack, which is you hit a place, wait 
for the first responders to show up, then you hit it again. 
They use the same airplanes, as Night mentioned a little bit 
earlier. The same planes that are being used to bomb Ukrainian 
cities were used to bomb Syrian cities. The same pilots that 
trained on killing babies in Syria--and continue to--are 
killing babies with that same training in Ukraine today. 
Therefore, it was literally a training ground.
    Not only that, it was our lack of action, it was our lack 
of doing anything--I am not talking about direct military 
intervention--but that allowed them to know that, hey, it is 
okay to this in Syria, it is okay to do it in Ukraine. If we do 
not help Ukraine win-win the war completely and totally, they 
will go to another place. When they come to a NATO ally and 
Article 6 is invoked, then the United States is pulled into a 
war. All we are asking for is for the United States to stay out 
of war, and you only do that through the military and political 
support of both revolutionaries in Syria and the Ukrainian 
military.
    Representative Veasey: Yes, well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.I 
am almost out of time; I yield back. Thank you.
    Chairman Wilson: Thank you very much, Congressman Veasey.

 STATEMENT OF RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, U.S. SENATE, FROM CONNECTICUT

    Senator Blumenthal: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you 
for your kind words about my coming over for the Senate. It is 
always an honor to be in meetings of the Helsinki Commission. 
Thank you for the great work that this commission is doing with 
bipartisan support. I hope that you and all who are attending 
have noted that this is a very bipartisan effort, and I am 
particularly honored and grateful to be with these three 
excellent, courageous, and strong champions of freedom and 
human rights.
    What you just said, Mr. Moustafa, I think rings 
particularly true. Syria has been a testing ground and a 
training ground, not only for the military weapons that Russia 
has used in Ukraine and the tactics--the inhumane and criminal 
tactics that it has used but also for the human rights abuses 
and the humanitarian injuries that it has inflicted in Ukraine. 
The two fit together seamlessly in implicating Russia in crimes 
against humanity--very simply, war crimes, human rights abuses 
of the most atrocious kind; perhaps the worst in recent 
history.
    The United States needs to do more in Ukraine. I have 
advocated that there be more military long-range artillery, air 
defenses, F-16s, and the panoply of weapons that are necessary 
to disable the Russian invasion behind the lines, as well, as 
stronger sanctions.
    Therefore, my question to you today is: Russia, in effect, 
was forced to abandon previously controlled areas in Syria and 
transfer some personnel and equipment out of Syria to Ukraine. 
As a result, to some extent, Russia's influence in Syria has 
been reduced. But even with a limited presence and a strain on 
their resources, Russia continues to conduct bombing strikes--
as you just observed--and harass not only forces there who are 
fighting for freedom but also United States forces.
    Would additional sanctions placed on Russia in response to 
this engagement in human rights abuses have possible impacts on 
Russia in their ability and their inclination to continue this 
pattern of crimes against humanity, and aggression in Syria, as 
well as in Ukraine?
    Mr. Moustafa: Yes, I think that the more sanctions on war 
criminals, the better, because they are already strained by the 
war effort, and we need to make sure that they do not have the 
money to use to kill Ukrainians and Syrians.
    I do want to pass it over to Mr. Shyamalan to speak more to 
what can we do to help Syrians and Ukrainians.
    Mr. Shyamalan: You know, I have just been listening and 
taking notes about, you know, what I can offer from my 
experience. These guys are obviously, day in and day out, with 
it, and when I spoke earlier, I was saying I was kind of 
representing the uninformed American, and how my journey to 
coming here has happened, and where I started in my thinking of 
it all.
    However, it just is--this is maybe helpful or not but, you 
know, having spoken to, let us say, the prisoners that have 
been taken and been in the prisons there and tortured, when I 
hear the specifics from them about how they are tortured, it is 
kind of a classic playbook of emotional torture. You have your 
cousin across from you, and they hurt your cousin if you do not 
say that you were doing something bad, and you can write it 
down, so now they can kill you; otherwise, I will hurt your--
and they break something on your cousin. Then you say--then you 
jump to another version of that where I spoke with one of the 
police of Assad who escaped and was--and saying what they would 
do and, you know, I will kill your family if you do not do 
this, so you have to do this--or you have to do this awful 
thing or I will kill your family.
    I remember Caesar telling me that he had two IDs in his 
pocket, and every corner he was stopped, he had to gauge which 
side was stopping the car and pull-out whichever ID, or he 
would be dead if he pulled the wrong one. His family was there, 
and he kept thinking about his family. Luckily Caesar is out.
    Then when you think about the emotional thing that they are 
doing by the playbook that they are learning, which is this a 
war of emotion as much as physicality--maybe more emotion--and 
by attacking a school and attacking a hospital, you are 
breaking the will, you are breaking the emotion, the ability 
for a human being to continue to fight. You lose hope. There is 
a randomness to it, a godlessness to it, and that is how they 
try to break the spirit. It is a playbook of emotion that they 
are repeating in the Ukraine.
    Now you see it on a kind of a country-to-country level in 
the things you were talking about in the U.N.--oh, we will play 
well, you know, talk to us. No, no, no, I think you are right. 
Let us see, maybe we can get some aid in--and all of that 
emotional warfare that is going on from the prisoner level, 
each level up, to the countries talking themselves. You see it 
repeated in Ukraine and starting all over again, and they are 
going to do it over and over.
    Senator Blumenthal: That is such an important observation 
and, obviously, you have been the face, and the voice, and the 
eyes and ears of this kind of torturous criminal conduct by the 
Russians, and they have practiced this kind of atrocity 
continuously in Syria and then in Ukraine. What you have just 
described is very graphic and dramatic, and I know you have 
done it even more so in your films, so thank you for that, sir.
    Mr. Shyamalan: Yes, they almost count on our value system 
to not act, you know. They are playing our own value system 
against us--they will not do anything because they are very 
polite. We have a value system, so they are playing that 
against us.
    Mr. Ghanem: Senator, if I may add, I would say yes, but 
those additional sanctions would have to be smarter sanctions. 
Current American sanctions against Russia are replete with 
loopholes, general licenses, and exemptions. Therefore, what is 
needed right now in terms of sanctions is secondary sanctions 
against Russia's oil, gas, and timber resources. That is first 
and foremost. In addition to that, I actually--in my 
testimony--called for Congress to pass the bill that you 
introduced with Senator Lindsey Graham to designate the Russian 
Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
    However, overall the big picture, the fundamental issue, 
the fundamental flaw in American policy towards Russia is this 
bifurcation towards Russia's actions in Russia--in Syria versus 
Ukraine. In Ukraine, we say Russia is not a partner, and we 
need to stand up to Russia. In Syria, we give Putin a free 
hand, as much latitude as his heart desires, even though 
Putin's actions--military actions in Syria clearly align with 
his overall geopolitical goals, and even though it was in Syria 
where Putin first had the audacity to extend his aggression 
into Europe. Therefore, we need a unified strategy to challenge 
Putin across both theaters.
    Senator Blumenthal: Thank you. Thank you to all three of 
you.
    My time has expired, but I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman Wilson: Hear, hear, and thank you. As we conclude, 
we will want to get a picture with our three witnesses in just 
a second, but I want to thank the senator and Mr. Shyamalan.
    Indeed, it is hard for people of Western civilizations to 
conceive of the levels of barbarity, and then I--Moustafa, you 
brought up something that people need to know, and that is the 
double-tap attack. Western minds cannot comprehend what that 
means. It means that it is an attack on a civilian target in 
Ukraine--a couple of months ago is where I first saw it--to 
kill as many people in an apartment complex as you could, and 
then that is not the real attack. They wait for the EMS 
personnel--the emergency medical services, they wait for the 
fire service to come, they wait for the police to come. That is 
when the attack comes.
    Then--again, we just cannot fathom the barbarity of this, 
but it is well-planned, and that is it intimidates people that 
aid is not coming, and then it intimidates the aid workers--the 
police, EMS, and fire--that they will come--they will die if 
they come.
    This is the 21st century. All of us can do better, and I 
just--it is bicameral, bipartisan. We will be working, and the 
secondary sanctions--I cannot wait to work with the senator on 
that because that is so serious.
    With this, if there is no further, we shall be adjourned. 
[Sounds gavel.]
    [Whereupon, at 3:27 p.m., the hearing ended.]

                  ADDITIONAL STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD

  statement of dr. muhammad bakr ghbeis, immediate past president and 
          board member citizens for a secure and safe america
    Chairman Wilson and Co-Chair Cardin,
    Thank you so much for holding today's hearing. I greatly appreciate 
the opportunity to submit this statement on behalf of Citizens for a 
Secure and Safe America [C4SSA].
    The last decade has seen extraordinary devastation across Syria 
with hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced at the hands of 
the Assad regime. But today's hearing is so important because none of 
the murders, none of the disappearances, none of the brutality would 
have been possible without the support of Vladimir Putin and his war 
machine. Russian weapons are fueling the conflict while Moscow's 
political backing protects Damascus in the United Nations and around 
the world.
    It would be bad enough if Russia's cruel approach to Syria stopped 
there, but unfortunately that is not the case. Putin has applied so 
many of the ruthless strategies he employed in Syria to his ferocious 
assault on Ukraine. Just yesterday, that attack took on a new and 
horrific face when Russian cruise missiles destroyed a Kyiv children's 
hospital, killing dozens.
    Clearly, Bashar Assad and his henchmen must be held accountable for 
their campaign of terror in Syria. But Vladimir Putin must be brought 
to justice as well. Murderous schemes are murderous schemes regardless 
of where they occur, and the perpetrators must be held to account.
    Some senior Assad officials have been indicted and convicted in 
courts across Europe, and the wheels of justice have begun to turn in 
other places. But more must be done. I am pleased to inform the 
Commission that C4SSA, in partnership with the Public and International 
Law and Policy Group, has written a groundbreaking report entitled 
``Fighting 13 Years of Impunity: Accountability Opportunities for 
United States Leadership in Responding to Mass Atrocities in Syria.'' 
The report details progress in the effort to advance accountability for 
the terrible crimes committed in the Syrian Civil War and proposals 
more that must be done.
    Chairman Wilson and Co-Chairman Cardin, I am writing this statement 
as I visit the Rukban refugee camp in southern Syria, near the border 
with Jordan. I am joining the Syrian Emergency Task Force as a guest of 
this community of 8,000 Syrians receiving vital lifesaving supplies. It 
is an honor to witness the conditions on the ground with the help of 
the U.S. military. Please know that Syrians everywhere appreciate the 
generosity of the people of the United States and the steadfast support 
of America's service personnel. Our presence in Syria is extremely 
important and must continue.
    Again, I thank the Commission for holding this important hearing 
and greatly appreciate the opportunity to submit this statement. I look 
forward to working with Senators and members of the House on both sides 
of the aisle in the days ahead to support the Syrian people in their 
quest for human rights, justice, and democracy and in critical efforts 
to push back against the Assad regime.

                             TALKING POINTS

    Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished colleagues, we are here today 
to call attention to a matter of profound moral urgency: The ongoing 
atrocities committed by the Assad regime in Syria, with the active 
support of Russia.
    For over a decade, the Syrian people have endured a systematic 
campaign of oppression, brutality and terror. Though Russia has turned 
its focus to Ukraine, expanding the scope of its murderous foreign 
policy, it is imperative that we continue to unequivocally condemn its 
crimes elsewhere and call for those complicit to be held accountable.
    The Assad regime wages a war not only against armed opposition and 
advocates for democracy, but against its own civilian population. The 
evidence is overwhelming and harrowing: Systematic torture, 
indiscriminate bombings, chemical weapons attacks, and the deliberate 
targeting of hospitals and schools. These actions are some of the most 
egregious violations of international law and human rights commitments 
in the world today. They are stark reminders of man's capacity for evil 
and offend the conscience of the world.
    The magnitude of the suffering of the Syrian people is hard to 
overState. Millions have been displaced and forced into exile; entire 
communities have been decimated; and hundreds of thousands of lives 
lost. Families are torn apart, children orphaned, and survivors carry 
the physical and psychological trauma of war forever.
    Russia's enabling role in these atrocities is visible for all who 
have eyes to see and underscores Putin's sense of impunity. Since 2015, 
Russian military intervention salvaged Assad's slipping grip on power, 
after peaceful advocates for democracy and respect for human rights 
were obliged to resort to armed insurrection in the face of a brutal 
campaign of repression. Russian airstrikes have targeted civilian 
infrastructure, caused mass casualties and exacerbating the 
humanitarian crisis.
    The need for accountability is paramount. Assad and his enablers, 
including Russian officials and military personnel, must face justice 
for their crimes. The international community must pursue all available 
avenues, including international courts and sanctions, to hold these 
perpetrators accountable. We owe it to the victims and to the 
principles of justice and human rights that we uphold to ensure that 
these crimes do not go unpunished.
    Finally, we all recognize the connection between Russia's actions 
in Syria and its aggression in Ukraine. The same disregard for 
international law, human rights, and national sovereignty that we see 
in Syria is evident in Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
    This pattern of behavior threatens stability and security globally. 
Holding Russia accountable for its crimes in Syria and elsewhere can 
potentially have a deterrent effect on similar conduct by Russia or any 
other State anywhere. We stand united in bipartisan, bicameral unity in 
ensuring that human rights, the rule of law, and accountability remain 
cornerstones of American policy in Europe, in the Middle East, and 
globally.

                                 [all]
                                     
                                    

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